The Express. — London, England, 1847-03-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. restriction of the hours of labour to ten hours ; and, secondly, that the parties in GI tagow woo had made this proposition had not acted with a bona fide intention. He could tell the hon. member fur Cockermouth that the parties in ques tion were as honourable men as any engaged in the cotton manufacture, and if he would look to the report of the fac tory inspectors he would find that they had done all they could to early into effect the provisions of the Factory Act. It was hard, therefore, to charge them with coming at the eleventh hour, and interposir g this proposition for the purposes of delay. Mr. AGLIONIIY.—I suggested exactly the opposite. Mr. F. MAULK said then his ears deceived him. This proposition showed the deism of the masters to meet the operatives, and he hoped they would go on in that course. It was of great consequence that if this bill paned it should be with the consent of all the parties concerned ; for be fore saw that, if that was not the case, if it was forced down the throats of the masters, it would be worked with the system of opposition on the one hand, and of vigilance on the other, which would lead to disputes and heart-burning!, and the effect of the bill would be rather a curse than a blessing to the operatives If it was the intention of the house to interfere between the masters and the operatives, he entreated them to avail themselves of every opportunity of conciliating both classes, and to pass this measure in such a manner as to secure a willing co-operation on both sides. Mr. AOLIONBY, in explanation, said that he never stated that the operatives were determined to swept nothing but a ten hours' bill. What he did say was, that they were determined not to accept the claws proposed by the hon. member for Glasgow. He had carefully guarded himself against laying that the master manufacturers had brought forward this preposition at the eleventh hour for the pur pose of delay, but he said that as that would be the effect, they ought to have made it earlier. He agreed that the gentlemen alluded to were highly respectable, and he re =ted the notion that he was making any charge against Mr. W. BROWN, in shortly supporting the amendment, espoused his surprise that the advocate' for commercial freedom should support this bill, and agreed that it would tend Is Injure the great commercial power of this country, whisk had enabled her to resist the power of France and of all Rumps mentrined. Mr. P. BORTH WICK said that the bon. member who had just sat down had supported this proposition by argu ments against the principle of the bill, and therefore es it seemed to him (Mr. Borthwick) that it was intended to make it a means of delaying the measure he should oppose any postponement, even for two hours. He feared to yield now to delay lest the measure should again be defeated, as had been the case In the year 1844, when the evils produced both to employer and workpeople were incalculable. Mr. BRIGHT wished to nay a few words on the subject which had been presented to-&y by the noble lord the mem ber far the City of London. It would be remembered that some time ago a memorial, which had since been laid upon the table, was presented to the noble lord, signed by nearly 400 manufacturers and spinners engaged in the cotton trade, 'genet this measure, and he (Mr. Bright) could state posi tively that those memorialists represented five-sixths of the capital invested in the cotton trade in this country. These parties aMxed their names, residences, and the number of perm, employed by them,—es., nearly 120,000. The noble iced had not thought fit to act upon that memorial, bet to-day had presented a petition which stated itself to come from the master oottoe.apinners of Yorkshire, lAD. mein, Cheshire. and Derbyshire, in favour of this bill. It was true that the first name to the petition was that of the brother of the hoe. member fur Ol dha m, (Mr. Flekken) and that after it there followed the ppm of several preens who were stated to live in the seinhumbood of Rockdale. Of these, with one exception, though they lived within a stone's throw from his (Mr. Bright's) reediest, he had never had the felicity of hearing of these inclividuski either es maau hetarers or cottonopianers. Bat there went other 1111111111 who professed to give employment in sem asses to std end in other to only two or three operatives. Other igrteres were those of persons who denribod themselves es • waste dealers," groeers, and dyers, and on looking over the pi. tion he believed that the majority of the petitioners bad little or no connexion whatever with aeon power or water power, or the espied which was invested in machinery . in the cotton beds. Now, a petition of this kind, praying the house to past a bill to limit the amploymptof capital invested in that branch of manufacture, amounting to 100,000,0001. sterling, gained importance when presented by DO less a personage than the Prime Minister, and the noble lord must have been very much imposed upon to have been led to pre sent this petition as emanating from many hundred master manufacturers, in favour of • ten hours lull. He (Mr. Bright) could state that the petition did not in any . degree represent the opinions of the manufacturers engaged in these trades. The noble lord at the head of the government had not, on either the fire or second ocinion when the bill had been before the bone, entered upon a discussion of its pro visions. On both occasions the noble lord had been invited to speak, but had refuted to do so then, is now, when they were about to go into committee upon it. Tills alien* of the noble lord did not befit him in his position of Prime Minister. He had always looked upon the noble lord as a man of sound judgment and undisputed courage, and he had rather been on ell occasions disposed to follow the noble lord's steps, and for the sake of the noble lord hems grieved that he had not yet stated the grounds u po n which he was prepared to give his support is tkta bill. On a former emission it was tree that the noble lord had stated that the question was not one of prin ciple but of degree but whichever it might be, surely it was a question of e normous important*, and in his position the noble lord ought not to have allowed this bill to have gone so far without declaring the course which he had de cided upon taking with 'upset to it. What had been the result of past legislation on the subject of the restriction of the hours of labour ? An article published in the last num ber of Chambers' Magazine, from the pen of an individual for whose accuracy he (Mr. Bright) could vouch, answered , the inquiry. The article to which he alluded was entitled " Two Days in Dundee," and gave details as to the indus trial schools established in that town. It showed that so small were the wages to be earned by children in the mills, in consequence of the limitation to choir hours of labour, which had been fixed by act of parliament, that parents had taken their children out of the mills, where they could only earn fifteen pence per week, and had sent them out as beggars for one portion of the day, and to the industrial schools, where they got three meals, for the remainder. Was this a spent which was calculated to improve the con ditionra moral or physical, of these children Again, it was p by the retinue of the factory inspectors, thst from the year 1636, when this system of legislation came into operation, down to 1839, between 20,000 and 30,000 children under thirteen years of age had been ex cluded from working in mills and factories. But had their condition in any way been bettered ? (Hear, hear.) For such a system as this legislation, Robert Owen, who was now submitting • similar scheme to the American government, ought to have the credit, and it ought not to be claimed by any sensible British statesman. He (Mr. Bright) believed that this legislation and interference was so much in the teeth of the opinions of the great mass of the cotton manufacturers of this country, that it would be impossible it could work advantageously to the labouring classes It would increase necessarily . the number of ii.t.ors—it would Mae new transpemsone—fines and penalties would be isiressel—helation on the past of the masters would follow, sad if legislation did net succeed in injuring the trade it would ailemet be successful in • a formidable combination en the wt of the irritated eapi • embarked in that trade. Beai this, there would be disappointment to the working demos. At this moment those classes ware suffering extreme dishrees. Few mills in Lancashire were at present working tall time, sad be gehed if it would be fair or just to them to %wee ups them a law which would event them in 160 (shield beds reeve) from making up full employment for the awillirhage which they have in I 7 endured. The p brought forward by the bon. member kr Olive Mr. Deesisionn), all=ti him (Mr. Bright) to be witheeediseebis , still he would vote for the m pelpsement eft he comittal this bill or any other molisiwhieh might teed to 118/4114114. He was aware that the speak sf the hes mambarkr lielbrd (Mr. Brotherton) the other night had made a eciasideralth ia prraiw upon the brass. He invited, however, that lea. member to bear is PP that there were others in that hews who had been in a hetery as well as himself, and that game the dip 1111111 the hon. assmberwera him &inside a awl aim to the resolution whirl be had &sewed, a lat e = panel by whisk me add them the as. of thirteen yews amid be aththysd la a s :M as semo thin six hours. Let the lea. member aid the remember that at this meant there were in shops more young perm' hem thirteen to eighteen years of age for twelve hours a day in se bad an stotagithe as say theory weld prawn; then were employed ot op k el the sells.aistsaise put together. 'Why that . Vieth iambi the Wallas* mm mks a protest in favour efesee =gime& la milk whoa • math pester number Ines earned to more orrere ' laboar in other employments ? Per the pert he (Mr. Bright) had taken' is this gustion, be had bees impend to much blame and °bkpg.', tuts that ha did mg sass. On this and all other the strempst smithy with the weridas =sad be wadi seam spree them deceive that pth. km of his haw esaalrymea. He heemtly believed this bill to be se be bad beim declared it. All eseaufectorers, sad all great whom trek the mate slaw of it se be did, and he therefore felt banal in sapped the reposition for a postponement of its committal, With rasps** her Majesty's government, he truer' they would see that there was nothing so blundering as ihslism, sr so Mind se party ; and that they, seeing the coneemmumse at a slopareses from true principles three ram ago, would new avoid that retribution which would surely overtake thaw, end by which their character and hikera with the arestrywould otemed' trebly suffer. (Hem, hear.) Mr. BIRD theard the attack which had been made upon the aside loth at the head of the government for his et.se ea this bed been most unjust o n aneelled Ise whim it wen remeadared that n two pre. lass. emaithas aside Lad bed boa precluded from ad dressing the he.., is essweirems of the 'protraction of the Vof asstabser--em the lest day by that of the b as ea. breath the Mamba !se Temweeth, to the boar at Aids, eassedas to the edablithed rude en thole days, the hems was Wird to Masora. cm des (Hear, boor.) He (Mr. Iftollay) &sal asChsve dem semalom, bat kr Om girth delleered today by tiMt. mambas he Smith Lemesake (Mr. Biwa), in width be bad ameba Ile ihessesadess en his am elk of the brim Ho (Mr. Malay) bed ever amnia* the armed freedom tarag Om th M dee ammaketarse thie wmatry Ise the were et thsat =the did not think that whimsy in any degree with en anxiety that dies sarmi *add be' pall to th e mend and phyla' *oath lism et these who made tie reds which were to be ax is the course of tree trade. (Hear, hear.) Nor w a aVelsgskr in that heikg. What had been "toted in that hews by the aestreleiged champion of free trade ? In 1844 Mr. Cobden. speak' on the factory question, said, "he could tell the km. member for Finsbury, who called himself the repreemeadec of the working classes, in the first place, that the wishing deem was ao awe the advocates HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17. The SPEAKER took the ebair at 12 o'clock. PRI . ATE BlislNEoes. [SECOND READMOS.—Edleburgb sad Perth Railway, Geometer sad liererord Railwsy sad Ousel Purchase, Turk mid Negress& Hall. way (Mnia Line losorsumwat, he.) Bills. PUBLIC 11171112410111. hem moor Tea fa h ;IS elge• ll474ilree Y Irseaddre rd Vii =hie& le Mere— perk= =war menalek 991 Mai= fems.—ler. Mesa= wererelnelleme tom= ellbet—ir. Dem= pone= tram parties vie had missrMed to pay ma make the= ef WaW! pow ter cosine kerns a oesseade of the sales deb= they wet he amen= deg the W. —Mr.lllacsotav, he nes otOiserew, la low et the MIL—Mr. Lewes% t i eraie= sad West faction. loamy Compaq, maim* the Redeem Mk— Mr. CIIIIITOPECII, trom • pier he Umehiseira sad= the has he. maul Act.—Col. T. Wens, tram ammeasttax auMes et Mass= for increased reemmersikm.— Her Geosioa RTILICKLAND, tram Itesesisse cesiees, tor Mallen et light dues.—Mr. Eleumeaa, Novena. yolilless la femur of the Rallocat Tealems. aßill. C O M3lllTRE.—Pasteries Sill. RATING OF TENEMENTS BILL. The second rearing of this bill (which stood Ant on the list of orders of the day) having been moved by Mr. WAD DINGTON, Mr. Ferrand, Mr. Brotherton, and several other members urged that both it and the Juvenile Offenders Bill should be postponed in order to allow the Factory Bill to be proceeded with. A lengthened discussion ensued, in the course of which Mr. Waddington and Sir. J. Pakington, who had respectively the charge of the two bills in question, proposed that the second reading should be taken sub We/S -tip, reserving the discussion for the question of going into committee. This course was also advocated by Mr. A. S. O'Brien, Mr. Newdegate, and Mr. Miles; but Sir G. Orel, Mr. listen, Mr. lie;dey, and others objected, unless it was distinctly understood that the house was not to be held as pledged to the principle of either measure, while Mr. P. ope, being opposed to the principle of the first bill alto- gether, declared his intention of dividing the house against it if it were premed. At length Mr. B ROT MERTON (amidst loud cries for a division) moved that the house do adjourn ; but the Speaker having informed him that it was not consistent with the standing order, for meeting at 12 o'clock on Wednesdays. to put that question, he resumed his seat amidst cheers end laughter. After much confusion the galleries were cleared for a dine= but none took place, Mr. BRIGHT having moved that the debate be adjourned, whereupon another noisy conversational discussion took place, which did terminate in a division. For the adjournment of the debate Against it JUVENILE OFFENDERS BILL. Sir J. PAKINGTON having moved that this bill be read a woad time, several members called for an adjournment, and a motion to that effect haring been made, The house divided—For the motion 93 Against it It was understood that both bills were postponed to next ' Wednesday. THE FACTORIES BILL. Mr. FIELDEN having moved that the hour go into committee on this till, Mr. DENNISTOUN said that while he would not offer any &mires opposition to the further progress of the bill, he should not be deterred by the denunciations of the hon. member for Knaresborongh from moving that the further enasideration of it be postponed. The utie of the bill he regarded as a delusion, a mockery, end a man for while it purported to limit the labour of young person s and females only, they all knew that the inevitable result of it would be to limit oleo the labour of the adult to the same extent. The right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth said that the proposed change would be equivalent to an income tax of 12 per emit lie (Mr. Dennistoun) calculated,that it was equal to 161 per sent. Now the inceme-tax had at least the merit of leaving them on whom it was imposed free to M ere= their isargess, sad In that way endeavour to make up for the km ; bat by imposing this tax, he might call it, of 16 per cent on the income of the factory speradve, they tied up his heads, and reneged him from making any such in cisor& exertion. He looked upon the bill as nothing more nor lam than a boon to foreign competition. They had dye countries to compete with—Amerka, France, Prussia, Swine/land, and the Tyrol. Omitting America, on =eon= of the number of holidays, whereby the labour of the operative was reduced--there was already, as regarded the rest, a comparative advantage over this country of 14 per met, and, adding to that the proposed reduction of 16 per cent., they gave to the manufacturers of those countries n &net advantage over this country of 30 per cent. Takiag the manufacturing capital of the country at 112,000,0007 per annum, a reduction of 16 per cent. would at one blow strike off from that capital no Ices than 19,000,0001. a year. This was the principal reason why he was opposed to the hill. With respect to the proposal he had submitted to her flejesty's gomument, and which appeared to him, as it did totbenobU lord, feasible, his only objection was, that it went a mat deal toe far, for it entirely admitted the ten hours peple of this bill as applied to the number of hours' work in the week or in the year. The advocates of the bill say that females and young persons should not work more than fie hours a week. The manufacturers from wham Iv asked that emanated, agreed to that. They only that in conceding that principle they should be allowed to carry it out upon their own plan—that was to say, that ft moles and young persons should be allowed to work 12 hours, and 8 home on alternate days, in so instance working mon than 20 hours in two con secutive days. A system of relays would render this per fectly practicable, while at the same time the productive power of the country would not be trenched upon. If the manufacturers whom he represented gained that point, their great obct would be attained. He thought it a fair pro r. lie did not callupon the house at one. to adopt it,but e i d l did ask that the measure before them should be delayed for a single fortnight. The hon. member for Enaresborough objected to that delay as calculated to prevent the passing of the bill in that house until after Easter. But he put it to the bon. membri for Oldham whether thermos the slight= chance of his getting the lall through soother stage before that period ? He therefore proposed that they should go into com mit= on the bill that day fortnight, in order to give time to the manufacturers of the country to consider his proposal and my " aye "or"no " to it. To more fully elucidate that proposal he would suppose that a manufacturer with 100 operatives would be enabled to distribute the amount of wages he now paid to that number, to 120 persons, adding 20, who were not employed before, to make up for the re &action is the time of labour from twelve to ten hoses, the mine ratio of wages being paid. Of the 120, 60 would work twelve banns and 60 eight hours on Monday. On Tuesday the TOTEM would take place, making the 60 who worked twelve hours the day before, work eight hours, and these who worked eight hours work twelve. This would go on until Saturday when the hours were reduced to nine, and when a similar arrangement would take place—the whole 120 per sons, however, working in all probability not more than 57 hours in the week, being two hours lees than was by this bill, This plan would limit the number of vcirl .ciff, end at the Ede time keep up the modesties power of the estry, end be thought it was not to much to ask the bee" set to nisei the anymore, but to go inte escomitte• rase AM= Xr. di =Sion Mr. FINCH mid that the prevention of the ben. gentle man was eefliwatly not inbred= he delay, bat was toad Me. (Heardeeer.) It seemed, however, the the plan which he peered was objected to by the ben somber for Oldham on the ground that the system of relays was Ne vi He should, therefore, proceed to argue the question gesenft. He thought that the ar gument that this redudon of the number ef hours was, in fen, an income-tax on the wages of labour, was not tenable, and that it could be shown that the rate of wages would not be reclined. The ben. gentle man, after adverting to the different argumens rebid had been adduced against the bill, concluded by igniting his intention of voting for it, and hoped it would be anted out as a ten hours bill, which was the only mode of settling the question. Mr. AGLIONBY nee hr the purpose of auk boo. member who were in *near of the bill not to ins time in erasing the principle. The mingle and sole gaieties was, wield the Mese rani So the peepseltket ef the ben. mem bsr he Olnwie t peetpene eenditese 111:=1 Kb (Ile s) gnat eraest was %ra and be Omagh* the clause erapoled t by the him. sesm ler might he aosidered then This ben gentlemes bed an dont any ground Oar the pripating analties. Then was me neendy for telthrathe *lnd demean end the brad end so reed await weld sales den la Iltecepeelibm of the lee. menhir wield net be eseeptable to The swedes timelbse betesr be decided by r al db: N. se- Ohm et the those Y ammdites. There was en shaved that the resl====eturers had no ilenticie et pespedranyelarafer the benefit of the aimed sr they wadi have ems inward with this thin bin, and eitheugh be di net himself make fay NA aceendes what he genii set bet say that it wee en AR unneseenble Lord J. R I rani with the boo. gentlemen who has jest sat down, that ear bet course is to ge din► diately into committee on the bth, end that we sheedi sot anent to the preposition of the boa. member for Glasgow. If I had bed en opportunity ef ranking beton the time at which the hens die es Weihndy, on this day fortnight I wouldhew Ends seen remade on the general question. It wee meal* net de dank of the opponents of the bill that I did net de se, de the right hon. gentleman the wmwder Tamen= mail nearly six o'clock, he was tee damn =Mad away by by eats and prolonged his speed beyond what he when he rose. I will forego speakinc now rather then give rise to a debate. (Hear, beer.) The ho * ne boning twice decided in favour of the rowel primal the le I take that as es.ftid, end I Odd tha of t we heel inter go into question essunitree new di AMMO the amenannt of the hon. member for Orervii eases ea the leer. I mist say that Om. friesthe imeaber Oselmeneeth is misled if he il thialts that this is the preposition of the master denu ress , rag that they are sot satins with sincerity in dela it tH de last 110011 St. It is far hem being a pocpielife a It the manses spenseally, but erfranetes with men in thewteem nmedienes there has b r a e se et the modwasentheired and they are net with preprint this and= at the last moment ea 11 and only will a view te delay. It is unneemenry dean *at praposines now, bat it is better to lean it to the eon mines, sad then we will amass whether it shall be adopted. I repeat that I think the best cedes is to go at wee late consatittee. It is true there is much _and amts. Sou on the subject, and as at any rate the WU enly be discumed on Wednesdays it will be some time hien it can pan and I hope we Mid now go into committee. Mr. F. MAULS said the boo. member for Cadennouth had stated two points to induce the home to hew any delay is gong into committee. In the first place, he and that the nisi& of the operatives were so tally made up, that it would be ar b or se mots any prepaid= to forego the THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 18, 1847. of nesinepely than the fret-tradere weft; and secondly, that ' the free-trades' wen taking the only rational and practical means of diminishing (sod it would some to that by-and bye) the labour of the working olasees—their herd and unreason able lours of labour." (Sear, heir.) "If we allowed a full sad free enbange of oar commodities for the corn, and sugar, and coffee of other countries, this would be the prac tical means of rai.ing the value of our products, and conse quently, of raising the value of the labour which produced them ; so that then, indeed, ten hours' labour might be as good or better than twelve hours' now, for the pockets of the labourer." Such were the opinions of the most intelligent manufacturers in Lancashire, one of whom, employing se veral hundreds of men, had only that morning said to him, that if the House of Commons would take off the restrictions on trade he would willingly give his hands the same wages they had now, for ten hours' labour. (Hear, hear.) With what face then could the free-traders now charge the advo cates of this bill with inconsistency ? On the contrary, he (Mr. Hindley) had a perfect right to call upon them to ad here to their promisee. The only one who had done so was Mr. Robert Hyde Greg, who felt the obligation so much that he had voluntarily reduced the hours of labour on his own establishment to 11 hours. But Mr. Greg had not been seconded, and it was with the utmost reluctance that the manufacturers would come to the adoption of short hours. But not only the hon. member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden) supported these views, but he (Mr. Hindley) had also the authority in their favour of the hon. member for Durham himself (Mr. Bright). He found the hon. member for Dur ham wee recorded to have said "that he agreed with the hon. member for 'Stockport in thinking it would be a very excellent thing if the workmen could live with ten hours' labour, and he believed they might if the house did justice to the indutr oft population." (Cheers.) He lamented the inconsistent position in which • the free traders had now placed themselves, but he entreated them to retrace their steps, and show to the country and the world that they had not obtained free trade merely for the purpose of enriching themselves. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hindlev) was anxious to get into com mittee on thembill, and therefore would not now trespass Sather upon the attention of the house. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FIELDEN, who wee most indistinctly heard, was understood to defend the petition which had been presented by the noble lord the member for the City of London from the attack which had been' made upon it by the boo. mem ber for Durham (Mr. Bright). Ile (Mr. Fielden) could meet that it was a most legitimate petition, emanating from men the most distinguished in the manufacturing district.. With respect to the protest against the measure, it had originated at a -meeting at which the hon. member for Durham had been present ,• indeed he was not sure whether it had not been drawn up by the hon. member himself. At all events, he (Mr. Fielden) could state that the protest Pur ported to be signed by persona who could not be found, though inquiry had been made after them. In fact, it had been got up in an attorney's office in Manchester by a body calling itself " The Associated Millowners of Manchester," but it could not be relied upon, and to say that it repre sented the feeling of five-sixths of the capital embarked in the cotton trade was to utter a greater untruth than ever had been told. (" Heir, hese," and la hter.) He (Mr. Fielders) would not give way to the anortated body of millowners, who, if they had regarded their own in novate, would long since have consented to a ten hours bill. What was the feat ? Why, the mill of the hon. mem ber for Durham was at present at a perfect stand-still, and yet le asked psrusiMion for hie hands to work twelve hours a day. (Hear, bear.) If a ten hours bill had passed last sessien, he (Mr. Fielden) did not hesitate to say that e Manehater would now be at work ten hours p T en ta;.etl in ear, hear.) With respect to the proposition of the hon. member for Glasgow, it would operate unlade. lactorily, and as it seemed to hi m only intended for delay he must oppose it. As to the feeling among the labouring classes themselves, if the hon. member for Durham would meet him at Rochdale, Oldham, or Halifax, to discuss the merits of the Ten Hours Bill, he would find men in the em ploy of the koa. member himself who would beat down his arguments epithet the mesons', even though the hon. mem ber had " the gift of the gab." (Load laughter.) Under all these circumstances be could not consent to delay the bill even for a single hour. (Hear, hear.) After a few words in explanation from Mr. Balfour, Mr. FIELDEN, and Mr. DENNISTOVN, Mr STANSFIELD expressed himself in favour of the motion for a postponement of the bill, to the principle of which he was strongly opposed. Sir R. PEEL, who spoke from the back benches, said he could not vote for a motion which appeared to him to be an unfair mode of dealing with this bill. The bill bad already been very fully discussed on two previous occasions, and if it were postponed for a fortnight, as was proposed, that would be until the Wednesday preceding the recess, which would ' not be a very convenient time for its diacunien in committee. The consequence would, in effect, be the postponement of the - bill until after Easter. The postponement was, he under. sto p t7l 4 :zeht for the purpose of giving en opportunity for a being made by some single manufacturer in Scotland. Mr. IFIENNISTOUN —From three manufacturers. Sir R. PEEL.—WeII, from three manufacturers ; but surely that proposition could as well be entertained in com mittee on the bill. He should, therefore, vote &plan the postponement. Mr. DUNCAN supported the postponement. Mr. DENNISTOUN, after a few words, withdrew his motion. Lord. RUSSELL—Sir, the hon. member for Durham (Mr. Bright) has complained very much that I have not taken any part in this discussion. As the hon. gentleman has se complained, without entering farther into the reasons which have prevented me addressing the house, I will now state, as shortly as I can, the reasons which induce me to support the measure. But I hope that neither the house nor the hon. member will forget that, on one occasion, I did state very shortly the reasons which induced me to support this bill ; and that, if I did not take more than ten minutes of time to state those reasons, the cause was that the hon. gen tleman, who had taunted me and thrown reproach on my conduct, had left only ten minutes for me to make my defence in. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman, the member for Tamworth, on a former evening, stated th at he expected to hear my opinionsuponthis subject ; and although I have no doubt that he meant to have concluded in suffi cient time to have left me at least some half-hour for that explanation, it was obvious that he was led on by the argument into which he had entered, and that he was not able to finish that argument within the time in which he bad expected. So that, again, there being only ten minutes left, I found it would be quite unnecessary for me to rise, for the purpose of occupying those few minutes. (Hear, hear.) On this day, the promoters of the bill are exceedingly anxious to proceed at oats into com mittee. I gave up, therefore, the intention of speaking on the subject ; sad were it not that we have now reached four o'clock without going into committee, I should still have run the risk of any imputation or charges upon me for my silence, rather than have delayed the progress of the bill by any ob servations which I have to offer. And before making any such enervation*, I must my I de not think the hon. member for Durham is quite entitled to lecture me upon my conduct. (Hear, hear.) That conduct is perfectly in accord ance with the conduct which I and my friends pursued in 1844. (Hear, hear.) I saw very clearly at that tune—dif fering as I did from some of my friends who were closely connected with me in party, and who had been connected with me in office—that, if I were to come into office again, such differences must lead to difficulty and embarrassment. It was with my eyes open that, taking the view I did of the question then before the house, and thinking that a bill of this kind would be a benefit to the factory children, I gave it my support ; and I am willing now to boar the inconvenience that may result from such a course. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, if the hon. gentleman is to employ this as a reproach, and to allege that I was then merely factiously endeavouring to thwart and to oppose a govern ment which had not my confidence, I beg leave to tell him that those imputations of motives are ease retorted—(hear, hear)--and when it is remembered that the great manufac turers engaged in seeking the repeal of the corn-laws, said that ten hours' labour would be quite sufficient, provided the corn-laws were repealed—(cheers)--if I wore disposed to re tort imputations, I might my that they did so merely to get the working alarm to support the repeal of the corn laws, without any intention or expectation of thia;other mea sure being taaBYsd. (Hear , hear.) But that is not the way in whist I will argue the question. I remember speaking at that time with gentlemen engaged in the cot ton mannfastare who, I am sure, were sincerely pomaded of what they said ; and I believe they thought that if there =WI be a loped of the corn-laws, ten hours' labour would Mau Fele* be 'Efficient, and that by the sgreenmat of the mast= and the men such reduction of time might then take dose. I give them every credit for having Wm sin cere in that deelarabon ; but now, when they tiodam Meyers land= to carry it into effect, let not the reprometative of the satiunra-law league in this house loader with =potations of ineenektoncy, and declare that I did not Weed the benefit of the working classes without any ulterior object, when, in 1844, I supported the bill introduced into this house by my noble friend Lord Ashley. The form of this bill, an its proposed object, I think quite unobjectionable. It ap pears to me that the intention to limit the labour of young =to hours to which their strength is equal, is a per legitimate object for this house to attempt. (Hear, hear.) It is said that it will indirectly limit the labour of adult persons. (Hear, hear.) Admitting that to be the fact, I say that, as a principle of legislation, there is the greatest possible difference between legislating for the pro tection of women and young children, even if an indirect limitation is thereby placed upon the labour of the country in general, and in attacking the principle that there should be no limitation of the labour of adults. (Hear, hear.) It would be equally just to argue, in reference to a bill for constructing a railway from one of our sea to London, that the °Meet of such bill was to put an end to the roosting trade, which might be its indirect effect, as to argue that the principle of this legislation is unsound, because it will have an indirect effect an limiting adult labour. (Hear, hear.) But with respect to the limitation of time, I think the Onset is a perlieetly legitimate one ; and it cannot well be doubted that peat beat= will be derived from this limited= et the lehefez d yeehg persons. The right hon. ramaberihr Tamper= heamK that it ought to be our object to ebeiseetheweaktgelemie—tearretherieted postiblessaite he their reithee alai awe" Whee cha , and for the enki ndle' at deems* Whether and habits. (Hear, hear.) Bat, =Mew we may do In that regent, or directly forthat wilt be anatereated and thwarted by the very long of perms of diet age in factories, emanating to hartela bean a day. (Hear.) If a young person between Wilma ami is to rim at eve in the morning, and to be tat emu la the evening in a laborious occu pation, emend am that then will be any sufficient time, either it religions instrooties, for the cultivation of their minds, or In V= doematie intercourse which is so valued by 41 elver in this =Wry. (Hear.) Therefore, it is yam isy, with rem= to those large classes of the people, that we ahead emisevour by every means to elevate their cha racter, to ease them to acquire knowledge and to cultivate deseselle bu=st, lad at the same time to require that ler fourteen hours a day, tree floe Ist of January to the net of December. they sbAll be allestail employed in factory labour. (Hear.) canmeefillink at the two things an compatible ; and I ern nee lb be deterred by any argument which I have heard, that we mike no provnon by this bill, supposing it to ps.a, that that time shall be usefully employed. I should be quite content, supposing the hours of labour reduced from twelve to eleven, if they were to pus that hoar in their own homes, with that parents, brothers, and sisters, in kindly intercourse ; I should think that a compensation sufficient without any obligation for the time to be spent in reading or receiving educauon. (Hear) Well, then, if it is a desirable object that more time should be allowed these children for the purposes to which young apply their d b y Pe T th r n ii:es b o t ia f tha th ,— a t t , v , c e a ry g : great you oug ht question, s y nu o l u n co d iLiss l e t u t on r art. con sider d vantage to the sons and daughters of the working classes in manufacturing towns, without at the sane time injuring the manufacturing industry of the country, without throwing • great number of persons out of employment, and thereby, in effect, injuring the very clan you wish to benefit ? " (Hear.) I admit that this is a very large and • very for midable question • for, though the limitatioa of time may be indirect, yet if practical effect be thus to deprive men of employment, and to drive the produce of our manufac tories out of the field of competition in foreign countries, that is a very serious consideration for this house. But I do not think that the case is made out, as to that great and serious injury which might be supposed to arise. (Hear, hear.) We must remember that this is not a question es to the whole 37 millions worth of oar exported manufacture*; because with regard to a portion of those manufactures, the limitation of eleven hours is the limitation which is carried one Prac m... ti o eld f t t le us in g t :r a u e l if t , es ec t t o :m i Ln b u an fu b ru h r n o in e g ta ar t b r lis ras ciirry h'd in i 7this o l c n a o te a l n th y tr e by y ir , great flax-mill with eleven hours work a day, and who, of course f must suppose, are carrying on that concern with profit and advantage. We have been told that many other manufacturers of Leeds, engaged in other branches of occupation, do not employ their workpeopte more than eleven hours a day. Therefore, the question is not one affecting the whole export of our manufactures. But, next let us consider how many various elements there are in the price of the article which is thus to be sent abroad to compete I with the produce of foreign manufacturers. With respect to cotton, for instance, there in the original cost of the raw ma terial ; there is the freight in bringing it amen the ocean ; there is the Commission to the merchants at Liverpool ; after wards it has to be worked into thread, and then into some metier of manufacture, to be again embarked in a ship, and, we will 'appose, conveyed to China, where it is to be sold along with French, Swiss, or American manufacture*. In very few of these elements, if, indeed, in more than one, will this measure inflict any Ices on the manufacturer in his power of competing with foreign manufacturers. In the first place, the price of the raw material is unaltered. With regard to the cost of manufacturing, we must suppose that whatever is the value of the labour of twelve hours, twelve hours' price will be paid for it, and eleven hours' price for eleven hours. (Hear, hear.) I have never contended that the rime wages or pries would be given for eleven, or for ten hours' labour, as for twelve. (Hear, hear.) We must always suppose that the manufacturers, generally speaking, will give for 'About , exactly what it is worth, and fiat wha t_ L produced in a certain number of hears will bear a certain proportion to the wane to be paid. Then, what is the put of the coat in which the manufacturer will lose (Haar.) Taking the amount of the manufacturer's fixed capital at 100,0301., different manufacturers give different estimates of the per centage of cat ; but I will take one. He reckons the interest on the fixed capital at 5 per sent ; wear and tear of the machinery, 6 per cent. ; oil, coals, tallow, and various materials for keeping up the works of the manufac tory, 12 per cent. ; and gar, I per cent. • making altogether, 24 per cent. upon the value of the establishment. Now, if we suppose a reduction to take place in the number of hours of labour, it is clear there will be a corresponding reduction in the wear and tear of the machinery, in the coals and other articles consumed, which are estimated at 12 per cent. on the whole ; so that, in the end, there is only the 5 per cent. of interest on the fixed capital on which any lose is in curred ; on all the other items, thonh there might be some loos, it would be entirely ineouside eab This would be the result of a reduction in the number of hours. On the other hand, we must consider what has been the state of our manu factures in put years, and what is their present date. In the first plus, as it regards the cotton trade, there was a tax amoun • to about 700,0001. a year on the raw material. (Hear.) There has also been, u I believe, and as all who advocated the repeal of the corn laws must believe, a very couiderable relief from the change in those laws. What ever may be the ultimate reduction of price, this, at least, is obvious,--enpposing the corn-laws to be entirely repealed,— that there can no longer be that difference between theprics of corn on the continent of Europe and in thiscountry which has heretofore existed, and this consideration is just the same whether Jou suppose the price of canto be verybigh or very low. (Hear.) Oupposing, that the general average price of corn in this country has been 555. per quarter, and that in France it has been 4.4 s.—the average for future years must be nearly the game in France and England. SO, likewise, if there occurs a year of eztraordinary scarcity, if there is a deficient harvest, and if prices rise to 70s. or 75e. the quar ter, the French manufacturer will not have the advsntage of getting his corn at 605., while the English manufacturer is obliged to have his workpeople living on corn at 70s. ; but there will be an equalisation of prices. I consider this ad vantage at least equal also to 700,0001. a year to those en gaged in manufacture--(hear, bear,)—at least, all who con tended in this house for the repeal of the corn-laws always said that they had the greatest possible disadvantage in con tending in foreign countries—China, or South America, for instanoe—agenst foreign manufacturers, while they were debarred frees the us of corn and provisions at the stoma price at which foreign manufacturers obtained theirs. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, we hare given two great advan tages to the cotton manufactures of this country—fint, by the repeal of the duty on the raw material ; and next, by the repeal of the duty on corn. The duty has likewise been taken off weal lately ; and these an the two great materials of our manufactures. But, it is said that this meat be a great loss to the working men, and that you are, in fact, infilet• mg upon them a tax, in the shape of a very large retastioa of their wages. As far as I con ascertain, the working tats now engaged in our manufactures are willing to run the rill of that reduction. (Hear.) I believe that the state of the me ufacture being the same, they will not be paid so much for • shorter, as for a longer number of hours • but the as of their wages at any particular time Mil; depend upon dm state of the demand at that time, sad upon the price mid In consequence of that demand. Olen, hear.) And hen, again, it is to be observed that it is an uromption without foundation, that the working people, with children and their wives, are employed 12 boars • day, and that the production of this isometry is to be measured by this standard. (Hear.) The question is always sniped es 14 hitherto, we every year produced from sir nab Mk a number of pieces of manufacture as was egad to the me. duction of 12 hours a day throughout the year, and See mei were now going to reduce that production to the propel** of 10 or 11 to 12. The hon. gentleman behind me, the member for Durham (Mr. Bright) says it is perfectly tine ; yet I have heard it stated to-day, and not contradicted by him, with regard to his own mill, that he is not now week. jag full time. (Cheers.) And each interraptimas Mlhs ha amount of productive power must always be assemnsd exist; in fact, we know from the statement mil by my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exabagiser on a former evening, that many mills in Lancashire en totally stopped, that others are working short time—ten or eight hours • day—and others only three days a week. So that the production is not what it has been assumed to be ; it is diminished whenever there has been a glut of manufactures in the marks; and there is then insufficient employ mane (Hear, hear.) It appears to me speculaunio: what is likely to happen,—though I am far Prom concurring in the propriety or possibillity of our so as to make employment more equal,—that = la st restricting labour to eleven hours, the conse quence will be, not an employment for twelve hours at certain times, and for • shorter period at others, but that the same quantity will be prodiseed by • more steady em ployment at different times than prevails at the present moment. (Hear.) At certain times, there might not be a sufficient aumber of mills to meet the demand for manufac tured goods; bat that is not the case at the . present ticia ; no one can maintain that there is now a defic iency of power to produce all the manufactured cotton which may be required for the demand of the world. And if this be the case so far from thinking this an untoward period or a bad ti mee for entertaining this question, it seems to me a peculiarly fit time; because the same production which we now have in Lancashire and Yorkshire will be continued and kept up without adding a single still or a single power-loom to the manufacturing power of the country. I should expect that, if a bill shorteaing the hours of labour were now to pane, the production of eleven hours would be found fully equal to that now made. I believe there would be fewer fits and starts, the employment would be more regular, and the manufacturing power of this nutty would be brought into force where its not so at mast. (Hear, hear.) Bat it is said that, after all, we mat look to the very keen con petition which is kept up, end mut see that, unless we use all the time we now have, we shall be unable to meet that ' competition. (Hear.) If that be so, I ask how it has hap pened that we have been able to meet that compatitics hitherto; for we have been working mast which, attoordieg to this tats, met bet= overwhelmed the saaaniumume et Mb misty. (am. hear.) I %Mem that in Muds Me pimple wore seemed le work 110 been in the week. At the elms time, maw Is adverwed by the government fir Se 1111.11 d al the caterer mills la Zunis. They are the MINN et special favour with the gomenasat. Thy me had se im upon their raw mate ▪ ; they hod dump whisk OUT mannhateetm taw mad* le me. With all those advantages, the alba mom tasemmi sti I. eight entirely to have beats. est of the Add theme of thir ematry ; it ought to have bees quite ba pradble flog rla keep up the manufacturing prosperity at the empire. DM I believe that this supremacy ages& upon somewhat men than the mare circumstances atteadiag the mannlastme, which are not in themselves of pre. meAtha , at impaboaos. My belief is that tads les from Ms eral freed, its ▪ Mendips gen et which it meld nos be agrfred by re easing Se banns et WIWI of young purees te limn. la ethse eseatrim lammActrusa havvel=gt to up, sad in ethos they have cleaved ; but it is state th at Is say of those countries the e ff ects all to have followed me& suns of this nature, or that they are at all to be webineul by those aussurea. Take the ors of Anutrios. It ie Maid that the oompetitica of Allll6llll is wry dangerous ; bag, at the same time, I believe there Is a law in Ilusschuseelle, by which persons under the see if Mem cannot be em ployed mere than nine Mann in the year; are obliged, under a curtain age, to hew Ihme months for their education to be attended te. Why, if • law was proposed in this country, to % a ide& every person under Mat wee authorised and have three months' absence frost the mill, we be told at saes that the aware would be fatal to .our manufactures, that it would be quite impossible to keep up with the competition. Yet the Americans do keep it up ; and 1 believe they will keep it up, and will furnish • great part of tho manufactures which go to other parts of the world. I believe that these things depend much more on the general means and appliances of each country for mauu factoring—much mom en the enterprise and manufacturing skill of different countries—than upon their particular legis• lative regulation.. I say that Russia, with all these advan tage., has been unable to compete with us ; while America, with great disadvantages in this respect, and wages about one-third more than our, has been enabled to keep up that competition. lam told that the general avenge rate of wages there is still greater than I have stated ; and it cannot be denied that there are very great restrictions on the labour there. But my belief is, that if it is right and wise to restrict the labour of women and young persons to eleven hours, you will find that those fears wick have been so loudly expressed upon this subject will, shortly after that enactment, give place again to confidence. (Hear, hear,) We have repeatedly seen measures of this kind introduc ed and we have seen them have complete success; we have den the people better off in every respect after those measures were passed. (Hear.) At the same time, I should delere, as the consideration is so very serious a one, that I think it is far better toned a bill, reducing the number of hours to eleven, than to go, with the bill of the present yesr, for the limitation to ten hours. I think it is far better to adopt that which has been proved by experi ence to be useful, than to go at once to the greatest limits tion proposed. Ido not think that our manufacturing pros perity will at all gaffer by this change ; and I do think that, if it u possible to introduce that change, you owe it to the rising generation to make a change so beneficial. I cannot look with indifference at the statement that a great propor tion of the people of this country have only to work, to sleep, to eat, and to die. (Hear, hear.) In my opinion it is the duty of the state to endeavour that you should have a people, in the first place, aware of the doctrines of their re ligion ; in the next place, able to cultivate domestic habits and affections ; and in the third place, likely to look up to the laws and government of the country as their protectors from undue inflictions upon the young of the country. (Cheers.) And, I confess, Ido not not see that that object has been attained, or is likely to be attained, so long as the home of these young persons are permitted to be so pro tracted as they have hitherto been. I cannot conceive how a girl of fourteen years, employed at work twelve hours everyday—fourteen includiag intervals—coming homeevery day tired, and jaded, and unable to do anything but rest in order to commence the labour of the next day, is to be brought up so as to be a good wife and a good mother. (Hear, hear.) I am willing, therefore, though I confess ! there is a risk, to incur that risk, is the hope of improving the character, and of elevating the condition, of these per sons. I may be mistaken in that view; of course, I can only act acoordiog to what appears to me the best, after seriously considering the question. I am, therefore ready to go into committee on this bill; and I shall be r eady, air, when you leave the chair, to vote for the clause restricting the time of labour of these persons to 11 hours. I wish the bill to remain in that shape, for I think that while it gives a considerable advantage to those persona who are the objects of it, it will be a proof that this how/ is disposed to do every thing it can for the promotion of the welfare of this portion of the community. (Hear, hear.) The house then went into committee on the bill. Oa Mr. GRIEVE taking the chair andreading the firstelause, I Mr. DENNISTOUN asked whether it was intended to go on with the committee, it being then near five o'clock. (Loud cries of " Go on" from all parts of the house.) Mr. HUIdE said if the bill wee to go on at all, th eny could not do better than go on with it now. He eona dered that the measure wax altogether wrong in principle; and he would suggest to those hon. members who thought with him that they should abstain from making or attempting any altaratious in it whatever, but allow it to pus in its present form. The sooner they agreed to restrict labour to eight hours the better, and then the absurdity of these restrictions would be at once exposed. Any attempt to amend this bill would only be a waste of time. He should concur in every thing that had been said by the noble lord at the head of the government. if the noble lord could ensure a regular demand for our manufactured products; but, as he was not able to do that, and would not provide for the education and mainte nance of those who were kept out of employment, that in volved the whole question. (Hear.) Mr. BRIGHT suggested that the clause, instead of stating the hours of labour of women and young persons should be restricted to eleven, ought to specify the hour in the morn ing at which they should commence work, and the hour at which they were to leave of While agreeing with the hon. member for Montrose as to the mischiefs of the bill, he felt bound to vote against the proposed limitation in every stage ; and the greater the limitation, the more he should oppose it. Mr. FIELDER mid the precise hears of labour might be regulated by the factory inspectors, under a power given them for that purpose. Clause 1, which restricts the hours of labour in factories, for women and young persons to 11 hours, from the lat of May next, was then agreed to. On clause 2, which makes a further reduction of one hour after the lit of May, 1848, Mr. FIELDER mid he had been advised to extend the time for working 11 hours to two years ; he would therefore the insertion of 1849, instead of 1848, in the clause. propose e ROEBUCK said that one of the great arguments in sisted on throughout this discussion had been the evils aris ing from the non4ettlement of the question, and now it was tole delayed for two years longer. 'rte. evil bad been moll dwelt on of allowing the working classes to be continually excited by the expectation of great changes; and he should have preferred the bill if it had began with ten hours. He should therefore move that the words " 1848 " should stand in the clause instead of "1849." Lord J. RUSSELL said if the committee came toe divi sion on that clause, he should vote that it be omitted alto gether. Mr. FIELDER was understood to say that he would not press the alteration, but would allow the clause to stand as originally proposed. On the second clause being read, which proposed a further limitation of labour, after 1848, to fifty-eight hours a week, Instead of sixty - nine hours, that is, to ten hours a day instead of eleven, Lord MORPETH said that though he was of opinion , that the trial of eleven hours a day wee, when made, found practicable, he would oppose any further limitation, u no such step should be taken without gnat caution. He wished the clause to be expunged altorther. After a few words from Mr. FRAPAND and Mr. DUNCAN, The house then divided on the question. For the clause Against it Claws agreed to. Clauses eine and four were then agreed to. Mr. ROSS postpond his motion for the introduction of • clause, after clause three, to the effect that the provisions of this act shall not extend to Inland, until the bringing up of the report. The other clauses were then agreed to, and the report was ordered to be brought up on the 21st of April. The house adjourned at • quarter to six o'clock. ght eTprtfssi. *AILS, Tbe OM/1M male for Mbrelter Mein, Oreeee, the lonian blink ewMAdas,(bylen, mewing tie euteleaspers, wine nab mi Me maks etas el Wank. The wesibed iikwed mile. We 1111111.101111. to the Mediterranean, =AA" °Mak 'MK EleM Irv, he., irti be Mad! up an the dare web Men& Tba mut kr W Vige, o= 7 lAbes, Med ea , Cabe, and Oibralter, wine melt ow al ON d rfili Mew& Ms mile ter Mew evil! We, Vas 111aes Led, sad New Zomba mil he We up ea tbe mein et Oa Mit Mame. Me Waft lamefe, leierefbrse kir hid" Meneena, and the Itintwarb, erM be mode tip an bsea reYRe led Apil. Ters br WM* Meath Amer" leenewie, awl the United bates. wM be weft be al be mobs el be led AseL Tbe weals foe Ur dity Skew Ftslia,lbaii• WON PREM. = A, Modeles, awl Basra Ayres, erM be muds ap on the tithe 6111 April. TO CORRESPONDENTS. The 0011;o “Ecrazes.. have been OVER ben 90 MEET-817MT, to Na to, owed tIVIDLIWIDINE, FLEEMILEZT, serlevau le the Prlndas Pabilehlas Olken. edartieetneale htteeded kw The Expeue,Loadia reesdag pew, unit be of the Mee by Two *Week on the day et palittaticet. MOH WATER AT LONDON-RRIDOE. Two DAT —llandag, Irt min. put 2; Aftersoam, IS AWL pet 3. To-Moasow—NQthag, 35 ml a. phut 3 ; Aftwocas, 51 Ws. put 3. LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 18. AT the morning sitting of the House of Commons yesterday, the desire to proceed with the Factory Bill was evinced by the fact that two divisions took place on moving the previous orders of the day for the second reading of the Rating of Tenements and Ju venile Offenders Bills, which questions were resolved in then ece by large majorities, the second read ings sten • postponed achoordingly. The order of the day for e committal of the Victory Bill having been read, Mr. DEN NIBTOUN, in a speech of consider able length, condemned the moisture, designating it as a delusion, a mockery, and a snare, but that its objects might be carried out by wort i ffi g g v t u ri l l alternating relays of labourers and reserves, those persons working twelve hours a day one day to work only eight the next from Monday to Friday, and on Saturday nine, on the same principle, which would give 67 hours labour a week instead of 69, as contem plated by the bill. The advantage of much a system would be, that while it would restrict the hours of labour, it would tend to keep ap the productive power of the country. With a view to the consideration of this proposition, and being desirous to promote harmonious feelings be tween employers and the employed, he moved that the committee be postponed until Wednesday, the 31st inst. Mr. Esnrrr seconded the motion. Mr. Fracs being of opinion that the effect of the bill would not be to reduce wages, he should give it his support. Mr. AGLIONBY thought no good would 16 salt from taking the opinion of parties out of the house, and considered it an unfortunate circumstance as regarded the master manufacturers that the system of working now suggested by the hen. member for Glasgow, on their behalf, had not been propounded at an earlier period. Lord loaN RtII I IELL enter tained the belief that the proposition in question was one not originating with any body of manufac turers, but came from an individual, and that at the eleventh hour; he trusted, therefore, that the house would at once proceed with the bill. Mr. F. MAULS considered that as the proposition of the hon. member for Glasgow showed something like a desire on the part of the manufacturers to meet the wishes of the labourers, it was one deserving of consideration. Mr. W. DROWN expressed his surprise that the advocates for commercial freedom should sup. port a bill, the effect of which must he to banish skill and labour from the country, he should give it his determined opposition. Mr. P. BORTHWICK, con sidering that the bill had already virtually received the sanction of the house, shoald give it his support. Mr. BRIGHT was in favour of an immediate decision on so momentous a question ; and taking, as he did, a strong interest in the welfare of the working classes, he would rather oppose than deceive them ; there. fore, he should support the motion of the hon. member for Glasgow, or any other which would interfere with the progress of a measure which could ;oily lead to the most disastrous results. Mr. HINDLET defended the free traders from the attack of the hon. member for Lancashire, and quoted the authority of Mr. Cobden to show that they had been of opinion that free trade would lead to a diminution of the unrea. amiable hours of labour to which the working classes were exposed. Mr. FIELDER alluded to the fart of Mr. BRIGHT'S mills being at the present moment in a state of idleness, and argued that had a ten hours' bill been paned last session, every cotton nmill in Man. cheater and its neighbourhood won d h ave been now at work. Sir R. PEEL thought sufficient grounds had not been laid for delay, and, therefore, he should oppose any motion that would have that effect. M r . DUNCAN was in favour of postponement. Lord J. Russell., in an elaborate speech, in the course of which he took a review of the state of the cotton trade in England and abroad, and of the relative social condition of the persons employed in it, con eluded his observations by eating, that he could not look with indiffereace on those whose lot had been described as only to work, to eat, to sleep, and to die. As regarded such persons, generally, but particularly the young, it was the duty of the state to inculcate tke doctrines of religion, to cultivate their domestic happiness and affections, and to induce them to look up to the laws, and the government of the country, for protection from oppres sion, with a view to the affording time • for the acquisition of these desirable objects, he was ready, at a risk—for risk there was—to vote for the clause restrictag the period of labour in the case of females and children under eighteen years of age to eleven hours a day. Mr. DENNIWTOUN having with drawn his amendment, the house went into committee, when the first clause enacting the foregoing proposi tion, to come into operation on the Ist of May next, was agreed to. On the second clause limiting the hours of labour to ten hours a day, after the let of May, 1848, being put, some discussion ensued, after which the committee divided, when the clause was • affirmed by a majority of seventy-eight. The re• maining clauses were then agreed to, and the report was or Bred to be received on Wednesday the 21st of THE common-sense view of the Cracow question, altogether lost sight of in the course of a three days' debate—and naturally enough, for consistently with that view it was ire 'ble for honourable members to make fine speeches—was at the close presented with great plainness by Lord PALMERSTON, and of course prevailed. The treaty of Vienna was broken, not a doubt of it, admitted the Foreiga Secretary, but it was inexpedient for parliament to say so. We said all this so long since, that we should not think of recurring to the subject but for the very re markable speech of Mr. DISRAELI, not so much upon Cracow, as upon the science of treaty-making , and interpreting, on the past history of Poland, and upon the moral worth and the political weight of 'Austria in the affairs of Europe. With respect to treaties, Mr. Dleassu laid it down as a rule, that a special treaty, concluded be tween two or three powers, and afterwards inserted in a general treaty between many powers, did not, when broken or infringed, necessitate the interference of the powers the general treaty. Lord Parr mimeos ed, that it gave the right, but did not create ine obligation, to interfere. These are general assertions, hkely to create dangeions prece dents and a vary lax state of international and diplo matic law, unless carefully explained. A difference between two powers, whether of terri torial or of another kind, may be either such as to interest other powers by its threatening to disturb the general peace, or by . its affecting the balance of power and the permanent interests of all. In either case, the two differing powers may be left to negotiate ex clusively; and, when they come to terms,other powers may sign and guarantee the treaty ; or, if the other powers be at the same time making • general treaty, they may insert the special treaty therein, and give it their solemn and general guarantee. What is the meaning and end of this guarantee ! In the ease that the two powers differ upon a subject exclusively concerning themselves, the guarantee is for the purpose of future arbitrage and the preservation of peace. If the subject of difference affect all the powers generally, the guarantee is something more, and either allows or calls upon the guaranteeing powers to interfere and forbid changes, even though the powers more immediately interested should agree is that change. The question is—was Cracow and its independence, in the Bret er the second category ? It was noto riously in the second. Russia, Prussia, and Austria, first endeavoured, in 1814, to settle their respective delimitations in Poland alone—at least excluding France. England and subsequently Austria in sisted and succeeded in letting France join in the conference. The result of their conference was a statement by Count NESSELRODE, on the 31st of Dee., of the bases on which Russia would negotiate. One of these was the independence of Cracow ; another was, that Prussia and Austria should be forced to leave their provincial institutions to the Poles who fell to their share. On this basis the three powers were allowed to negotiate apart; and having adhered to these bases a their special treaty, it was accepted and admitted into the general treaty. From these facts, there cannot be a doubt that the independence of Cracow was under the guarantee of all the powers by the clauses of the treaty of Vienna, that guarantee being given, not merely for the preservation of peace between Austria and Russia, but for the sake of the balance of power, and the independent existence of a certain number of Poles, and of a certain relic of Poland. On Poland Mr. Dmitsett was unusually hank yet the lion. member deserves credit for speaking oat that, which many think, who keep their opinions to themselves, and call themselves friends of Poland. "Nations," said Madame DE STALL, "merit their fate, whatever that fate may be." And it might be argued that the Poles, by being so exclusively either aristo crat or serf,--abandoning the powerful position of • middle and commercial class to be occupied by that race which Mr. Distiazu extols as peculiarly and pre-eminently Coucaaian,—did, in fart, leave the nation without pith to resist the encroach ments and conquests of its neighbours. Mr. DISRAELI is, however, completely wrong in denouncing all the patriotic and emigrant u nobles and aristocrats, in an English sense of the term. The great body d Polish exiles, and malcontents, and patriots, amid at the present day of a class more noted by intellect :d im = than by birth, men of the middle, the , the professional classes. To stigmatise these as a selfish and in ga mg aristocracy, re a very great and a very unjust mistake. We do not all belong to those red-hot friends of Poland, who would put England forward in a mili tary or political crusade for the restoration of Poland.. That restoration we desire and believe in, chiefly be cause the present demarcation of Eastern Europe seems so untenable, and its existing empires endowed with so little unity, adhesion, or compactness, that we cannot conceive their going through the troubles of another general war or revolution without breaking up altogether. As to Austria, which Mr. DISRAELI Mollies, and which, according to him, is to play so supreme a part in the future history of Europe, we do not think its existence worth half • century's purchase. Mr- DISRAELI brought to view the period when Austria was threatened with parhtwo, and when its ambitious neighbours menaced and wanted to domicil the young princess who had just inherited the throne. 1 But what saved MARIA THERESA? Had she had but the dominions and 'objects proper of Austria to sustain her, the home of Hapsburg and Lorraine min then have gone the way of the Jagellons, and been numbered with the dust. Mears 'Tiesaim's crown ._..~ ■ !~ :.