The Express. — London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

streoft • tiled which he had taken fur many years in this on the Ent met ssiou it' this government to power, kmo• vieg the *plaint.. which they had propounded, known,' part abed' they hart taken throughout the ceautry rs connemning the policy which now ei icted, and the pledgee, he might my, which ej i „.y hail also µives to revere* that policy— licend—he l'ecl an apprtbeiision t race y erhuld, on w eeding to poser, use the A 111.41130.4 iuthi which their rma i ja a s a government gave them to tarry out their ' views, and that they scald make some attempt if not to /masa et leant to mollify, chi it policy. lie therefore put w rio , of modem ou the paper in the last parliament welch hosed the government to a continuauco of the moting ivory been regatta, to de SO by sea. b.r. erert helm nee, because representing vast 'lumber* et tin .r tellow.country men in that house; but at the ess , gu‘st et that party who succeeded in changing the evile st. Te1..1 policy of the country, and at the ri qu, at of the wha:. he creamed to withdraw that notice after the sp. ch 01 the First Minister of the Crown, essented to by the mitoetsre to that house. That s;n'rch was to the effect 11111411 It, had mated. The First Minster avowed that h e Ira. in a lunar ity in that house. and declared th i• lie would take the opinion of the country. On them 'rund. he (Mr. WI. re) withdrew the notice. lie ensuoisly awaited the Resembling of • new parlianii nt, for the purpose of hAWITIIt this matter decided, b,: awe it um tho protein:, the ansurence of the minister at that time that he afield call an earl, session for the purpose of deciding W M it. (War, hear.) Nobody could do doubt the importance of the nubject ; it was appreciated ma all shit', whatever view • otherwise he taken of it. Ron. gentienhn oppoeite had s +el th it unless the tenting policy was reveleed, Of as k.Ot inevitable ruin must follow. They (the oppunition) had declared it was their opiniuu that the well being of the country was contingent on its contieuante. The minister of the cuown said—" This is a matter of to. , great importance to be left unsettled; it shall be des ceded, and decided homily, so that every moo in thin country, and in the world, may feel assured as to what the root stsereial policy of this touter/ will be." It was for this purporc, to he understood, that they were assembled at this unusual 4,000 of the year; cud he rose, not to depsat from is hat he knew to be the custom of that house, and be lieved to he thew inh of members Ken, rally, namely, that of avoiding an emends:mat to the address,—that was not his purity/m-Ind he 'lashed to call uric mien to th e fvet, that kaput that consent 11111 .114 no, know whether or Ant the milit ate fit of the morn hod et, manned their opist.ons on the subject of protec!son. (phm., hear.) Ile did assert, and in doing to he was supported by the opinion of the Mat 1.01441ef of the Cro.ll, that it was essential that this 111.1ttfa should b. decided. it could not he de rided by coincidiug with the address. The language was vague (Cistern.) lie would be very sorry to iutroduce ans thieve like an angry diecunsion on that occasion, but he =heat almost say it was deceptive. (Hem, hear.) Thum was an ailavion to the great prosperity of the industrious thassee, hut there was alro an allusion to measures fur the Prowl .1 iudidtry. Why, if the industrious closers wire well off and satisfied, what was the meaning of a declass ea. a that mouthing should be done foe industry ? (11e4r, heir.) it was an opinion coutertained on that side-of the Mom by all aho had advocated the policy of fire trade that iti dection was an unqualified mischief, that nut on,y .44 it an CUOMO./ mischief to the community at large, but that it was even injurious to the 111•4001 , sqitpused SO he protected. But when the question ineoltt il el.o the protection of what was called the landed interest, to talk of prottetirg the ithlustry of the coubtry by return/ a 0400.111A111 01 Mod, he should hardly like to AA A h..t he thollitht such talk as that. (lieu, boar.) It w a almost an insult to the people of this country to talk of soy pa non being injured by the removal of the greasiest it oil IMAM* which had been Inflicted upon the commit. miy. (Bear, hear.) But the o hole phraseology of the p.megrai.ti was indistinct, vague, and coafased ; and it de pended on the tone and views of hen. gentlemen on the o pp...de cute of the house shot Mice?... :Afton was to be put upon it by the house generally. Th..re VIA nit ation made of recent legislation. Why not use pain English? Wuy was not the language ietelliµsulr? (lieu, hear) If great advantages had had 1.440 ft aped by the working classes from the repeal of the rn /.1410, why not state it?—(cheers)—and It any ',jury was d:ne to anybody by repealing the corn laws, let Thum have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal. (il, sr, tutor) They (the opposition) would have the deci sive of toe Inia-e on that matter—(ebeen)—end he had only rises now for the purpose of stating that he, for see, having takun a great interest in this subject, and believing that racer, who had taken a for more effective part, would agree w,th bun, was dimatisficd with the statement made as to the coos •of the ',resent condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) They wanted to know distinctly what were the *einem. 0;* her Majesty's government on the great question which 1 41 le en in dispute—the retire of prime:tine or free trade; mid without Nether chtaining the house, he begged leave must distinctly to give notice that ho &humid submit the matter to the house—(cheers)—that he should put the question on so clear and intelligible a footing that their fellow-countrymen out of the house would afterwards feel no doubt with regard to the future. He believed that the of the present mouth would be about the most mince stout day fur taking the opinion of the house on that sub ject. (Loud cheers.) There was here a pause, during which were heard occa sional cries of "Booker,' which elicited laughter. The Swatter was about to put the question, when Mr. 111: VIE rum to address the house. lie said he had waited with great patience in the hope that, accerilieic to custom, some hon. gentleman opposite would rise to answer the 'previa of the hon. ginticman who had just spoken. Hem hon. friend had given • challenge, but no one seemed to bane spirit to answer. Why did not hots. gentlemen op posite tome forward like men ? (Laughter.) How was it that none of them had the manliness to stand up and admit that the acknowledged prosperity of the labouriog classes arose bum the repeal of the corn laws ? (Hear, hear.? He breed pardon—the seconder of the address did admit that —Jut ar, hear)—he was a free trader. (Laughter.) The government themselves, however, ought to have stated their views. Having had nine months, which was a long period— iaughtery —to make up, their minds, why did they tad Went in intelligible language that they bad been wroug—(hear, hear)—that they had found by *apemane that the esisting polity had been pr eluct.ve of overbalancing advantages to the mass of the , consunity ? He confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Aithough great difference of opinion had existed, he did Del eve that the government would have the manliness to avow their error. He liked • fair stand-up battle, and not a fight from behind hedges, and under equivocal language and espremions which nobody could understand. The coun try demanded • decision of the question. Ile had met with a groat many farmers who had not only made up their minds that the change was good for the country, hut who mid that they would be sorry to go back to prottchon ; but there were others who looked for some secret mea sures by which farmers were to be benefited; and fur the sake of such persons, it was absolutely necessary the question should be decided. (Hear, hear.) While he agreed with his hon. friend that it was cot desirable that there should be an amendment, the address being regarded ma • compliment to her Majesty, he had to template of none 01010414/113 in the royal speech. The pre• ceiling parliament declared by a vote that there were certain Lases in existence which were most unjustly and anoma lously levied, and thit the time had arrived when there should be • general revision of 'metiers. That was, he believed, a wise declaration; but the speech did not contain one word in reference to the question. Dial the govern. meat mean to oppose or shrink from Inquiry with r to the incometaz, which, in the words of the right hon, , gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) amounted is many cases to confiscation of property ? He hoped the government would state whether this OnSWIOU arose from scudint or from • determistatios not to preppie with the question. There was another onsissiao. He had anticipated that the govoramsat would declare thimaelves opposed to any farther parliamentary reform. Why had they not taken the purities - mensied by Lord Derby io another place, when be dealseed it to be his inten tion to oppose any farther ezteashes of what were termed popular right/4, and whim be mewed the democratic mmaples of the noble teed (lord J. Russell) 1 (Hear, has.) If the settle hide meoenres appeared to the noble earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose their enact ment, why was mot that stated in the speech from the throne 1 (Dear, bear.) There wee soother important eerie sion. What had become of the clamorous outcry for the repeal of the malt tax and other taxes which were peculiarly odious to farmers ? The silence of the speech declared that there was no intention to repeal them. regretteu chat the question of taxation was entirely omitted. In conclusion, he wished to tell hon. gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it, that there was a strong opinion in the cottony that elections could not be conducted in future as they had been lately. He wished to see established a regu lar representative government ; he wished to see popular power exercising that influence which it ought to have in the proceedings of that house, while at the some time the just privileges of the different classes of society were properly guarded; and he regretted that in a time of peace and quiet the government did not seem prepared to come forward and propose those reforms which the country required. The question of free trade must soon be settled one way or other ; and it would then be time to introduce othee questions of national importance. Mr. WALPOLE said—l did net rime, nor did any other member of the government 'rise, after the observations which were made by the hon. member for Wolverhamplott (Mr. Villiers), became it was our duty to see whether any aniendrocut to the address was likely to be moved hefts, we gale any opinion in reply to the remarks which fell from him. As, however, the hon. gentleman did rent move ao amendment, ask as no one else has risen to do so, it ap. pears at premed unlikely that say amendment will be moved ; and I have, therefore, ri sen for the purpose of re plying to the observations which the boa. gentleman has made. (Bear.) Now, I certainly agree with him, that we are met together at an unusnal season of the year, and foe a special purpose. That purpose ungasetiooably is, that the financial sad woramereial policy of this emintry shall be Sadly settled mad declared. (Cheers from both ebbe of the boom.) The bon. gentleman oomplaiss that Is Mr address them is • certain passage referring to the sub*t whisk is ambiguous; sad I think he nailed it arrive slid =re. Sat, i can amaze the hem gentle as that we sad se deeeption was intended by that peregrele but it has bees weeded earefally is that way—whielt meets as observation which the hoe. patineas himself has meet —it has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at this moment what might possibly be a warm sad healed AM ousioe, sad we es to avoid the necessity of auy sesswaseent being moved to the addreee either on Mil err ea that side of the hose.. The bon, gentleman says, however, and so does the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose— (An in "edible obeervatien was here made by Mr. % - iltiers.) Well, it is in conformity with the usual custom that you did endeavour to avoid an amendment. 1 think the boss gentleman himself said it was the custom. I believe it is reeogiii.ed to be ■ good custom ; and certainly we wished that as far as possible that custom should be observed on : the present occasion ; but we are prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the distention at the pretest time. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, the hon. gentleman went on to remark, and so also did the hon. gentleman who has just sat down, that we tough , to have declared our policy in the speech, and that we might also to have been pre pared with the measures which we intend to pro pose. Now, I tell the honourable gentleman that we are prepared with all those measures. (Minis terial cheers.) And I tell him that we intend i and have always intended to take the earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the consideration of the house. But there arc circumstances with reference to our present ; meeting which have certainly mole it unadvioside that tlicy should be taken in hand until the funeral oaf the Duke of Wellington shall have taken place. (An eselamatioor of " Oh," followed by cheers) As soon as that tribute of the nation is paid to the greatest of its heroes, my right hoe. friend the Chauceoor of the Exetoecut r will rise to bring b. foro the house and the country the views which the gest rnment take of the financial and commercial policy which ought to be established in this country. lint I think there is sufficient in the speech from the throne, and in the address in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference from, that we arc not going to propose to reverse tie recent legislation a hich has led to those improvements in the condition of the industrious classes of the commas• ..... . nit) , to which the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the' opy isition benches) More than this, I think, the house will hardly expect me to any, because it would, in fact, be expecting me to announce the different mtlVures, which my right bon. friend will announce on • future occasion, and the views which he takes in reference to that subject. (list, hear.) But I thought it right to make that declara tion tu the first instance ; for it is a declaration which the government intend to abide by; and I do say that thme nit asures which the government intend to introduce will be brought forward eu the earliest occasion. (Cheers.) Lord J. ILUSSELL sand—lt is consoling that on this oces.ion we have to consider an address which begins by . _ condoling with her Majesty ou the loss of that gr. at man the Duke of Wellington; that we are not obliged to bare a long debate upon topics on which the house might be divided, or to hare a division on those topics. Sir, with re. ep.et to the first part of the address, I certainly will not attempt to add anything to what has been said by the noble lord and the lion gentleman who moved and second, d the addra se. With regard to the Duke of Wallington, I feel that while it TCOLialill foe the country and for history to do justice to his great merits, it remains for her Majesty's ministers, fur the House of Lords end the House of Cummens, and for the country at large, to deplore the loss of those counsels which always inspired that good subject and ardent patriot. It remains for us, in conformity with the intention of the crown, to show that we are nut an ungrateful people, and that we duly appreciate the services which have been rendered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear, hear) Sir, passing from this subject, I um glad to find that the ministers of the crown can congratulate the country on the ready coming forward of so many men, amounting, as the noble lord said, to 30,000, to serve in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes Isla not be disappointed, and that tinge men will prove an effectual aid to her Majesty's regular force,. With reference to any other measures which may be necessary for the defence of this country, I has sure that her Majesty's ministers will give them due seasideration, and that they will propose from time to time snub measures as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be ready to give a favourable hearing. I do not know that there is any oth' r topic either in the speech or the address to which I need more particularly allude. But I must say a few words respecting what the country his impatiently looked for, tamely. some explicit declaration as to our financial and commercial policy. (Ile ar, hear ) I mutt say th it on this part of the subject I participate in the disappointment which my hon. friend the member for %Vulva rhampton has so well expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our commercial and financial policy, there were two courses open to the government, either of which would have been perfectly plain and clear for the noble earl in another place and his colleagues in the government. The one was, they might have maintained the opinions which since 1816 down to the present time, or ' at least until February, 1842, Lord Derby most loudly and confidently expressed, and from which he declared with much eloquence and energy that nothing should law hiss', to shrink. (Hear, hear.) Another course would have hoes for the government to have stated that they had bees air taken in all their views, that the country had prospered, and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation of Wee measures which they had thought would be nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have admitted that these beneficial results were recognised throughout the country, end maufuEy have declared that they had changed dear opinions, and were prepared for the future to act according to the principles which they had hitherto opposed. (Cheers.) I conceive that they have adopted neither the one nor the other course, and the house and the country must be prepared to form a judgment on their declarations. Instead of either of the courses I have described, we have a continuance of that perplexity and ambiguity , of that doubt and hesitation, which for the last nine months have vexed the country, and made it difficult to gather what was to b . the real policy of government. (Hear, hear.) If ass of the ministers appeared to be in favour of free trade, we had presently from another a deelaration that protection hail not been abandoned. (Hear, hens.) The Secretary el State, although he must not say Nat the principle of pro tection is a sound one, yet we del bin trpealtlag of the increase of crime and of the peer wash sad endea vouring to throw some slur wpm dm preoperky which free trade has produced—trying, if pmdble, to induce the country to depart from the course Ai* it has finally Wonted. (Cheers.) And wee saw_ Nee enduing on the same course to the end, we hews be Ibis adios NMI sen tences favourable to free wade, end, it MOM meads in- ' timating an approval of the Juliet, of geosoloa. (Hear, bear.) To complete the whole, we have soft the address a noble lord who is a firm adherent of while the hon. member who seconds him speaks decidedly for free trade. (Cheers and laughter.) If emit be the air biguity practised by the government and be adberesils. I think it is full time we came to a settlement, emd.sla des words of the boo. member who spoke last—tbet the am ines cial and Scandal policy of this country alloold be finally settled. (" Hear,' and cheers.) Let as then have some declaration to settle that policy ; let as have SEW de claration which shall serve u a poiut of damaged/I:future ministers of the crown, and enable them eddy SD direct their policy. (" Hear, bear," and cheers.) The sentry has been appealed to, and you know the result, and k is for you, the ministers of the crown to deelaremanfully the feel ings and opinions you entert ain on this great _ subject. (Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re minds me that in the desbtful sentence to which I have alluded, the im of that subject his been studiously diminialsed. • Illestrat• the greatness of the subject, let us see what bee boa dons in the way of com surcial and Mandel refine &die*, last ten yews. The whole system of ow kw inlet yid* the eeuntry had endured for so oomilimollosilookboobsoutilolly repealed. A tariff of exorbitant dodo les iota oldweal within mo derate limits. Our taxes haw en ezteneiv• system of revision, sad when hen, opposite talk if robin of sazasisn ea a moil. ft Asir lakedastien. I told& Nola thos astooldegoilloollea hoe bel l = sa INN deo Ono Oki iert rm. MI lio Imo la la wok a way, that wide the tom watt ati=y —eakinagir for a meow* Laving a will la OD evensulered the room by die posed boomer they onomodeated to the wood Womb 0 the country. (Mom boar.) Let so all Is ON, that is differential dut Ilida NPR bat bees stediall, waft people of Englan d haws onsamed MAN toes of wipe in the year at a seat of deo =kik= Nes than _tog would have paid had wdaty ontisnal as before. (IWO I may add that the onsnoption Omar bee so isisroood that the noose et Os Woad ratio wili in a few yew be doable what it was WMto Ow radandoa et th , ri ar/ Add to this ON we the navigati oa laws god I haw meeme. wad a whole systems, I will say mat of great impede aose—bat Okra as a thaw _ef oak/ adiglad by a groat above than whisk NOW dose the rook tiraolularallill los boa nen *oe to its effects, net way mme ttle may, bat epos of all otiose. (Hear, hors) a was not eae of those why was aNiguin to that dee asenwat we declared fee boo Oak Nome don. el the nations of the world weell him env example; yet, ea tbs ether hand, it is my egediewa belief that , if this seestry eratisess is flourish =Au dr gam of fro wads. if its goommisats dolma thoundon sod led with the woorgewasse, sad that they mom he posevom then is no nodes Net A go% by kagnemt ilionseloo, one at last to the esinetwdswe le wbilb we have onived,o that ultimately thew will be deohod, set oily a great Noose ' of the wealth, bat of dos VMS Gad bormosy of the would. (Cheers.) Welt. thea.if sea No Oa hapartance of the or tem, if soh be the pawky of the doe ; and if, on die other hand,tbsee On way person' whip still matetaie that** system of free eanmembi podgy Is injurious, it Is eat to esey ot it that it is wee/ die nonuse —pettima s ia • a header other saiww—(shooes)—by which =.l this freariroy have 11111Sbili gram and kapertent I dim am bee MalloWe *Mow meet awl ft mit tat swides la this way —heed doies)—that limo ewe osskne a =be to avvid eat par e dldeies es thijimsest oweTr Oemidewe No Wipliolt IS Os lowilloo (Rear, oar.) weowt s Ito Oita goalloom ski in in again says Oat Ono lb no latindon la lla m a Os en to ro w* Is Os pokey ihst groins to 1814. I was wry glad to he that ; but there are amain ersolein the wipe to whisk allneloa Nos bees made shoat aidedol prop sad ardisisi prisms, abide we only the grin olgb of proteWien disguised in rodeo way. Therefore It le otowsoy that we *bold have esatorkiag clear and added mad Oat we should sot allow eumelme to he en la ow slam wawa in which the Charodke of the = . 1 ..a 1k0 awns gellosse we have reed of lire to be wer (Lerobter.) The speech end wkleos amigo& a stat eN of Ireland, _and I ass glad to on rosooneade tbewisptiori of a liberal course of polio, loworillo that '.wa ry, but in a previous portion of 1100 pengsagh Oben are deli Is which I am enable to Mimi • wan usehatag. I sus those which refer to an "bit ef inealtaidi egikhee sad torbeleses is that , There were la ic& and terbelinee In I *miss the shades nahp = 1141 1: 1 6. 14 j net been decided, but lbws is any spirit el Imiordinatiot and tarbeleses lathe* iniewry at present, 'r a statement to which I am set prepared to give soy novae (.. Hen" frees the Irish members.) I believe that with a due sad proper sweeties of the law the state of Ireland may be considered to be • state of triusgeillity. (Hear, hear.) And I must say that I trust that that weer try, baying suffered so severely from famine is ISt, I, nor 0,,,„t in some 111,11111fe to recover, us there are romans' which encourage us to hope that at length the labourite ef - -- "ad will obtain that reward for their labour el width' THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING. NOVEMBER 12, 1852. they have hitherto beef me sadly deficient. With regard to that portion of the address which refers to the commiesion to inquire into the state of the Uuiversities of Oslurd end Cambridge, I ma reju.ced that those commissions, which were stigmatised by the noble lord at the bead ot the grin vernment as illegal commissions --(hear, hear) —when I ad vised their issue, are now ceknowledged to be productive of good, and, instead of being cam solo as an illegal body, ars to be referred to the universiiim themselves, while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the universities to carry lute effect the moommeadatiocs of these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether the non- sures so contemplated will be sufficient I cannot say, but ' I am glad that the attention of the ministers of the crown have been directed tc the subject. 1 am sure nothing con be more important at this present time that. that the whole question of education, beginning with that of the higher cloves at Oatord and Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, and comprehending also thii education of the work ing classes, should be promptly and fully considered. °tear, hear.) With respect to this pert of the subject I am rejoiced to hear that it as intended to extend the means for instruction in practical scieuce se applied to the general business of life. 1 am si-u gird to bear that sonic measures on the subject at seeoudary punishment will be proposed, so that transportation to Van Die men's Land may at the earliest possible period be abolished. There an two circumstances to be sonsiderid in the treatment of that question ; one, that we have given representative institutions to our Australian colonies ; and the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a portion of those colonies. It is quite obvious that these two circumstances render it necessary that we should revile the whole subject, and I am glad that the right hon. baronet the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom 1 took the liberty some time spice of speaking on the subject—has mule to the wise conclusion of not confining the question to transportation to Van Diemen'a Land, but that the case es regards the whole of the Australian colonies should be reconsidered. (near, hear.) Of course there are other subjects connected with our penal laws which must be dis cussed in company with this question, and vrbich will no doubt occupy the attention of govern. Bent; but, upon the wle le, I am rejoiced to find that, with the exception of the topic of commercial policy, the quettiou of the great case between free trade and pro tection, thi re is nothing in the Premix or the address which mils for more than the hew slight remarks 1 have made. I Must that when the policy of the government on that sub ject is declared, it will be to secure to us permanently our present emir, really admitted advantages. (Rear, hear.) The CIIANCELLOIt of the EXCHEQUER—I eanuot help fancying that if the only paragraph of which the noble lord disapproves in the address, in answer to her Majesty's most gracious speech, was really so evasive as some hun. gentlemen have described it to be, some amendment to that adder.' would have been moved by my boo. friend the member for Montrose. I do nut think that hie con !Skewed delicacy—(a laugh)—would have prevented him taking that course fur which his well-stored memory would no doubt have furuiahed • suffi cient number of preeedents. I cannot say that I agree with the noble lord or his friends in the version which they have given of this paragraph. It appears to me to be one completely adapted to the circumstances under which we meet here to-day—(a laugh)—by the circumstances under which we meet to-day, I mean the indisposition of parties on both sides of the house to come to a collision on the ad dre.s. But having respected that feeling, I think the para graph is so framed as to leave no mistake in an impartial mind as to the intentions of government. For the only point laid positively down in the paragraph, and about which there can be no evasion, is the principle upon which the commereiel policy of this country and government is to be carried on—the principle of unrestricted competition. (Cheers.) There is only oae para graph in which the subject is alluded to. It is true that government are of opinion that the legislation which has created this unrestricted competition has, in its operation, caused injury to certain chimes in this country. (Ministerial cheers .) The noble lord ssys that that is pro tectionism, but I readies eddies& which the noble lord recently. published, just before the dissolution of parliament—a letter in which the noble lord addressed the constituency of the greaten commercial city in the kingdom—and there I And tint the merchant shipowners of Loudon are reminded that they are e2oct to great Madera to unjust restrictions— burdens restrictions which had only been made such by the action aroma legislation. Therefore, the noble lord was of opiates. when he was eandidate for the City of Lon don, that it win quite possible to preserve our commercial opium founded on the principle of unrestricted competi teen and yet to remove those restrictions and those burdens which one great interest was suffering, and which, by his Mrs acknowledgment, had been virtually occasioned by re eMt legislation. (Ministerial cheers.) Was not this pro emtionist declaration much dissimilar to the objected para graphs in her Majesty's speech ? Why, I have recently had 1 representations made to MO by bodies of merchants and shipownen, gentlemen of °et:sleety liberal opinions on all subjects connected with commerce, and some of them sitting on the benches opposite, and certainly, as tax as I can col lect their feeling, representing as they do one great interest, they will be extremely dissatisfied if their burdens and re strictions be not taken into consideration by this or some *gm government. Well, is that a desire to abrogate laws 'Pia have lately been carried into effect as the founde d's of our commercial system 1 Is that a proteo theist movement? I ask the house whether the ..Ms lord hail any better foundation for the charge he his made of evasion than an allusion to a suffer ing immeat, which he endorsed by his own address WYSS 1111Siklitill for the City of London. 1 shall not on the menet Mileage pursue this topic further, as a proper occa sion we aim eroive. All 1 shall say is, that it is the in tendon to take such commercial claims into their e men d to endeavour to mitigate the in juries "MA by resent legislation, and we believe that we can Meillee• • measure which will do all that is nasionneg in that respect—all that can reasonably be , without in an y . way disturbieg that piegi Mil of unrestricted competition which we I ecogniee as the of oar system. (near, hear.) The noble lord has Pepin' • puss lately for himself and his friends of calling them the ' , presentative' of a new and enlight. said system of caimmerse,which has invariably been op =by gesdemes en this aide of the house. (Cheers.) gontbseen impede% although they have changed dies, have set lost one weakness—an am able one, I con fess—which is, Chet they sheer too soon. The noble load has given es as esiblesoned catalogue of the feats of that liberal commercial party of which ho is the recognised chief. Free trade in eon, sugar, and the repeal of the navigation laws. Those are three enduring pyramids created by the 1111111.1 MO enterprise of the different sec tions whit see milsid ander the noble lord. hat, if we leek biseseindly to the case, I cannot help remembering that the pime minister who carried free trade in corn was =M fres trade in sugar, end that then the prime wins hilemed him with sugar was not disposed for Ares reds In hips, foe that measure was not taken up by the =bat was thrown upon them by a committee of members of this house and two sessions elapsed beim the noble lord month to.:be abolition of the nevi. patios laws. And when they wen abrogated it was done ma so umatillamory • moan* that the noble lord, when at a sableamen aspl t o pied be wee mandible for the City of Lon don. ems Se mho that the shipping interest had bees toy newt ;Iseilledllll. of benefits they had pipe& owl bed been bit hese sethistiems and burdens of erbidt the benolts bad been die elliglassation. (Cheers.) Neither mgeelf nee my editor" hays any intention of a galley with • view of creating 'Ai rless, or of entempting to give what gen tlemen on the ether side all compensation (or knee essesioncd by Peps in legislation. But we do say, in womb as dimities a I as Ind meths to express il e tlz: wo thbk these emennemial ammo have boon witheth at the same U.S the neeeseery eenreponding slangs s k e ear anneniendal system; end I say, notwithstasd. Pe edist the thine lend km aossrestm•netwithatanding the sementhisiz Poem he received hem me of his late col *oated with this the ph- M i lhet it I. Pr inteallem PPP believing et that a mew &Asks of taxation bee net lam plum to s pat Iwhee the beam s yaw that alai pion the Anemia spews mem it basal wkb ear sow mmeith melon. (Prelesimmiel shwa) Tithe noble lord mils het peahen. I thbk he will sot sensed in 'stab- Weft Ide milks. whoa Imr Mem us with his 011 dm Oh, of newersmeat The bra. member °relies um, in hat vets of frisimily amligemina In whisk he moth time Indulges, me isermide the gemonavent he has sub a mat, weighty meneadeis ambit C limili eseelisaset ea the prime 0111111161111, The amides peeminmpb neyeethog hos trade. whim it the bensmember seems to have pinked up hem the hen. member of Wolves- Crosesrthiss to have impelled Mu as bang a very The while mind of my ham blend seems I — e -. en .-- ii vemeid with the beeme tar. He says that theme might le have hem • paragraph in her himesty's apes& the sentimeemse et the eammittee on the lamas tax. we hem led two yam of inquiry, say losa. friend is a prime elation for inquiry. (A rg), I seethes that thews is net a pa on and, the of the pump and s have s made op hob , fee this nano, that - easin minds cm he ISVIIIIII. likikeses have arrived at mormin 0111111i111401114 and amine did met *Mk it nsoomm to inesethiste far humbles prepared to lay their elens immediately behes the Hein a Commons. My right hos. Mead the •=afitake he. edemas& to the num why I have the wet time is, malisitiag the staanden el the Mass. The reams whisk have poreeseed ue will he a dew days ken the mesenamsinte he bud. ass 1111/1111dise lass clear sad ankh then might be wraith Ina I believe my noble allerine in usher plats les oresolotol that 1 Asa him Oho oilies n t dsy I no avail swath of lo lir oar p lie lb* of Osulasos. sod to ask hs toas dfir t Iheesepes. The Yr. saeodear Ow Walmimiliffil.ll hoe heenwldle. aim Miss el a modem which wet= he shunt a modes RN IS belity into the state of thanes cry I haves with any obstacle in the weed the boo. atuaboto but I do not think it would he possible sp government night Wan the Wad ; ask _ I pot it to the hon. Member whether it Pahl nil he mein satielasmoy that the poveromeot should. he the lest imemee, bars as oty for placing tole piny bean pselieseot. (wial hears.) The aside is the Ye. ohrobee mesa nut someerily white of the shathelsretodebate is the accesses of the eleveralleat, mi. S i ' - ' - .w I oh. malt ii month he mesh mere senvenient to tear the dhow aim' ea husk , somesse at we. It our plan sheath met give sedellsegem, he benourable member may thin being fet tered the **be recoatmestda, sad the loose 'whets a fah Jimmies es this important anlyeet. Considering the state ef the heelness, 1 sheik regime that en Friday the MP I shall be abloom the ewe et the government in this house, to call its attention le the consideration of our flnnneial &audition, and 1 shall them Indicate the measures which I think ought to be preessded with. I will not tampon on the house by any general observations. The noble lord hes confessed that thins is only one para graph in the speech of which he disapproves, and I think I have shown that his disapprobation is not well founded. I thi n k th a t ;fair paragraph had been of an evasive character, the house would not have so quietly acquiesced in having no amendment to the address, and therefore I shall content myself with assuring the dotage that there as no one more 'vicious to meet this great contro versy then the individual who has now the honour to address it. (Hear, bear.) Mr. GLADSTONE said that so mach had been lain, and so well, on the solemn subject of the first paragraph in the ,peech that he should do no more than reform his con currence in the sentiments of those who had preceded him. He felt it a high privilege to be one of those who on the part of the public would carry to the foot of the throne such a tribute to the memory of au illustrious man, and he ventured humbly to rep:at the sentiments first promul gated by the noble lord the member for London in another place, and say, he trusted that while honouring the virtues end achievements of the fluke of Wellington, his country men would remember there were some of those virtues within the reach of e;ery — m;;;;;l7soUltremuli;;Wril; honesty, his love of truth, and his untiring seal and devotion fur the public service. (Cheers.) His single-mindedness and contempt of fraud were open to every one,and were qualifies. toms which he (MeOladstone) trusted would not be forgotten in the midst of the general hmentation. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had adverted briefly to &subject upon which he (Mr. Gladstone), looking at his position as representing one of the Universities, might be forgiven for saying a single sentence. Ile, liko many of the gentlemen opposite, bad thought the issuing of the commissions rather a stretch of power; but, at the same time, there was no inconsistency in holding that the result of the inquiry must be considered on its own merits, wholly irrespective of the abotrect princip'e as to the constitutional character of the tribunal Coming to the main point of discussion, he telt that the house was much indebted to the honourable member for Wolverhampton to whom he tendered his best thanks. (Cheers.) He did not doubt but that it wan the intention of government to announce in the speech from the throne what had since been stated by two of its most prominent members, but the paragraph in which the sub *t was referee.. to was dark, end be must confess had ere aced in his mind only disappointment and iliisatistmtion. He did think that while the solemnity of Thursday next should be treated with every respect and consideration, that considering the greatness of the controversy, _considering that the general election was a final issue, the speech from the throne would have been • fitting occasion for re cognising • great principle, and that government would have acted wisely, and done no more than their duty had they given, in the course of the speech, a declaration on the sub ject of our commercial policy, and placed it fur ever beyond dispute by any party. (Hear, hear.) And he must cone firs that he was confirmed in t ,at view by the defence which had been set up by the Chancellor of the Eachequer, fur it appeared to him that the government were defended upon two principles, which were not only unsouud but flatly contradictory to one another. The Secretary of State said that the paragraph was suitable to the occasion. Suitable, with what view ? With tha especial view of obviating the necessity of an amendment in that or the other house of parliament. Well then, they were to avoid the necessity of an amend ment by introducing nothing like a declaration on the question of protection. But where then was the evidence of the other defence—that the paragraph was not advan tageous, and that an inference might easily be drawn from it, that there was no intention to reverse the commercial policy of the country, or of that which the Chancellor of the Exchequer, going still further, described as the only plain categorical declaration the paragraph contained, that unre stricted competition was henceforward to be the rule. (Cheers.) But if unrestricted competition was to be the rale—and that was the only thing categorically declared in this paragraph of the speech—what became of the sacrifices of those hon. gentlemen, supporters of the government, who still adhered to the principle of protection T (" Hear, bear," and cheers.) lie apprehended that, for them to be asked without amendment, to agreelo an address which de clared unrestricted competition was to be henceforward the rule of our commercial policy—if they did not stick at that, what in the world would they hereafter make a difficulty in swallowing? (Cheers and loud laughter.) Of the two ha thought the first defence the best, When it was said the paragraph aas purposely made ambiguous, because the moment was unseasonable for the discussion of the ques tion—though he might differ with ministers os to whether the time was unseasonable or not—be could understand that as a ground of defence. The question was were hon. mem bers aware of the special purpose for which the consti tuencies had returned them, and were they prepared to say that that purpose should not be fulfilled ? With, regard to the paragraph it we, exceedingly ambiguous. The im portant questions whether recent legislation had contributed to alma nappy results referred to at the commencement— whether, if so, it had merely concurred with other causes gad bad done so only in an insignificant degree—whether it had Millet injury on any important interests—or whether ▪ ilsoldra sliced pronounced on the subject was to lississitil stinger not—had without doubt been placed ▪ Oppraltffiffistri of uncertainty since that paragraph had bus mg is speech from the throne than they were WPM (Sear.) The Chancellor of the Ezchequeritad said': list may motion that might be brought forward . by the, Ms. issabsr for Wolverhampton en the subject must par- lehe of 1N nature of an abstract resolution ; and haring ••••••••1 his immediate intention of submitting his mea nest en /asocial and commercial policy, recommended him to kW his motion forward on that occasion, and there- Ifems to met those measures by an abstract resolution. (Base, km) He (Mr. Gladstone) hoped the house would sot be ease of from the purpose which was contemplated by the ChM la dissolving the late parliament, and by the constituted's Is electing the present, by any question about abetted samintioas—a term under which many different things wen Ass confottuded. (Hear, hear.) If he were saltail AM he wanted, his answer was, " I want • fall, • final, and a solemn sanction for the principle of free trade—(loud sheen)—and that the party now responsible for the conduct of public affairs should now once for all declare their views on that subject. When they considered that for six years past this contra. versy, as between free trade and the return to protection had not only entered into but disturbed the whole political action of our representative system—when they considered other uncertainties connected with the question, and, on the other band, the maturity to which public opinion bad obtained in regard to it—it was surely not too much to ask, after so much waste of time, so many ministries destroyed, and parties disorganised by it, that parliament should make up its mind on the issue fairly stated by the noble lord at the head of the ministry in February, 1841, and plate this question of free trade high and dry on the shore where the tide of political party strife could no longer reach it. (Cheers.) Not that he had any doubt of the permanence of any of the measures which parliament had adopted as connected with that system. (Hear, hear.) His firm belief was, and had been ince July, 1846, that the restoration of the corn laws was ant a mere difficulty, but an impossibility— (loud cheers from the opposition)—and he had even thought it a misfortune to the country that &great party in that house, including men of the highest honour and intelligence—a party that had amongst it some of the moat valuable ele ments of our constitutional system—should be organised together on the principle of the attainment of a proposi tion which was beyond the power of man to carry. (Cheers.) It was high time that a fallacy such as that should be dispelled, and that the country should under stand what was the meaning of this political cry of protec tion—whether it was a subject lir political practical de - -- -e"ether those who mtesuilati it believed in the in's - ability of obtaining it, at whether it was not, in fact, pat es easy to resters; pelestion as to repeal the d Rights, or to teemmetkuie the Heptarchy ? (Ohms.) The Chancellor of the lathequer wanted abstract resolution on Ma question, but he (Kr. Gladsome) wanted rather le eat the public mind at ems set only by a s ole sen mud heund acceptance by the hues, ewe for aU at these miens ementres of free trade which hod bees aMeft, hat by a distinct declaration that all fetus MISIONS hembig on trade or demos thrall he trumel esolietenA—• with the principle __gear led ahem affirmed. Mar, bear.) Now he did not all that a mere abase* reestatim. ((.heers.) It wee log(eg down a tale of conduct, bat it was a rule of coo lest wildch thn interests ef He country required, and which melt at once to be placed beyond the reach of further gumption or dispute. (Cheers.) And was it unreasonable they should have such demand—such security? He thought not. (Cheers.) It was far from his intention to refer to particular cumunistantes, as connected with par ticular individuals, but it was impossible to forget the composition of the present goveroment, and the re peated declarations made by various deservedly respected members of it in regard to protection. (Hear, hear.) H. need hardly allude to the ease of a right hon. friend of his own—a man who, of all others, had shown the greatest courage and the most straightforward consistency in a course which he thought right, but which he (Mr. Glad stone) believed to be mistaten—he meant his right hon. fristadihe member for North Lincolnshire (Mr. Christopher). (Load cheers.) He would ask his right hon. friend hed ha heard the spina jest delivered by the leader in *abase of the government of which he was a mem ber (the Chineellor of the Imitaquer), in which he amend the lure that Ours wee a Its beet categorical de eland's la the muesli from the Meese, that henceforward " unrestrietadompetition" was 69 be the rule of our com mercial policy ? _(Loud cheers end laughter from the opposition.) If Ids right beeentehle friend heard that stemmed, he would ask him who onestruetion consistent with the declaratives he had sank elsewhere could he put on 69 elbow whisk bad base so onplained by the Chan cellor of** Inarbrart bor.) He referred to the desimatises of 16 (Nair. tight ken. ildond to his constituents at Lincoln. And when wee the nature of those declara tions ? It was eel nommary M slued upon any particular word or expression, hut the gourd teadosay of them was, that his right his. Sited deiced in the most un mistakeable smarm " I aat km to maintain all the opinions as to the fiasaial and ammesial policy of the country . which be Me Ism twel-dee years have pro fessed.' regeodelea chum. Let it not be supposed that he . ( lbeilsbus) wish to pain any man by Meeting with Maw of opinion. any wu in no condition to de that. (Hear, hear.) He was himself one of these who, entertaining respect for the traditions of the party with which at she tromasenu meet of his political life he was associated, afterwards, em coming to examine them for himself, found them give way under his feet, and abandoned them. (Hear hear.) He spoke of thou traditions that so long regulat ed the ooriser. eating party as constit u t e d by Mr. Pitt. (Hear, hear.) But what said his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ? He declared that he adhered to all the principles, in regard to financial and commercial policy, that he had held for the last 25 years; and would, as o torroher of government, use his utmost ionneaes to promote them. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Gladstone) asked nothing from the government that was dishonourable to them, either personally or politically. He courted no profession of untimely conversion to free trade principles. f their opinions on protectiou were abstract opinions—if they l regarded as a thing of history something that gone bye—with that he had no concern ; but that he asked was this, that those who were tle hold power in this country, and were to exercise the M inuet that belouged to the administration of public affairs, sad were to represent the country in the hoe of foreign powers and of the world—he did ask that those persons should have, as a principle of policy, intelligibly and finally abandoned any return to protection. (Loud cheers.) That was all he demanded. More than this he had no right to ask, and with less could not be satisfied. (Much cheeriug.) Bat his right hon. friend would find that the house was placed in a position of great difficulty if the government were formed on a principle under which it was competent fur the Chancellor of the Exchequer to declare in parlia ment that un rrrrr icted competition was to be the rule of their commercial policy, while one of his colleagui s pro chimed to the country elsewhere that he was a member of the government in order to defend there the principles lie had always advocated out of office, and to use his influence to procure the restoration of restriction in our commercial code. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the decision of the hon. member for Wolverhampten—(Mr. Villiers)—whether he might think that the necessity fur the resolution of which he had given notice was obviated or not by the explanation of the government, be trusted that the tout., in discussing the secondary and incidental question, would never lose tight of the great end and ob ject for which parliament had been assembled—(cheers) — but either before or after the promised statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, reserving to themselves the liberty of reducing to accurate words, to be embeolied in • distinct revolution, the principles they entertained, if the measures of the government should not be saris factory, he trusted whatever might he its decision in those measures, the house would recollect, and without refer ence to party combination which, important us he ad mitted it to he, was fu less so then the great issue they were now discussing—he hoped they would ever recol lect that the country would justly expect of them that they should bear in mind the particular circumstances to which the prevent House of Commons owed its birth, and the special object with which they had been brought together ; and that they should rest content with nothing that was open to argument, or construction, or inference this way or that way—that they should not rest content with a pure graph which, instead of settling the question, stored Reel( in need of glossaries and interpretations—but that in plain English, intelligible to all the community, beyond the reach of cavil—rot now, merely, but at other times that might come when portions of the house might possibly find it con venient to re-open the question of protection—in lan guage for the present time, and fur all time, they should give en assurance to the people of England, that there was no party in the state prepared to defraud or to deprive them of the inestimable boon which had by the legislation of late years, been conferred upon them—(hear, hear)—which boon bad not conduced with other causes merely, hut was the main and grand eases of the present prosperity of the country, and which, by to increasing that prosperity, had spread abroad a satis faction, a contentment, tad • confidence in the spirit of parliament—a revered attachment to our institutions, and a strengthened loyalty to that throne from which her Ma jesty this day addressed us. Mr. NEWDECIATE defended the government, and hoped that the house would out pass in judgment upon their policy before their plans bad been formahy brought forward. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, in reply to an uheervistion of Mr. Gladstone, explained and defended the sentiments lie had expressed out of doors, and professed his readiness, now the verdict of the country had been taken upon the question of protection, to bow to its decision. Mr. B. OSBORNE remarked that it seemed to be ad mitted on both sides of the house that a Queen's Speech was now to be a mere matter of waste paper, and that the debate GU the address was to he a mere shaking of hands prepara tory to this great conflict that was hereafter to ensue— (bear, bear)—and that the Lion of Montrose, for the present at least, was to lie down with the Lamb of North Essex (lona laughter) mei that the house was to welcome every paragraph in the speech and the address with an harmony that argued somewhat of servility. (Hear, hear.) It was a pity this doctrine was not remembered and practised in the years 1849 uud If he remembered right, having had the honour of a seat in parliament in both those years, the right hon. gentle man (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), who to-night so strongly deprecated any interruption of this happy family, this general harmony, advocated a different doctrine while in opposition. In 1849 the right hon, gentleman, he be lieved, moved an amendment on the address for an inquiry Into the burdens on agriculture, which amendment, after one night's discussion, he did not think pendent to press to a division. But in 18:50 another right honourable gentleman, who be supposed had given in his adhesion to she principle of free trade to-night for tke first time—the present President of the Poor-law Commission—he also moved an amendment on the paragraph in the address in reference to agricultural burdens, and with far greater faith in hie principles than his leader appeared to possess, reseed that amendment to a division, and was disgracefully beaten. (Hear, hear.) He alluded to these circumstances to show that hon. gentlemen might dispel from their minds the idea that it is not a constitutional proceeding on the part of the house, when any objection is taken to a para graph in the Queen's speech, to move an amendment to the address. As it appeared to him, they would have been better doing their duty to the country, and better advancing the great principle of free trade, if they on this, the earliest opportosity, had moved an amendment in the address in reference to that expressive paragraph, which appeared to bast bees conceived by the genius of rigmarole and traced by dolma of mystdioation—(hear, bear)—for if the Chan geable of the Exchequer wished to tell the house and the sesstry that he bad given in his adhesion to free trade and the satinet were along with hint—where was the necemity he this singularly evasive and deceptive paragraph? Would any man who read this paragraph gather any more from it than that the question of free trade was re-opened in the country ? (Hear, hear.) It might be all very well for the right hon. gentleman, the Home Secretary, to come down and tell the house, in his smooth, dulcet tones, that the policy of free trade was not to be reversed. But how did the right hon. gentleman reconcile that with what he told his 22 constituent' (for that was, be believed, about the number) at Midhurst, that crime and poor rates had in creased in an inverse ratio, with the progress of free trade ? Why, again, did not the Chancellor of the Exchequer take physic ke a man ?—(laughter)—why did he make so away gulps at his free trade potion ? why had the genius— the governing mind in fact—the only mind in the cabinet— demanded to put such a paragraph as this into the speech ? Why did he noteome forward boldly and say at once, I ant a free trader ? True, I hunted Sir R. Peel to his grave— {Two I have maligned his memory—but I committed a Owe= error, I am sensible of it now, and I eseepe the doctrines of free trade, and am prepared to emery them out. (Hear, hear .) That would have been the honourable course. Talk not to him of the spirit of chivalry, in • party who had bunted to death one whose memory would go down to pos terity with that of another who was now about to descend to the tomb, as the two greatest men of the sge—(hear, hear) —and who, having got into office, adopted the principle on their opposition to which they had risen. (Hear, hear.) He had no confidence in the chivalry of such an admini stration, and sorry was he to add, that he had no great trust in the sincerity of the leader and creator of that party who sat in that house. He must, however, congratulate the house on the course the debate had takes. And he had no short time, those who had been talking to their constituents about the restoration of protection would take the manly course of the right hon. member for North Lincolnshire Christopher) and bow to the decision of the country. , i• Hear," and a laugh.) He bad nothing to say against at graceful bow, only that he thought the right hon. gen tleman would have better consulted his own high position if he had made it before, and not waited until be got into omen. (Hen, hear.) This paragraph in the speech in re ference to free trade wan one which the leaders of that side of the house were especially called upon to dissent from at the very earliest moment. When the free trade measures were passed In 1846 they had no notion of compensation to any interest, nor was that doctrine maintained. He denied that any injury was inflicted for which compensation could be demanded, and they ought to declare whether they should have any right to compensation for the robberies they had testa allowed to perpetrate fur so many years. He was sorry the matter was not regarded in that light. As to what was coming in the future, that bottled problem that they were to see enunciated, he would say nothing now, but he would only warn the hon. member for North Warwickshire and the country gentlemen, that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would prove the Flying Dutchman to the agricultural vessel, and that having led them so far with no other object than the elevation of himself, they and the farmers would find themselves deluded. (Oh, oh.) That was not his own language, but a paraphrase of the language held by the right bun. gentleman towards Bir It. Peel when he taunted him with exhibiting a great difference of demeanour when the leader of the opposition and the head of the government, and stigmatised him as the author of an organised hypocrisy. The right hoe. gentleman had himself carried on the same system of political hypocrisy as that which ho then attacked. Away then with that boasted chivalry which had been only used as a stalking hone to enable him to get into power, and then to kick away the ladder on which he had mounted. He (Mr. Osborne) would not go into some of the other paragraphs of the speech. Eulogy had been exhausted on the Duke of Wellington, and he would take his place in the great English Pantheon beside Sir Robert Peel. But he (Mr. Osborne) moat take exception to the paragraph re. biting to Ireland. There was no deception, no experimen tsun sn corpore ciii" there. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not entered a disclaimer to the remarks on that point made by the noble lord the member for London. He (Mr. Osborne) denied that tur bulence• and insubordination prevailed in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) There might be acme agrarian crimes, but for every one crime that there was in Ireland there were fifty in England • and he thought it not becoming in a ministry who wis hed that there should be no amendment to the address to cast such a slur on the people of Ireland as this. (Hear, hear.) When there was so much talk about a liberal policy to Ireland he thought there might have been something in the speech from the throne as to when the Landlord and Tenant Bill which had been promised by the Attorney-Oeneral for Ireland would be laid on the table, and whether there was to bo any inquiry on the subject of Maynooth, or if it was intended to interfere with the system of national education; for when bee aw a recent appointment to the episcopal bench of a man—who in all other respects was unexceptionable—who t wan drri,le4ll, hostile to that system, he could out but tremble for the result, and he could not but think that Lord Derby, who constituted that system, had received some new light into his chivalrous mind, and that he was about to alter • system which the house had dune so much to pro mote. lie hoped that they should hear something on t. is subject from some of the Irish t xecutive in the house. He was sure, however, that a just said liberal policy was not consistent with such maligning paragraphs a' that io the speech, nor were they calculated to cohciliive the opinion of the Irish people towards the new parliament. The right hon. gentleman the Chart-ellor of the Exchequer had toed to rates the usual mists, end he had, perhaps, been success ful in his attempt as regarded the country gentlemen ; but he (Mr. Osborne) wanted to know if they were content to hear the government say that they did not intend to re verse the policy of free trade ? If they meant to preserve their party in power they must milkier the disc, mid ac cept free trade without compensation, for he dement that they hail rceived any injury. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY remonstrutell against the premature attacks made upou the government. Ile had understood the paragraph in question as a declaration that the minis ters had entirely and fur ever given up any intention to attempt to restore a protecting duty on rem, but were lire panel to consider the question whether its abolition had Witten:el injury upon a particular rhos. Ile hail sup ported protection upon the principle that the land was un equally taxed, and now that proteetian was withdrawn, the inequality, from which it had originated, should be adjusted. Mr. COBDEN would not have added a word to what hod been said maven it were to impress en his hon. friend, the member for Wolverhampton, the propriety of not liege ening to advice from the other Ride of the house with re gard to hie htinging forward a substantive motion. He thought his hon foetid had duly appreciated his position in the country with regard to this qua stein. Ile liad been the faithful represcutative of tree-trade in that house, and the country was now occ d with the dis cussions of the house on that subject, and expected a definite result, lie (Mr. Witten) would ask whether it , was possible for the plain, honest, fair•mincle el people elthis country to say that the clause in the Queen', speech wise a sufficient solution of a fourteen years' controversy on this question ? If he read that paragraph aright, it appeared to be put into that form with the intention that it should not mean anything. It began with an " it," and, as Shakspeare said, " Your if is a great pencemeker." If it was hypothetical, and meant nothing, how could the house come to a decision on the question ? He thought, there fore, that his hon. friend should ',ledge himself within the next fortnight to bring a substantive motion before the house. If the right honourable gei.tlemsn the Chan cellor of the Exchequer said that it was tree that the cabinet was resolved, and he understood that this had been confirmed by the noble lord at the bead of the government in another place, to adopt the principle of un restricted competition, where would be the difficulty or the delay arising from the motion of his hon. friend I lie (Mr. Cohen) wojild take it on himself to say, that his hon. friend's motion would affirm the principle of unrestricted competition, and if, as the right hon. gentleman asserted, that was also the principle of the cabinet, let him agree to the motion, affirm the principle, and so dispose of the goes. tion for ever. (Hoar.) But it must not be mixed up with other questions. (Loud cheers.) His hon. friend had seen too much of that house and had too much experience to allow one great question to be mixed up with another. 'T hey must have tee principle of free trade affirmed, and that affirmation was not based merely on the present prosperity of the coutory. Ile saw that hon. gentlemen opposite wished to cattle this question oa the ground of the present prosperity of the country, and if that were done it might he convenient hereafter to go to farmers' dinner tables and tell them that the question was settled for the present, but that the time might come when if they would agitate and organise that principle might be reversed and protection again adopted. But they on that side of the house maintained that the principle of unrestricted com merce was true, sound, politic, just, and fitting for all times and all circumstances, and if it be a truth that is the answer to all those who' are opposed to it, and it net a truth then it is not worth a snuggle to establish is by legis lation. (Hear, hear.) • mere assent to the principle of unrestricted commerce and the !abolition of all protective duties afforded a great field to au ingenious Chancellor of the Exchequer to attempt a modification of taxation. That was a process he (Mr. Cobden) invoked as being as much the interests of his constituents, the woollen manufacturers, as those on the other side of the House might think it for the interests of the agriculturists, for his constituents, whether in the woollen or stuff manufactures, were equally interested in the question of taxation. He could not there fore allow the agriculturists to go into the question of taxation, as parties who were injured by the measures of 1846. That opened a very wide question ea regarded the agricul tural party. In the first place, he denied the injury. (Cheers.) Had they proved their case? They had not. There were some of the largest landlords who declared that they bad not suffered, among them the Duke of Hue clench and Sir James Graham. The farmers had not all suffered. Those who were engaged in grailiag, wool farming, and dairy-farming, had profited by the change which had taken place. But when they talked of relieving landed property, they appeared only to contemplate the taxation on wheat growers, and did not touch railway and other property which did not come within the meaning of agricultural property. What, also, was intended to be done with the seven or eight millions of property which had been bought in Ireland under the Encumbered Estates Bill since the operation of free trade ? Were those pur chasers to be compensated also by a remission of taxation, besides the seven or eight millions' worth of property which had dean sold in thes country during that period ? But he (Mr. Cobden) denied that the agriculturists could show that they suffered loss. Was land worth less now than at the time of the change made by Sir It. Peel ? It was said that if they made out a case for inquiry, and showed that they had suffered loss, then they had a right to compensa tion; hut it was not proposed to compensate lawyers fur the losses they had suffered oy recent changes, they might go off to the diggings to supply the loss they had suffered by the abolition of John Doe and Richard itoc feud the like. When a class received benefits under a law they did not necessarily have a beneficial interest created by it; and when that law was abrogated they had no right to com pensation. The corn law, were upheld by blood-stained hands; and he could bring forward eases to show that many riots, and murder, and burning', and dis turbances, since 1819, were to be placed to the account of the corn laws; add that had been the case since their enact ment, in 1815, instead of the well-affected condition of the minds of the people as it existed now, and which exhibited itself in the absence of all discontent when the failure of the harvest in tho present year was anticipated. it could not be expected that the house and the country would go into the discussion of this question with the foregone conclusion, that the agriculturists were entitled to com n. That was what they (the opposition) had been against, and involved the whole question. What hon. friend must do was to see that they were placed in tbe same position as regarded free trade as before, and that It should be made safe by a vote of the house, without the alloy of any question of compensation. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, whom it was always most difficult to follow on the same side, in his speech of that evening, appeared to him (Mr. Cobden) to fail in that :in which he was the least likely 'to fail—his casuistry. (" Hear, " and a laugh.) The right honourable gentleman had laid it down that they had a tight to call on the government for a declaration of their policy, bat that they had no r;ght to put them into a crucible in order to extract from them a declaration of their principles and opinions. Now if he (Mr. Cobden) was about to engage a steward or an agent, he would like to know his views with regard to his busi ness, and knowing them, if he were honest he should con abide that his practice would be coincident with those ?Gera, and on the same principle it was only by a know ledge of the convictions of the ministry that he could judge what would be their policy if they were given an opportunity of carrying them out. It was not to be sup posed that they would take office holding certain convic tions and opinions, and yet, if allowed to remain, they would be willing to carry out the opinions of their oppo nents. (Hear, hear.) That would be a very compendious mode of carrying on the government, and would very much simplify the proceedings of the house; there would be no migrations from one side of the floor to the other, for when once in office, whatever might be the demands of the country, the convictions of the hon. gentleman would be no obstacle to their carrying them out. The right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had told thou, not in the heat of debate of 1816, but in 1849, what was the reason why he claimed protection. Ile had given the most infallible arguments to show that free trade, according to the Manchester school, as he called a— wes calculated to degrade the labourer, to lower the rate of wages, to diminish capital, and to produce pauperism. (Hear, hear.) lie had said so within the last few years most emphatically. lie (Mr. Cobden) wits the last person to quote " Hansard" against any one ; but when he found the right hon. gentleman in office, and the hon. member for Oxfordshire asking that he should be left in office, whatever his principles, he (Mr. Cobden) could not separate hie prin ciples from his convictions, and what would be his practice Hallowed to carry them out. Last May, the right hon. gentleman had denied that he had come to that side of the house to betray the principles he had held on the other side, but on the contrary (and he said it most emphatically) to carry them out. lie contended he was justified in asking those gentlemen what were their convictions. (Cheers.) lie would not subject them to the ordeal they had applied M the late Sir Robert when he changed his opinions (Hear, bear.) The last speaker hail talked of the way in which they were constantly attacking the government. Surely he was mistaken, and was referring to what had taken place some years ago, when the right hon. baronet avowedly changed his convictions, and yet was not allowed to remain at peace with hie new convictions, though be bail aban doned office at the price of his conversion. (Cheers.) It ght hon. gentlemen opposite had no reason to complain of retribution. (Hear, hear.) He had felt often, and had often been on the point of saying, what he would not hesi tatethanCoadbt M d h e l e rt i Le a b l o p ul . to say now, that the penoual hu f e ri m e c n l i r s . col leagues of the late Sir R. Peel, had shown more forbear ance done, to ward s i h i s t ell the assail ants ri th s trn seemed of. (Cheers.) But if the right hon. gentlem en would come forward, when Mr. Villiers made his motion, and say that they had changed their views, he would give them his solemn pledge that they should never hear another word on the subje t from him. (Cheers.) But unless that declaration were made, he could only say that representing the largest constituency in the empire —a population of a million and a half—whose opinion was unanimous—until ministers did avow a change in their opinions, they should never remain in office one day with his consent, or a day longer than he could turn them out. (Cheers.) lie hoped his right hon. friend would take the earliest opportunity of bringing forward his resolution, and that it would cover the whole subject—that it would embrace emphatic illy the right tattle people of this country to a tree and unre tneted trade in corn, that it would avow the principle,of free trade to be just and politic, and that it must be maintained and