The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-08 00:00:00

soldiers in cities. That was not treason, because it helped the nob.e lord and his friends into power ; but still it had a wonderful iesembl ince to the articles complained of at the resent moment. Although generally, and as a matter of courtesy, first readings were conceded, ha should on she present occasion go out, i fhe went alone, i n opposition to the government proposition.. Mr. H.. M. FOX said that it would be m e a ns w to restore the prosperity of Ireland if proper means were taken for that pewee. Every one connected with Ireland would join with him in abh e rre uce o f the inflated harangues, the treason or sedition (whichever it was called) of Messrs. Mit chell and Meagher; but government might do much, and the landlords of Ireland might do much, to render such harangues entirely innocuous. In his opinion quiet might in ono month be re-established in Ireland if government would come forward, giving the people a poor-law equal to tittle distress, and giving them the right to relief. They must also extend the franchise and the number of represent* , time. It they would do this, and consent to consider in that house the much mooted question of the repeal of the union, tranquillity would soon be restored in Ireland. Mr. GRATTAN said he rose to state his conviction of the loyalty of the Irish people. He should never have doubted that loyalty, but for the extraordinary p ropoait ion of the go- vernment, and the odious spy system which it appeared had limit established iu Ireland. lie feared that Lord Clarendon had been misled into the formidable preparations he had made in filling every corner of the city of Dublin with troops. He should have believed that there was no taus • for alarm, except for old women and unmarried ladies, had be nut seen an advertisement, headed, " Patrick Hyland, pike-maker to the castle "—ye laugh)—and something very similar in Limerick, lame a man who had stood be hind the chair at a public meeting, and called out for pikes, turned out to be a government spy. Why, it was reviving all the horrors of the Castlereagh aye tem. (Hear, hear.) A. to this bill, it would fail as former bills had failed, ate: so would their entire system of govern ing Ireland. They were governing that country with an anti, a system which, in the present state of the world, they could net maintain. They must try some new systim, one which should send back the absentees. It was Demosthenes who had geld that the property of the absent end indifferent became the prey of the present and enterprising. That was the case in Ireland when the country was in the hands O. the frieze-coated men. The people of Ireland were starv ing, but the y had no wish for separation or a republic. The only republicans were the favoured people of the north, while the Roman catholic* of the south bad direct:y opposite tendencies. As tor the priests, they were neither republican nor French, for they could not but remember the treatment their order had received in the first French revolution. The hon. member concluded by recom mending ameliorative, instead of coereive, measures as reme dies Mr the present condition of ler laud. Lord D. ST CART said that the bill before the house was one for the hotter protection of the crown and government. Now be thought that the best way to secure the crown and go vernment would be to attend to the wants and wishes of the people. (Hear, hear.) There was no other way, and the observation applied equally to Ireland, Scot land, and England. (Hear, hear.) He was not one of three who was in favour of rash and hasty changes, but he believed the people of England would not long be conten? without an extension of the franchise; nor would they long be c ntent to see small boroughs repre sented by the sense number of members as hug, , populous, and important cities ; if, indeed, they would be content to see such boroughs represeuted at all. What the people wanted was a new reform bill, and that principally because they believed it would lead to a more equal system of taxa tion. In Ireland too there were many things the people had a right to demand, though he was not prepared to say that some measure such as that now proposed might n d be necessary, fur it was impossible to permit treason to stalk abroad throughout the land without some attempt being made to suppress it. But when government brought forward measures of coercion, they were bound, he thought, to ac company them with measures to ameliorate the condition of the people, and supply their wants. This was the opinion be had expressed in Nov ember last on the Arms Bill, which be hail voted in favour of in the confidence that government would lose no time in bringing forward ameliorative mea sure. That confidence he was sorry however to say had been misplaced ; for though April had arrived, with the ex ception of a tenant-right bill,which he understood was so complicated that it would be dif fi cult, if not impossible, to make it work, and one other bill which hadpmen introduced in the other house, no remedial measures had br en brought for ward. That Ireland had many grievances which demanded re dress, could not be denied. There was the Irish church, the representation, the franchise, the municipal institutions, and many other grievances which they ought to set about redressing when they proposed measures to put down vio lence and sedition. If Irishmen were treated with justice, their loyalty might at all times and under all circumstnees ha depended on. He concurred with the hon. member for Montrase in his condemnation of the gagging clause. He should oppose the enactment of any law which interfered with freedom of speech. (Hear.) Liberty of speech was one of the most valuable rights a free people could possess, and it could not be too carefully or jealously guarded. He could assure the government that the people of England would regard the bill in this respect with jealousy and sus picion. In voting for the present motion, his object was that the merman might be introduced and considered, but he should reserve to himself the right to vote against the second reading, should he efterwardi disapprove of it. Mr. REYNOLDS held that a bill so unconstitutional in its nature should be met on the threshold. He had warned the government in November that their Arms Bill would fail, and there could be no gri ater proof of the failure of that measure than that mirristers should consider this bill necessary. The object was to inflict transportation as the punishment for offences which were now punishable by fine and impri sonment. But there was another and more important con stitutianal objection to the bill, which was, that it left it to the Attorney-General to prosecute and inflict the punishment of transportation for words which a man might have uttered in the moment of passion and excitement, or even for words he might never have uttered, but which might be proved against him by some hired incendiary ; and he was sorry to say Ireland was fertile in the production of such characters —(a taugh)—and he was equally sorry to add that all governments, whether wbig or tory, had encouraged them. He might refer to the conduct of Col. Brown, the police comraissioner, in sending agents to employ men to make pikes, the particulars of which hail appeared in the Freeman and other papers. He thought government depended too much upon persons of that description for the information oa which they acted. The Arms Bill was passed in consequence of the numerous threatening notices which had been pent, and which, in the majority of cams, he believed had emanated from the police agents. In the case of Col. Brown, however, he for one could never believe what they had been told, that government had sanc tioned his proceedings. (Hear.) Let them consider for a moment what was the condition of Ireland. In 18 months 1,000,000 of people bad died from want of the common necessaries of lite, and day by day many were still dying from the same cause. Surely some allowances should be made for the language of a people naturally excitable when suffering under such a calamity. (Hear, hear.) If in England the people were in the same position he doubted not but that they would he talking treason on all sides. He could tell them that but for the influence of the Roman catholic hierarchy in Ireland not all the military power of the government would be able to keep the peace in that country forty-eight hours (hear); and were the reli gion of the Irish people presbyterian, or any other than Roman esthetic, they would not endure their present oosi lion. Let them consider also the political grievances under which Ireland laboured. To provide spiritual aid for at most three-quarters of a million of protestants, out of a popu lation of 8,000,000, 700,0001. a year was exacted from the land. The parliamentary franchise was daily dimin ishing; the municipal franchise had diminished almost to a name; and waste lands were unreclaimed. What, then, had the British House of Commons done for Ireland ? He would defer to a more fitting occasion any reference to the right of Ireland to a domestic legislature. But what were they about to do by this measure Besides substitut • ing transportation for fine and imprisonment, all cases would be tried before pety instead of special juries, and the crown would have unlimited right of challenge, while the pri soner could challenge only 20 ; and when they remembered the manner in which juries had been packed in Ireland on former occasions they might well shudder for the result. (Hem, hear.) But was this bill to be retrospective—wou's l it affect those gentlemen who had been held to bail, and were now waitir.g their trials ? (No.) He was not sure that it woald net be retrospective if it was passed in its presentsbspe. He hoped, however, government would pause before they determined to press this bill ; that they would try the effect of mildness and conciliation, and depend on the ordinary tribunals to punish those who violated the law, and if they followed this course they might laugh to scorn those who were plotting against them. There was no necessity for this measure. Government had no right Co h an ticipate any in terruption of the peace. (Laughter.) heart of the peo ple was Found. Ile was aware there had been much talk — and where there was much talking there was never much fighting. The mess who were now talking sedition in Ireland he believed were hurnbu2s. ((they hail been in earnest they would have adopted a different course. There was no part of the Quern's dominions where the mass of the people were mote loyal or more attached to the sovereign than in Ireland, and it was too much to wound a whole people and brand them as traitors because a few individuals made violent spathe.: Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL observed that the wound which this bill would inflict was like that which the surgeon made in cutting out on unsound part to effect a cure. As an Irishman, having the intermit of Ireland at heart, he felt it his duty to support this bill, the object of which was after all but to Mike the law efficient, tnd to assimilate the law of Ireland to that of England. The danger, as the law now stood, was that those who by their violent speeches (and some of them laiitht be honest) were leading others on to acts of guilt which nittht invoke them in punishment, might escape punishment themselves. (Hear.) With regard to Eng land, be thought the bill might not be without ad- Image, as it would enable government to punish men who I'll,' guilty of treasonable acts, hut whom govern ment might not yet wish to elevate into martyrs by pros/en:its , them for high treason. 01 the loyalty of the Irish peel. It he bad no doubt, and that their affections were in favour of monarnhical institutions and the order of things ts they exiqi.,:t lie was equally certain. Any such change as the men who had been alluded to were mad enough to contemplate would be certain destruction. He should be ready to consider the chase as to spoken treason in commit tee, though he did net think this was a time when they ought to be too chary in adoinistering punishment to men who, whether by writing or sp'enhing, encouraged others to son which the law punished severely. If the JAW had hitherto been lenient to such perkme, it ought not to con tinue se. It the man who set fire the stack was to suffer punishment. 'surely the man who set .him on should not go scot-free. Mr. GROGAN supported the bill as one that was calcu lated to restore confidence to all classes in Dublin, but THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 8, 1848. object were now before the house, and he thought the go vernment bill the worst of the three--the most calculated to involve Ireland in the meshes of law, and to sow discord between landlord and tenant. He should not oppose the bill going to a select committee, provided the committee would endeavour to incorporate the best parts of the three bills. His definition of tenant-right was the right of an occupier to compensation for the improvements he bad made ; and he would auoport any measure having this object; but no measure which went to recognise the mere right of occupancy as occupancy. It was known that the greatest difficulty existed in Ireland in esti mating the value of improvements ; opinions differed widely as to what were improvements ; and he had heard of a case where a man had claimed compensation for building a mill, though there was actually not a stream of water to turn , it. (Laughter.) Same hon. members feared that this mea sure would perpetuate small holdings: he was convinced that Ireland was , a country where large farina would never be common. The only measure which could save that country was a measure sanctioning the free sale of land. (Hear.) At present there were but 8,000 proprietors in fee in Ireland, and the amount of three millions was paid as the interest on incumbered estates. How could such a country become rich without a mea -1 sure to faciiitate the transfer of entailed lands I It was not political reform that was wanted in Ireland, but social regeneration, and till government did away with the law of entail they would only be rolling up the stone against the hill. Mr. S. CRAWFORD would not oppose the second read ing of this bill or the proposition of the government to refer it to a select committee, although he believed it would not give satisfaction to the people of Ireland, and would strike a blow against tenant-right in Ulster. He warned the government how they passed any bill which would base that effect. It would create a mass of discontent out of the house, and the government seemed not to be aware of it. Mr. GRATTAN thought that a tenant-right bill ought to be introduced, and he believed it would not be difficult to bring in a good hill on this subject. lie denied the state ment which had been made against him by a member of that house in another place—that be was a hard landlord. Mr. SADLEIR defended the landlords of Ireland from the attacks which had been made noon them. He admitted there were some bad landlords in Ireland, but they were the exception. The great object of any bill introduced into that house should bo to rise the tenants leases, to which there was a great indisposition amongst the landlords, arising from political reasons. He wan quite opposed to the tenant-at will system, which was so much lauded by the hon. and learned gentleman the member for the University of Dublin. lie hoped it would be referred to the t ommittee to consider the whole statutory law as affecting the relations between landlords and ten into, with a view to its amendment. Mr. MONSELL said that the bill of the right hon. gen tleman had net given satisfaction to any psrties in Inland, and the only reason why he supported the second reading, was that he hoped it would be so altered in committee that its parent would not he able to know it. The Earl of LINCOLN could assure the hon. gentleman who had just oat down, that he was too sanguine if he ex pected that this bill would come back to that house in the present session, lie complained of the conduct of the government in referring this measure to a select committee of fifteen gentlemen, and abdicating all the functions of a government. If the government did mean to adhere to their bill, they ought to refer it to a committee of the whole house, as the worst course was that of submitting the mea sure to a select committee. The time was come at which the government ought either to legislate upon the subject, or else to declero their inability to amend the law as it at present stood. Sir G. GREY very much doubted whether any good had resulted from the commission appointed by the late peen, meet on the nthject of tenant-right. The efforts made by the government towards legislating on the matter, had been met by the other house in a very untoward manner. The difficulty of legislating on the question of tenant-right was very great, and the government feeling this had resolved to do only that which was just. With this view it was that they had proposed to refer the bill to a select committee, composed of gentlemen from Ireland, it being in no re-pee; their desire to force a measure on the landlords of that coun try which they were hostile to. Colonel DU NNE bore his willing testimony to the sin. aerity of the endeavours made by the government to met t the difficulties of the ease, and to adopt the measure to the eraigencies of the Irish landlords. Captain JONES was of opinion that the principle of the bill was vend, although the machinery of it was defective. Mr. R. M. FOX took the same view of the conduct of the government that was expressed by the hon. member Lr Dungarvan. After a few words from Sir D. Nottnests in support of the government proposal, Sir W. VEItNER was no convinced that the bill would saver be rendered useful or practicable, that he had no heal trOm in moving as an amendment that it be r. ad a second time that day six months. Mr. KEOGH seconded the amendment, because he did nut consider the bill to be likely to have any good effects. When it was asserted that the Irish members had recom mended the bill to be referred to a se'ect committee, he begged to say that he knew of no such recommendation, and, moreover, he did not recognise such proceeding, nor indeed did he think it had been resorted to ; and the cheers of the hon. member for Limerick confirmed this opinion Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that compensation to the tenant for substantial improvements, which he understood to be the principle of this measure, would confer a substan tial benefit on Ireland, and he should therefore give his de cided support to the bill. The hon. and learned member for Athlone had given no reason whatever against the bills founded on its principle. The opposition of the hen. and learned gentleman seemed, in fact, to be simply that op position which lawyers were extremely likely to make to it. It would be well fir measures of this sort if there were no law yen at all in the house; a parliamentuns indoctunt of cow- MOO sense landlords would he much more to the purpose. The Earl of LINCOLN opposed the reference of the Inca. Sure to a committee up stairs, as imposing such a delay on its progress as would amount to a rejection of the bill altogether. Sir G. GREY regretted the tone in which the noble lord the member for Nottinghamshire, had intimated his opposition to the committee. The noble lord had given rather a party colour to a debate which had previously only exhibited a de sire on the part of the house to unite cordially in promoting the interests of Ireland. Mr. AGLION BY would not oppose the second reading of the bill. At the same time he feared it would prove only a mischievous interference with matters with which that house had no concern. (Hew, hear.) If it reached the committee, there were only three or four clauses to which he could give his assent. He was strongly inclined to refer the bill to a select committee. Mr. GROGAN opposed the bill as improperly interfering with the relations of landlord and tenant. However, if it obtained a second reading he should support its reference to a select committee as a means of rendering it as little mis chievous as possible. Mr. HAMILTON hoped that his honourable friend the member for Dublin would not persevere in his opposition. The preamble of the bill, which contained the principle, was unobjectionable, and the clauses were open to amend. meet. He thought that the best course would be to refer the bill to a select committee. Mr. CALLAGHAN supported the second reading. Sir P. NUGENT was also in favour of permitting the bill to go to a committee. He was anxious and willing that the outgoing tenant should have full compensation for all unexhausted improvements. For such portion of the bill as secured that right he should vote in committee. At the same time he looked upon the measure as a very import , ' piece of legislation. Mr. REYNOLDS considered that some good might res..- from proceeding with the bill. He hoped, however, that the reference to a select committee would not prove a prac tical shelving of the question. Sir W. VERNER said he would not press his amendment contrary to the generally expressed wish of the house. Sir W. SOMERVILLE vindicated the course of the go vernment and his own in the conduct of the bill. He denied that it was calculated unduly to disturb the relations between landlord and tenant. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a select committee. ADJOURNMENT OF THE lIOUSE. Onthe motion of the CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER it was ordered that the house at its rising do adjourn till Monday. WAYS AND MEANS. A vote in committee of ways and means for raising a sum of 17,fi1fi,500/., towards the supplies, on Exchequer Bills, was , then taken ; and the house, having resumed, adjourned a: a an quarter-past one o'clock. ht I ELECTION COMMITTEE.—YESTERDAY. BODMIN.—The committee terminated their labours by deciding that James Wyld and H. C. Lacy, Esqrs , were duly elected. Fur particulars see parliamentary report. SPECIAL CONSTABLES AND MEASURES Vie erpreAYS. MAILS. The mails for British North America, and the United Beate*, will be mite op en the evening of the 15th April. The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, Havanna, Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and including those for Madeira Jecmel, Carthago., Banta Martha, Chagres, Panama, West Coat of South America, and St. Juan-de- N'caragua, will he made up on the evening of the 17th April. The malls for Vigo, Oporto Lisbon, Madeira, Cad., aid Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 17th April. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, liong-Kong, and China, via Southamp ton, will be made up on the morning of the Roth April. The overland Owed Ellaik% Ma Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, Esc., will he made up on the evening of the 24th April. The malls foe New South Wales, Van Diemen's Lead, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 30th April. The mails for the Weal Corot of Africa and Madeira will be wok up on the evening of the 30th April. The maths for the Broils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernani- I Soya. EshMadeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the evening o the 4th May. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stamp.oftice, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Iterate, Morning rhronick, and Morning Post, ALL PUT toocriteu. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, THE EXPRESS 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the (Ache or standard, Evening Papers. TO CORKFAPONDENTS. *.• Advertlaments Intended Coe " The Itzpec.s." Lando. cycolos paper, mum be SA Ike calm 10, Br/came-wren, by Two o'c lock ea the Jay of pnbitcation 111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. T.. D., —Rotaina, b 9 min plat 4. A/ 1 / 4 60..V mln. inn b. To.soaso4l—Moetung, et146p1.64 4: AR69.404. 10 ma past 6. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 8. WE should cordially approve of any measure, not flagrantly infringing the liberty of the subject, which appeared to us calculated at the present time to stop the movement and the agitation amongst the labour ing classes. What they demand is a political remedy for a social and economic evil ; and that remedy— universal suffrage—gained, the entire party is utterly at a loss to show how it would affect or remedy the admitted evil. We are therefore no believers in chartist fanaticism. There is nothing practical or promising, or inspiriting in their cause. It has nothing in it for which men risk life, or be come martyrs. Chartism has not one of the ele ments of political religion. We are glad, indeed, that the turbulent classes of this country have found no better standard. It is not the first time their standard has been raised, has presided over meetings, and has marched in procession to parliament. How was it met; and how, by the manner M its being met, were the standard and the agitation laid for years? It was by government showing no fear, and by treating it as one of the usual freaks and manifestations of English freedom. We regret that government did not pursue the same course on the present occasion. If such a pro clamation as that issued were possessed of the ma gical power of preventing any assemblage, and could not only decree, but effect that there should be no crowd and no riot in or near the metropolis on that day, we should approve of it. But we doubt much, timed as the proclamation was, and men's minds having been wrought up to the meet ing, if the proclamation be well calculated to produce even the immediate effect intended. As to its more remote effects on the country in general, and on the chartist and popular agitation, we cannot but regard its effects as likely to be very injurious. Some of the immediate results of the proclamation are already visible. The chartists persist in disobey ing it. Their leader, however mild in temper, de clares in the House of Commons that he cannot help heading it. A member asks the Home SECRETARY whether the mere meeting is illegal with out the procession, and he receives the hesitating , and dubious answer of " according to circumstances." There is in all this a confusion of law, a tardiness of act, and a hesitation of purpose much to be regretted. Meantime, the citizens of this metropolis are left in a , very uncomfortable predicament. All feel the nececeity of taking the same precautions which they might have done, had the chartist demonstration been suffered to pass off unforbidden and uninterrupted. And the middle classes are perfectly right. They are right to nrm themselves with the legal and defensive truncheons of which, we trust, there will arise no neces sity for use, but as a mode of showing their zeal and numbers in the cause of order and of securing pro perty. If the best way of getting rid of the turbulent chartists were to allow them to come and go without more than ordinary attention and precaution, the next best way is to show the unanimity of a still larger class of the population in preserving order, and supporting the authorities inthe maintenance of peace. With respect to the bill introduced last night by Sir GEORGE GREY for the consolidation and amend ment of the acts relating to treason in the two coun tries, it has our full approbation. If an individual like Mr. Minns:Li. can set himself opposite to go vernment, or the Qumee's representative, and pour forth a shower of words every one of which is a pro vocative of treason and assassination, there is an end of all government whatsoever. Indeed, the whole of Dublin is no longer that of a society of persons sub ject to authority. It is a field of battle and a seat of war, in which one side are deliberately brandishing their arms and taking aim, whilst the other are con demned to await till the enemy may choose to fire a fatal volley. The abolition of capital punishment for all except the highest kind of treason is a necessary tribute to the sentiments of the age. It is one of the misfor tunes as it is one of the necessities of the times, that any very deterring punishment is impossible for poli tical crimes. Indeed, this might be said of crimes non political, short of murder. Our means of repression by punishment are, in fact, escaping from our hands ; and all that is left is to prevent when one cannot punish, and diminish temptation to all kinds of crime, since the old means of deterring men from them are Tenth THE Times assured us yesterday, in its most em phatic style of wisdom, that were the penny stamp duty taken off newspapers, " the three kingdoms would soon be under the sway of a provisional go vernment." This is certainly the most awful an nouncement of these panie-stricken times! There is but one pennyworth of conservatism between us and perdition. The British empire and constitution are evidently set up for auction, that inch of candle auc tion in which the lowest bidder carries away the prize. The Mites undertakes to conduct the govern ment and the haute administration for one penny. Bat its alarm at being underbid is very great. Let any one undertake to instruct and enlighten the public at a cheaper figure than the Times fivepence, and straight the empire is destroyed, and the three kingdoms under a provisional government ! This is really a very serious admission on the part of the government organ. Hitherto we have heard only of its cont. mpt for cheap journals, their utter in efficiency and incapability of being early with news, or of employing agents not susceptible to bribes, or of at all rendering themselves worthy of the public. But now, it seems, the contempt is changed into fear. Cheap papers, in lieu. of being contemptible, have be come formidable. They are instruments capable of revolutionising the unrevolutionised world, and of placing 'a provisional government on the throne of Queen Vic-coat A. Will the Times run over the series of revolutions achieved during the last month, and point out one which a cheap press has had any influence in pro , ducing, or a dear press any power in preventing? The great dangers and difficulties of these revolutions have arisen undoubtedly from the people being imbued with communist principles. From whence did it get them ? Certainly not from the , press, but from modes of affiliation and instruction quite apart from the press. We feel emi t , fldent, thatthe influence of a free and cheap and active press in those countries and in ours would have • tended not to root deeper those nominally social and really anti-social and anarchical principles, but would have brought upon them the light of day and of dis : cussion, and would have prevented their attaining that rank growth and baneful size which plants do reach when grown in the dark. In this metropolis the only journal which advocates communism is the "turning Chronicle, and only since it has relapsed to dearness. OF SAFETY. We hare received accounts from almost every . me tropolitan plice-ottice and parish of the swearin g iu of special consta o bles. At the Mansion-house upwards of 5.000 were sworn in, including 800 belonging to the Batik of Eng. land, and 1,300 to the Post-office. The authorities of Scot land-yard have issued white belts, to be worn round the hat and arm, to distinguish special constables while on duty. All the turners in the dockyards at Sheerness and Chat ham are engaged, by an Admiralty order, making constables' staffs; they are working extra hours, from daylight to dark. The staffs are made from the English oak treenail', and are formidable weapons, each slung by a hand beckett of ham herline. It is repotted that 40,000 are to be sent to London to-day, for the use of the constabulary force, to be sworn in ready for Monday next, to act as necessity may require. Military preparations on an extensive scale have also beta made by the government. Orders have been received at Woolwich for two field batteries and a tr op of the Royal Horse Artillery, to hold themselves in readiness to march to London, on Sunday night, or early on Monday morning. Stabling has, we understand, been engaged in the metropolis for the horses attached to the batteries and troop, so as to enable the melt to hold themselves in readiness to act in case of emergency. Arrangements have been made with the Waterman's Steam-packet Company to convey the Enrolled Pensioners to London at a very early hour on Monday morn ing. Detachments of Foot Guards are to arrive from Wind sor, and those on duty in London will be placed under arms early on Monday. It is determined to erect a barricade in New Palace-yard, to protect the entrance to the house by Westminster-hall and the committee-rooms on Monday. A strong police force will be also in attendance, to prevent the approach of any inroces 'ion which is likely to impede the approach of peers and members to the Lords and Commons. The great merit by which oar large newspapers recommend themselves to the public is their news— their varied, wisely-sought, and well-selected news. A journal that does this provides the best antidote for any poisonous theory, even if it indulges in such. in the Hungarian Diet, desire the removal of Arch- Moreover, the writers of a newspaper, which is the duke Louis, which now, however, is less likely than centre of varied intelligence, are never infected by ever to take place. The If Zeitung of the Ist pub those theories or hallucinations so powerful over the lished the new law on the press in 88 articles. It is lone philosopher in his closet. The newspaper never founded on the law of Baden, which it goes beyond spreads such theories without ventilating them. It o n some p oints. But the fatal interference of the is the flying sheet. in which the stamp duty forbids commit of state, which is still allowed to prevail, is sows, though it allows every species of moral poison: like sowing tares:smongst the good seed. The come it is the socialist missionary, the political and itinerant quence has been that the new patent on the press was preacher : these are the means by which socialism and no sooner publishedthan six copies of it were publicly chartism have been got up and fostered. It is this burnt in the University of Vienne.. To add to this spirit and these men who have pushedto extreme revo- unpleasant state of things, the directors of the bank lotion in Paris, and to social subversion. Nine-tenths held a meeting on the let, in which it was decided of the Paris press are against it, and are fast killing to forbid the exportation of geld and surer. it. And cheap newspapers here—that is, newspapers The news from Italy, Hungary, Croatia, Gallicia, 80. cheaper in price—would, far from producing rovolu- hernia, in short from all parts of the empire, put tionary convulsion, prove the very best pre- Austrian statesmen in despair. We learn from Pres ventivo and antidote. As it is, the Eng- burg that on the 29th the Archduke Palatine arrived lish operative never reads a daily newspaper. there with a royal resolution, in which, instead of the It is too expensive for him, and for the hoped-for royal sanction of the law on the independ houses he frequents. The weekly dose of extravagant ence of the Hungarian ministry, several of the theories which fill the Northern Star form his poli- points of the law had been entirely rejected. No tical nourishment, as the lucubrations of CORBETT sooner was this made known than the whole town were that of his sire. Put the real newspaper within was in an uproar. The national guard assembled be his reach instead of these, and you will do something fore the house where the Chambers meet, the shutters to enlighten him. The policy of making newspapers of which were closed, and, he military were ordered dear in order to make theta loyal and respectable is to remain in their barracks. When the royal resolu absurd, since it confines them to loyal and re- tion was read in the Chambers of the magnates and spectable hands, who do not want newspapers to of the States, Count Bathyanyi rose, and in the name make them what they are. Enlarge the circle of of himself and his colleagues, declared that the newspapers. Let them be concocted not merely for nation could not receive this resolution, and that the critics of clubs, toe mansion of the squire, nor for they resigned their posts. The archduke begged the reading-room of the mercantile town, but let them of them not to resign : and gave them his fall into the hands of the artisan and of the word that he would do all he could with the Emperor, labouring classes. And then will these have and that should he not succeed he would himself re some intellectual food, some ideas and sym- sign. The ministers and the assembly were contented pathies in common with the classes above them, with this, and the archduke returned immediately to instead of being, as at present, parked off to them- Vienna with an address from the states to the King, selves intellectually and educationally, as well as in which he was not begged, but required, strongly to socially ; which segregation is, after all, we verily be- keep his pledged word, and give his immediate sane lieve, a greater cause of discontent, disaffection, and tion to the law rendering the Hungarian ministry in danger, than even their material sufferings and dependent. The archduke was expected back in privations. l'resburg on the 30th. The Breslau Gazette gives We say, then, take off the penny stamp from the important intelligence that by telegraphic despatch newspapers, if you would give better ideas to the the news has been sent to the chamber at Presburg lower classes, and would give them something else to that the royal resolution had been retracted. think of, than the nonsensical theories of' their The intelligence from Pesth assumes a very threat orators and their generals. Or take off, at least, ening aspect. Great apprehensions arc entertained that penny, fixed by the monopolists to suit their own respecting assistance from Russia, and intrigues size. Let it be a halfpenny a sheet of four pages ; against Itogsuth. The excitement is very alarming. and this, of trifling difference to the revenue, as well Nothing was yet known of the fatal royal resolution. as answering all tte non-revenue reason/0)r the stamp The Wiener Zettang of the 2nd of April contains duty, will enable cheaper newspapers to be furnished a statement respecting the position just assumed by for the instruction of the lower claws. the King of Sardinia in reference to recent events which have taken place in the kingdom of Lombardy- Venice. It appears, from an official note which the Sardinian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs addressed, on the Bth of February last year, to the imperial ambassador at Turin, to which he in formed him that the King intended to give his states a constitution, that his Ma jesty reiterated his assurances to the Emperor of Austria that his policy would in future, as hither to, be based upon the solemn maintenance of treaties, and that he cherished the lively hope that the co operation of his subjects in the difficult task of domestic administration, far from endanger ing the amicable relations with foreign powers, would contribute to consolidate the bonds of friendship which had hitherto subsisted between the two states, and which the King fondly flattered him self would, from this moment, be more closely cemented. We give the following concluding paragraph from the evasive and unsatisfactory answer which the Sar dinian Secretary of State, Marchese Parets, gave to the note of Count Buol : While the undersigned deemed it his duty to give these ex planation, in reply to the note of Count Buol, he hastens to add the assurance of his wishes to promote everything which may secure the amicable relations subsisting between the two states. FRANKFORT.—On the 4th, a number of the members of the preparatory assembly held a short sitting at the Church of St. Paul, to ascertain the result of the elections of the fifty representatives. The scrutiny was terminated at half-past one in the morning. Of the members elected, the highest on the poll had 437 votes, and the lowest 190. BADEN.—Tbe government of the grand duchy of Baden have made it officially known at Strasbourg that it will give lodging, food, and means of transport to German workmen coming from France ; but that it has taken measures to repulse vigorously the de tachment of the republican legion which might come armed. A battalion of infantry arrived on the 3rd at Kehl, and another, with artillery, at Appenweyer. 5,000 men were assembled at Rostadt. GERMANY. THE PRUSSIAN DIET. PRUSSIA.—Our correspondent writing from Ber lin on April 4, says :—Long before the time ap pointed for the opt fling of the diet this morning the gallery reserved for the public, and even the members places, were well filled. The marshal announced that he was about to read the project of a royal ordon- °duce. We, Frederick William, &c.—To our faithful states as sembied in united diet, greeting ; the German assembly of the confederacy has in its sitting of the 30th, determined to invite the governments of the confederacy to proceed to the elections for the national representatives, who are to as semble in as short a time as possible at Frankfort in order to accomplish the work of a German constitution. At the some time the German Confederated Assemidy has fixed upon • preparatory scale of representation, according to which Prussia will have to send to the national representa tive body 113 representatives from those of our provinces forming part of the German confederacy. As it is indispensa ble that, on ac cunt of the determination to assemble the sonstituent assembly as soon as possible, the meeting should not take place without the participation of the Prussian re presentatives, and besides, as the agreement has been made with several German states that the members sent to the German national representative body should be elected by the existing chambers, we now invite our faithful members of the equestrian order, assembled in the united Diet, to elect ' 113 representatives from the several towns and parishes of our provinces. The following, according to the population of the several provinces, will be the number of represents tives sent by each :—Brandenburg, 10; Pomerania, 1 1 • Si. lesia, 28; Saxony, 16; Westphalia, 14 ; and the !Chins province, 25. In case the provinces of Prussia (Proper) and Posen, in consequence of our patent of the 18th ult., should express the wish to be incorporated in the confederacy, we all upon the members of the equestrian orders of our states as- I sembled in the United Diet to elect for the several I ; towns and parishes of these two provinces a number of deputies, which for Prussia (Proper) will he 23, and for Posen, 12. These elections will be decided in each province by an absolate majority of sates, and only by inhabitants of those provinces. Should the assembly of representatives of our people to be formed in accordance with the new law of election, take place previous to that of the German national representatives, we propose to come to an understanding as to what will be the amount of the representation of oar people at the German constituent assembly. When by the formation of a new German constitution the creation of an I upper house, to be chosen from the members of the first chambers of states, shall have become possible, we will spe cially assemble oar chamber of the order of the nobles tor the purpose of proceeding to the election for forming another 1 first Prus , ian chamber—Given at l'otsdam, April 3. The Diet then commenced the discussion of the pro jects of law presented on Sunday last, and of which, on that day, I forwarded a translation in full. The minister of the interior announced that govern ment would present to-morrow some bills having in view the restoration of public confidence and creffit. Count von Arnim, in an able speech, set forth the necessity of acting in the spirit of the present times, and the danger of systematically opposing it. The noble count (who during ten days was president of 1 1 the late cabinet) was greatly cheered. Perhaps the most important question raised during the sitting was the foreign relations of this kingdom, and particularly with reference to Denmark. Some remarks on the part of one of the members brought up the minister of foreign affairs, who observed that the present was not the most suitable time to speak of foreign affairs in general. Some ex planation, however, respecting Sleswig and Holstein was necessary. In the first place, Prussia had not (as ' was asserted) declared war against Denmark; it had merely forwarded troops in certain directions in order I to protect the Prussian frontiers. Some time ago, the question of Sleswig and Holstein was discussed in the Germanic Diet, and it was resolved to take measures— as soon as any necessity for them existed—to preserve the integrity of the German territory. By sending troops to the frontier, Prussia had merely acted in the spirit and anticipated the conduct of the Germanic Diet. There was no reason to fear that Denmark would make a descent on the Prussian coasts. That nation was not a nation of pirates; and, moreover, he (the minister) was happy to state that a friendly power had offered its mediation for the pacific settle ment of the question. (Great cheering.) The report of the committee appointed to examine the bill respecting the future basis of the new consti tution was then read. In the report the committee are favourable on the whole to the abolition of the article in the recent law relating to the press, which requires money for new journal's ; to the aboli tion of all special tribunals for certain offences ; and to the independence of the judges. Subsequently, the report was (with certain modifications) voted by the Diet, The following project of law was subsequently laid before the Diet : Although in convoking our trusty states, our chief desire and object was to submit to it the electoral law for the future convocation of the representatives of the people, such pressing events have meantime occurred, that we feel bound to submit to you a project of law for procuring the sums of money required for the external safety of the state, for the speedy support of commerce and industry, now deeplythreat ened, and for securing the means of subsistence for the most numerous classes of citizens. Those sums, it is proposed, will be raised in case the required amount cannot be pro cured from the existing imoosts er from the treasury • • Under the responsibiity of our ministers to the future re presentatives of the people, and for the protection of the monarchy, as well as for the restoration of credit and coin same, we propose that the required sums shall be raised, either by means of new taxes or by the increase of old ones, or through a valid loan.—Signed, !FILEDELLICIL-WILLIAM. Given at Potsdam, April 4. The bill was referred to a committee. It will be, probably, voted the day after to-morrow. During the proceedings the minister of justice announced that a law for the establishment of the jury system would be submitted to the new Diet. The house ad journed till to-morrow. A rather numerous Prussian force is now stationed between Thorn and Grundenz, in order to protect the Posen frontiers. It is positively stated in the Ber &ladle Zeitung that Danish ships of war are cruising off Pillau, and that the fortroas of that place is placed Ma state of blockade. Troops have been sent from Konigsberg in order to reinforce it. ALSTRIA.—Our latest news from Vienna is to the 2nd instant, and the state of the capital, what with news from Italy and Hungary, and the equally exciting intelligence of the return to the family council of Archduke Louis one of the old Metternich camarilla, seemed somewhat gloomy. Thepen whose eyes have been opened by Kowanh's speeches DENMARK AND THE DUCHIES. COPENHAGEN, APRIL I.—His Majesty the King has issued the following proclamation : " We, Frederick VII., King of Denmark, &c. &c., having understood with royal and just displeasure that some of our subjecs in the Duchies' of Sleswig and Holstein have presumed, under the title of ' Provisional Government,' and under the false pretext of acting in our name, to enter upon transaction' which appertain solely to us and to the organs of adminis tration, appointed by us, have commanded these, our re bellious subjects, to relinquish the positions which they have illegally assumed, and at the same time call upon them to answer for the traitorous proceedings and actions which have emanated from them. While by these presents we make these things publicly known, we express our confident expectation that our faithful and loving subjects in the duchies of Sleswig and Holstein in accordance with their duties as subjects will maintain their just allegiance to us. Those, however, who, by the false representations of evil minded men, shall have been betrayed into acts of rebellion towards us, and have joined the insurrectional movement, we hereby call upon to return instantly to their duty, and each individual, under threat of our royal displeasure and of judicial punishment, is hereby made responsible for one and all the acts whereby he may aid or abet the Provisional Government. This is our royal order and decree, in accord ance with which each and all are hound submissively to re gulate their conduct. Our correspondent, at Copenhagen, writing from thence on the 31st, says : The troops have been forwarded by the yeomanry to Corsiier, and thus will they doubtless be for warded through Fuen, and thus in half the time allowed them reach Kolding—the point of concentration for the troops of the first division of the army. The regiments des tined for the second division are to be embarked at Coraiser for some point on the west coast of Sleswig, near Flensborg. The following reaches vs by the Electric Telegraph Com pany's express, from Hull : By the Tweed, Capt. Moyle, arrived at Hull yesterday, we have received the subjoined communication : ReNnsnuiso, Arno. 3.—The General Assembly, in addi tion to its resolves of this morning, has ulso decreed:-1. The abolition of the poll tax. 2. The substitution of the German for the Danish language in the University of Hadersleben. 3. The recognition of Prussian dollars is the current coin, to the exclusion of notes of the National Bank of Denmark. 4. The establishment of a rural police. 5. The abolition of the game laws. The Danish force, 1,500 strong, his advanced upon .tabenraae, in the neighbourhood of which town it has tem. porarily encamped. A private letter, dated Haliburg, April 4, says that the Danish government has declared that trade is not to be mo lested, and that all private property shall be respected, even that of the Sleswig and lielstein in^rchauts. Prussian troops passed through Hamburg into Holstein on this 4tb. Kitt., APRIL 2.—People in this neighbourhood state that ' they heard cannon shots yesterday. Between our coast, how ever, and the Danish Wands no Danish ship is in sight. L Hamburg papers of the 2nd state that the Prince of Beam has gone to England on a special mission. It appears that Denmark places its last hopes on England. thought it would be necessary to ernisliner the clause as to spoken treason in committee. Mr. W. J. FOX observed that it was not surprising that, in the discussion of this bill, it had been made so exclusively an Irish question, though it was to be regretted, inasmuch as it had drawn the attentiou of the house from the most important to the tenet important port-on of the measure. The least important par: was that which assimilated the law of Ireland to that of England. To that there could be no ranee able objection. If the Lord Lieutenant required further powers to enable hint to put down sedition and trea son, which had shown themselves in the most unmistake able and disgusting form, such powers could scarcely be I given in a less objectionable way than by assimilating the law of Ireland to that of England. But the part of the bill which attracted his attention, and which gave it its peculiar character, was the infringement of that liberty of speech which had kith. rtes been the hoist of Englishmen, as the sateguard of their hinnies. There was no difficulty now in punishing those who invited others to the commission of crime in Ireland as in England; but once let it be the law that spoken words which, though not in tended for that purpose. might be construed to tend to impair the freedom of discussion in ither or both houses of parliament, and to over iwe their deliberations, might sub ect the speaker to transportation for seven years or for life : let this be the law, and no man would be sale to address • public meeting at a time of political excitement. (Hear.) And it was at such times that men did address their fellow- Citizens, when their feelings were roused by some invnsion of their privileges, or were stimulated with the desire to extern' them. It was then multitudes were brought together, and men's feelings were roused into that ardent state that it eras morally impossible so to weigh every word and syllabi , ns to be free from the misrepresentation of an ignorant reporter, or a malignant spy. (Hear.) The best reporters were liable to micakes, and they could scarcely expect any very great accuracy trona the reports of half-informed reporters employed at such • time by the police. If such a law was passed he should recommend every man to write his speech to prevent misconitruction. During the agitation on the Belong Bill he had heard language from gentlemen, now members of that house, arid who obtained their seats by the fervency end boldness with which they spoke, and some of them members of the government, which, if uttered now—this bill being the low—would subject tnem to transportation for seven years or fur life. Were the people, then, to be deprived by such a law as this of their just privileges, to be left utterly defenceless, and to be placed beyond the pale of the constitution ? lie sincerely trusted that this encroachment on their liberties hod not beenseriously andeleliberately introduced by her Majesty's gin vernment ; that they had only been led astray by looking to those insane speeches of Irish demagogues, and that in attempting to remedy that evil they would not inflict a still greater mischief upon this country. (Rear, hear.) It WAS public meetings that made public opinion known and re spected. In fact, public meetings and the freedom of speech were lust as much as anything else part and parcel of the British constitution, and one of the lest portions that we ought to consent to meddle with or destroy. If they took any freely collected public meeting in this country, they would find that truth and justice, and propriety and moderetion, prevailed over all the opposite qualities. Re therefore relied with confidence in the decisions of such assemblies. indeed he had himself often heard them rebuke language tending to violence, and he believed that in the continuance untouched of the power to hold public meetings, whatever might be the ease with respect to Ireland, they would be continuing and preserving something as a balance against the inequalities of our laws. (Near, hear.) The noble lord on a former evening sinks of the events of the continent having given rise in this coon try to guilty desires and guilty efforts ; but the noble lord might have said that those events had excited honourable desires and honourable efforts as well, amongst which he (Mr. Fox) took to be the desire on the part of the working names, who had far more intelligence and morality than lie feared they got credit for (hear, heor), of having for them selves • politicalsUtusniad of being free themselves while they heard the shouts of newly-acquired freedom from other coun tries. The attainmentor that desire, at which, before • long period elapsed, they would and must arrive, and the advan tages to be thereby arrived at, would ho must say h,ise formed the subject of a much better bill than that now sub. mitted to the house, while it would prove a more powerful enactment—leaving the law written on the heart—fur the security of her Majesty's crown. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Tee hon. gentleman has so far bsen error as to have passed his censure on the proposition of my right hon. friend before seeing the bill. Re has spoken of the danger of fixing • punishment to words, and of the novelty of introducing so heavy a punishment for words that may have • tendency to overawe the houses of parlia ment. But it is totally different to condemn men for words that may be violent, or mis chievous, or seditious, and words that have for their object either to depose the sovereign, to excite to the levying of war, or to induce persons to apply for aid from foreign countries, in order to effect a change in the form of govern. ment. The act of 1706 condemns the using words or pnblic writing exciting to the levying of war, for the purpose of inducing the sovereign to change his measures, or fur the purpose of overawing the houses of parliament. But that is • very different offence from os conning the houses of par liament, which admits of abuse end misrepresentar ion. Direct incitement to levy war, whether with the view of putting • personal restraint upon the sovereign, or of over awing the houses of parliament, is of itself a grave and substantive offence. The hon. gentleman entirely omitted the question of levying war, as if it was no part of the measure. I hope he will therefore suspend his judgment, so far as not to condemn that part of the bill until he sees it. I admit that there is danger in extending penalties of this kind to words spoken; but we have to consider that formerly the penalties of high treason were often awarded to a very few words supposed to express a treasonable intention. Now, and especially of late, instead of secret conspiracies and councils in the dark, by which a monarchy was to be over throw.), it has become the habit with those who hope to compass the destruction of the monarchy and the deposition of the sovereign to speak to large masses of the people and use words exciting to the levying of war and the use of arms for the purpose of overbearing the legitimate aurhority of the country, and thereby to accomplish their mischievous and dangerous ends. When the male of warfare and of overturning governments is changed, I think it becomes necessary to take some other course than that which has hitherto been taken to prevent it; and I say it is far better to apply the punishment of felony to those offences, than to make the act in all respects similar to that of 1796, and to apply to them the penalties of high treason. It may, I know, still be argued that the punise meat is severe; but at the same time 1 think that those who actually incur the penalties of treason, arid who by being brought to levy war are subjected to the penalty of death under the act of Edward 111., may not after all be in point of fact so guilty as those who have instigated them to rebel lion. (Hear, hear.) I will not continue my argument upon this subject until the house has the opportunity of seeing the bill. The hon. gentleman who spoke last says that the only allusion I made to the events of the continent was that those events had inspired guilty desires and guilty efforts on the part of those who were seeking to disturb the peace of this metropolis. It would not have been becoming in me on that occasion to enter into any comments upon those events. But 'litho hon. gentleman has so far misunderstood me, I must say that while my feeling and contemplation of those events is a mixed feeling, I cannot but rejoice at any portion of them which gives to nations that have not hitherto en joyed them the benefits of the inestimable blessings of a national representation, of political liberty, and of a free press. (Cheers.) Ido not now wish to comment upon these events; for I feel that I should he liable to much misrepre sentation if I did. There is certainly one part of them which cannot but be viewed with joy by every Englishman, although another part is caleulatsd to give rise to apprehen sion. I trust that the filial issue of these events may be in. creased liberty for the continent of Europe. I can not have been a member of tnis house, or a subject of this realm, without being delighted to see that the benefits which this country DM so long enjoyed should be extended to other countries; but when the hon. gentleman speaks of benefits still to be derived by I the people of this couutry, and of honourable desires that are yet to be satisfied, I must say, that much of what has been done on the continent— much of what has been carried there at the expense of civil contest and bloodshed, an 1 of the sus pension of trade and industry—much of what has been pur chased at those enormous sacrifices, though not too dearly, has been long enjoyed by the favoured people of this coun try. (Cheers.) When, therefore, lam told that the people of this country have much to encourage them in what has taken place on the continent. I say that cur position is such, thatmorethan 150 years ago we notonlyobtained a constitu tion, but had the foundation laid for other benefits and advan tages which were to be Pained in the gr..dual progress of human society—in the light of literature, the formatie of public opinion, and the advance of humanity, which taugh, men better how to prize and secure the blessings of equal rights and common civilisation. (Cheers.) Ido say, there fore, respecting our progress of late years and in future years, having obtained that foundation, and having by a free press and public discussion, which I believe this bill will not im pair, and by elementary representation, obtained the means of improving all these advantages, that we have no need to enter into any bloody or doubtful struggle, but may rely upon • constant and peaceable advancement in public affairs, and upon the constant progress of liberal opinions towards perfection. (Cheers.) The house then divided.—nor the motion 283 Against it 2l-259 Sir G. GREY said be should move the second reading of the bill on Monday, and also the suspension of the standing orders, that the bin might go through committee on the same day. (Cheers.) Mr. litiME hoped that, whatever were the opinions of hon. gentlemen opposite, who cheered so loudly, time would be given to see what were the provisions of this bill. The house had decided that the people ought not to petition for what they wanted. (No, no.) This very bill would pre vent their expressing their opinions (No, no) they would be subject to—(Loud cries of "No, no," and " Order.") _ _ LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. Sir W. SOhtERVILLE, in moving the second reading of this bill, said that if the house consented to the second resit. ing, it was his intention, in obedience to the generally-ex pressed wish of the Irish members, to refer the bill to a select committee. (Hear.) The bill was then reads second time. On the motion that the bill be referred to a select com- mittee, Hr. OSBORNE said he had only voted for the second reading on the express understanding that he should be un fettered in discussing the clauses in committee; and he be lieved many hon. members had acted with the same view. The subject was full of difficulties; but it was the duty of the house to strive to conquer them ; and be believed this was perfectly ppossible. The cast • iron men of the political economy school could not, 011 their own principle, oppose this mecum. (A _laugh.) Three measuree hoeing the same ' be Court. Yesterday morning the ceremony of churching the Queen was perf9rmed in the private chapel at Buckingham Palace by the Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courteaay. There were present only Prince Albert, the lady in waiting on the Queen, and the Dowager Lady Lyttelton. (From last night's Gazette.) FOREIGN-OFFICE, APRIL 4.—The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Michel Robert Ryan, as Consul at Limerick for his Majesty the King of the Belgians; also, of Mr. Saul Solomon, as Consul at St. Helena for the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen. FOREIGN-OFFICE, APRIL 6.—The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. William Visconte Le Queen as Consul in the Channel Islands for the Free City of Lubee:k. WHITEHALL, APRIL e. The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Hon. Henry Fitzroy to be Lieutenant- Colonel of the Artillery Company of London, iu the room of Brice Pearse, Esq., resigned. DOWNING-STREET, APRIL 6.—The Queen has been pleased to appoint Joseph Howe, Esq., to be Provincial Se cretary for the province of Nova Scotia, and Clerk to the Executive Council of that province ; also, to appoint James Boyle tiniacke, Esq., to be her Majesty's Attorney- General, and William Frederick Deebarres, R,q., to be her Majesty'. Solicitor-General for the said province. WAR-OFFICE, Aran. 7. eth Lt. Drags.—Troop-derj.-Major O. Stenos, to be qoarterniada vice Palmer, dec. tth Lt. Drags.—Erev...Col. G. Baker, from 11.-p. unatt., to be major, vice T. H. Pearson, who each.; Brevet-major L. Pyler tom orior. by our., vice Baker, who Lieut. E. wielley to be caps., by per., vta Tyler; Car. T. W. White to be brut., by pur., vice lissalisy; R. one, gent, to be our., by pur., vice White. Coldstream Bent. of k.Gda.—Licut. and Capt. L C. W. W. Wilma, to be apt. and lieut.-coL, by par., nee Cinerary who rt.; Sas. sad Liret. Sir O. F. R. Walker, Bart, to be liew- ii r v ,r , bl 4:4t; ieS Mllman ; W. Cast, gent, to ta ens, and Pro 0. F. B. Waer. 1.( '7 - • ' Q.-ITb -