The Express. — London, England, 1853-01-04 00:00:00

the exprfols. To cuaItitSPONDENTS. • -er• .4 •• Limos; assismair .arty cw-atries •• ..te," eye.) Tuesday east Friday •ight, te tlart •- - - --• - . kr wet. 5... • a . . 1.••• • • tisk •..k. kr •' The C aptesk". Lee :con V' esiag paper. ..., I. .....t. Sit«. 10, e.uswerk.krert. by Tim .%...ace. Gm tke Mita: V. Al KU AT LONDON ItRll/1316 T.t I.49—Yleralt.t. 9.. 2e. 1.-Aosa4ar—Alsai.ll99. 94.94.9...—....Atter50e5. lob. Ifa. LONDON, TUESDAY. JANUARY 4. THE unopposed re-election of Lord JOHN lit s'er.u. for tiie City of London is another proof of popular willingness to give the new Administration a fair trial. With their ancient trust and patience the citizens or London have once more " listened and believed" and the IVhig leader is sent hack to St. Stephen's strengthened by their approval. Not very long ago Lord JoHN RESSELL, as Prime Minis ter, was very generally regarded with anything but heartiness. lie had surrounded himself in office by a family and political clique, in the trammels of hich he was held so fast that political progress with him as the leader seemed next to impossible. By the very burden of internal weakness his Adminis tration fell,—decided by its foes and scarcely pitied by its friends. But the " Sweet uses of adversity" have worked their usual wonders oacc more—the proof in this case being the speech yesterday uttered in the Guildhall. Lord .Tints going out Prime Minister reappears as Foreign Secretary, and makes a series ot explana tions, she lug how a period of exile from place may sharpen a statesman's perception of what a nation's reporements may be. After reslaying the slain monster Protection, and giving his reply to Lord Dmiliv's groan about the coalition, Lord JOHN very gracefully explained how he had come to occupy his sew position. in the arrangement of a government, the real question, he tells us, was—Either Lords ABER DEEN and RUSSELL in combination, or Lord DERBY back again. With this alternative the acceptance by the Whig ex-Premier of a post under a Peel ite Prime Minister was an act which the people will certainly be inclined rather to applaud than blame. And the more so when the statesman who takes the step goes on to repeat what his col leagues, Sir JANIES GRAIRM and Sir WILLIAM 110LESW0ItTII, had before declared, that questions of Reform are under ministerial consideration. We are promised such an extension of religious liberty as, shall lelieve English Jews from the civil disabilities under which they now labour. We are told to expect a good measure of Customs Reform. We are allowed to see that the former positive refusal to admit the unequal pressure of the existing income tax is by no means so defiant as of old, and that the new Ministry arc ready to concede at all events the possi bility of making a "greater approximation" to justice in the levy of that tax, than we find in " the measures which now exist." Mr. GLADSTONE, we arc told, is going to examine the schedules, and to be more compli tely master of the subject than his predecessor proved to be—all very well sofaru it goes. We are next indulged with a warm denunciation of "those scandalous scenes of bribery and corruption" witnessed at the last general election, but coupled with an objection to that secret voting, by which alone Re formers hope for improvement. Lord JOHN RUSSELL objects to the Ballot, and is "against secrecy in everything." This is a very poor excuse for object ing to the most available means for stopping electoral abominations now no longer denied and which even the new Ministers declare their desire to cure. There is a time for all things, and amongst others a time for secrecy as well u a time for publicity. Lord lons ltessELL talks about his "objection to secret trials in courts of law, secret de " bates in l'arliament, and secret voting by the great " electoral body." All England agrees with him in the objection to secret trials and secret debates, for the simple reasan that by such means tyrants in authority may oppress a people, as tyrants in this country used by those very means to oppress the men of this country. We have had our secret court of Star Chamber and our secret debates in the days of the STUARTS, and since;—but the people obtained the abolition of the Star Cham ber, and Citomwei.t. taught the nation the value of reports of the Parliamentary debates. The people have a right to know how their elected representatives prepare the laws, and how their judges administer them : but their representatives have no equal right to know how the people vote, whoa that know ledge enables the rich to intimidate and injure the poor. Voters are not now allowed to exercise the suffrage freely ; and for that reason they demand the mode of protection already in use in clubs and societies of various sorts. They enjoy the rightof voting, and wish to exercise the right free from intimidation. The three illustrations, therefore, chosen by Lord Join( RUSSELL to help him over the question of the Ballot are unfortunate. Secret courts and secret de bates are dangerous to the liberty of the people, and were therefore abolished ; secret voting is necessary for the electoral liberty of the people, and must therefore be established. The inti midation and bri bery are admitted, and the Ballot is offered u a remedy. Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Sit. JAMBS GaAlism object to the Ballot, belt fail to offer any thing better. They talk of other means, but do not explain what means. The inference is inevitable. The Ballot must—and assuredly will—have a trial. The conclusion of Lord Jetties speech was more satisfactory than his Ballot explanations. After the shameful treatment of Englishmen by the Austrians—unchallenged by the miserable Lord WESTMORELAND, and unredressed by the incompetent Lord MALicesstrar—it is at least satisfactory to hear our present FOREIGN SECRETARY declaring publicly in the Guildhall of London his readiness to watch over the interests of Englishmen travelling abroad, and stating his belief that subordi nates of foreign powers " are often entrusted with " too great power to harass and vex unoffending " travellers." He might have added, " especially " when our well-paid Foreign Ministers have more "sympathy with foreign despotism than English " liberty"—Lord WESTMORELAND to wit. Altogether this Guildhall speech may be summed up as one essentially of promise rather than pledge— one in which reforms "loom" rather than obtain definition—one more suggestive than explanatory. The sanguine hearer or reader anxious for national pro gress may fill up the faint outline sketched by Lord J. Rusam. with the details of any favourite plan of more or less complete Reform. The allusion to the Customs may shape itself iato a scheme by which commerce may be relieved from all shackles, except those absolutely needful for the raising of necessary revenue. The glance at Education may foreshadow a system under which every child in the empire may secure the blessings of instruction. The simple naming of Parliamentary representation may be taken to indicate a new and complete law which shall render our representative system co-extensive with the intelligence and worth and industry of the nation. But a closer inquirer, and one less sanguine and .hopeful, may more rule decide that Lord Jolts Ruasztx's speech pledges him only in the most general and indistinct manner, and that the most clear of his explanations is, per h aps, the one in which he claims for the Ad ministration of which he is now a member, " forbearance as to the " time and manner' in which their measures shall be " brought forward." The honest old English pride in itirplay may safely be relied on for the " for bearance" —are we as sure of " fairplay, on the other side ?" The English people, like most other people, are never in any very violent hurry for change, whilst they are well off; and hence the political quietude that met in as soon u the Tories were driven from office. People were delighted to get rid of the Tory incubus just in time to sit down to their plenteous Christmas dinner and to eat it in peace. But political quietude must not be mistaken by Lord JOHN RUSSZLL and his colleagues for politi cal indifference. The people think in these days of prosperity and fulness, and the conclusions they come to will guide them in the coming days of political action. The speech at the Guildhall will be taken for fully all that it is worth—but no more. By their deeds will theAszanun-RusszttCabinet stand or fall. The New Ministry are on their trial—the country ready to adopt them, if they realise fair expectations, but not otherwise. They must not deceive the people— nor raise false hopes—nor make false promises. The late Government had not attached a party to them, and if the New Government are wise, they may secure unexpected support from both sides of the House. They are looked to with interest and hope. They hare official experience and aptitude, which i people like to see, and which gives a notion of power that is always likely to attract strength. But names and past services are not everything, and the people's requirements must be satisfied, or their support can only be temporary. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 4, 1853. FRANCE. PARIS, MONDAY EVININO. The Duke de Bauffremont was created a senator on New Year's-day, but his name was omitted from the official list by mistake. The new creations, therefore, are thirty-eight. You are aware that according to the new constitution the number of the Senate may be increased to one hundred and fifty, besides the cardinals, marshals, and admirals, who are senators of right. The present number is one hundred and sixteen. There remain, therefore, thirty-four seats in the Senate yet to be disposed of. One of the clauses in the decree to which 1 alluded yesterday confers upon the Senate the right to vote the budget of its own internal expenses, and the coat of keeping up the Luxembourg and other build ings' assigned to the Senate. This was a privilege appertaining to tho House of Peers up to 18-113. The 3loniteur, in a semi-official article, intended to laud the regulations published yesterday, claims credit for the government for not having, while conferring this privilege, exempted the Senate from the salutary rules of accountability. It observes that the grand referendary cannot order any payments except out of credits specially opened for the purpose by the Minister of Finance, and that all moneys expended must be accounted for in regu lar form. 'this is all very well, but regular accounts arc quite consistent with extravagant expenditure; tied it is quite clear that, although the Finance Minister is to find the money, he will have no choice but to supply whatever sum the Senate may choose to ask for. A fresh peaceful declaration of Napoleon 111. ap pears to day, in the shape of the following note in the Moniteur : There have recently appeared several works, and amongst them one calle.l .. Les Limites de la France," which appear to have for their object to flatter tendencies which it is be lieved are those of the government. The government re jects ■ll solidarity with the authors of these works, the spirit of which is as far from the intentions of the Emperor as horn his openly declared policy. It is always an unpleasing task to express doubts of the sincerity of an apparently candid declaration. But it is impossible on this, and all similar occasions to sink the recollection that before the coup iretat mysterious pamphlets were continually launched forth, in which the events that afterwards came to pass were darkly foreshadowed. These writings were repeatedly repudiated on the part of the government, and yet it is now known that they were " feelers " systematically distributed to prepare the public mind for what was to follow according to a long premeditated design. The work chiefly al luded to in the above note argues that the natural consequence of the restoration of the Empire should be the extension of the frontiers of France to their old imperial boundaries, and reproduces ideas which, however at variance with the present professions of the Emperor, are known not to have been foreign to his meditations some years ago. In the sudden appearance of pamphlets with' these I tendencies, simultaneously in many parts of France, there are circumstances very analogous to those which attended the former produc tions. The government repudiates "solidarity' with, but does not, and, as you will see, will not, repress them. And yet such writings, tending as they do to disturb the peace of the world, and to des troy confidence in the professed intentions of the French government, are infinitely more mischievous than the socialist speculations which are every day seized in the hawker's pack. It is officially announced that from to-day all ap plications for audiences with his Majesty are to be made to the new master of the ceremonies, the Duke of Bassano. His predecessor, Count Baciocchi, was responsible for a contempt of the independent position of the Council of the Order of Advocates, which is thus complained of in the following letter addressed to the Mossiteur by M. Berryer, av bitounier of the order: Sir—The iloniteur, to placing the Council of the Order of Advocates in the number of constituted bodies who wen received on t3.tturday at the Tuileries, has committed an error, which I beg you to rectify. The Order of Advocates is neither a constituted body of public functionaries, nor a company of ministerial officer,. The Council of the order did not present itself on the let of January at the official receptions, where it could not be summoned, and where no rank could be assigned to it. To-day the Pantheon, after having been so many years devoted to profane uses, was solemnly re dedicated to religious worship as the church of St. Genevieve. The relics of the saint—the patron saint of Paris—which since 1830 have re posed the church of Notre Dame, were removed with great pomp by the metropolitan chapter and the canons of St. Sulpice, who marched in procession through the streets. The great bell of Notre Dame tolled during the transit. The relics being deposited in their new resting place, a grand mass was performed by the Archbishop of Paris. A special neuraine, or nine days' prayers, is ordered, to thank God for his benefits to the city of Baia, granted by the intercession of St. Genevieve. During these nine days the clergy of all the churches in the city will come successively to chaunt before the relics. PARIS..SVMDAY Some of the articles in the new decree relating to the Senate, the Corps Legislatif, and the Council of State, are important. A &maw Consultum proceedin gg from the initiative of the Senate cannot be di scoased in a general sitting unless it is approved by at least three out of the five bureaux into which the Senate is to be divided, bots drawn at the commencement of every session. When a debate on a Saugus Con **ilium has once been opened, no amendment can be proposed unless it is seconded by at least flu mem bers. The text of the amendment must always be sent previous to its proposal to the commissaries of the government. No propoul for a modification of the constitution can be taken into consideration un less it is signed by at least ten senators. Petitions addressed to the Senate are to be examined by committees chosen every month by the bureaux. A list of the petitions before the Senate is to be sent to the minister of state before each monthly examination takes place. The examining committee will make a report to the Senate, and the matter of the petitions may then be discussed in a general sitting, but the only vote that can be oome to upon any question arising on a petition is, either to pass to the order of the day, to order the petition to be deposited in the bureau of inquiry, or to refer it to the competent minister. The order of the day for every sitting of the Senate must always be sent beforehand to the Minister of State, and the government will have the right to be represented by councillors of state in every debate. These government commissaries will not be subject to any of the regulations of the Senate with regard to speaking is turn, or not speaking more titan once in the same debate. They will have the right to speak when and u often as they please. The dotation of the Senate is to be placed in the budget next after the payments on ac count of the public debt, and I presume as part of the same chapter. It will be remembered that the Corps Legislatif refused to vote the senators' dota tions under that head because they considered that to do so would be to melee the country a permanent debtor to the Senate, even in case of a change sf government, which might dispense with the services of that body. These are, I think, the only points worth noticing in the articles relating to the Senate. An alteration of considerable importance is made in the method of dealing with amendments proposed by the Corps Legislatif. The amendment must still be sent to the Council of State, for approval or rejection, without any public discussion upon it in the house. But the proposer of an amendment will have the right to support it before the committee of the house charged to examine the bill to which it relates. Should the committee adopt the amendment they may, if they think fit, appoint three of their members to state the reasons for their vats to the Council of State. This is intended to be represented as a very liberal concession in favour of the right of amendment, and it does to a certain extent remove one of the objections which was much pressed in the', course of last session, namely, the absurdity of em-' powering the Council of State finally to reject an amendment, while they had no means of knowing what might have been the views of the proposer. Some s t ri ngent rules are added to the existing ones for maintaining order durin g the debates. If the President tells any speaker hitt he is not speaking to the question twice in the course pf the same speech, the house is to be consulted upon the ques tion whether thatspeaker shall not be prohibited from addressing the house during the remainder of the sitting, Wrote to be taken by rising and sittingdown, and without discussion. The same question may be put after any member hes been ailed twice to order. If any member called to order by name by the .presi dent persists in disorderly conduct, the house is em powered to exclude him from the sittings for the space of five days, and the decision may be posted in the department for which he is member. The previous question cannot be moved with respect to any proposition emanating from the Em peror. No message or proclamation of the Em peror can be the subject of any debate or vote unless they contain propositions requiring to be voted. The right of members to print their speeches is restricted. Instead of the authorisation of the house being, as now, sufficient for this pur pose, the permission of a committee is required in ad dition. The printing or distribution of any speech without leave will be punished by a fine of from 500 f. to 3,000 f. against the printer, and of from 3f. to 500 f. against the distributors. The reports of the speeches for the newspapers, you are already aware, will be settled privately by the President and a com mittee,—that is, practically by the President. In the new rules, it is stated that this report will con sist of " a summary (resume) of the opinions" of each member. This pretty clearly indicates that oppo sition speeches will not be reported at all, in the proper sense of the word. BELGIUM. On New-Year's Day his Belgian Majesty and the royal family received successively the congratu lations of the corps diplomatique, deputations from the senate and chamber of representatives, the courts, the scientific bodies, and the commercial, ecelesiastical, and collegiate corporations. The address, presented by the President of the Senate, contained this passage : Bire,—For two-and•twenty years the Belgian people, the more sincere in its affection for your Majesty, that this feel ing is the fruit of experience and reflection, beholds in the king and his family the hope and the future of the state, the consolidation of the country, and of its nationality. These are bound up together in its aspirations ; the difficulties of the times have rivitted the bonds which united them. Monsiegneur (to the prince royal) your royal highness is called this /ear by time and the constitution to come and take possession of the seat pro pared for you in the senate, and to swear to maintain those institutions of the country which find in the King your au gust father—so faithful an interpreter—so firm and constant a support. The address of M. Delfoese, President of the Chamber of Representatives, was thus drawn : The Chamber of Representatives offers to your Majesty the homage of its deep respect and entire devotedness. Belgium, happy and proud of her institutions, knows that her King is their faithful guardian ; she has faith in the loy alty and sagacity of your Majesty, hence this general security in the midst of the gravest events ; hence these sentiments of affection which are in all hearts, and which manliest themselves wherever your Majesty appears. May you be blessed for the good which you have done; and may heaven, favourable to our prayer, grans your Majesty a long and prosperous life. To you, also, Prince, we offer our felicitations. To you, also, the Belgian people gives every day unequivocal marks of its respectful attachment. This good and loyal nation places to you its dearest hopes. They will be realised ; for your highnesses comprehend that the higher the rank the higher the duties which are imposed. We see with joy that your highnesses omit no means of instructing yourselves ; lately you hays been oc cupied in travel, which gives a finish to studies and matures and adorns the mind. From free old England your high nesses will, doubtless, have brought many useful ideas. rrinees, go on in the path marked out by your august father; continue to practise the virtues which you learned from a Queen of glorious and venerated memory, and be sure that the warm devotedness of the Belgian people will never fail you. SPAIN. Private letters from Madrid of the 20th ult. state that the cabinet is perfectly united, and that no mo dification is expected. It is thought that the elec toral committee of the moderate opposition will soon be dissolved. The defections are numerous, and the influence of the committee declines every day as that of the ministry increases. It is said that the new measures relative to the liberty of the press, which are to be published shortly in the Gazette, will be modelled after M. Pidal's legislation on the periodi cal press. The jury in such cases is composed of a certain number of judges of the first court and ma gistrates, whilst the jury at present is composed of he inhabitants paying the largest amount of taxes. The Clamor Public* of the 27th ult. says: The decrees which have just appeared in the GM/MI, naming to governorships if provinces two persons who combatted Bravo Marino's policy, have, in the present state of things, a great signification. MM. Balbra and La pita, the new governors of Grenada and Bareeloaa, signed the manifesto of this moderate electoral committee, from which we infer that the government is disposed to reader a tribute of respect to the principle of tolerance in political opinions, and may, therefore, be expected to restore the ex ercise of the right of writing. GERMANY. AUSTRIA. The Wanderer of Vienna states that the King of Prussia is expected in that city in a few days, on • visit to the Emperor of Austria. A letter from Vienna, of the 30th ult., in the Brealaw Gazette, states that the Austrian govern ment has resolved, on the recommendation of a mili- tarp commission, to surround the capital with a con tinuous wall of fortification, the extent of which will be five German miles (about 22 English miles). BAXONY. LBIPSIC, Dlc. 29. The municipal elections have gone entirely against the conservative party. Not one of their candidates has been chosen. This result has occasioned great excitement in Dresden. RUSSIA. The Emperor of Russia has given orders that in future strictly seientific works shall come under the standing prohibition, which hu hitherto forbidden newspapers to make any application of legislative, financial, or commercial principles to the actual state of things in the imperial dominions. TURKEY. On the 28th ult., Count Wimpffen, Austrian go vernor at Trieste, published la the Osservatore Triestino a notification that the Turkish government had communicated its intention of blockading the coast of Turkish Albania from Dulcigno to its north ernmost point. This statement of the intentions of the Porte differs, it will be seen, from that derived from the Austrian Correspondence, which we gave yesterday, under caution. Castel Nuevo, the port at which, according to the Cor respondence, the Turkish forces were to disembark beloogs to Austria, and would certainly be closed against the expedition. The Vienna Gazette, in epi tomtsing the intelligence of the Trieste journal, states that the blockade will extend from Dalcigno to the northernmost point of the Ottoman dominions on the Adriatic coast, but this is a mistake. The littoral border of Montenegro and Herzegowina, above the northmost point of Albania is Austrian, with the ex ception of a tongue of land which runs out to the Adriatic opposite Sabioncello. Letters from Trieste in the Neuc Prussian Gazette state that several Austrian vessels stationed at that port and at Pola have been ordered with all despatch to the Bocca di Cattaro, towatch the expected move ments of the Turkish flotilla. By telegraphic advices of the 23rd, from Zara, we learn that it is generally believed that Russia has ad vised Prince Daniel to give up the fort of Zabljak, and to withdraw into the mountains. Such, probably, is the advice that the Czar would give, as the forces of Montenegro are too small to cope with those of Turkey in the plains, not to mention that their habits unfit them for regular warfare, while that Paella would be most infatuated who should pursue them into their mountains. Moreover, in the lode pendence of Montenegro, Russia gains her point, and the aggrandisement of the principality may very well be postponed. The port of Cattaro is overhang by the " black mountains;" a Russian transaction with Austria, for securing this to Montenegro u to an independent state, would be to the Czar, in his permanent relations to the Petrowitch family, in all respects equivalent to the acquisition of a lttusian pert in the Adriatic. THE UNITED STATES. By the Niagara we have seven days later intelli gence than that received by the Europa on the 26th. We le..rn by this arrival that the Vice-President elect, the Hon. Mr. King, was seriously ill, so much so that but little hopes was entertained of his reco very, in consequence of which he had resigned the honourable office to which he had been so recently elected. This sad event had oast a general gloom over the whole of the United States. It appears by the Canadian and United States papers, that another discovery of gold had electrified the . people of Canada, and the republic at Sherbrook. It is said gold to sonic extent had been found, by which the Canadians anticipate a run of Californian and Australian successes. The advice' by the Europa at tbis port, on the 2fith, reported the American steam-ship United States being at Aspinwall, awaiting the amval there of the freight, mails, and passengers of the Winfield Scott from Sau Francisco. She has since arrived at New York with two days' later intelligence from California. The late disastrous fires continued the principal subject of interest. Several of the missing persons had been discovered in the ruins. Great progress had already been made in rebuilding those parts of the city which were destroyed. The news from the mining districts continue to be of the most favourable character. The Chinese are leaving California in large num bers for the Celestial Empire, taking with them good quantities of Fold, the produce of their labour. From Mexico later advice. had reached New York. The dates from that city were to the 26th of Nov. The revolution was making progress everywhere, and government was unable to check it in any quarter. General Crags had entered fully into the movement in Guadalajara, and was endeavouring to enlist the population of Guadalajara and Michoacan in the same cause. All the provinces on the Pacific coast appeared to make common cause in favour of Santa Anna, and thole upon the Gulf seemed dis posed to follow their example. A sort of fatality, says the Courier des Etats Urals, seems to push Mexico into the power of this man, who has already been so fatal to her, and who, more than any other, has a right to superintend her funeral. Private letters say that General Caravajal has crossed the Rio Grande with 400 Texan Rangers, and is marching on Monterey. It is said he has been invited by the citizens of Tamaulipas, and that Gen. Cruz, the military commandant at Cemargo, is in directly aiding the movement. The Minister of Foreign Affairs publishes a cir cular forbidding the landing, in numbers, of strangers in the republic. He states that the leader of the re volution in Mihoacan is the very man who made the proposals to General Scott at the close of the war. Mr. Stevens has addressed a note to the Minister of Foreign Relations, withdrawing his Tehuantepec proposals. The name of Sly has also been withdrawn. Ihe port of Actata has been closed, and the intro duction of goods is forbidden at the risk of forfeiture. The insurgent forces are increasing, and 4,000 men with 22 pieces of artillery had moved against the re volutionists of Guadalajara. A project is on foot in Chamber of Deputies au thorising the government to contract a loan of three millions. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. Business at New York and other marts of commerce is reported bribk. Money was in active demand, plentiful, and easily obtained for legitimate purposes. The market fur American securities had been active, and large invest ments made both in government and state stocks at very firm prices. United States Sixes, 1867 United States Sixes, 1856 lOBl to It is stated that the specie now held by the New York banks amounts to ten million dollars. In Exchange a fair business had been done for the Niagara, the quotations being on England Paris 5.13 to 1 Hamburg 3Bl to 37 Bremen Amsterdam 4ll to 1 The Cotton market at New York was quiet, and business to a moderate extent only had been done. Prices, however, were quite steady at the following quotations: New Orleans and Mobile, middling fair to fair 101 to 10i Upland, middling fair to fair 9 to 9 The market for breadstuffs had been less active, owing to shipowners having demanded higher freights. A pretty fair business had, however, been done in wheat for home consumption and for export. Flour, Indian corn, and meal bad also changed bands to some extent; the quotations beitsg— Western Canal flour, 5 dole. 26e. to 6 dole. 371 c. Geneuee prime wheat, 1 dol. 24c. to 1 dol. 26c. Indian corn, round yellow, 68c. to 70c. ' Indian meal, 3 dole. 871 c. to 4 dole. In provisions a fair business wan going forward, with prices firm ; and the mareets generey had a healthy aspect. Iron is in good demand, and at very Arm prices. In freights shipowners were asking increased rates ; at which a good business was doing. The rates were : TO LIYZAPOOL. Flour 4a. to 41. 3d. Grain Cotton gbe Court. WINDSOR, JAN. 3. Prince Albert, accompanied by the Prince of Leiaingen, went out shooting this morning, attended by Col. the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Major-Gen. B. Drummond, and Lieut.-Col. F. H. Seymour. Lord Charles Fitzroy has succeeded Colonel the Hon. Charles Grey as Equerry in Waiting to the Queen. The Right Hon. E. Stroh, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, had an audience of her Majesty to-day, and kissed hands on receiving the seal of office. Mr. Danvers, Clerk of the Council to the Duchy, was also present. The Duke of Wellington had an audience of the Queen to deliver up the Garter worn by the late Duke. The Earl of Mulgrave had an audience of the Queen, and kissed bands on receiving the wand of office of Comptroller of the Household. _ The Bari of Beseborough had an audience of the Queen on Thursday last, and kissed hands on being appointed Master of the Buckhounds. The Queen and Prince drove out in an open carriage this afternoon. Lord Charles Fitzroy was in attendance on horseback. iieSllsjesty will hold a Privy Connell this day (Tuesday) at Windsor Castle. Summonses were issued yesterday to the ministers and °Seen of state. Sir George Hayter had the honour of submitting his picture of the late Duke of Wellington visiting the Effigy and Relics of Napoleon, to the Clasen an I Prince Albert oss Saturday. Sir Thomas Redington bad an interview with the Earl of Aberdeen yesterday, at his official residence in Down ing -street. The Commissioners [for the Reduction of the National Debt held a quarterly meeting on Saturday at the official residence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Downing street. There were present the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, the Governor of the Bank of England, and the Deputy• Governor. Sir Alexander Spearman, Secretary and Comptoller-General to the Commissioners, attended. The lion. Francis Lawley is the Chancellor of the Ex chequer's official Private Secretary. The Right Hon. E. Strait arrived In town yesterday from his residence, Kingston Hall, near Derby. OXFORD ELECTION. Mr. Gladstone's friends are informed that though Lord Chandos' name hu been unscrupulously used by the opponents of Mr. Gladstone without the sanction, and against the positive disclaimer of Lord Chaados, neverthe less it is the intention of the sure parties to put forward another candidate against Mr. Gladstone, and to keep the poll open. Mr. Gladstone's friends are therefore earnestly requested to come up to the University and tender thus votes without delay. Poltiog begins to-day at 1 O'clock. PRINCE ALBERT'S FARMING.—WS learn from ' correspondent that her Majesty and Prince Albert ponces several farms in the Isle of Wight, two of which, containing about six hundred acres, the Prince farms himself. Every recent improvement ha s been introduced on these farms, and steam engines are now performing on them various agricultural operations. His Royal Highness is • thrift and successful farmer, and the results of his skill and superintendence may be regularly seen at the neighbour ing markets. The Prince is partial to the rearing and fattening of the Scotch black cattle. MUSEUM OF ORNAMENTAL ART AT MARL 8011011011 Honen.—The numbers attending, &c., during the month of December, were as follows :-13,811 persons on the public days, aniadmitted free (the numbers in the Christmas week being 11,119); 711 persons on the stu dents' days, and admitted as student, on the payment of 6d. 'sell. _ _ STEME To AUSTRALIA.—The Harbinger next month wal commence the General Screw Company's line to the antipodes, to be followed up by other vessels of heavy tonne and good power. Those already named are the O rem ., Imo, and Golden Fleece. THE ELECTIONS. THE CITY OF LONDON ELECTION. RETURN OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL. We announced yesterday the re-election of Lord John Russell, by a show of hands, unanimous, with one exception. The result having been declared, Lard J. Russzu. came forward, and was received with abeam Ile said—Gentlemen, I have now to return you my - - " • which most cordial thanks for the proof of your confidence you have just given me ; but before I speak to you in the character which I have again assumed of a minister of the Crown, you must allow me to say a few words as to my conduct as a member of that body which was opposed to the late government. I ask your attention upon this subject, because I have been accused with others of faction and coin blustion ; wh , in fact, there never was so forbearing an ',position in the history of this country. (Cheers.) When , I felt myself unable to secure that amount of cuntidence ai sm the Rouse of Commons which, in my opinion, was sc rawny fee the due administration of public affairs, I thought N right that those who formed a very strong body in the Molise of Commons, a body next in strength to that which had carried on the ministry, should hold the reins s e power. I thought that that was advisable, because fix years they had addressed to a great pertion, a great and most respectable portion of the country, es, in fact, all who are engaged in agriculture and ship ping, or who are connected with our colonial interests, barangues the moat inflammatory—telling them that they bad been injured—that a majority in parliament bed dune them wrong—that it was the duty of parliament to redress that wrong, mid to place them again in that state of pros perity which the had formerly enjoyed. (Hear, hear.) I Sought it wu r ight that those who had used these topics, and who had addressed these exhortations should have an rtunity of bringing to the test their mighty promises. , been .) Now, let me tell you that there never was an E lice of men who had held out such hopes, or who had shadowed forth such great measures of redress who did not et once upon their accession to office take one of two Nurses; who did not either propose to the House of Com mons the measures they thought were necessary for the welfare of the country, or who did not advise the crown to dissolve parliament, and appeal to the people to return Members who should better represent their wishes and their interests. (Cheers.) But the adniinistra dm of my Lord Derby took neither the one course nor the other. Declaring that the country was going to rain, and declaring that the measures introduced by Sir R.Peel, and by the administration of which I had the honour eif being the head, were daily reducing men of industry to poverty. and that parliament could redress these evils, they yet proposed to postpone for a period of nearly a year the oessideration of the a,ceosures which they intended to bring forward. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I thought then that their oenduct wu so unusual, and I may say, was so unconstitu tional, that I did not hesitate to state to my friends whom I assembled in my own house, that they ought to bring the Ministry to a declaration one way or the other,—either to produce their measures before the existing House of Com mons, or to call another. (Hear.) We were generally agreed as to that course, but we were so forbearing, that when a minister of the crown declared that they wished only to pass measures which they thought might be carried for the utility of the country, and which were then before parliament, and promised that they would meet the new parliament before the close of the autumn, we acquiesced in that course, unusual as it was, and waited our time for the production of the measure's they had to propose. Now, observe that when Sir Robert Peel took the government in 1834 he at once assembled parliament and produced his measures; and when Lord Melbourne proposed his mea sures with regard to corn, sugar, and timber, in 1841, and dissolved parliament upon them, he at once called the new parliament together ; but the late ministers, acting, as I think, without due dference to the country, and not think ing bow important it was to the commerce and manufac tares of the country that their measures should be decided upon at onee, waited for a period of nearly ten months be fore they assembled parliament. (Cheers.) Now, I ask you whether our course in submitting to that delay was not one of forbearance ? (Cheers.) At length parliament mat, and then we looked anxiously for a plain declaration upon this question,—were those who had declared themselves protectionists, protectionists still ; or, having latterly seen the error of their ways, were they prepared to embrace the doctrines and practice of tree trade ? (Heir, hear.) Neither one thing nor the other. (Cheers.) An obscure paragraph in the Queen's Speech left us totally in doubt what were their intentions—what their doctrnes. (Hear, hear.) Indeed they did not hesitate to say that expecting an amendment on the one side from the free-traders, and from the protectionists on the other, they had so worded the passage as to suit either party. (Cheers and laughter.) Under these circumstances, it was but dee to the country that we should endeavour to obtain a solu tion of the question. We thought that a matter upon which we had for six years been disputing should at length be settled on a plain and intelligible footing. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Charles Villiers, whom I em happy to see now in of lee—(loud cheers)—drew up a resolution, which was a plain, manly, and explicit declaration—(cheers)—and I supported him on that account; but those with whom I now act, and with whom lam charged with combining, objected to it, not because they considered it untrue or is applicable to the circumstances, but they thought it might have hurt the feelings of the ministers, and therefore they could not agree to the resolutioa. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) That, I should think, is enough to show that we were willing to give the ministers every possible chum of adopting free trade in earnest, and of proposing good measures to the country. (Hear, hear.) But we wen defeated—fortunately defeated. (Hear, hear.) I say fortunately defeated, because it gave an opportunity to the ministry to produce their great mea sure, this wonderful medicine which MO to cure every thing. this plan which was to suit everybody and displease nobody. (Laughter.) It came forth, but a plan so little answering to that description cannot well be conceived; because while the satisfaction it gave was very small, wham the farmers, for whose benefit a great part of it was in-, tended, expressed a very doubtful, grumbling sort of omen; the householders of the great towns, who were it to have been sacrificed for their sake—(cheers) — expressed their displeasure in ne equivocal, no ambiguous terms. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, what was the origin of this budget, and what were its defects ? In the first place, the ministers bad formerly said that they were friends to protection. That they found did not meet with the assent of the country, and it was given up. In the next place, they said they were for taking off the local burdens which premed unfairly on the agriculture of the country. That idea was also found to be unsuccessful, and that, too, was given up. But there was a third thing, and as they had abandoned the two former, they felt that in that they must persevere. This last was called a revision of taxation. Now, gentlemen, I declared here upon this hastier, when I last addressed you at m election, that I should be prepared to vote for such a diminution in the public bur dens and such a revision of taxation as should render them fair and equal to all classes of the community. (Cheers.) It was obvious, however, that the proposal of the late go vernment was not fair and equal to all claws of the coun try. (Cheers.) It was obvious that it was the intention, though it was not successful, to please and satisfy one class at the expense of the other clauses. (Loud cheers.) I be lieved, likewise, that it was unwise in the view of all states men to attempt a measure of that kind which would sacri fice a large revenue, easily gathered and collected, and whit* did not create any amount of discontent, in order to put on a new tax which could not but be felt to he grievous and burdensome. (Loud cheers.) It is our misfortune to have to pay a large amount of taxation which is the conse quence of wan that were carried on by our forefathers— (cheers)—for, if we had merely to pay for the military and civil government of the country, one-fourth, or perhaps oce-fifth of our present taxation would suffice. (Cheers.) We have, however, incurred debts owing to those wars, and those debts must be religiously respected. (Cheers.) But when that is the case, nothing can be more unwire, than to give up Uses to which the country has been accustomed, and the regulations for collecting which have been made easy by long experience and consideration, in order to retest to other taxes which must obviously create great dissatis faction. (Cheers.) For these reasons, therefore, this budget was a most unwise measure. (Cheers.) It was s measure perhaps necessary for the late ministry to propose —(laughter and cheers)—because it appears that they had excited disceatent to a great extent, and they had already given up two of their three great nostrums. (Cheers.) They were obliged thus to bring forward some measure, and under that necessity they brought forward a measure which was, perhaps, justifiable in them to propose, but which, for the country, was sure to have been disastrous. (Cheers.) I therefore opposed that measure in its first shape—in the shape of the house tax. (Hear, hear.) Now, though Ido not see any objection to a house tax, moderate in its amount and generally extended, I did not see any necessity for doubling the existing house tax or for interfering with it at all at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well, others aiso objected to it ; and because different parties in the How of Commons objected at the same time and concurred la the same vote we are accused by the late prime minister of being a factious combination. (Cheers.) Why, what could gentlemen having all objections of a similar kind to the measure proposed do other than concur ? (Cheers.) If an omnibus with its twelve passengers in side were seen going down Ludgate-hill at a fu rious pace, breaking into shop windows, and doing injury to all the passers-by, surely the men going east and the men going west would all concur in stopping that omnibus, and tell the coachman to get off his box. (Loud laughter.) But how great would he the surprise of all the passengers alt : , e n , n i d , Te o h nh f ,i t ss, r 7 iml policeme n one fact i ousw a y a t and t their combination. head m ed i f h e a a n o t tlh. o e e ur , w ereacoachmannd7a el yet g w o e i r n e g to ot s ° you have combined to prevent me from having the privi lege of driving my omnibus into the shops both on one side of the street and on the other." (Loud cheers and laugh ' ter.) Such, however, was the charge against us ; a charge at which, I think you will lay, we need not be very much th p e rod res u ig ee n d a , ti a o s . asoerned. (Cheers.) But 1 must now come to more l of m th us e t rat y e h ymucc o s coisu e naol ydnow t heyof hadh tfaho o tnrandnitsehti fho.should ooadohwdunbduti callednna in con c urred r a tt i i u n hop oem i it nt that ab a tyd supporti might theirtoi g c h o o ;if sore- Nigh, et ri vtl c t ee r . n ry b : en W ea ell i , lo n d ow u , po ge n nt b le y m m en ; sovereign to form an administration, and I had attempted I* form that administration, as my former one had been, of GOO party only, I should not have bees doing my duty to my sovereign. (Cheers.) Never will lin any way shrink from the defence of the men and of the measures of the administration over which I had the honour to preside; but it is one thing to break up an administration and another to form a new administration, which can calculate ibitii:iiiiiiisii:ll:llhowenistbalico:ttieeotainr:fmafai,:ciityrirotneltre2 it s h ould That produce, havin g upon that support in the House of Commons which wi t give satisfaction to the country, and which will appea r t o foreign states as a firm and strong administration. (Cheers.) Well, then, this opinion of mine, I must say, I have net concealed. I told it to many of my friends, and they sp. peered to be generally of the same opinion. (Hear. hear.) Well, then, was it my duty to declare that I would a s agree to form a part of a combined administration unless I should be at the head of it? I thiuk if 1 had I should have been taking an undue estimate of my own iini,artance; and there were circumetaccel which induced us to think that the Earl of Aberdeen, n man universally respect e d , a man who had stood by Sir B. Peel, a ho had held an importa n t office under the crown, and who hail been before scat for by the Sovereign, was the proper head to preside ova such a government. (Cheers.) I shculd have been bett at pleased not to have entered office again, but to have giy en my constant support, as an independent member a a m , House of Commons, to the new government, and the L t d of Aberdeen was not unaware of my wish ; but both he qt one aide, and my political friends on the other, deelsreg that it was necessary to the formation of the ministry th at I should take office. (Cheers.) (laving received these d a . clarations, I thought it was my bounden duty, anxious as/ was to see the country in possession of an administraticet which should have the confidence of the House of Ca n ,. mons, to anent to the proposal of my Lord Aberdem (Cheers.) There was, iudecd, one other course open to es s and that was to have declined to form an administratics s and to have advised her Majesty to send for Lord Derby again ; but there was no prospect, if he had done so, that the noble lord would hove been able to secure any more % the confidence of the House of Commons than he hud does before. (Loud cheers.) Besides, lie had just dissel ea g parliament and appealed to the sense of cone. try ; and it was that very House of Continent' which he had summoned in the name of the S.tvereign which had declared against him. (Cheers.) For the tea. sons. then, I have explained I agreed to join the kreseet administration; and von may be assured that, without re. eeiving any pledges, I had just taken means to ascertain that upon those subjects in which I have ever taker. a sleep interest, as affecting the welfare of the country, the noble earl who Was to he at its head was a sharer in my opinions. (Cheers.) I found that a year ago he had declared with respect to one question in which I know you take a deep interest, namely, the removal of the Jewish disabilities. that if the question came before the (louse of Lords again a measure for their removal would receive his support. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, with regard to another qua. tion which has been mentioned, namely, the department of the Customs, I am well aware that there are many of the regulations of the Board of Customs—(A voice: ''The whole of them ")—that require revision—(cheers)—but the present Chancellor of the Exchequer will examine that subject with the ability which forum so e ngi n _ guished a part of his character, and will endeavour to place those regulations on a footing the most favourable to the trade of this country, while he will take care, as it will be his duty to do, that the revenue is not sacrificed. (Lo a d cheers.) Gentlemen, there are many other questions 0% which I will not detain you —(A voice: " The income tax ") but as a gentleman there by referred - to the income tax, upon that subject I must make a declaration similar to that which I have just made. You are aware that Mr. Pitt, when he thought an income-tax neeeuary, laid down the principles upon ski& it should be founded. You are aware, likewise, that Lord Lansdowne, when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, end Sir Robert Peel, when he was First Lord of the I reasury, adopted the same principles. But, gentlemen, there has of late been much discussion upon a subject connected with that tax, namely, the rates at which the different kinds of income should be assessed. (Cheers.) N.IW that is a ques tion which the late ministry undertook to settle, but which they evidently undertook without having luny ex :mined. (Cheers.) Nidaen they were ask, d whether in caring one injustice they did not create many other ins'ana: s of in justice, the answer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer wee that he had not had time to examine the maw :lulu. (Laughter.) Now our Chancellor of the Exchequer. my colleague, means to make time for the purpose of examining those schedules. (Loud cheers.) Ile will devote all hie time and attention, in conjunction with others, to them, before he brings forward his income-tax measure, in order to see in what manner the tax can be amended, and it what manner the measure thus amended can be advocated. (Hear, hear.) Now I have always said that in justice was inherent in an income-tax ; and am so thoroughly confirmed in that opinion that I do not believe it would he pos-ible fur any man, or any set of' men, any more than it was for Mr. Pitt or Sir Robert Peel, entirely to expunge injustice from the measure ; but everything that can be done by way of ex amining the different cases will be done—(cheers)—and I do think it is possible, although not to attain a just mea , eure, at least to make a greater approximation to justice than the measure now in force. (Laud cheers.) But let me say this finally, that if we find upor. examination that we are not successful in that endeavour, we will come down to the House of Commons and expose all our argu ments and our reasons upon the subject ; and we shall then ask the House of Commons f.irly to judge whether we have not grappled with the impost with a view to make it as just as it is possible to make that large portion of our revenue. (Loud cheers.) At the same time do 'lot let us forget that that income tax, faulty as I think it originally was, and faulty as it must always be, has been the means of relieving the country of twelve millions of taxes bearing heavily on industry. (Cheers.) M opinion is, if borne with for some years longer, still greater relief can be ob tained from it ; and that in annual revision, and not in sudden revision, is to be found the true financial policy of this country. (Loud cheers ; and a Voice "The ballot.") Well, some gentleman says "the ballet," and I must beg to call to your recollection that when I was on this hustings last year a gentleman put to me several questions, and, amongst others, whether I was in favour of the ballot ? I declared to him then, as I declare to that gentleman who has ad dressed me now, that I was against secrecy in everything— (loud cheers)—that is, that as I was against secrecy in our courts of justice—(cheers)—and against secret debates in our houses of parliament, PO I was against recreey in voting by our great electoral body. (Loud cheers.) Let me say this, however, that since you last met here, the elections which have taken place in the country have produced gross instaisees--(cheers)—of bribery and intimidation ; and I shall think it my duty, not adopting the ballot, but object ing, as I shall continue to do, to any secret mode of voting, to turn my mind to those other means which I think may ' perhaps be devised in order, if not to extirpate, at all events to diminish, those scandalous scenes of bribery and corruption we have of late unfortunately witnessed. (Load cheers.) Now, I will not refer to those various questions to which Mr. Dillon has adverted. Let me say that those reforms in education, parliamentary representa tion, and the rest, are all most important questions; but that a ministry which has any claims to your confidence may claim your forbearance as to the time and the manner in which their measures of reform shall be brought forward. (Hear, bear.) I remember a friend of mine, speaking of the critics of the Reviews, once said that they always blame an author for not doing that which he does not attempt. If he writes serious arguments, they complain that he isnot lively; and if his book is full of wit, they say that the author has no logical arguments. (Laughter.) So it is with the critics of reform. Should they see attempted great reforms of chancery and the courts of law, it is immediately said, " Why don't you reform the abuses of the church ?" (Great cheering.) We are treating per haps the abuses of the church, and it is immediately . said, " Why don't you look to the faults and corruptions in our representation ? " (Hear, hear.) Now, what I ask, and what I think I may fairly ask, is that provided good measures are produced, parliament will pay at tention to those measures; and if advantage is to be ob tained by passing them they will pass them. (Hear, hear.) If not, let them reject them, but do not let them always say, when good measures are proposed, that something else must be considered, or that that which is not brought forward L the very thing that happens to be essential. (Cheers.) Now, having addressed these words to you, I must add, with respect to the department over which I have the honour at present to preside, that I am happy to say the terms upon which we are at present living with all foreign nations are those of peace and amity. (Cheers.) Of course I do not intend, as not in my department, to nay anything of the war which may be carrying on in India—(hear, bear)—but with respect to foreign nations generally, our relations are those of peace and amity. (Renewed , cheers.) With respect to another question which, of course, comes under the notice of the Secretary of State for the Foreign Department, I think I am entitled to say this, that when any English subjects, joining in no conspiracy, and making no attempt against the internal peace of any foreign country, are injured unlawfully and wantonly, will lose no time in bringing their cases before the govern ment of that foreign state. (Cheers.) I must say that there is no one of those governments which is not disposed to do justice to British subjects; but I cannot hi 1p per ceiving that the subordinates of those governments arc often entrusted with too great powers to harrass and vex unoffendiog travellers who are pursuing their peaceful journey through those countries. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I thank you again for the confidence which yon have reposed in me. My belief is that the administration which I have pined will be able to carry on the public affairs with public advantage. (Cheers.) lam quite sure that that system of free trade, of which you have ever been strenuous advocates, is a system which is likely to lead SO further and increased prosperity. (Cheers.) I inhere also that that system of domestic policy which we pursue— founded, as it is, on the principles of civil and religious liberty—is the true system upon which the policy of any ministry ought to be based ; and in seeking nothing from any foreign nations that they can with justice refuse, but seeking only fairness and good will from all foreign states, I believe likewise that our system of foreign policy is that which will be conducive to the independence of this country and the happiness of the world. (Loin and long continued cheering.) Lord JOHN Resume then moved a vote of thanks to the Sheriffs, which was carried ; and Mr. Harker then dismissed the assembly. TIVERTON. RETURN OF LORD FALNIERSTON. MONDAY, JAN. 3. The election for this borough took place to-day. Lord Palmerston arrived here at ten o'clock last night. His lordship was net at the railway station by several of his warm supporters and friends, who accompanied him to the Three Tune Hotel, where he remained the night. The noble lord appeared to be still suffering from the effects of his late severe illness. The nomination took place in the Town-halt—Mr. F. Hall proposed the re-election of Lord Palmerston; Vere, Heti , seconded the nomination. The MAYOR inquired if there wit< any u:he7 eand:date t be P Lot,. 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