The Express. — London, England, 1853-04-14 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WErritEsDAT, APRIL 13. The Sri:tem; took the choir at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. BRITISH ELECTRIC 'EELEGRAPII COMPANY. Mr. FAIR It ER. moved that the minutes of evidence taken before the committee en this bill last session be refs reed to the committee this session.—Agreed to. Btu:, CussilrElSEU.—The fallowing amended hills were considered : lbe Bognor Railway Bill, the Irwell Volley Waterworks Bill, and the Se ipley Gas Bill. Bents READ A SELONLS TIME.—The Swoffliam and Dtttisham Drainage (Ni. 2) Bill, end the S aith Eastern Railway (Canterbury and Whitetails, &c.) PUBLIC BUSINESS. f ITIONS PRESENTED. ADM DISION OF JEWS TO PARLI . . By Mr. CHRIS• TOPHUIt, from places in Lineolnehire; Mr. DOD, from Whitehureh, Slims ; Mr. FARNHAM, from places in leekedieredro ; stand. Over: / E eItI4IAL PALACE ON Serenave.—By Mr. W ILLIAMS, from the shoemakers of the metropolis, in favour of. Mr. SPOONER, from Birmingham ; Mr. W. PAT'T EN, from Lancaster ; again's. AnvenTISSZX ENT Dryv.—By Sir GEO. STRICKLAND, from Messrs. Livesay, propel( tors of the Prete'', Guardia.; Mr. HADFIELD, from Shtffield ; Mr. SCOBELL, from Bath ; for the repeal of. Illaysexertt.—Mr. FARNIIKNI, from places in Leices tershire ; Atoned GORDON, from Aberdeen ; molest. COCNTY Hats Execs:lit re ate.—By Mr. O.MOROAN, hem a rtftee in Mmmnuthshire ; against. PARLIAMENTARY PAP 1.00.—8 y Sir G. E. WELBY, from Grsntham Phinasophtual Institution, and Grantham Public. Lit rare Institution, for ; Mr. COBBETT, from the members of the Oldham Lyceum. praying to have parlia mentary papers.—Referred to Parliamentary Papers Cum =Mee. Petittellorsis (SCOTLAND) BII.L.—By Mr. BOUVE RIE, from (Haltom and other places; against. COUNTY ELECTIONS POLLS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion that the house do go into committee on this bill, Mr. DUNLOP moved that it be an instruction to the committee to extend to the elections in burghs the provi sions of the said bill tar repealing so much of the act 2 & 3 Wm. IV., a. fe - s, as rustled that no poll should be directed to been on a Saturday; and also the provision that no poll should begin on a Monday, soil the provisions as to the vets r oral manner of polling. By the Scotch Retina Mt the time , fur taking the poll was conlined to two days in counties and one in boroughs. While the poll occupied two day% *here w o an obvious propriety in forbidding the' poll to commit nee on ;a Saturday ; but the time haring been redueed to nue day, there was no reason why it should not takes place ou that day. The object of his motion, then, was to pl tee boroughs on the same footing in this respect as counties. Mr. F. MACKENZIE thought the proposal was beyond the scope and bile of the bill. The SPEAKER said the effect of the motion would he to give the committee power, if they thought fit, to intro duce boroughs. If they did so, of course the title of the bill would DS mitered. The motion was agreed to, and the house went into coin age... Mr. DUNLOP Own moved the insertion of words to Garry leis proposal into 'M.o. Agreed to. On clause 1,. Mr. ELIOTT proposed after the word "days," in line 13, to insert so much of the twenty-seventh section of the same act as enacts that every voter shall poll at the polling places of the district within which the premises, or any part of them, in respect of which be claims to veto may be situate, except only where such ponied places shall be In au telnad,distant more than ten voiles from the main land of any county, in which else the voters not re sident in such island may poll at tha polling place for the district in which the county town is included ; and also so much of the 'same a. etion as enacts that polling places shall in no case be more in number than fifteen for WV one county. Mr. F. MACKENZIE thought that if voters were allowed to poll met of the district in wl•iett their property ems sitseted. the do r wwuhl be opened to personatiou. Mr. ELIOTT did ant propose to go even so far as the Bogliels law went; for he confined the permission to the district in which Use elector resided. He thought th it that would he found a sufficient rattle sly against the danger of preventing personation. Too amendment was then agreed to, and the clause was passed. On elau'e 2, Mr. F. MACKENZIE moved the omission of the words 5, with the consent of the Lord Advocate." lle thought that the sheriffs ought to he permitted to fix the polling plant a without refe•ring to the Lord Advocate. After con•iderattle discussion the committee divided. Fur the amendment 53 Against it The amendment was therefore lost, and the clause was then agreed to. Uo ti.u.e 4, which provided that the poll should not be tats n on Monday, Mr. HUME soid that he really did not see any reason for leaking a distinction in this respect between England and Scotland. Mr. DUNLOP replied that if the poll commenced at 8 o'clock nit Monday morning, the Lord's-day previous must be spent la making preparations, and even in travelling. This was no mere matter of feeling, but one of terious im port, and he earnestly trusted the bon. gentleman (Mr. Bijou) would pen with the clause. Mr. HUME would move that the provision be omitted. (Hear, hear) Mr. I.OOKIIART reminded the committee that in Scot land persons could not teasel by railway on Sunday as they could in England. Ma E—That is your own fault. (Cheers.) There were people in Glasgow to foolish that he (Mr. Hume) believ-d they would soon not allow themselves to eat and drink oa Sunday. (Meer.) Persons should bear in mind that in stopping the railways on Sunday they were not deciding for thenentlets only, but were interfering with the rights and the tree-will et others. The committee then divided:— For the amendment 6O Against The chum was then agreed to. Mr. F. DI:NDAS moved the following proviso on clause 4, which was agreed to. Provided always. that in respect of the remote situation of certain parts of the county of Orkney and Shetland, and the occasional difficult intercom munication therein, nothing in this act contained shall alter the previsions of the said recited act so far as relates to the keeping open of the poll for two consecutive days as hereMe fore ; but nothing in this proviso contained shall be ow atrued to exclude the said county of Orkney and Shrills& from any of the benefits or oblitatioas of the .other portions of this act. Clause 5 was agreed to. On tho motion of Mr. ELIOTT, the following new clauses were added:—That every county voter (except as hereinafter provided) shall poll at the polling place of the district within which the premises, or any part of them, in respect of which he claims to vote may be situate ; pro vided that nothing herein contained shall be held to repeal or alter the ninth section of the seventy-eighth chapter of the statute passed in the fifth end sixth years of his said Majesty, respecting freeholders in counties. Any county voter not being a freeholder, and not resident in the district containing the premises in respect of which he claims to vote, may make application in person or by writing to the sheriff, at the Registration Court of the county, to be entitled to poll at the palling place nearest to his residence ; and the sheriff, on being satisfied of the truth of the statements of such voter, shall insert in the list against the name of the voter making such application, the name of the polling place at which such person shall be registered to vote, and such voter shall thereafter be entitled to vote at such polling place; and shall not be at liberty to poll at any either poking place for the same county. Where the polling place for a district containing the pie miles in respect of which any voter claims to vote shall be in an island distant more than ten miles from the mainland of the county, such voter not being resident in the island may poil at the polling place for the district in which the oounty town is included. With respect to Section 33 of the said fire-mentioned statute, be it enacted, that where the sheriff shall not have received the poll-hooka, trans mitted from any island, within the time therein limited for the opening thereof, the sheriff may adjourn the point for the declaration of the state and result of the poll from day to day. omitting Sunday, and shall at the first of such adjourned courts after the receipt of such poll' books proceed to declare the poll, and make proclamation and a return in the manner therein mentioned. Mr. DUNLOP proposed an addition to the preamble, the object of which was to repeal the present low, which pre vents polls f. eon being held on Saturday. Agreed to. The bill was then reported. EXCLUSION OF JUDGES BILL. Lord 110TIIAM moved the second reading of this bill. Lord PALMERSTON said he wished to state briefly the grounds on which it appeared to him that good and valid objections were to be urged against this bill, however sound in the abstract might be the reasons on which it was sub. witted to the house. He considered that on general princi ples, and in accordance with the st,nerous principles of the constitution, that the doors of the Howse of Commons ought to be thrown open as widely as possible to those persons who might be of use in assisting them in its business. (Hear, bear.) That principle had been acted on for a long time. Persons representing all religious sects, all interests, and all professions ; all persons capable of giving informa tion eel...ding the various interests affected by the laws that they passed were freely admitted. No doubt there were grounds on which this general principle was departed &counted why peewees holding particular situations were dumeslified from gin that house. There might be per sons holding official situations, the nuties of which would prevent them from attending that boom. These per-ons could not be in two places st the same time; they must, therefore, either neglect the dub. s of their office, or their donee we members of that house. (Hear, beer.) 'lbis, therefore, was a eulticient reason for the exclusion of such Peewee. Persons were al.n 'citadel who were sup posed to be 04 moth ander the influence of the crown that "bey were net Wady to be independ.Lt and telt-willed Sie‘her, of th. souse. On these grounds a great number of p e ewees holdinat joaditial offi. Wen very properly qualified from eittinsr in the House of Commons. Did thew, olma i•mt t e ll to the oHi .! et the Master of the R o u e , for that was the unite to which this Lill wig meant particularly to anis. Tony had had Masters of the Roll fiernsbere of then ouse fo long time, csel many of them bed bees rasa saluteak.., etaescats vi the bombe, THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 14, 1853. and Lad greatly usisted in its debates. , (near) Sir Wm. Grant, whom he was old enough to remember, had sat in that house as Master of the Rolls, and he and those who succeeded him acted with great independence and had brought great learning and extensive information to guide their deliberations on matters of great importance with re , gird to which the members of the house generally had not by previous study acquired that particular knowledge which Ought he of material use in deciding the questions brought under their consideration. (Hear, hear.) It could not be unties d to the Masters of the Rolls that they had been swayed by any particular bias; on the contrary, they always preserved perfect independence of character, and only took part in the debate when they thought they could contriloste to promote the object for which it was commenced. He did not think, therefore, they would be either serving their own interests or the interests of the country in ex cluding the Masters of the Rolls from that house. But it was said—and this was the chief argument relied upon by the noble lord who introduced the bill—that the (Hester of the Rolls, a wed as other judicial officers, might be called on judicially to determine questions affecting the interests of his constituents. If this was the argument to be relied on, then they ought not to stop where this bill ,topped. If the Master of the Rolls was to be excluded on this ground, he did not see why the Cursitor Baron of the Exchequer, the record , re, and even the chairman of Quarter Ses sions, should not be also excluded. (Hear, hear.) He called on the house therefore to weigh well the grounds on which they were asked to take this step, and to consider whether, if they pawed this bill, they would not be establishing a principle, which, if worke d out, would oblige them to go farther than many might be prepared to go. lle called on them to reflect whether, under the presumption that they would be c utributine to the independence and utility of the house by this exelesion, they would not rather detract from its character and dignity by carrying the principle of exclusion to a degree which was manifestly absurd, and de priving the house of tne advantage of those persons who were, on mazy subjects, best qualified to assist them. (Hear, hear.) Ile should therefore move that the bill be read • ace Ind time that day six months. Mr. HUME said he had been always an advocate for the exclusion from that house of persons who held offices, the duties of which he thought were incompatible with their duties to the house,and ea that ground he should support the second reading of the present bill. The duties of members of parliament obliged them to be in the Rouse of Commons day and night, and he thought that the eblieations of the Master of the Rolls were not compatible with an efficient periormance of those duties. (Hear.) Row could a Master of the hulls, fir instance, discharge his duties on an elec tion consrei!tee or any other committee? (near, hear.) lie mut either neglect los duty as Master of the Rolls or his duty in that bowie. No one would be more rejoiced to see the present Master of the Rolls in parliament than he,l If he did not think it would bo a violation of a' sound principle. On the same ground he w3/1 opposed to Dr. Lushington being a member of that house and judge of the Admiralty Court at the same time, although nu one was ' a more distinguished member of parliament than that learned gentlemen. On that ground also he was opposed to the Recorder of Dublin holding a seat in that house. They should not look to the individual, but to the principle, and vote accordingly. (llear.) Sir F. KELLY regretted that the government were going to oppose the bill of his noble friend. lie thought that it ' would be inconsistent with the dignity of the judges, and tke high estimation in which they were held, to be obliged to go about canvassing electors, and subjected to the qutie tiouieg of constituents, who, however excellent most of them might be, contained others who were no hitter than an unscrupulous rabble. (Hear hear.) The Muter of the Rolls was neat in dignity he believed, to the Lord Chancellor and Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, and it would ye most unseemly to have him going about through a large constituency selecting votes, and sub jected to the treatment which candidates had sometimes to submit to, in his canvass. (Hear, hear). Besides, the part he might be called on to take as a member of that house would be calculated to lower the estimation in which ajudge ought to be held. For instance, the house decided a question last night, by a large majority against the weight of legal opinion expressed in the house., in reference to the construction of a particular act of Parliament. If the Muter of the Rolls had been a member and had been asked to give his opinion on that question, would it be calculated to secure the high judicial respect and authority which he ought to hold in the country? In principle he would go the length of saying that any man who presided in • court of justice ought to be excluded from parliament, but as this would have an injurious effect on the whole bar of England, he did not think it would he injudicious to carry it out in practice to the full extent. He made these remarks without the least reference to the pre sent Muter of the Rolls, for whom he felt the most un feigned respect and regard, hat for the protection of the high officer who filled the office of Master of the Rolls, as well as for the good of the people who were interested, an well in the dignity and estimation in which the judges w ets held, as in the purity of the administration of justice, he thought that he ought to be excluded from sitting ia that house. (hear.) lie should, therefore, support the sum' reading of the bill. Mr. V. SMITH mid that the whole argument of the hon. and learned gentleman went to prove the statement of his noble friend, that this bill, if it was to be, efficient, must tee )carried further. The Recorder of the city of London hid given an opinion on the question which had been raised last night, and decided by the house in opposition to the weight of legal authority. He ought therefore to move that that right hon. and learned gentleman should be put into the schedule of this bill. (Hear, hear.) All other recorders and chairmen of quarter sessions ought likewise to be included according to his principle. (lleu, hear.) The hoe. and learnod gentleman said that the candidate who sought the suffrages of large con stituencies lowered thereby his personal dignity. He (Mr. V. Smith) never heard a statement in that house which cast a greater slur on representative institutions. (Cheers.) He thought that a judge might become a candi date and at the same time maintain his personal dignity. (Hear, hear.) He did net know what the experience of the hen. and learned gentleman might have been—(cheers)—but I he knew that the position of a candidate was not the miser able situation which the hon. and learned gentleman repre sented it to be, and that there was no necessity for a candi date to forfeit hes personal dignity . . (Hear, hear.) If the Master of the Rolla neglected his judicial duty he was sub ject to the same cheek that all other judges were subject to, and if he neglected his duties in parliament that was the affair of the constituency who elected him, and it was for them to tell him so. (Hear, hear.) He never heard that Sir W. Grant neglected his duties as Master of the Rolls or as a member of that house. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINOTON thought that the case of chairmen of quarter sessions stood on different grounds from that of Master of the Mulls. (" Hear, hear, and laughter.) In the first place the chairmen of quarter melons were not appointee' by the crown, and they were scarcely recognised by the law and the constitution of the country. Besides, the chairman was merely the organ of the assembled magis trates. (Hear.) They had excluded by recent acts the Commiseloners of Bankruptcy and the county court judges from sitting in the House of Commons. He would support the second reading. Mr. EWAIt I . said, that by the constitution of the coun try, as it existed in former days, judges might sit in parlia ment. Judges sat in the house in 1605, and they were excluded afterwards solely on the ground that they might be called en to give their opinion in the House of Lords. If in recent sets they had proceeded on a different prin ciple, end excluded judges, it was rather an CICTIIIMMICe on the constitution. In the United States judges sat in Con gress, and no injury arose in consequence. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said he could not allow the debate to close without expressing his view of the tendency of the course which they were called upon to pursue. It was quite tea that for some years pest the tendency had been to exclude persons holding offices of a judicial character tween this country and Russia in the ease of the Vixen — questions intimately connected with the law of nations — it would be of great use to the house to have persons (be sides the law officers of the crown) posaese t p • certain degree of weight from their independent Vern, and likely from their study and knowledge of • law to be well informed, who could state to them what tic doctrine of the law of nation was. (Hear, hear.) They would be deprived of these advantages if the principle of exclusion were carried so far as was contended. Was it no advantage in discussing law reforms, to have a person like the Master of the Rolls, who could tell them from the eases which came before him what his impression was of the legislative amendments to be made in the law ? No person could soberly maintain the opinion that the Master of the Rolls, because he was a member of the house, would neglect his judicial functions. If this argument were good, it was equally good in reference to the members who held the chief public departments under the crown. ' (Hear, hear.) The honourable and learned gentleman Thad made the only objection that appeared to ' him to have weight, namely, that it would be hardly befitting the character of a judge to take part in the turmoil of a contested election. But this need ' not aecessarily be the case. A particular constituency might have so much confidence in the person who occupied the position of Master of the Rolls that they would return him without any solicitation on his part. Or he might, like Lord Lyndhurst, be returned by a university, in which ease the ohjection would not apply. Ile should be sorry to me the house adopt the course proposed. If the noble lord slid not prose hie motion, he would not ask a division. Ile thought that by passing this bill they would be proceeding in a course which, whilst it showe d great distrust of the people, would deprive !he house of suds men as Lord Stowell and others, who had sat in that house with great advantage. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ATIIhRTON supported the second reading on the ground that they ought to do everything in their power to maintain the dignity and high character of the judges, which he thought would be impaired if they were per mitted to have seats in that house. Agreeing that they ought not to restrict the choice of the people, be would con fine the exclusion to the judges of the superior courts. (Hear, hear.) Mr. WIiffESIDE thanked his noble friend the author of the bill for having included Ireland in the schedule, and expressed his intention of giving his hearty support to the measure. Lord HOTHAM, in reply, observed that though from the array of ministers on the benches opposite he had ex pected a strong opposition, he gathered from what fell from the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) that that opposition would not be seriously perseverid in. With regard to the objection of restricting the choice of electors—there must be restric tions, and there were restrictions already, and the only question was whether the restriction he proposed was a pro per one ? It was possible the choice of a constituency might fall upon a most improper person, a partisan judge, etc a judge who was a strong supporter of the government, but no one would say t‘!at it would he improper to restrict their choice in that respect. He admitted the services in parliament of Sir W. Grant and Sir W. Scott, but sine* Olen had been a Reform Bill and the principle of popular election had been so far altered that no one could contend that what might have been fitting then was equally so now. And, besides that, the business of the house since that period had so materially increased that although a Master of the Rolla might have attended to his path i mentary duties in Sir W. Grant's time, it was impossible be could do so now consistently wit h the time and intone tion he ought to give to the business of his court. They had already excluded the judge of the ecclesiastical courts, and the noble lord had concurred in that measure, and it appeared to him that the reasons for excluding the other high judicial officers to whom his bill referred were equally strong. With regard to the noble lord's argu ment that judges sat in the House of Lords, it did Oct ' apply, because the House of Lords was a iadicial tribunal, wbsch the House of Commons was not. A strong objection to the admission of the Master of the Rolls was that ho might, as a judge, be at a moment liable to be called upon to adjudicate in cases to which his constituents were parties, end especially iu the local charities of the place he represented. The noble lord, iu his educational scheme, had intimated that the government proposed to leave cer tain charities to be adjudicated upon by the Vice Chancel lors or the Master of the Rolls ; and that alone was, he ' thought, a strong ground for preventing those functionaries from sitting in the House of Commons. In conclusion, the noble lord quoted this opinions of Lord Brougham against allowing persons who eat one day as judges in the courts I takimg part on the neat in the turmoil of a contested elec tion and that of the late Lord Langdale, who stated dis tinctly that the Master of the Rolls ought not to sit in the House of Commons, but that there was less objection to his sitting in the House of Lords, though he thought the judi cial office was sufficient to occupy the whole of his time and attention. (Hear, hear.) The motion was then agreed to, and the bill was read a second time, and committed for Wednesday next. NEW ROSS ELECTION PETITION. The committee for the trial of this petition was nomi nated. COUNTY RATES AND EXPENDITURE BILL. The house having resolved Walt into committee on this bill, On clause 4, Sir J. PAKINOTON expressed a strong objection to that part of the clause which went to deprive the magistrates of that control of the finances of the county which they now had, and stated that the object he had in view in proposing the amendment he did when the bill was last in committee, and the discussion on which was now about to be resumed, was to preserve to them that power, but to secure the object of popular representation by adding to their number certain:persons to bo elected by the ratepayers in each union to form • county board for financial purposes. 'rho ratepayers and the magic- 1 trates had one common object—via., the economical admi nistration of the rates ; and it should be remembered that none could have a greater interest in such economical ad ministration than the magistrates, who were generally the largest landowners in the county, and consequently the largest contributors to the rates. It had been argued that' . if the board were constituted as he suggested, the elected members of the board would be swamped by the magistrates or the ex officio members; but it was not so in, the GPM of the boards of guardians, when the ex officio and the elected members acted together harmoniously for the benefit of the ratepayers, and he had no doubt it would be the same in reference to these county boards. By adopting his amendment they would avoid the necessity of suer fering with many existing acts of parliament and of creating a new machinery ; and instead of a bill ef 135 clauses, ' which it would be difficult to carry into practical operation, a simple bill of three clauses would be sufficient. Mr. BARROW opposed the amendment, which he said was opposed to the principle on which the bill proceeded, viz., that taxation and representation should go together. At present the administration of the county funds was in the bands of au oligarchy. What he desired was, to put those who had the control of those funds under the respon sibility of the influence of the representative system. The right hon. gentleman said that the magistrates, being the largest landowners, had the greatest interest in keeping down the rates. But who paid the rates, the landowner or the occupier ? Why, the occupier. ("Nes, no.") True, if the rates became excessive, the rents—(hear, hear) —might in the end be regulated accordingly, but there was no power on the part of the tenant to deduct the county rate from the landlord', rent. (Hear, hear.) There were in England 18,700 magistrates, who were es-officio manager. of the county rates, but of this number only 7,000, or about one-third, were qualified, how then could it be said that the tonactry were represented at those boards? There was no virtual representation as regarded two thirds of the whole number. Mr. IL DRUMMOND apprehended all were agreed that others besides the were to have the control of _ __... magistrates .. from sitting in that house. It was now proposed to the county funds. (Hear, hear.) At present, those funds proceed further in this course and when it was pointed wereenanaged byasub - co m mittee of magistrates—he would out that anomalies would still exist, the hon. and learned proceed on the same principle—but instead of having the gentleman opposite said that he was prepared to committee nominated by the magistrates, he would have go still further, and remove the Recorder of the City of it nominated by the ratepayers, each union to re- Lawton, and establish a total exclusion against all persona turn two members, one a magistrate and the other not a having &judicial character. Hie first objection to this pro- magistrate. He proposed also, that the general lady of the posal was that it limited the choice of the constituent body. magistrates should have power to deal with the report (Hear, hear.) Ho confessed he disliked all those restric. of such committee, which was to be laid before dons on principle. (Hear.) He did not think it right them the first day of the session, as at present; that a man otherwise competent should be disqualified from and further, that if the recommendations of the committee sitting in that house because he might not have the exact should be overruled by the board, there should be an appeal amount of property required by law. (Hear, hear.) He to the Secretary of State, and that if a small number of the objected likewise on the same principle to increase the board, say five, disseated from the decision of the mojority, number of restrictions by which the people at large were they should also have the power of appealing to the same prevented by law from electing men of eminent ability to authority. This would serve the principle of represents represent them. (Hear, hear.) . He thought they were tion, and at the same time give the magistrates that control proceeding against the people in taking a course which which they ought to have. He proposed that the appeal would restrict them in their choice, and in saying that they should be to the Secretary of State, because he was the were unfit to declare who were to represent them. In the cause of the whole difficulty, for it was his orders, and not neat place he thought this coarse would tend to the extravagance and jobbing of the magistrates that occa &grade the house. lie thought that having the 'Meted the expense. Were this plan adopted, a bill of three assistance of eminent men, men who were most quali- clauses (as the right hon. baronet opposite had said) would fled by their learning and ability to give lustre be sufficient, and they would avoid the cumbrous machinery to the house, would be of great use, not, perhaps, in re- of the present bill. spool to any particular question, but in preserving the ge- Mr. V. SMITH coasidered the proposal just submitted neral authority and dignity of the Commons House of Par- to be an entirely new scheme, and if so, it was hawing. (Rear, hear.) Many men who sat in the House surely improper to discuss it in committee on the of Commons while Master of the Rolls were men of great clauses of the present bill. Ile objected to the amend ability, and distinguished ornaments of the house. Sir J. merit as being contrary to the principle of the bill. Jekyll and Sir W. Grant were most distinguished men. lie did not enter iato the feeling of those magistrates who (Hear, hear.) One of the meet celebrated debates in that said this bill was an imputation upon them. lie believed house was when Sir W. Grant stood front to front against that the guardians could furnish im.ormation to the magis- Mr. Fox. A person who heard them mentioned to him traces winch would bo very useful to them, and that it was one of the most extraordinary displays of Intel- that the y could work well and efficiently toge lestaal power and of the philosophy of the law that ever they. One objection had been taken to the bill which occurred in the house. (Hear, hear.) Lord Lyndhurst sat seemed to be a strong one, and that was that it in that house while Master of the Rolls, and a remarkable was a bill for particular counties, like Lancashire, debate: took place at that time, the ability of where it was wanted, and yet it had been applied to the Mr. Canning, Lord Brougham, and feord Plunket being whole country. lie (Mr. V. Smith) objected to the ranged on one side, and that of the Muter of the Rolls on remedying of local deficiencies by general legislation. In the other. (Hear, hear.) Debates of that kind, in which many of the midland counties it would be difficult to get eminent men took part, tended to maintain the character ratepayers to act on the Financial Boards. lie was, there of the house, and electors should not be restrained from fore, glad to bear his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) express electing men who ars re capable of displaying such qualifl- a wish that the adoption of the bill should be optional, and cations. lie might remark also en the present occasion, that it should be left to the counties which did not desire , that the House of Commons was increasing in power and any interference with their present li &eclat boards to adopt i influence, while the other house of parliament bad infused its provisons or not IP they ',lessee Ile hoped such an into it great weight of learning and ability, without any option would be allowed by the bill. corresponding increase of power and influence. Ile thought Mr. PHILIPPS, as connected with Wales, wished to that this great contrast between the power and influence of state a di ffi culty which would arise in its working there. In 1 one house, and the learning and high station of the other, several counties—Pembrokubire, fur instance—in South was a contrast which ought nit to be kept up. (Hear, Wales, by local act, the administration of the county Rolls hear.) Besides questions might arise in which the Court was entrusted to a beard consisting of In members, opinion of men of this kind would be of great use. while in the preseut bill the board was limited to 1.1. Now, Mr. Pitt said that he should not like to sit with the former camber of members he had found a diffi here as first minister of the Crown without cult in getting a board together at all, so that it was ad having men qualified to g ive an o p inion on the visa le to ascertain whether the 'poem proposed by the bill kw 01 " tone It Wl. on this ground that he mainly wall work in carrying on the flaancial administration of rest , il his objection to the bill which excluded the Judge of the affairs of counties. the Court of Admiralty from that house. Supposing that Mr. M. GIBSON said that the speeches which had been qatri.,na were to arise such as hail arisen between this • made had been directed rather against the general prim , innintry and France in Cue case of 31r. Pritchard, awl be- eipie of the bill than in relation to tles +unclad- meet. The *ld honourable baronet (Sir John "'lslington) MAW= a similar course to 'the present one when the bill gni beim a select committee ; fur he made a succession of speeches against its principle instead of dis cussing the particular clause which happened to be before the select committee. That was not a fitting way to deal with a public measure. The house hod decided that finan cial boards in counties should be established, and in reply to what had been said by his right hon. friend the member for Northampton that it was a Manchester and a Lancashire measure, he (Mr. Gibson) would say that the house, by a succession of divisions, had decided that financial boards should be established in England and Wales. It was a reflection on the country population, end one which ought not to come from the farmers friends and the representa tives of the rural population, to say that the small farmers and small occupiers of land were so little capable of trans acting business—(" oh, oh," and cheers)—as not to be fit to be entrusted with the control of the salary of a turn key—(" oh, oh," and cheers)—for that, it they were, they would appoint so inefficient a turnkey that he would let the prisoners out of gaol. (" Oh, oh," and cheers.) Was that the way to speak of those who sent them to that house ? (" Oh, oh," and cheers.) He himself residing in a county and having the greatest respect fur the rural po pulation, denied that they deserved that character, and he would say that they were as fit to manage their own affairs as the inhabitants of towns ; and if the legislature had , given municipal councils to towns, which managed their affairs, there ought to be similar councils in the rural districts to manage theirs. Ile was not singular in bring ing in a bill on this subject, for the hon. member for West Surrey had his bill, the right hon. gentleman the member for Droitwich had his bill, and the right hon. gentleman the member for Northampton seemed to have his bill also. If this was his (Mr. Gibsou's) own bill, he might perhaps give precedence to theirs, but as it was a bill which came from a select committee, whirls had considered it clause by clause, it was not presumption in him to press the house to go on with this bill rather than to wait for theirs. The question on which they were going to vote was, that !laving agreed that financial boards should be established, can•istiag of a number of members equal to the number of unions in a county, it should ha an ►mendment that to those boards the whole of the magistrates of the counties should be added, so that in the county of Worcester, where there were 13 unions and 360 magistrates, you would first elect a board conitistieg of 13 ratepayers, and add to it 360 magistrates. That was not a reasonable proposition, and he hoped the house would not allow the measure to I/0 defeated by a side wind and by an amendment, which was an attempt to set aside the second reading of the bill. Mr. It. PALM Elit could not exactly agree with his right hon. friend (Sir J. Fakington), in adopting his amendment. Ile hail agreed to the admission of the prin ciple of establishing financial boards, if it was desired by the ratepayers; and he must say that the amendment, al though it retained the principle of representation, yet it did so in a very small degree ; and for that reason he could not vote for the ►meudmcnt as it stood. Ile agreed with his right hon. friend, the member for Northampton, in think ing the bill was not necessary for some couuties; although it was shown by evidence that it was necessary for Lanca shire. For instance it had appeared in evidence before the ►elect committee, that among the expenditure of that county was an item on one occasion of seventy or eighty pounds for luncheons for the magistrates. (Hear, and laughter.) He did not wonder that the ratepsyers should object to such items; hut in his county there was never any such charge. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He thought, therefore, that those counties which did not acquire the operation of the bill should be allowed an option with re gard to adopting it. The hon. gentleman also objected to the introduction of the bill in some counties on account of the expense it would entail. Sir J. PAKINGTON, in explanation, said, that the im putation of the right hon. gentleman the member for Man chester, with regard to the opinion of the magistrates as to the capability for business of the rural population was most unjust. He had distinctly said that his experience of guardians showed them to be good men of business. Lord LOVAINE said it was evidently intended by the bill to take away all the authority of the magistrates in matters relating to the county rates. He, however, ad mitted that the principle of the bill bad been adopted by the house. When the right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester said this bill was no attack on the magistrates he forgot that it was notoriously brought forward on the ground at least of the inattention of the magistrates to the interest' of the ratepayers. lie thought the adoption of the bill should he optional on the part of counties. Captain SCOEELL thought the time had come when it would be wise for the magistrates to accede graciously, and not in a narrow spirit, to the alterations in the management of county affairs which it was proposed to make. lie urged on hon. members not to continue to make long speeches on the amendment, but to deal with it like men of business. Mr. FRESHFIELD denied that the county expenditure under the control of the magistrates had increased to the extent which had been asserted. As to the assertion that county rates were paid by occupiers and not by landlords, every man who took a farm inquired into the expenditure required for rates, and made his bargain as regarded rent accordingly. The question now before the house wan, whe ther the magistrah a should be made a comoonent part of the financial boards, and it was said that the proposed amendment would have the effect of swamping the elective part of the boards ; but he thought that which was 'might by the amendment was a concession which the ratepayers ought not, and he believed were not inclined to refuse. At the last quarter sessions in Surrey this bill was dis cussed, and it was unanimously agreed that it was un necessary, and he was desired to express that opion to the house. Lord PALMERSTON wished to say one word with re ferenee to the suggestion of his right hon. friend behind him (Mr. V. Smith), and which bad been repeated by other hon. members, and which he had heard of from many per sons since this question wan last discussed. He meant the notion, for which there were many precedents in laws of this kind, that the application of the bill should be made optional in counties. The impression on his mind with re gard to that principle had become more and more favoura ble to it. He would be willing to give his attention to any suggestion for applying that principle, and he hoped that if the house came to a decision on that point, that those who had proposed amendments on the bill would be satisfied, and not allow amendments to be brought on like the present amendment, in order to defeat the measure—(hear, hear) — but only bring forward such as would improve the bill. (Hear, bear.) He only wished to say that he should have no objection to an amendment for the purpose he had stated. Mr. HENLEY denied that this amendment was intended to defeat the bill. He adverted to the difficulty of esta blishing new corporations of this kind in counties. He supported this amendment because it had this effect, that when adding elective members to the old corporations you kept alive that portion of it which was acquainted with the business, and thus prevented any deficiency arising from the inexperience of the new members. He believed the plan proposed by the amendment would enable the bill to work, and whereas as it at present stood he doubted whe ther it would, and whether it would not cause great con fusion in counties; and at the same time you would get rid of a mass of clauses which were now in the bill, and which it would be difficult to get to work. Reference had been made to the second reading of the bill which, in fact, they were now discussing, and the right hon gentleman the member foe Manchester must admit that there had been only one division on the second reading, and that was ad verse to the bill. But the right hon. gentleman stated that the house had divided several times on the principle, and agreed to it. [Ur. N. Gibson : I said the house bad several times assented to the bill.] What had been assented to was not this particular bill, bet the principle of the representative system ; the only division was against the bill of the right honourable gentleman last year. lie (Hr. Henley) believed that if by means of this amendment you added an elective body to the existing magistrates and then carved a working body out of the whole, you would secure a proper control over the financial matters of counties ; but if separate and new corporations were created, there would be great con fusion caused, and there would be great difficulty . in carry ing out the plan, while there must be a great Increase of expense. As to the giving an option to counties to avail themselves or not as they pleased of the bill, although he agreed it might be more prudent to da so, he only hoped that the suggestion on that point which had been thrown out would not induce the committee to be careless with regard to the details of the measure which they were about JOLLIFFE protested against his being thought to Tote against the principle of representation if he voted against the clause now before the committee in every stage. He was convinced that the clause must be amended, in order to hold out any hope of its working. There was an appearance of unfairness in the amendment of his right hon. friend with regard to the proportion of maaistrates be pro posed to have in the boards, as compared with the members elected by ratepayers, and he suggested whether it would not be better to withdraw it in favour of the amendment of the hon. member for Sancrsetshire, the object of which was the same. Sir J. PARINGTON begged to say that from whatever , quarter it came, he protested against the offensive im putation of unfairness brought against bins by the hon. baronet. Sir W. Jouirre and an Hos. MEMBER were under , stood to disclaim me .wing to make any such imputation. The committee divided: For the amendment ll5 Against it Majority — 29 It being now within a few minutes of six, the house re , mined, the other orders of the day were postponed, and the house adjourned at sex o'clock. NEW ELECTION COMMITTEE. NEW ROSS. Yesterday the General Committee of Elections appointed the following members to serve ors this committee : Mr. T. J. licadlarn (chairman), Mr. li. J. Briley, Lord Nor ms, Lord g. Ilentiuck, and Mr. T. R. Blaekett. Can paired off in favour of Mr. Butt's motion on liilmainbani Hospital, with Mr. Cornwall Legit, against. POST-OFFICE LIBERALITY.—A correspondent says that a short time biuce a person lost his life in the service of the I'oet•otlice department. As the party had received ertty a small salary, application was made to the head of the department for wine gratuity to relieve the family of the person from the destitution which the sit ath and expense of burial occasioned. The Postmaster-Gcneral curtly replied that he bad uu funds at :lis disposal for such a purpose ; yet it appears that he cast find funds to pay 13,0001. a year out of the hard earned r. venue of the Post-office in pensions to the Dukes of IdArlltutough and Citation stud the imaginary hair of a Diiku of Schomherg. etc era:trews. TO CORRESPONDENTS. , rditlonFarwell," contusing the allme eeeeleirs Gazette," is publiahed sereey Tuesday and Friday sight, la floe for poet. tweeuecteeets intended far "The Exprees," Lori= Y.N ening pap..., • oust he at the Mkt, 13, BOUTllli6lltlt4t. by Two o'clock on the lay of pubdcatioa. NIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. run D*l—moranr. ba. 17n.. ... ....afternnor. bk. Um. TO•lllo.lWW—Morning, sb. 53n. Ammon. 6b. 14m. LONDOY, THURSDAY, APRIL 11. AN attempt has been made to give an air of poli tical importance to the division on the subject of Kilmainham Hospital. Nothing can be more absurd. The question, be its merits what they may, was essentially one on which men of all parties seem to have felt themselves at liberty to vote without regard to . political antecedents or party ties ; and tho division list sufficiently proves that several known Liberals, and not a few friends of the Ministers, voted in the majority ; while in the list of the minority names arc to be found with whom the present Government—flexible and comprehensive as it is in char ecter—would hardly choose, perhaps, to be in all respects identi fied. As a trial, therefore, of party strength, the success of Mr. BUTT'S motion is in reality of little significance, if any. As a symptom that the old habits of blundering and ig norance of the actual state of feeling among independent members of tho house, which so often caused the humiliation of the Whig Cabinet, still continued to prevail—the division of Tuesday night has indeed a certain meaning. But, except as an affair of official organisation, the matter hsrdly de serves political notice. The truth appears to be that for more than twenty years the defence of Kilmainham Hospital has been regarded by men of all parties in Ireland as, in a cer- 1 1 fain sense, a point of honour. The first attempt at its suppression originated with Mr. 1.11.1 cm in 1833. It was then resisted by Lord ANGLESEY and Sir Ilrs:4A ViviaN, who filled at the time the offices of Viceroy and Commander of the Forces in Ireland. It was believed by them that the recruiting service in that country would be leas effectually carried on if the long-established asylum for invalid and wounded veterans were abolished. Without questioning the fact that feelings and associations have something after all to do with the moral influence exercised on the popular mind by institutions in tended to provide fur the aged and infirm soldier, we may be permitted to doubt whether any recruit ing sergeant in Tyrone or Tipperary . had ever any • reason to suspect that the anti-Kilmarnham project ever lost him a candidate for the scarlet jacket. ..the SECRETARY-AT-WAR took care to inform the house that at no period has the recruiting service in Ire land been on a more satisfactory footing. The right honourable gentleman's other arguments were less clear and convincing. They amounted in point of fact to little more than a reiteration of the assertion that he meant to adhere to the course adopted by his predecessors—Lord PANMURE and Major BERESFORD,—the mere fact of his allusion to whom in the same breath as authorities may suffice to disprove the idea of the matter being one of a party character. But what Mr.l-Lhitisma altogether failed to notice were the arguments founded upon the imputation that the economy sought to to effected by the suppression of the Irish establishment for veterans was in reality little more than a thin dis guise for carrying out the system of centralisation. If ont-door pensions are more popular with the Army and more economical for the State than in door provisions for the wounded soldier, that would be a reason for annihilating Chelsea as well as Kil mainham—a point which was only glanced at during the discussion by Lord SEYMOUR. We do not wish to be understood as expressing any very strong opi nion as to the comparative merits of in-door and out door pensions, but we must confess that we doubt the policy of raising such a question at all in the present temper and condition of Ireland, when the professed object is only to effect some saving upon a sum of 7,0001. a year. The amount of net re trenchment is not accurately stated by any of the speakers on the question, but it may perhaps be, in round numbers, assumed at half the above-mentioned sum. Surely Ministers might find better ways of saving public money and public time than by long discussions upon items of this kind, when other things, infinitely more important, are passed by as unworthy of official attention. TILE all-important service rendered by the Metro politan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Poor has been in affording proof that ouch establishments pay. Without this, benevolent persons might have gone on building and letting, and making trial of improvements; and many hull &c is of families would have been saved from de struction of health and morals. But we ahould have had no right to anticipate, as we may now fairly do, that PRINCE Auit.itt'a expectation would be fully justi fied, and that a complete change in the domestic comforts of the Labouring Classes would ensue. The houses are so well and fully occupied, that the Me tropolitan Association is no charity, but a good invest ment for capital. Lodging-house Keepers now know that so well, that they are bestirring them selves to provide inducements to their lodgers to stay. They are setting their houses in order, and listening to requisitions that they would have scuffed at ten years ago. Builders will not be the last to recognise the facts of the case. Some of their trade used to be abundantly quick in discerning any need of working men's dwellings, as the rows of thin brick cottages, run up os the wet clay near Manchester, and in some of the iron and pottery districts still show, and will show in their damp ruins long after they are, as we may hope they will be, deserted. Not lees quick, we trust, will be the most respect able and eminent of the crafty in taking the broad hints afforded by these model lodging-houses. From them it may be expected that more will be done than merely supplying so much house room, with due conveniences, at so much per week. Men of any ambition, any love of their art, any genius, will see that a new aspect of society is opening, as if expressly in their favour—a new period which they may be specially destined to illustrate. To the architect worthy of his very high calling, there is a nobler field opening now—as once before the builders of churches and designers of monuments—the broad field of reality and practical need. When cathedrals were wanted for Romanist worship, they were glorious and beau tiful, as old cathedrals are now in the light of tradi tion; and when secular powers and dignities were the strength and safeguard of nations, their palaces and monuments were glorious and beautiful too. Here we have among us now a new reality rising up. The dignity of labour is fairly ob taining recognition among us; the working classes are more aad more admitted to be a main part of the strength of the State; and the architect who shall first discern the full extent of this new reality, and shall consecrate to it his beat resources, will make for him self a name in history which will extinguish that of all the imitative architects of the century, be their erec tions what they may. Here is a want—a clearly defined object—right in his way. In building any thing else on a grand scale, there is not much to be asked about uses—about the foundation of utility on which he may erect the adornments of his genius or taste : but iu this great new field, he has the advan tage of that Fuidance and suggestion. At every step there is a sound, substantial use or need presenting itself, to be made the most of as a foundation for his art; and uo former age ever offered a nobler incite ment or opportunity to the exercise of creative genius. The opportunity lies in the improved and improv ing condition of the working man. Multitudes ate going away; and before they began to depart in such numb.:rs their social position was rising. Free trade in toad opened a new period to them ; and now, the Inducements to emigration arc making a still greater change. The leave-taking of sixty men in one day in one establishment raised the wages and enlarged the lodging room of those who remained ; and so it is all over the country. It is true, the pro prietors in certain rural districts that we could name are pulling down cottages as fast as the inmates ko o ff , not choosing that those who remain should row saucy,—tuo fond of comfort,—by being less crowded and uneasy; and the labourer is still to walk miles to and from his work rather than effect a settlement beside it. But this very proceeding may be of use—a use little dreamed of by those who effect such clearances: it may hasten the erection of rural lodging-hou>cs, as good in their way as the model ones i❑ London. There is one already, on which many eyes are fixed; a lodging-house fur un. married labourers, set up by Mr. S. i I LIM= at Wilton, where the iuma•cs are boarded as well as lodged. One of the curates of the plate resides in the house, and occasionally gives a lecture to the in. mates, for whom a reading-room is ui-u provided. Substantial meals are on the table at Ittuourers' hours, and each man pays, for all this, et: l} ls. ld. per week. It is scarcely credit•lc that tills can pay: but if not, the inmates of other such houses can soon afford to pay somethiug more. Even the depressed Wiltshire labourers are now determined to have 9e, a week wages ; and soon after they have got this, they will again resolutely determine on having 2s. or 3s. more : and thus they M ill be able to pay for such domestic accommodation as the London workman is now beginning to consider a necessary of life. All this is very good. By the great natural laws of so. ciety, the classes about u ham all thoughtful people have been growing snore anxious for u century past arc raised, as we wanted to see them raised, but could not do it till those great laws began to work in their and our favour—raised to a position which has hOllll.l voluntaryism about it—raised to be i n some sort masters ol• their own lives, guides of their own lot; raised to a position of real citizenship—. clients of the eniueer —eliemts ot• the wig, test—clients of the author. We enjoy hearing of this Wilton experiment; and nearing also of the success of Mr. Ds NISON'S experiment at Leeds, where he has thrown several old lodging. houses into one, which he has divided lx t wren tramps and stationary bachelors, who, for 3d. a night, Late a comfortable abode, with warmth and light, and the use of a reading-room. While the tastes of the working melt arc rising, and their habits improving, anti their com mand of means increasing, new streets era being opened in London, and old ones becoming rebuilt, and to effect this ; the ancient rmrsting-plates of thousands of people arc being thrown down q indifferently as last year's nests are east out from hedge and tree. Painful and perplexing as is this practice, it helps to make the great opportunity just spoken of. For the moment, the crowding in the dens that remain may be aggravatt u; but to this there must come an end, and soon. if comfortable abodes for the working classes be not provided in London, there will be hamlets of labourers dwellings along the railways, the daily fare bcii g included i n the rent, as indeed is the case already, to the vast improvement of the health of those who thus eke in country air. Between this method .t.lel the sound speculation of scientific builders, and the experience of capitalists as to the goodness of the inv, -tment of their money in this kind of eater prise, there seems every reason to hope that the existing generation may see nearly the last of our disgraces in Sit treatment of the working man, and tbat the next generation of visitors from any of the world's great continents may inquire for the old St. Giles's uud Drury-lane dens, as our American cousins hiquite now for the Alsatia where NIGEL lived awhile amidst countless disgusts. Lord SIIAFITSBURT will t: , ,t be able to obtain a law by which working men shill be compul sorily re-housed when peremptorily turned out of their lodgings : but we have a strong impression that under laws stronger than any Parliament ever made, a whole nation of working men and women is des. tined to be provided with such a home AS is the simple and unquestionable due of faithful work. FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNESDAY EVENING. The iloniteur of to-day contains a copy of a cir eular letter addressed by the Minis:er of Police to the prefects respecting political refugees. After stating that the special laws on the subject of the refugees had ceased to exist, he mentim s six funda- mental rules for the guidance of the prt tech), which order that no refugee shall be permitted to reside in the department of the Seine, at Lyons or Marseilles, or on the frontiers of Spain, Germany, Switzerland, or Italy, without an express permission from the Mi nister of Police. The official orgar. at the Hague makes an impor- tant declaration in reference to the establishment of the Roman catholic hictatehy in Holland. It states that the Dutch government was not consulted about the matter; and that, having declared some time ago, in answer to a question from the Homan court, that the fundamental law concedes to everybody the right to profess their creed, and to organise their internal church affairs as they think fit, the govern meat had not thought fit to interfere, and did not is in the recent measure. ... The semi-official Austrian Correspondence states that there is no longer any occasion for anxiety se to the Oriental question ; for all the powers are pene trated with the necessity of maintaining peace; that even England has taken a very prudent attitude. The general result of the ordinary service of the budget of isao, as act down in the bill adopted on Monday by the Legislative Body, is definitively fixed as follows : Receipts Payments Leaving a surplus of 65,691,834 21 Excesses of expenses of tic colonial service hich leaves a surplus of receipts amounting to But as the payments made for the extraordinary service are fixed by the bill at There remains in the end a surplus -- of expenses Which deficit, on the budget of 1850, is to be set down amongst the advances of the Treasury, and will provisionally be placed to the charge of the floating debt, in execution of the laws now in force. A board of superintendence of the commercial marine has just been appointed, consisting of Baron de Bonnefoux, captain in the navy; Captain Lerner; Count Napoleon d'Arnano; M. Briant de Loubrithr, commander of marine artillery; and M. Mourgues, an ex-contmissary-general. The report that General St. Arnaud is about to re• turn to Paris to resume his ministerial duties cannot, however, be implicitly relied upon. According to other accounts the Minister at War is suffering from neuralgia owing to attending to business too soon after his indisposition. The demand for Rentes to-daybas beets inactive,with a downward tendency in price. The final quotations were—For cash : Three per Cents., 801. 40c.; Four• and-a-Half per Cents., 103 f. For the account : Three per Cents., 80f. 50c.; Four-and-n-Half per Cents., 1031. 35e. Bank Shares, 2740 f. The shares of the Bank of Credit Foncier declined Zif., closing at 911 f.; whilst those of the Credit Mobilier advanced 21., and were quoted at 9321. at the conclusion of business. The market for railway securities was active, and a tolerable amount of business was transacted. Latest quotations by telegraph : Madrid— Three per Cents., 43; One per Cent., 23 11-16 — lower on account of the closing of the Cortes. Vienna—Five per Cents., 94;: ; ditto, 1851, 107 g. Bank shares, 1420. Exchange on London, 10.49. Berlin—Four per Cents. (new), 99; ' . Four-and-e.- Half per Cen r ts., 103 i. Bank shares, 110," 0 Rhenish Rail • haes 91 aay . I'ARIS, TVESDtY EVILNIIIO. The affair of the " foreign correspondents," as it is called, came on today before the Police Correa tionelle, and excited jounces° interest. The court forbids the press to report the proceedings, or to make any comment upon them. All but three of the accused appeared. These three were Aubertie, Vslliv, and A. CoeAlogon. The interrogatories were very . long and interesting. Messrs. Barthel s ari iremattre responded to the minute examina tion with great ability, and the responses of M. La Pierre were uuiformly good and to the point, and in some instances very brilliant, or, as the French say, tree. spirits:elicit. They produced a marked sensation, not only upon the spectators, but upon the court itself. The Duke de ltovigo was very much agitated, and his replies, if not incoherent, were at least insuffi cient and unsatisfivAory. M. Coalogon (brother of Alfred, who is at Brawls) made but a poor defence. Both he and the Duke de Itovigo are likely to . be convicted of exhibiting certain live franc pieces with the effigy of Louis _Napoleon distorted in a manner to bring his Majesty into contempt. The advocates have not yet commenced the defence of their clients. Great 1 things are anticipated for the session of to-morrow. It is stated to-doe that ;‘l. Gaillard, the eirAtructcr of the infernal machine at Marseilles, at: l who, as 11