The Express. — London, England, 1852-12-11 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 11, 1852. pi l e P-ila - hj e upon all such dwelling-houses the following : .every inhalated dwelliest-house • i Au, a. that rr o say _......'—'• with the household and other °dices, yards, and gar- i .."-,,„ ei ih oecupted and charged, is or shall be worth I ~ ..1 1... ;;;- , :i fol. or upward. by the year. Where any such "` 7t,' . 2 house shad be occupied by any person in trade fr iiip ' - h 7,ii ' ,yew to sale and sell any goods, wares, or. mei , „ in any shop or warehouse, being part Loa 0 t; ,,. Me10 divesting house , and in the (tent t he gruau.l or tweak at story thereof. Art • .'t .he re any such dwelliug-house shell be occupied I .i wee shall be duly licensed be the laws in ' I ' v r 7"." . tailale. ~t . j..... 1 thereat by re beer, wine, or oth er ).,.,“ ~ 01' , ugh the room or rooms thereof in which any "5, 1 i. - ,..irs .1. 01 he es;-useil to sole, sold, drunk, or con itt.„H.:-..ha1l o it be such shop or "inn-house as &torus il. A . ' 4 .,1 a lso •her.• any such dwelling-Lou e shall be a feria .„., p o d by a to non: or farm servant, and bond flak • used i r r e e - pe u ioste - of hush miry only, Satre shall bi ebonies! , .„, e Itts. et such knots .1 value of any such dwelling °, 1,... of I. : tad where any such der, Ulna- house t,,,, t sus . . , 'A- pit be occupied and used (sr any such purpose and o - se as forcsai,l, there 'ball he charged (or every 20,. t ,":, moral value tb.crof, tho sum ~I Is. lid." - e, W. W ILLIAMeI and Mr. I'IIINS rose together, hut ~.- ,ttir :oath man gMe way. Alr. W lithium said he had v.. - • 0v,,1 oral attention upon the whole scheme proposed s, ~ rizlit loin. itotkuian, but he intended to confine kl, „ , e rvatioos entirely to La proposal to increase the !,,,,... t,s. Whet the right hon. baronet, the late Chan ‘,..l.ret the k:scheipi,:r, brought forward his en-Amur. tru e..az the Anne tax. he stated that he did so ' , del with iy :creation of raising the sum required to make good the ....„,,,,cy escasionesl Sy the ethical of the window duties; iellse sl, dared tb it he did not wish to obtain a single 5..., r e,; more than te.s. wanted for that purpose. Ile (Mr. te....:,m5) regarded therefore the present proposal of the in. waseent as a direct violatiou of the underatanding which tat been come to with the h ills,. The effect of it would Iv t , lay every working man, though he only occupied a 5...:1e room, directly or intireale, under contribution; ~, the tax would ene quently inflict upon the labouring ;:cos of London, and of most other large towns, et.. greatest po•aihle inpustiee. Tne ern. baronet a T•eite (Sir 111.11wte Lytton) had said that a t.. spurt houses was just and fair; bat he (Mr. ei, ; ants) was directly of the opposite opinion. la the tern—sad especially in the metropolis -almost every ken would be liable; whereas in the country there would kr whale districts iu which scarcely a single dwelling would he rateable to the tax. (Ott !) Ile would venture to Wen that tyre were at least 20,000 p-•reons in the constituency which t. r.prescut 4 who would have to pay the increased duties, tee eh, bid not before been liable to it; whereas in tie contty there W.la not one farmer in ten who would come .shin the scope of the measure. Again, in the country the toast - . 01 grand, men nut being rated seeoriling to their cost ..n• often tre-Y,,1 with notorious partiality; mansions that Ls l e' , .! 5. 0 .". 0 :- or 1 , 00.001 1 /, to baild, being frequently esarzed at • iiiy Fell. or 2001. a year. It was this which had tireteil one of the thief senevences of the „,',l war property tax. Why, one of the richest e. :eaten in the country had once occupied one at the fl eet sp'.enlid house, in the metropolis, and yet he was rut , !at sery little more than the neat house which Lid only two wind Ms to e tett story. Ile (Mr. William%) La I attended oe the previous night a very numerous meet :e: of his con.ti•uents, at which the highest authority in the parish of Lanywtta stated that the imposition of the yroNS i hose tat would disfranchin 2,00.) electors in that pni.h alone. It would embrace every house in the rs ,i,h. and Ivuul.l lead to the wholesale disfranchisement etcetera. laded it was his opinion that this tax had 1 ken pcepoAil her the express purpose of disfranchisement. Is the .mall c , until conAtitueneics the 11 - •lyinetitvemeat of tense twelve voter. would make all the 11dt:fence; and reeicruen on the other side looked more after these things thin II; is who i.aluaiteal to the opp .sition, and especially to e t , pare sith whi,:b he was more immediately connected. lky went .hout with tax collectors, and having discovered what vet. rs were in wear of their rates found means to pi that t.,r there. Ile (Mr. William.) did not object to t!, redaction of the duty upon malt, though he thought 11:st the b. re tit Moth to the consumer end the barley .!'w,r had Men very much overrated. Ile wu also a err.; A li,cale for the reduction of Vie dot upon tea, and j., t., abolition of the light does; sn , if the house sleitid these reductions, they must of course provide ....ra, mein. el making up the deficiency ; but he did ob. i-c; to any attempt to do so by an increased house tax. Lew was a tat which did not at present affect the rich, tut whish .•ught to be eatended to them—he meant the hobo;: and o e.ny duties, which were iet pri sent levied pp as pAtvond proper, of every description, hut from •!..ch all real property was exempt. If a man, by a long :.:, of peuery, should b • able to leave 201., tk .ugh the very tel ca when be dn.! and the clothe+ he wore were valued 1 ts wake ap that sum, it most be taxed 10 per cent. ; but a p non eight leave a vast landed property--a property per j LAsserlo,ilikii. or 100,0001. a year—and it would be en- I ..e'y exem,ited fr ou these ditties. Was that fair or jest ? I.ta present white and legacy duties prod aced 2.400,0001. near; and, if the right hon. gentleman would eat .ad ti..m te reel property, be would not oily be doing 1;441 justice to every class of the communi y, to; he would have ample funds with which to nary out his contempt-ord reductions of taxation. There was, by the bye, another impost, the removal of which was tryingly demanded, and that he ventured also to pr, o upon tne consideratiou of the right hon. gentleman, samr.y, the dory on sup. To return, however, to the sabj,rt sow heture them, he trusted that the house would sanction the prini.ple to which he had adverted, and that the right hon. gentleman would re-consider his budget, with a view to stop: his (Mr. William's) proposition, and nits put an end to • system so iniquitous so the present. With this new, be begged to submit to the house the reso lute& which he had put into the hands of the chairman ; and taceselasion, he waked to expense his opinion that the paten crolit won due to the right hon. gentleman for the aanouncement he had made relative to the payment into the Eschequer of all the public money, amounting to sia millions a year, which was now paid over, without the sullied, of this house._ by the various departments that palettes! hie taxes. lie Cs i thought that the greatest creak was du to hint fur the announcement' of his intention to retitle the wh-le of our public expenditure,-with a view to a eallsider.l•:e reduction in the different public offices. Be hoped that the right hon. gentlemen would re nds in oilier long enough to carry out these important relents ; but he was sorry to say that he could sit vote in favour of his scheme for extending the house his, betas-e hr looked upon that scheme as founded on *lattice and inequality. If, however, the right hon. gen. bemin would adopt his (Mr. Williams.)' preposition, he tb.,uzht he should Lave little difficulty in imepting the rest et .h budget ; and he certainly much approved of the dis til: nos wli:ch was proposed to be nude in levying the tax i..,n lined and uncertain incomes. He begged to move as so amendment. .. That in lieu of an increase of the tax v:ou houses proposed by the said etiolation, real property 1 , ..i.. be made to pay the urns probate and legacy duties u sin now payable on personal property." (Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME li gird to uk how they were to CACI to • 4.A...0n upon this subject? He tumid venture to submit t, hubris. friend that his arm odoaent did not meet the oh. jett for which the question had been brought forward. The pont they had to decide was, whether they were disposed si to accept the b u dg e t, an d g i ve t h e ministers time to it out . ~ r whether they s ho u ld, us lionise, reject It n. ar.d tell them to go a b out their business? The t: thug., could lead to nothing ; and he sobmileoli he his inn. (fiend that he had better wait antll tho gewwwwwat Odoild bring in their bill altering the tax. That west be at :east an intellisuble course. (Hear, bier) Mr. WILLIAMS replied that the motion he was pro- Meg mold not be brought forward as we ausadmat es such a bill as that to which the boa. warnaline bid Awe& lie was supported by • bigh authority is the alph11•11 that lb., was the best and most just means of Minis( the gess 4.,n forward. - ... .. INGLIS implored the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if he continued the system of exemptions, to make the soesement over and shove the amount of exemption, and to war the clergy of IOW. • year from the operation of the lime tea. *A:RIGHT said ha eoncurred entirely with Mr. Waters. in r. Bard to the tax he suggested as a substitute, 'raided one was necessary • it won't, be very much better Tim the Chanc e ll or o f th e • Bachequer's proposition, and very much more just to the country. But he did not think cads:midi: that that proposition should be interjected at Plat mornens, when the house was about to consider a die tines prs;re.i. ion made by the government. (Hear.) As a l'"Gla'ism nth teased to the house tat was now before the sommittee, it would be much better to vote" aye" or "no" h that proposition. (Hear.) lie did not himself BCC the Pressisy for any new tax at all. (Hear.) When there was se 1 a. eeseisy, he thought the tax upon succession, ex t's• e.d OSS r all property, would be the tax that the house 6. 4.` is agree to; and till that was agreed to, ha did not m' a^ to give a v de io femur of any new tax whatever. 11 ,.!' 'Panted suagsst to Mr. Williams whether it would not .."! *CT. the iliscouion or the important question now Wore them sit to have the simple proposition of the go vernment covered over, so that the Image might know what was voting about. Seek a course would best serve the l'srfeuts of the government, of the haute, and of the r %tatty. (Hear) 1112its.UN cud that Mr. Williams could not, having tv!tessid his approval of the whole of the budget except h rase tits, cons:vent], withdraw his propousleo. He Ir. Hutson) had that night presented a petition from rstituents against the increase of the house tax, but lie r. sprawl.. felt bound to support the proposition of the ~ snrell•ir of the Votehequer. The government had re do‘si gall the complaints and privations of his constituents Ls !hi Sr venoval of the grievances of the shipping interest. Jastte hail Into dons to them to a great extent, and no D". (I..niels•rr.) If they were to have cheap tea and sls leer, h's constituent+ must expect to suffer is some ; hut teeing that there would be a reduction of C. any .1 millions of taxes, and an imposition of prabasly tin axes, they, sa put of the community, must derive vivaniage from the operation of this budget. The re oe the tea ditty was a great boots to the commercial world ; it would tend to encourage those interests which seeded the fostering care of government. As a means of eau ^dine our commercial relations with China it was a .7 measure ; and it was to be regre tt e d t h at, instead of "doeti.in Nang spread over six years, they were not able to carry it was immediately. lie believed the reduction ni the malt tax ....old have a vast and beneficial effect upon ' au:culture and the comforts and enjoyments of the poor. A total abolition of the tax would have been most desirable; is appeared impossible, seeing the difficulty th ^ y hid in raising an estr i million by additional taxes. But the' notelets of havi ng abandoned one-half must speedily kat t o t h e abandoonsent of the other half. (Ch eers .) It was a stip in the right direttion ; and he was satisfied that ' reatually the whole of the t a x mus t b e d one away with. fromhis intimacy with numerous parties he was satisfied that this bedget was a budget acceptable to the country. Mr. Williams had admitted th kt this was the ease with the exception of the house tax ; and if be had been • county member he nrght pro bably have swallowed the whole budget. (Laughter.) Mr. WILLIAMS said, iu answer to the appeal made to him by the hon. member fur Manchester (Mr. Bright), that a wish having been expressed by several of hos friends around him that • vote should he taken on the house tax unencumbered by any other question, ho should be surly to risk a single vote against the house tax by persevering with his motion. Meer, hear.) Ile should therefore withdraw ' it for the present, but would take the earliest p ossible mo merit to soihmit it to the house. (Meer, bear.) The motion was then withdrawn. The government resolution for doubling the house taa ' was then pet, on which Mr. NUNN, in opposing the motion, objected gene. rally to the budget as having no guiding principle, and being based upon no distinct and intelligible system. Mr. BALL made his bow to free trade, to the evident astonishment of the house. lie hail been induced to take this step in deference to the genteel opinon of the country, which was evidently against bins. And lie told thi a. having become a free trader, he won d boa muse an honest and litho ' rough one. And accordingly he chinned for the (semen, who h td to e.:11 under a system of competition, some share in the b,nefits which it conferred. The duties, not only upon malt, but upon soap, iron. and every other article which they co:piloted, must be abolishid, if free trade was to be established as a principle. And under these conditions alone did he accept it. Referring to the ease of the West Lodi* colonies, he denied that the increase of production was any sign of their prosperity—it was only • sign that they were more miserable and more hardly worked. It was with them as with the early Isrsielites, opine tallies in creased in proportion as their condition M came worse. Mr. M. MILNES said he thought that the opposition side of the hewn would very cordially accept the adhesion of the hon. gentleman who had just spoken, and receive him in every sense of the word as an honest free trader (Cheers) The question before the house that evening war the combination of the reduction of the malt tax with the increase el the house tax; and he believed that if those two questions were removed out of the way, the house could proceed to the consideration of the other parts of the bud get without any difficulty. Whatever surplus the present or any other government might have after having provided adequ itely for the defence of the country, and other immediate require meats, would *Minot necessarily be ap plied in the remimion of tho tea duties. After the repeal of the window tax, the reduction of the impost on tea became uppermost in the public mind ; and he believed the object might be gained without any increase of the house tax. Ile rejoiced in the rustily declaration of hon. gentle. men opposite that they gave up protection ; but he must say that, if the government bad wished to re-open the agitation between town and country, they could not have taken more effectual means of doing so than by proposing this budget. (Opposition cheers) The class of people whom they punished in the towns was the very class which was most active in obtaining the repeal of the corn laws ; and that class would regard the attempt to impose upon them new telex as an act of revenge. lie believed that the notion of revenge would pass through their minds, when called on to pay those two taxes from which they had been hitherto free. As to the farmer, although he undoubtedly would receive some benefit, he would take it as totally inadequate to replace what he had lost, and therefore would receive it without gratitude. (hear, hear.) In short, he believed that government would by this measure impose upon the landed interest the disgrace of receiving compensation, fur what the people think they have no right to claim, while, at the same time, they would receive no substantial or practical good. (Hear, hear.) Anothe r p o int to b e cons id ere d was, whether the consumer would be benefitad to an extent commen surate with the sacrifice made by the country in the shape of revenue. In the case of the repeal of the corn laws, the benefit was amply com mensurate, but it could ant be contended that beer was to be placed as an article of necessity, in the same category as bread, so that the cheapening of it would be an object of equally vital importance to the coin. munity. In ninny of the large towns its use bad been given up, and even where that was not the case he was hardly prepared to say, that an increased consumption of a fer mented liquor, to the abuse of which so many of our social evils were to be attributed, could be looked upon as any great social benefit. (Hear, hear.) But behind these points of practice there was • grave question, which (or ogee might influence the destinies of this country—he meant the questions of direct and indirect taxation. He could re member when the advocates of direct taxation formed but a small sect, and were looked upon as ingenious theorists rather than as piactical men. It was then maid that the resumption of direct taxation was • retrogra le step in the path of civilisation, and that in Turkey and other countries of the east • capitation mss was the mode in which the revenue was raised, while the inven tion of indirect taxation was looked upon as a great dis covery by the earlier economists ' as furnishing a means by which large sums could be raised from the people without their feeling the burthen. Now, however, he believed the people fire prepared to bur alarge thereof their burthens is the shape of direct taxation, whether as income tax or house tax, but the question still remained of the proportion to which it was to be paid. If they pressed it too severely on the purple they would lose it altogether. Hitherto it had fallen upon those classes of society who were able to bear it, but if the doctrine was to be received that exemption wee eonfiecation and that no exemption was to bet allowed, then they might depend upon it that the people would resist it altogether. Hs believed that to levy it justly, you must levy it with exemptions, anti only in that way would consent to its adoption. Ile could tell the government that if they persisted in their present plan,the difficulties of collection would be so great as to make the result very much short of the amount at present collected. Wu this double tax that was about to be collected from the 101. householders required for the service of the coun try ? (Hen , hear.) Good reasons must be given to the housekeeper for the.) visitations of the tax-gatherer four times a year : but, when they were told that it was done in order to give the farmers compensation fur the loss of the eorn laws, they would receive them with scorn and indignation. (Hear, hear.) Ho believed that the difference which had been made between fixed and precarious incomes in the new getnent of the income tax was eon indent with common sense, and would be received with ap proval by the coutery. However, with respect to the budget as a whole, be could not approve of the haste with which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was pressing it forward. It was too soon yet for the public opinion to be formed on it; and any minister who disregarded or ne glected to consult public opinion, would act in direct vio lation of the principles of the conatitetion. lie thought that the government had acted most injudiciously in bring ing forward such • budget at this juncture. The schism between town and country had been nearly closed, and he believed that the effect of this budget would be to open it wider than ever. (Hear, hear.) if they laid these fresh burthens on the inhabitants of towns for the purpose of conferring favours on the agriculturists, they would have done all in their power to array town against country, and to rase again that storm which, according to their own professions, it was their greatest wish to allay (Hear, hear.) He trusted that the Chancellor of the Ex chequer would reciansider this mattes and delay the matter until after Christmas, in order that the opinion of the country might be more widely formed on its merit,. For these mamma he should give to the parts of the budget to which he had alluded the most decided opposition. An hen. member, in considering the case of the 101. house holders, had lluded to the question of disfranchisemeat, and there wee no doubt but that large numbers of 101. householders would go into houses at 91. 15.., and thus get rid at once of the tax and their &Imelda*. He did not mesa to say that at some future time the question of taxa tion might not be connected with an extended franchise,bat that would be in the ore of a new franchise, (or which the people might accept the tax, but now they had the franchise already, and the tea could only be looked upon as a restric tive burden. New privileges might reconcile the people to new tales, but with old priviteges they would not so willingly consent to the addition. (Hear, hear.) Looking atthe question in a fiscal point of view, be did not think the people would contribute one shilling move than at pre test, as to meet the 151. they paid on their homes they would contract their consumption on other articles. Look ing at the budget in every point of view he could hardly consider it satisfactory, more especially when be recollected the extravagant eapeetations that had been raised, sad which, to ...me extent, bed been eaeotsraged by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer himself. When he remembered those expectation., and looked at the budget as it had been laid on the table,he could hardly believe that the latter repre sented the right ben. gentleman's original scheme, which was completely to hate solved the fiscal problem, sad to have recoociled all classes. If he was right, he could only wish that the right hon. gentleman had adhered to his original plan, which might have been of somewhat exaggerated proportions, might have contained sane startling novelty, Met still would have grappled better with the difficulties of the country than the present contracted scheme ; and might, perhaps, have averted the storm of opposition which he believed awaited the government. (Hear, hear.) Ur. SANDARS said that, on the whole he was bound to confess that the good of the budget counterbalanced the evil, and he should therefore not throw any impediment in t►e way of its being passed, more espec ia lly as he had confi dence in ministers, while he deprecated repeated changes in the government of the country. (Heat, hear.) Mr. VIVIAN wished to address himself to one or two practical point* of the financial scheme. He conaidered the budget had set at rest the great questidn of free trade and protection much more peaceably than it would hone been even had the revolution of the honourable and learned member for Wolverhampton been earned. (Hear, hear.) There was a good deal of good in it, and for his part he had an hesitation in declaring his belief that it was a step in the right direction. (Hear, hear.) He decidedly objected, however, to im• p King the boom tax upon 101. houses, or to reducing tho income tax to incomes below 11401, as it would be im pesing the great burthen of the taxation upon cleaves that were il' capable to bear it, and he should join his voice to the opposition iu resisting that portion of the budget. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DRUMMOND thought Mr. Mineli had done rightly in submitting his propoeitions u a whole, although he differed from him in some things. Mr. Drummond was of opinion that Mr. Disraeli had not earned direct taxation far enough. Fur his own port, he had nett► opposed the budget of any Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he never would. Mr. HEADLAM had heard no mama alleged for an iaerease of midi= of may kind, dill lees for an finer me so partial—which would operate with so ma= severity upon sod con.equently be so unpopular Mth the great mar of the people—as that proposed by the government. He thought that the government had held out false expecta tions with regard to the financial scheme they intended to' propose. It had greatly disappointed every one, and it had better he withdrawn at the earliest opportunity. Mr. CAYLEY said that reappeared that the extension of the house tax to the 101. householders was at the bottom of the opposition to the budget. There seemed to be objec tions made to it by speakers opposite, one was that you ought not to make a deficit in the revenue need you have pro vided a substitute, and the other was that you ought not to provide &substitute until there was a deficit. (Hear.) The present budget ought to he received with reference to those of preceding Chancellors of the Exchequer. There bad been a great alteration in the commercial policy of this country, and it was necessary to adapt a midget to that change. (Hear, hear.) Taking the budget as a whole —aud it should only be considered as a whole—its points were that it gave relief to the suffering classes, justice tempered with mercy, to Ireland, a just and fair modifica tion of the income tee ' and a relief to the consumers of beer and tea. (Hear, hear) Thu budget might be re jected ; and the result would be aeoutmuance of injustice to suffering chaise., and an exteoWen of the property tax to In land. (Hear, hear.) I'erhepe to reject the budget would be to do mire ; and ho would ask the many new members who were now in that house who were to be the successors of the present government? (Hear, hear.) How were the anomalous inat.riels on the opposite side of the house to be fused into such a political amalgamation as would hold a government together? (Hear, hear.) Ile believed ' that by a natural instinct the common sense of the couetry bad already accepted the budget. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) He believed that, atter all, the agitation and clamour would not prevail against it. (Hear, hear.) Let the house refer to the reception which was given to the Chancellor of the Exchequer two evenings ago at the Mansion. house; and be thought that this reeptiou of the government by the City of London might be ngerded as an augury of the triumphant success of the financial propo sitions of the right hon. gentleman. (Cheers and laughter.) Sir C. WOOD could nut agree with the hon. gentleman, either that the country had or would accept the budget— (cheers) ; and, therefore ' trusted he was not needlessly de tensing the house, while he availed himself of the oppor tunity invited by the government of discussing the whole of these financial propositions together. The Chaueellor of the Exchequer had referred, in his espLuatory address to the house, to the claims of the "suffering classes ;" and he (Sir C. Wood) hoped that this would be the last time on which the House of Commons would hear of those claims. ((sh, oh.) Cermialy, the Chancellor of the linchequer had observed, that the acceptance of this badget would be retarded by him as a disposal and settlement of the claims of the suffering elleses—(hear, bear); and ho (Sir C. Wood) thought that he was entitled to assume that that subject at least would be heard no more of very shortly. (Hear, bear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had com menced his speech by an elaborate enumeration of the grievances of the shipping interest; but in looking into the matter ho (Sir C. Wood) could not discover where the sufferings lay. Taking the trade and navigation returns, for wheit the government itself was responsible, he found that there was a great increase of ship building going on in all the yards all round the coast, and that British ships wore in every direction outstripping the foreign ships with which unrestricted competition placed them in direct rivalry. Nevertheless, with those measure of so-called re lief proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer he was not &soused to quarrel. The greatest pressure upon the British" ehipowuer, as compared with the foreign ship owner, was the timber duty ; and, if the right hon. gentle man had reduced the duty, he would not only have re lieved the shipowner, but would have benefited the c .m -munity at large. Instead of that he conferred a benefit on the British shipowner and ow his foreign rival too. The neat suffering interest was the West India interest. He certrinly a told not complain of the way in wh ch the Chancellor of the Exchequer had treated the so-called claims of the West Indian colonists. He would not go into that question. All he would say was, that the observations of the right hon. gentlemen were ia full accord ance with the views he (Sir C. Wood) had on former ozeasions expressed and acted up to. He had always said that with improvements in cultivation, with the application of science, free labour would successfully compete with slave labour. Was not that so? He appealed to the statement of the right bon. gentleman, that now, at least in our market, colonial sugar had increased while foreign slave-grown sugar was failing off. The third and last of the suffering interests was the agri cultural body. The right hon. gentleman had on many former occasions contended that they were subjected to peculiar burdens, which justified protection or compen sation. The right hon. gentleman, however, had now re jected those claims altogether, and he trusted that after this utter rejection of any claim by him who was the most forward ailsozato of the agriculturists they should not hear again these claims pressed upon the house. In the strongest leaguer that the English language coulee sfford,the right hon. gentleman hail demanded protection or compensation, but novrio the position in which he was placed, when responsibility fell upon him, he completely rejected the e claims. Woa.d anybody deny that the assertion of those claims had ins. peded the settlement of the relations between landlord and tenant; would anybody my that evils had not resulted from the maintenance of the hetief that relief might be obtained from these local burdens ? In 1849, he met the right hon. gentleman on this question, when great Wool was laid on the burden of the poor rates. The same thing was repeated in 1850, and the same In 1831. But the consequence of low prices had been that the poor r rtes had decreased, sold had more and more improved the condition of the labouring classes. Such was the ground on which the right hon. gentleman now said he should not press these Chita' on the howls,. He would now pass to the budget of the right hon. gentleman, end he must say, in the first place, those parts of the budget which some parties thought were boons to the agricultural interest were no boons at all, or were of very little value indeed. What benefit was it to them to repeal the half of the malt duty ? What class of land was at the present moment most wanted? With what de scription of farms had landlords the least difficulty with ? With land best fitted for the culture of barley. If there' were a description of land for which no bonus was required, and for which no compensation could possibly be required, it was that land. Ile was not arguing it as a con sumer's question. He would come to that by and bye; but be was taking it as an agricultural question, and be believed the advantege to the agriculturist was absolutely nothing, while an enormous amount of revenue was sacrificed for this alleged bonus. The same observations applied to the taking off a portion of the hop duty. In the repeal of the whole hop duty there would have been some sense, but the reduction of one-half the duty was of no service whatever. But let him say one word with regard to the *come tax. He had defended the maintenance of the uniform rats of the different schedules, by showing that local taxation fell heavy on real propetty. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, however, refused to relieve them of them local burdens, but he relieves the other damns, leaving a heavier weight on them. He laid a burden widish,' shredders exclusively. It was fair that landed wedelns* opposite should say that they would have put catboat a burden, the ultimate extent of which it was impossible to state. He now came to the budget of the right lea. gentleman. The right hon. gentleman assumed that he would have a surplus of 1,330,0001., and he stated that the vote of the Kaffir war would be less than that of last year by 260,0001., leaving therefore a surplus of 1,610,0001. He proposed to repeal half the malt tax after October next, giving a drawback at that time en the stock in heal, which he estimated would ameeatJa • million. He proposed a reduction * the tan dadel d azhish he would lose 400,0001.; rhea these were 600,0001., and relief toff* shipping intemet, .100,ZrZing an ad. ditional charge of 2,100,000 L To meet that he had a sw ishes of 1,610,0001., and be west have the additional house duty, if the sammitter melted te it, and whisk would =oust *WNW" awl be to pat le the Davies of the year a ism d thevagesymeate of loons made by the CommullesigaMe elf Polak Works. Thus the result of the right ben. glatlasiab fteres would be an addifionn ti Z 4 d %WAN. ma ediFdreal taxes to meet it et , hawing sinks 61.1,0004 Now the right hos the member friths Ilaiversity of OstoM, sated seek la He night whelks thought was an Ob jKiiil• Saab IMAM t unics, es& that was that the only surplus reveals whisk the right boa. madame left him self was pedaled net from the seephs el dis year, not from the Janne d the year, ebseieed free the tare-' lion of the eitemsy, but by applying to the ways and =NM of the year, a men Vlach - originally was a loan. Several years ago, is times of distress, Exchequer bills were issued to provide loans to various parties to find employment for the people. Those Exchequer bills were paid off and fresh bills issued, till in the )0111 . 1842 a step was put to the issue of Exchequer bills for that purpose, and annual repayments of the sum already lent out amounted to about 300,0001. The Exchequer bills then out atanding;wer•bought out of the Savings' Bank fund'; these anal repayments and the annual issue, the sums re•aavanced, balanced each other. The right hon. gentleman proposed to put an end to theta public works altogether. He en tirely disagreed with him in that policy. Many most useful works had been aided by advances from this fund. 300,0001. a year had been advanced in England, and 60,000/. in Ireland, for the erection of gaols and public build- Mgr, such as lunatic asylum., charged on the comity rates, for arterial drainage in Ireland, and for the building of chapels in various parts of the kingdom. The greatest assistance had been afforded by these loans. He differed therefore from the hen. gentle man in putting an end to this system. But assuming that it was to be put an end to, what was to be done with the money ? The sem altogether amounted, in round numbers, to 3.000,0001., part of it arising originally by loans, and part trilling from the difference between the interest charged by and that paid to the commissioners ; but the whole of it was the proceeds of original borrowing. Why, did any man ever hear that that could be considered as portion of the annual income of the country ? Would any man iu this house sac, that the creating a surplus revenue of 400,000'. out of that fund was nut ant is?, a fictitious serplus, and that that sum ought tent to be applied to the repayment of the sum originally borrowed to create the fund. And yet this sum was the only surplus which the right hon. gentlemen hail. The right hon. gentleman stated that In 1834.3 the loss on the malt duty would he 1,700,N01., on the tea duty 667,0001., on the hop duty 120,0001., the increased estimates 600,0.101., and the bra on the light dues 100,3001., making altogether 3,087,0001. Then lie stated, that in th it year there would be no payment for the Kaffir war. He took credit for 310.0001 , half of the reduction of the 31 per cent.., and 1,000,0001. for the additional house tax, and these items he calculated would altogether amount to 3,310,0001. again, making a surplus of about 400,0002, stain entirely depending on these repaynsenta of advances of sums which were orientally loans. Ile should like to know whether his right hon. friend the member for Stam ford (Mr. Herrin) had looked into this, and whether he would my, with his intimate acquaintance with financial matters, whether a surplus should be created by a loan. How long was a state of things so discreditable to the country to continue ? (Hear, hear.) He had hitherto been assuming that the ealculistions of the right hon. gentleman were cornett but he would sow proceed to show that he was not justified in his estimates. The right hon. gentle man had set down the produce of the mai% tax at 1,700,0001. Now, as the malt tax at present yielded 5,000,0001., the first bus would be 2,500,0001. ; so that the right bob. gentleman considered that he should recover 800,0004 Of this he es pected to get back 200,0001. for this drawback now allowed to the Scotch distillers, so that the sum expected to be made MD by increased consumption was 600,0001. ; but he did not thick there would be anything like that increase. This wan not the first time that the proposal to repeal the malt tax had been made. The malt tax had actually been reduced several times ; and it was most remarkable that those reductions had often been followed by • decrease in the consumption. The tax was reduced in 1815 from 4.. lid. to 2.. 2d. per bushel ; and the consumption fell from 26,000,000 to 20,000,000 bushels In 1819 the duty wss increased, and the consumption again became larger. In 1821 the tax was again reduced, and the consumption to a small extent increased. In 1830 Mr. eioulburn greatly reduced the duty, and at the same time every effort was wade to stimulate the consumption ; but though it rose fur the next few years, yet ten years after wards it cousiderably fell off. Mr. Charles Barclay iu his evidence before the lord.' committee on the burdens on lands, stated that the duty had been reduced 10s. per barrel, and the brewers had lowered the price 12e. That wan a Id. per put ; and the repeal of the whole duty would amount to about the same sum. The eff;ct of that reduc tion hail been to increase the sale one-sixth; so that the pro posed reduction would only reduce the price one lathing per quart, and increase the consumption one-twelfth. The 111111 that the revenue would recover would therefore be only 200,0001., which with the 290,000 L for the malt draw back, would make 400,000 e. instead of 800,0001., as the right hon. gentleman has calculated. Add to that 150,0001. lost on the income las, and it would be seen that while the surplus consisted only of • loan, the right bon. gentle man had miscalculated no less a sum than 6.50,004.11. Even supposing that he (the right hon. baronet) was wrong 205,0001. ur 300,0001.. there would still be a serious deli cieucy—and that • deficiency wilfully created by their own legislation. Surely this was not • time in which it would be safe to tamper with our finances. (Cheers.) The strength of this country lay not so much in her military means, as in her boundless credit ; and surely they would not risk the di struction of that in which our safety so en tirely consisted. (Hear, bear.) They bad heard a good deal about the wonderful scheme of &ranee which the right boo. gentleman was to bring forward. It was to put money iatu everybody's pocket,anl to take money out of no body'o; but it seemed to him (Sir Charles Wood) that the fact had reversed these prediction., and that it would put money in nobody's pocket, while it would take something out of everybody's. (Hear, hear.) There was nothing wonderful in it at all—it was merely reducing the indirect, and increasing the direct, taxation of the country. (Hear, hear) That was the simplest thing in the world; but, with one exception, the indirect taxes that were made the subjects of the operation were ill-selected and ill handled. As for the direct taxes dealt with, the effect of the government measures would only his to make them needlessly oppreanive and burdensome. (Cheers.) The exception to which be had referred was the tea duties; and he entirely agreed with the right hon. gentleman as to the propriety both of the selection and the manner in which he had treated this impost. (Cheery.) Two years ago he (Sir Charles Wood) had a proposal of a similar kind ; but considering the in fluence ui the window duties on the health and well-being of the community, ho had given that the preference. Nevertheless be had intended to take the tax on tea beat; and, indeed, it was a subject entirely independent, and one that might be dealt with quite irrespectively of the howl tax. (Hear, hear.) Now he came to the hop duties, with reopen to which the right hon. gentleman had committed as many bluuden as was possible. (Hear, hear.) The present duty was 2d. per lb., and it was proposed to reduce that to Id. per lb. ; but why, in Heaven's name, did the right hon. gentleman propose to retain the Jr per cent. ? (Hear, hear.) It was reasonable enough for his right hon. friend, when be dealt with all the taxes, to put five or ten per aut. on them all ; but surely it was most injudicious when dealing with a tax to retain such an inconvenient arrangement. (Hear, hear) lie (Sir Charles Wood) had reduced the timber and the coffee duties, and he had inva riably got rid of the per tentage. Well, then, the right lion. gentleman had admitted that it was perfectly impos sible to maintain a protective dutz , against foreign malt. Tee CHANCELLOR of the LXCHEQUER—I said a prohibitory duty. Sir CHARLES WOOD—The right hon. gentleman bad spoken of a countervailing duty. lie said it was impossible to justify a protective duty greater than wo u ld put the tinily% grower ou the same footing as the English. Now a duty of 12.. per owl. would have amply done this with re spect to hops ; but the right hon. gentleman proposed to impose • duty on foreign hops of U. 21. 641., and this was " unrestricted competition !" (Cheers.) But was it worth whale to dee: with the subject at all ? (lieu, hear.) There was a good reason fur preserving half of the malt duty, for it was something considerable; but half of the hop duty only amounted to a paltry 120,000/, and it was one of the soundest principles of finance to retain excise regulations over an article that returned an insignisearit revenue. (Hear, hear.) The result of the proposed change would be to simply render the grow ing of hops a close monopoly, and it would prove of not the slightest benefit to the consumer. (Cheers.) But to return to the malt duties. The hon. member for the North Riding (Mr. Cayley) had spoken of the wonderful hardships of the moisten and brewers ; but the hon. gen tleman appeared to know very little about it. The report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into the whole subject of the Excise (of whom Sir H. Parnell was the chief), said that they did not believe that a leas objectiona ble tax could be devised than the malt tax; for there was none collected with less trouble and expense, or with leas loss to the us. (Cheers.) Mr. Taylor, slate eminent master, who was examined before the commissioners, stated that all the vexatious restrictions on the trod. Ind been re moved some years ago, and that the higher class of the manufacturers of malt had been quite satisfied. (Hear.) Mr. CAYLEY—I said that the maltsten and brewers wire the great monopolists. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. WOOD must say, with great respect to the hon. gentleman, that he was entirely mistaken in his complaints as to this tax. (Cheers.) If the tax were removed the =Outer and brewer would pocket the difference, and the consumer would be henefitted as little as he had shown the agriculturalists would be. (Hear, hear.) He did not say that the reduction would not be an agree able thing. It would be very agreeable to a Chancellor of the Exchequer if he could da without duties at all; but, unfortunately, the revenue must be collected, and all they could do was to maintain those duties which were the least objectionable. If they were to reduce duties at all, why not reduce those on butter and cheese, which had • prior claim, for they raised the Pries of the article far beyond the amount of the duty, which the taxes on malt and hops did not P (Hear, hear.) As to the direct taxa tion, the right hon gentleman seemed to have taken nun sel with the hon. member for Surrey, in order to make it as intolerable as he could. (Cheers.) Had the right hon. gentleman considered the class which he war about to bring for the first time under the opera tion of the lucerne tax ? (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen' opposite used tom that an income tax was justified only by tie necessity of y the case—to make up a great deficiency' in the revenue—and ought only to exist for a time. How often had they said that it was only a tem porary tax? One of the very last votes which, acting under the advice of their ablest financier, the right hon. President of the India Board, they had been ibis to terry, was, to the effect that the first surplus should be applied to' the reduction of the income tax. (Hear, hear.) Yet them were the men who in a state of prosperity—with no Seminal difficulty but ouches they had themselves created —proposed not only to maintain bat to extend a tax they bad declared so obnoxious. (Cheers.) lie could hardly believe they were sincere in their advocacy of direct taxation. (Cheers.) How did they deal with the small owners of land ? It bad been said that it was not the large °when of land, but the small owners, men who, ge nerally speaking, were es much in debt as their larger neighbours, and had not capital to improve their land, who were in distress. And Bose were the people they were bringing under taxation. A man with a rental of 621. a year would have to pay Me. a year income tee. (Hear, ear.) The conampeaes of lowering the income tax to 101. would he to bring nearly every farmhouse under taxa tion. (Hear, hear.) Very few farmhouses psi.] the tax now ; betalmeat every moderate tenant would be included under this. (Cheep.) Under the new Schedule C the tax ' Rather would call upon persons four times a year for the first time. (Hear, hear.) In Ireland they would tax the unfortunate Dublin shopkeeper who had invested his savings in the funds to usable him to live in peace the remainder of his days ; and they left untaxed the great Irish proprietor of land. (Cheers.) On what ground was this dune? (Hear, boar.) They said they dm liked direct taxation on a system of exemptions, and said they would have no exemptions. But had they no exemptions? (Ileu, bear.) The right hon. gen tlemen had made a long preface as to the taxation of Ireland. He put Ireland in the first rank, as the great and grand exemption which it was impossible to overlook. Ile said that, according to the original proposal, Inland ought to have contributed, in spirit and stamp duties, in lieu of the income tax, 400,0001. ; but that she had only contributed 16,000/. Hew did he deal with this gross in justice ? He taxed the Irish fundholders and the waivers of salaries—still making an exemption in favour of the landowners. (Hear, hear.) Did he suppose he should conciliate the support of the Irish landowners by that means? (Cheers.) Ile proposed to put in the narrow end of the wedge, and that only. He (Sir Charles) bad no objection to say that he did not think it equi table or wise to extend the income tax to Ire land. Ile had add so when he hut renewed the income tax, and he said so still. There were burdens enough on Ireland in its present elate; and it was hotter for her, and for England, sad for the united empire, not to press her Jaen by additional taxation . (Cheers.) Much had been done of late years to equsliae the taxation of the country, because we had repealed in this country many taxes—the window tax among others—that were not paid ; by Ireland. In this respect Ireland had obtained no re lief, and to that extent we had approximated an equality of taxation between the two countries. lie did not say the time would net come when the taxes paid here might he extended to Ireland, hut that time had not yet come. We ought to develop and encourage the resources of thit country, and it would be most improper to extend tho in come tot to it at prrsent. But the impolihno of that tax en the Irish fundholder, and not on the landholder, would be • great injustice. (Cheers.) It would be • distinct I breach of faith with the national creditors. What was the lax interpretation which they put upon the set of parliament ? At least they were bound to tax all other similar incomes equally. There were certain incomes which they most tax at the same rate - or they would bo acting with injustice. (Hear, hear) A permanent and realised income, similar to the funds, ought to be taxed similarly. Why should the man deriving an income from the funds pay 7d. in the pound, and ho who derived his income from East India Stock only pay Std. Why should a man deriving income from land in Eugland pay 711., and he who derived it from land in Ireland, and spent his income in England, only pay 64d. ? Why should the Duke of Devonabire and the Mee- qui' of Hertford pay only becauio they @peat their , income hers? (Hear, hear.) Was that fair? (Cheers.); But there was more miscalculation in the scheme. Having brought down the income tan on schedules B, 11, and E, to 1004 they to ingeniously arranged it, by ch a r g i ng on ly ot.e-third instead of ens-half of the profits, that nut a shilling more would be paid by those parties. They can:tided the income tax to all persons having incomes smountiug to 1001. a year, except tenant farmers, and with them they did not go below Iran. That was a gross injustice. (Cheers.) There was another miscalculatiun nearly as gross. The right hon. gentleman said he thought it fair to give a boon to the working , clergy, and he calculated on a reduction of 11,0001. by re duc'ug the tsx on those persons from 7d. to. That sum represented an annual iucome of three and a half millions ; the right hon, gentleman must, therefore, calculate that the incomes of the clergy with 1001. a year were nut less , than three and •half millions. (Hear ' hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—My state. meat merely was, that a clergyman with 100/. a year would be exempte d from the hardship of bring returned in Schedule A, and would have the same advantage as the persons is Schedule 1), who had 1001. a year ; and, there , fore, he would be entirely ex e mpt e d. (Ileac.) Sir C. WOOD said, as he understood that statement he was perfectly sight. A person in Schedule B would pay the income tax, but a clergyman with the aime income in Schedule 1) would not. Mr. WALI'OLE—AII clergymen under 1001. are exempt entirely. Sir C. WOOD quite agreed that the house tax was a good tax, and he had given the best practical proof that he thought so. (Hear, hear.) Lio had never said there woo any peculiar virtue in the limit of 201. ; he had taken that limit because the house tax was imposed as a commutation of the then existing window tax, and he did not wish to extend it to any greater number of houses than had paid the window tax. (Hear, hear.) The window tax was ob jectionable in • sanitary point of view, and as diminishing the comfort& of the working classes, and he bads ndeavoured to put the tax upon a footing which would not interfere with their comforts. Ile had placed the tax at such an amount that the houses and shops in towns might pay shout as much as before, and that sh sat the same number of houses might be included. He was not going to object to the extension of the house tax, but he had a great objection to extend it to houses of 101. The right hon. gentleman said that direct taxation ought to be as uai las indirect taxation. Ile dissented from that Proposition because in the first place it was im possible. (Hear, hear.) You could not bring the working man under the operation of direct taxation. (Hear, hear.) The only way of bringing him under the operation of tar ation was by indirectly taxing the articles of consumption. (Hear, hear.) Ile concurred in the opinion of Mr. Mil, that as the load of indirect taxation was heavier on the poor man it was only right and fair that there should be a minimum limit of direct taxation. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to raise the whsle of the revenue by any one tax; and it was, no doubt, a nice problem to adjust the proportions of the two systems of taxation—the direct and the indirect. But the right hon. gentleman dealt with a clue who were hitherto exempt from direct taxation, and he gave them no boon which was at all equivalent to the tax he imposed. (liver, hear.) The right hon. gentle man said that he might, perhaps, lose 150,000/. by the al teration in the income tax, and he expected to indemnity himself by taxing tradesmen end small proprietors who were heretofore exempt. (Hear, hear.) Now direct taxation must be the great resource of the country in time of pressure and war. (Hear, beer.) You cannot go on increasing the tax on articles of consump tion in times of pressure ; and year only resource was in direct taxation. In suc h • case it was only fit and right that the inhabitants of the metropolis should be called on to pay for the national ch fences. But if without any necessity they were to sacrifice revenue, to double the house tax to twice the amount of the window tax, he was afraid they would make direct taxation so unpopular and unpalatable that they could not collect it—(hear, hear)—and would endanger that which they professed to preserve—namely, direct taxation. They IMO now called on to deal with an amount of taxa tion in a manner that no man in his senses would attempt to deal with in one year. (Hear, hear.) No man in his senses would attempt to deal with 6,000,0001. of tea duty and 5,0w0,0u01. of malt duty in one year, and in the same year Impose two direct taxes bringing under their operation a large class of persons who were not subject to them before. (Cheers.) I beg and advise you (continued the right hon. gentleman) to take back your budget and reconsider it. (Cheers and laughter from the ministerial bench.) Give us tea; you can do that without increasing our burdens. That will he an unmixed boon. (Hear, hear.) And give u Tour house tax and yaur malt tax. (Continued cheers.) hen you will have a budget that, so far, will be decrying of support. You need not be ashamed to take back your budget. (Laughter from the ministerial bench.) Mr. Pitt did so, and yours is not • strongergovernment then was hie. (Hear, hear.) Lord Liverpool's government did that, and you are not • stronger government then was Lord Liver pool's. (Hear, hear) Take back your budget and con sider it daring the Christmas holidays. (Cheers.) Take the adrift of the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford. It is obvious you have not consi dered many of the details of your budget—(cheers)— or you know nothing about it. (Cheers) Grievous conse quences can only follow if you leave it as it is, for nothing is so bed as the budget you propose, which sacrifices revenue without necessity, which nobody wishes to benefit by, which imperils direct taxation, and tampers with the credit of the country, (Loud cheers.) An HON. Marna on the ministerial side of the house whose name we could not learn, moved the adjournment of the debate, which was agreed to. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL. Oa the motion of Lord J. MANNERS, 014 bill was read a second time. Sir G. PBCHELL presented a petition from Brighton, praying that Brighton might be exempted from the opera tion of the bill, till it was known whether the town was to have a charter of incorporation or not. The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. gfie erpreoxi. ' 1 . TO CORRESPONDENTS. • " second Edition of Expreee,.. coatataing the N. evening's Gazette:* le puldialiwl every Thuds' , .a Friday eight, in U. tar pout idler lisersolit• inideded for The Exprow,”Loscloa Evening paper, mast he at the Odle% 10, Bouvietratroet, by Two o'clock on the tay of pablitatioe. MGR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. T.. DAT—lltorniag. IC non........ Afternoon. Ik. An. Thaeomaoir—ltornlar, U. fenh. Aficanon. lA. 410. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11. WHATEVER minor differences may prevail among members of the Opposition about the manifold detail. of the Tory Budget, a general conviction is enter tained of the prudence and propriety of dealing with the proposed new items of taxation before allowing any question of remissions to be proceeded with. The precedent of 1842—quoted by Mr. GLADBTONE in the preliminary discussion of last night—illustrates aptly the sound principle on which Sir ROBERT PEEL dealt with the subject. When about to propose large redactions in the tariff, that wise and cautions statesman asked the House of Commons, in the first instance, to vote an additional tax of 5,000,000/. in the shape of an impost on income and property. There was then a deficit in the Exchequer of about half that sum. To provide for that deficit was the first duty of Parliament, and to its performance ho therefore addressed himself; and until the new resources specified were granted him, Sir ROBERT PEEL positively refused to take a single step in the direction of remissions. In ostentatious imitation of this circumspect policy, Mr. Disitaeu, when leading the Tory opposition, ob jected to the repeal of the window tax, because a select committee had been named to investigate the details of the income tax, and because the report of that committee might be in favour of its reduction, which might induce the House of Commons to modify or abolish it, and thus create anew a deficit in the Exchequer. Yet in the face of all this, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER coolly proposes now to take off two millions and a half on malt, and 400,9001. on tea, while lie pro poses to make sure only of 1,000,000!. additional by the extended house duty. This is a truly character istic specimen of the man, and of the utter incapacity of Lord 1)1SEBY to control or guide his first lieutenant who seems to have practically assumed the right of dragging his thoughtless chief and his submissive colleagues over hill and dale, brake, marsh, and briar, as the humour prompts him. Into committee of ways and means on the doubled and extended house duty, the house have, however, gone; and when they are to get out of it nobody seems very distinctly to ace. The speeches of last night express in some measure the state of opinion out of doors as to the comparative de merits of the financial scheme. Where there are so many errors and knack's, it is not wonderful that the clamour slintild he loud and vivid, and this more than anything else marks its genuine carnestuems and intensity. If the Ministers understood or synipa• thised with the people whom they pretend to govern, they would know that no deep or formidable current of discontent ever had its rise in any other way. Artificial streams run smooth and clear in their appointed channel; the gash from a checked torrent is often turbid and irregular; but who is able to withstand it? Toryism has evoked a spirit of suspicion among the people at large, by the rash betrayal of its pur pose as regards taxation, which will not speedily be laid again. On all sides men are waking from the dream of security into which the triumph of Free Trade had lulled them of late years, and they ask one another, is the whole battle then to be fought over again P Cheap food we have, it is true, and the tricksters who rule us say they do not mean to meddle with its conti nuance. But of what value is cheap food if we are to pay annual fines and penalties fur its possession to the extent of millions sterling ? Are we never to have done with the rapacity of class domina tion ? Arc we never to be secure against these fraudulent attempts to re-open the old account? These are awkward questions to summon up to every lip in the throng of industry and the resting places where labour pauses to take breath. The answer and the only answer will speedily suggest itsel: The populations of the towns will be driven as one man to the conviction, that for their industry there can be no surety while the lauded oligarchy retain their too lung tolerated sway. Did Parliameut not consist of two Houses of Landlords, we should never have heard of a project like that of Mr. DtsaALLI. And we are persuaded that, should ho succeed in committing the Lower House to a precipitate sanc tion of any one of his items of Compensation, the first step will have been taken towards the coin monument of an agitation of which no man can foresee the end. Little progress was made last night. Few of the leading men on either side have yet expressed their opinion ; and it is probable that the dismisniun will not terminate on Monday. So much the better for the cause of truth and justice. Each day that in tervenes will inevitably develop new forme of re sistance to tho needless and oppressive imposition. Throughout the country public meetings will have ' assembled to petition against the infliction, and to sustain the representatives of the people who are mindful of the high trust reposed in them. It is likely that the present Parliament may not be of very long duration; and treachery or tergiversation on a question like that now pending will not be easily forgotten or forgiven. SIR BENJAMIN HALL, at the meeting at Maryle bone on Thursday evening, showed very clearly that the tendency of the alteration in the house tax was to set town against country, and country against town. The "compensation" to the landed interest is to be paid from a fund, towards which the land lords contribute comparatively nothing, and tants of towns almost everything. The great feature of the rural districts--" the country"--is, that the houses are either mansions or cottages. The mansions arc invariably underrated, and the cottages are nearly all valued below 10!. a year. Many of the vast palaces of the nobility are rated considerably lower than shops in Oxford street or the Strand. A com parison of the rating of Burleigh or Blenheim with that of a house of business in Cornhill would show pretty clearly the relative estimation in a Lich Mr. DISRAELI holds Dukes and Marqui-ca on the one hand, and traders on the other, as objects of taxation. The towns and town districts arc not slow in recording their sense of the injustice under which they suffer. A great meeting, from which hundreds were excluded from want of room, has been held in the pariah of Marylebone. In addi tion to the two Members several of the pa rishioners spoke, and gave some admirable illus trations of the unjust incidence of the tax in question. These illustrations are doubly valuable and interesting, as coming from practical men, who are able in their own persons to put their fingers upon the very spot where the shoe is likely to pinch. At St. Pancras a meeting has been held, where 2,000 persons crowded into the Vestry-hall. Here, again, the feeling was unanimous against allowing the CEIANCELLOR to tax the towns in order that he may buy off the opposition of the agricultu rists whom he has deluded. Similar meetings, all crowded, are being held in various parts of the coun try; and the result of the whole app ears t o b e , t h at if Mr. Dilemma must pay a price for his position, he must look for funds elsewhere than from the class of persons whose only crime is, that they get their living in town instead of in the country. In the House of Commons, last night, Mr. WILLIAMS asserted that the operation of the tax on the consti tuency which he represented would be to render some thousands liable to house tax who had before been untouched by the impost. lie stated, at the same time, that the highest authority in Lambeth had calculated that in that parish alone 2,000 electors would be disfranchised. Mr. DISRAELI himself has remarked that you may make any tax odious by making it unjust. That he has acted upon this maxim himself in his proposition with respect to the house tax, there can be no shadow of doubt. The nation had begun to recognise the principle of dlr.,. taxation. The valid opposition to the income tax, from the time when it was laid on by Sir Hosea? PEEL, has been founded not upon any serious iniquity in the tax itself, but upon the alleged unfairness of the manner in which it was imposed. It is the same with the house tax. When that impost was substi tuted for the window tax, it met with but little op position. Objections on matters of detail were made, as in the ease of the income tax, but the objections went no further. If there were inequalities and injustice in the mode of assessment, people trusted to time for their removaL This was a very dangerous state of the public mind for a CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER who does not hesitate to avow Protec tionist predilections, although he does not dare to legislate upon them. If it were once thoroughly recognised that the publio revenue had better be raised by direct taxation than by a system of protec tive duties, all hope of Protection would be goec for ever. To prevent this the plan would be to levy direct imposts in such a manner as to create a disgust against this mode of taxation io the minds of the taxpayers. Show them direct taxation in its most repulsive form. Extend it to the poorest classes. Let its operation be such as to narrow the franchise. Let it fall heavily on one class and not at all on another. Let the very rich pay nothing at all. Do everything you can to excite suspicion and disgust on the subject of the tax and the end may be gained. It will then be easy for Tories to say :—" See what you have lost by giving up " indirect taxation. Even suppose that in days long " past your loaf was rather leen, you seldom " noticed it ; if you did pay a little more for it, " you did not feel it. But the taxgatherer was " kept from your door. You were favoured mortals "in those days." It is not at all improbable that the CHANCELLOR may hope to have an opportunity of enacting a part like this. If the Liberals in the house are true to their duty,—and do not suffer them selves to be bullied by threats of resignation into compliance with a tax which is not only unjust, but may lead to the mo s t d angerous political conse quences,—they may prevent this result. If they do nut they will hereafter have heavy work on hand. GERMAN Y. BERLIN, list,. 7. This morning, the earliest opportunity which offered, the government laid its reactionary proposi sitions before the Upper House. It is propoNed in the now bills to absolve the crown from the obliga tion of convoking the parliament more then once a year, to substitute sexennial for triennial parliaments, and to repeal the connyunal law of March, 1850. By this last bill the old feudal relations between the lords of manors and the peasants are restored, and the aristocratic body gains the chief point for which it has of late years been agitated. At the same time the only practical reform which was made under the influence of the revolution obliterated. Dr. Kuctitzer, the editor o the catholic journal, who was committed to prison for a fortnight last Thursday, war liberated by royal pardon on Sunday. In Dessau the order made by the late revolteionary ministry for exempting village schoolmasters from the duty of ringing the church hells, sweeping the church, and winding up the c l oc k s , h as been re scinded as encouraging presumption in that hurattr close. The semin ar y l o: tra i ning t eac h ers is 44 9 be removed front Dessau, where they imbibe .• . • politan notions, to some more rural town. I ... „ , it must be !smirked, is about as largo as Itichteettid; • , • and as demure a place as the presence of a Roth , - • , German court, with its tedious formslity, s *, , :7 3 make it. 7, • , • jr . n ' • • 5,4,4;°C - .' ' ....._