The Express. — London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

w i t h this emMay, with this exception, that the line of one. colon wa SOS baited in the game manner. We adminis tered • stematien oath, tatting forth that there was ier he me mantels:es between ll•ngary and any other prov ince, and that while we acknowledged the items so rereign, ono rights were to be preserved, and we were to browned solely ►y Oar own lam and means. (Hear, m o o We also provided that, in ease the sovereignty should. la Online of succession, fall into the bands of • child the same course should not be adopted a in the ease of Austria. I• such a contingency the regent of Austria would be some elder member of the royal runny ; bat see provided that a Hungarian palatine should be appointed, SO SS that our constitutional rights should sot be absorbed. These rights were also protected by our municipal institu tions, which, with an inherent strength that never could be collaldetele broken, steadily resisted the enenmehmentsof the mown. Perhaps I may illustrate the defensive strength of these institutions by alluding to the siege of Saragossa by Nape. lean. When Napoleon had bettered down the walls, he was as far from mimes... ever, became he had to fight single battles with the citizens in every street. So it was In Hungary with her municipal institution*. (Cheers.) I remember an °cession when the house of Hapsburg, in de fiance of the parliament, levied troops, and raised the taxes trout one to two-and-a-half times as much as they were before, and when the majority of over fifty-two of our counties, influenced by terror and every other means at the disposal of the government, submitted to the encroachment. At that time there were only ten or twelve tomitate that resisted, and the resistance of even these few was as effective as that of the people of Saragossa. (Loud cheers.) By these means we preserved through all en- orosehmente some shadow of independence. but the Austrian government having obtained absolute power in their other provinces, took every means, from open violence to the most insidious frauds, to overthrow our municipal institu tions. They fomented our quarrel., undermined our na- Com! character, im►overished oar country, and eorrup'ell oar nobles. Our parliament, which ought to be Esteemed mum in three years, was not convened for twenty, and so arbitrary government went on, until at last we became aware that from 300,000 to 300.000 nobles would not be suelcient to defend the rights of the country from the des potic tendencies of Austria. From this point dates oar struggles which have now lasted for about 28 years. We decided that cur beat *lifeguard would be to inspire all the people with the sentiments of patriotism, Ice giving all an equal interest in ennetitntional rights. (Loud cheers.) That was the direction of public opinion in Hungary in 18'25. We felt the n' enmity the more, because, although we had a board or council of government which by law wax respon sible to the country, and were hound non° carry into execu tion any order even of the sovereign, which was con•nry to our laws, still we knew that there was no real respronsibility la this council, because no corrupt body can be made to feel responsibility. Individual, may be made responsible, hut w►en the government Iwtonice collective responsibility vanishes. We taw therefore that oar right- and privileges were vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian government, in which Metternich was then all in all ; and feeling that 100,0110 nobles could not effectually resist such entrenchments, we proposed to give to the whole fifteen millions of our people an interest in constituti nal ✓ights, and a motive for defending them. The pea santry must form an important consideration in every country, but doubly so in Hungary, which was and is chiefly an agricultural country. The condition of our peasantry became then the first topic with our reformers, who felt that our country, so highly gifted Iry nature, could never he made the earthly paradise it ought in be except by free labourers enjoying constitetional rights; and, seeing that our peasant had to work for his landlord lOt flays in the year, to which most he added Sundays, festivals, and winter, and And to give the ninth of his protium to the ocieneur, the tenth to the heave, we felt that this was a coalition contrary to human rights and the principles of Justice. (Loud cries of " Hear, heir.") The first thing, then, we did was to emancipate the people. (Loud cheers.) The reform, however, was only effected lo y slow degrees. In the long parliament, which sat from IV! to 13311, it was proposed in the lower house, which consists wholly of sleeted asemhem, that every peasant shonld have the right to make himself free of hi, feudal and seignorial bar densby paying toff the capital of his duce. At first we pro- posed that this power should he indepo ndent of the will of the landlord, hut were opposed by the House of Lords, until at laid, by the influenee of government, it was reduced to the privilege of purchasing freedom with the cement of the landlord. That modified measure was earned by the Common. and Lords, hut was refused by the Regent, who was thus at issue with the people on this greet question in 1R313. 1 should state that theme's - bees of the Commons voted as they were instructed by the tomitats, and therefore it was towards the latter that the intrigues of the government were principally directed. They could not corrupt them by means of the Count Pala tine, who being by office president of the House of Lords, could not intrigue with the county meetings, and therefore other persons were selected to carry into the county meet ings eve• species of corrupt ion. (Hear, hear.) They appointed an administrntor in every county, who should never leave the county, but be present at every meeting, control every act, and corrupt every troublesome member, in order that the (Imitate might become at bet the mere instruments mid tools of government. It was this system that we opposed with all our strength of mind and body, bat with no narrow view to the privileges of our own claw We wanted these institutions to be independent in order that we might reform nor system for the benefit of the entire people. (Loud cheers.) hut the more we developed our views of reform, the more actively the solve, ament set their admini•tratore to work throughout the tountrv,and that Was our condition up to the diet of Oct. or Nov. 1817, *year or so before the French revolution. I wish to show that in Hungary we were not revolutionists-1 am not blaming revolutions—but the Ilangarians were engaged in no secret conspirney, but at public meetings, and in an open and constitutional way. etreirgled manfully for their rights. (Hear, hear.) I myself hail the honour to be elected &member of this parliament of 1817, for the metro politan county of Pesth, when the government of the day did everything pomade to prevent my election. The good sense Of the nobles, however, carried me in triumph. (eh eeri.) The first question I proposed. secording to the instructions I had received from my constitnente, was that our municipal in stitutions should be restored to their original purity, that the system of administrator should be abolished, and that until these measures should he carried no taxes should be voted. The Houses of Lords and Common* were at issue on this question, discussing it for upwards of two months, and remained in disagreement. I should mention that it was ne cessary that both houses should ',gem upon a measure before it was laid before the king, but there was no limit to the people elllmeney ewe deirjed dam redeeeL They told me de dela would be asseded if Vienne egad may be kept iet„ opa Imo it should v ut is Mt all t*s Meese of Hapsburg bid stele gentidled to lie It was ewe of those curie,/ eategke et the - d human life, fa which s.ysiW as banible NIS et mire Mengary, was in a polities Us heid tiva ileetimise oldie Hewn of llapsburg and sll its elielleirlik these hands. (M. Kossuth here made a power ful isrprombor by the energy of his manner, stretching out boar his hush ea he finished the sentence.) I said, " Be just to int ledisrload and I will give peace and tranquil lity to N yeas." They promised to be just, and before twenty.foug Uwe I gave peace and tranguiliity to Vienna —Octal alegereA—and before the Eternal God, who will make eeigienink roy soul—before history. the independent judged events—l lave a right to say, that the house of Hapsburg owes its existence as a dynasty to rue. (Tre mendous sheering.) At bast the 111104*011 of the government was to these laws, but while wo were receiving the m g:es of the Emperor in one room, the Archduchess the mother of the present king and sister of the last, was in another plotting with Metternich how to get rid of these promises. (Hear, hear.) In a few week, the King came to Preitb , irg, when I was first minister. an office which I was forced to accept. For I can appeal to the public knowledge of my nature, of my enemies, stud of my friend. that I always eousidered power as • heathen. Before we went to Vienna for sanctiou to the law appointing respon sible ministers I addressed the people of Preaburg, I took my poor frien d Louis Bathyany—(M. Kossuth was here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the people, "don't cheer me, he must be the first president of Hun gary." lie declined unless I would enter office with him, and thus I was forced to enter. (Hear, hear.) In a few days after the Serbs revolted, stirred up as it appeared by the Camarillo of Vienna. They took for pretext that by @iciest diplomas, that part of Hungary which they occu pied to the amount of two or three hundred thousand peo ple had been given to them. Nobody denied this, but they insisted that it should be politically separated from Hun gary aad form a separate Banat. Now although this beast in which they lived contained 1,300,000 people, the Sortie number only 300,000, who speak the Wallachian tongue, the remainder of the people speaking German. The governmeat of which I was a member seeing that them must be some plot in all this, considered that we were bound to suppress this revolt. Besides I should state that ono of the chief political manceuvres of Metternich was to oppress WIC nation by means of another. One army was drawn out of the land, part in Bohemia and part in Italy, while we had in Hungary Germans, Croats, l'oles, and Wallacks. At the head of this revolt was the Ban of Croatia, and they finished by de:hiring their independence. We, the Hun garian ministers, entreated the king to give his consent to convoke the parliament, in order that mean, might be ob. tainNl to suppress the revolt. I, the minister of Hungary nominated by the King, stood beside the Archduke Palatine when he gave the order. (Hear, hear.) The Kini fied to Inapruek, and a deputation went there, inviting him to come to Buda, and rely on the loyalty of the people. We promised to defend him against all the worhl—and the Hungarians have proved that they can defend what they have promised to defend. (Cheers.) I also stood Inside the Archduke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the king, couilemning the machinations of the Croats and Serbs, and stating that he had given orders to his ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt. In the same edict lie called upon his faithful parliatueut of Iluugary to levy an army, and to provide mean, to carry on the war. I it was who proposed it to parliament, but I had hardly said a few words when I was stopped in my speech, and the supplies grunted at once. While these matters were going on news arrived from Italy that the Battle of Costanza bad been won, and that the government of Vienna were now in a position to consider the means of crushing Hungary. A proclamation was Wiwi asking Jellachich, who had been proclaimed a traitor by the king, to go against Hungary, calling him a friend. Surely there is nut an honest man in the world who will not eolith:sun that. (Hear, hear.) Jellachich came on with 30,000 men; but we beat him, taking two armies and one general, our only force being the 1110131iplined people armed with scythes, lie then asked fur a truce, and two days were given bun, and in the meantime he broke his word and escaped. We followed him. I was then President of the Couoeil, the mi nistry having resigned in consequence of the dissolution of parliament before the arrangement of the budget, which was against the constitution, which provided that the par. liament should not separate without arranging the budget. ' In addition to this violation of constitutional rights the King makes his alter eon, giving to him the power to govern Hungary, of Jellachich, the man whom he had proclaimed as a traitor. We said we would not take the traitor as governor, and that the parliament could not he dissolved, because it had voted no budget. We declared that the order Ihr dissolution had not been signed by the responsible officer, and that, therefure, the parlia ment must sit. I had then the honour to be president of the provisional government, and I ordered Jellachich, who had escaped towards Vienna, to be followed. When he came to the frontiers of Austria, I sent commissioners to the government, demanding from the general of the Atia trian army that they should respect the laws of neutrality towards us, and not give any shelter to the revolted. But they not only protected him, but permitted him to join in the operations of the siege of Vienna. These two armies came to Hungary under Windischgratz, calling us rebels and slaves. We struggled, and fought battles—history tells here. (Loud cheers.) But still one thing I must add, that although we were vietora, de feating the imperial armies in several battles—although the Emperor of Austria had is.ued a proclamation on the 4th March, 1849, in which, relying on the false report of a i general of victory that never occurred, he declared by a single scratch of his pen that the nationality of Hungary was blotted out, that its constitution was to be turn up, and that henceforth Hungary was to he incorporated with the Austrian empire, to he ruled by his good will and pleasure —mot. ithstanding al this, I a iy, still we did nut proclaim a rupture• with the House: of liap,burg until I received cer tain intelligence that Russiau intervention had hero de cided upon and accepted. (Hear, hear.) And, 1 am sorry to add, that we also got information that against this inter vention we had no help to expect anywhere. (M. Kossuth was here deeply affected, and burst into tears.) Then I considered the matter in my conscience, and came to the conclusion that either my aa:ion must submit to overthrow, and to an end of its lite, without even trying to save ourselves, or if we were nut cowards and base enough to commit such suicide, seine reward was necessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the people. And 1 proposed that if we were to contend against two great em pires—if there was nobody to help us, nobody to prevent Paskewitash, as he had promised, treading on the neck of Hnagm7—if we were to struggle for our liberties, as we bed ewe tor the Christian liberties of Europe, Om l n • reward, the independence or Hungary, asy Imam' was accepted. (Loud cheers.) That is • arimanst of what occurred, and you all know what was the Ms& How we fared let me not say ; it is too deep matter Meserrow. This much only will I my, that although for saken by the whole world I am to this day confident that we valid have been a match for the combined forces of the toe iheritic powers but it is my fault and my weakness dud em governor of power, having the lead in this great moreement, I bad not art enough to tight with equal arms die duplicity of Russia ; you know how he introduced trea son into our counsels. lied I only been prepared for die treason, all would certainly not have failed. (Hear, hear.) Bat the result of what has oc curred is, that the house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more. It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Caar—(a laugh) —to whom it has become the °ba gasse senent. (Hear, hear.) But if the people of Eng les* allideinied that Russia should nut set her foot on th e Sisk of awry, if they would only resolve to say "stop" ill Bowie. teed nothing more, we might still be happy. Eiangary weld have knowledge, patriotism, loyalty, and sewage Nee* le dispose of its own domestic matters, as it le the soweeelis debt of every nation to do. (Hear, hear.) Ased now, goodinsis, I trust you will excuse me if I have net answered pow expettations, if I have tired you. (No, no.) My leas-Ws was to show you that the cause of wig pint ,entry is worthy your generous sym pathy, 111161111111 we have struggled for a national esistemo, whisk when once lost, there is no re surrection any men he a people. This is the cause fur which I ask your gener, , ls sympathy, and which I am enabled to lay Wore you here through the generous hos pitality of the mayor of Southampton. lie has acted the part of • kind and generous friend to one so undeserving as myself. He was • father to the unfortunate, and the protector of suffering humanity. Hap the realm where such a men eta rise from the peop le by his own perm veVahl Ow* integrity, his own ener g y. It i s t h e g l ory of that each a man rising in such a manner ein beau and confidence of his countrymen. Let Mim. while expressing my hamblo and everlasting iliwidelew ibe hind sentiments entertained towards me, pro pene, _ 'lib dr deepest affection, the health of the =C al (Cheers.) MAYOR returned thanks, and gave the healths of Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and the liberal members of parliament. M. KOSSUTH interrupted the proceedings for a mo ment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristocracy of race, but simply ono of birth. The Marya-e, who num bered about eight millions, had noblemen manufacturers and peasants among them the same as the other races. Lotd D. STUART having returned thanks for the liberal Members of the House of Commons, Mr. COBDEN said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I was rusticating in a neighbouring county, where I have been seeking some repose alter the labours of a session more than nanally laborious, and far Wire than usually unprofitable, end atter these labours of • more pleasing natore, such as isiartiminins friends come sip to town to see the Exhibition, 'bee I bawd of M. Kossuth', arrival. I mention these boa, lowsome It justifies me for nut being on the spot to wham the reception given to our distinguished visitor (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, the moment I received in my aemewbat outlandish retirement the news of his arrival in logisind, I started at once to pay my humble respects. I do M presume to enter into the internal affairs of Hungary. Now, then, do 'judge him to be a guest worthy of the hospi tality and moral assistance we give him? I judge of him by the credential he brings in the name of • w hole nation, and en dorsed by the suffrages of • people. (Cheers.) When fugi tive sovereigns, driven from their thrones by the execrations of their people, fiy to our shores, we throw open our vacant palaces for their reception. (Cheers and laujritcr.) And I will not say a word against the holaitalities ot Claremont ; but when a man arrives on our shores beariug not the curses, but the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if England refuses a welcome to such a min, adieu for ever to that sympathy with nations and with natiou's rights which has hitherto beets the boast of England. (" Hear," an l cheers.) But I take no m e rit in shari ng i n these honours. Salliahnees al a public man might induce me, if I had no other motive, to be here to-day. But I ram here speaking in the name of the great majority of the Communication between the two houses. The measure had not a majority in the Locals, because it contained so many functionaries appointed by government and persons as piring to be functionaries, but still I have the gratification of knowing that it was supported by many of the most independent of the lords of Hungary, amongst whom was my lamented and unfortunate friend Louis Bathyany. Still corruption went on, and I felt at last that our only tonne was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of evil. On the head of the King of Hungary rests two crowns, the one constitutional and the other absolute, and thew two enuld never nerve together. Which ultimately fresaila in the struggle history tells in many a dark page. p:odased therefore that, as the house of Hapsburg de eh to restore the rights of Hungary out of deference to the people of Vienna, it was our duty, as the elder brother in the national family, that the people of Vienna should also get franchise'. I believe that no just roan will say I was +ran is that proposition, which was universally accepted. I was not planning revolution ; that is an urination which I know will find no echo in the breast of nay just or generous man. (Loud cheers.) My speech on the subject was road in all the coffee-houses of Vienna, News of the Preach revolution arrived, and the Vienne*. nu. That was the Austrian revolution, and I mast bun* own that I immediately decided not to be carried away by the eacitcment of the time, but to bike the reins of government into my own hands, and to avail myself cif the opportunity that Clod had given, not Hun gry made. (Cheers.) The first thing I proposed wee the amen potion of the peasantry, and of course, under the circumstances, it was carried unanimously by both honest. (Hear, hear.) Still I was anxious not to hurt the interests easy person, but rather to spare those who, although, Net quite national in their origin, had yet in course of time become unedited with the fortunes of a great many people. I proposed„ and my proposal was adopted, that peasants snoold be free from all duties, free without _paying—liberty seta thief, to be paid for. (thee es.) But I proposed at the same time that the seigneurs should get indemfica tion, aet from the peasant, hut from the land. Our country boa largo resources, which by good management wou ld b e i.e. than enough to give full and entire compensation to the nobles. 1 engaged my honour and my oath to give this indemnification, and it was carried in parliament. (Hear) Jul stalest before, the poor people had every duty but no rights,and I proposed that rights should at once be conceded, and that every man possessing the franchise should, accord ing to his means, contribute to the public weessities. This was carried unanimously. The third plan was, that the people should be admitted immediately to all rights of franchise, not only as to the election of members of parlia ment, but also for magistrates and other public func tionaries. lint now, when all the people were admitted to the franchise, half a million of persons could not be con voked on our plan, and therefore I proposed that every community should select a person to represent them. These were my principles. (Cheers.) I made no encroachment on men's rights, either in their family or in communiti e s- I wished that th e government shout be sufficiently power. ful for the public necessity, and to enforce obe d ience to the law, but not to interfere with the social or municipal rights of men. We proposes' further that as councils of government could not be made respon sible, the executive should be managed by members respon sible to parliament. These were the proposals which were carried out, with several "them, with the details of which I shall not detain you. We established a responsiblcminis try, emancipates' the peasantry, ordained that the nobles should participate with the peasantry in all public duties, and that all should have the franchise both for members of parliament and for the county meetings. These laws were brought by a deputation headed by the Archduke Palatine, up to Vienna. Ile asked, in the name of the future of Hungary, and of the peace of Austria, that these terms should be granted. We were ordered to bring our claims before the Emperor of Austria, and also to ask him to give to our fettered brethren of Austria their rights. At that time' there was doubt and hesitation in every country except' toe, which, having made one glorious revolution, finds the principles then s stahlished sufficient to carry out every necessary chang e . Here, then, everything was quiet, white en the continent all was movement. The government heotated to concede these just claims. I went myself to the Imperial Palace, and told the Emperor that if he per anted, I could not guarantee what would be the conse quence, with these movements in Europe, and when the THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 27, 1851. people of this mentsy. I say it advisedly, I know s& much d 'oldie *Mee es any newspaper can pretend to know; NM I say Mot this meeting, enthusiastic as it is, fairly re pretests is Wee majority of the men, aye, and the women, of this essamMy. (Loud cheers.) And why is such spot- Lialit fee the mese of Hungary in England ? Why is that the user of Louis Kossuth is heard at the firesides of the middle and working classes, and, I would fain hope, of the higher classes, one of whom we number among our visitors today? It is because he is believed worthily to re present the wants and wishes of a great people, that ho has intellect to make him worthy of their confidence, and Slut he has those qualities of the heart without which intellect would be a curse. (Hear, bear) Now, my illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion of his must eloquent address, that lie wishes only for such a demonstra tion in this country so shall prevent Russia from invading his country, or from interfering with the settlement of their domestic effairs. Well, if there be one man who has a etrouger opinion than another on the subject of non ' inters - intim, I am that man. 1 am fanatical in that doctrine, because I think their can be no vigour or manhood in the country which looks to the right or left for external sot, and is nut allowed to develops its resources by its own internal working; but I quite agree with my friend that a word spoken by England would have an alined irresistible force m the councils of despotic sovereigns. I confess I can but regret that the iovasiuu of Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civilisation in our day, should have been allowed to pass without an angry protest from this country. I stated , that so lung as the di s pute lay b e twe e n Austria' and Hungary, we should nut go farther thou express our sympathy with the right, but front the moment that Russia interfered, it became a changed question. Here was a semi-barbarous power coining down with its hordes to crush • more eitilised country, and a strong protest from tho government and people of this country' would have been of immense advantage. But what were the facts? Other states were in the toils of a re-action, but the leading newspapers of this country not only uttered no protest, but actually expresses' opinions in favour of the Russian cause. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that were public opinion so far enlight ened, that newspapers would not dare to falsify it by taking Sidel with Russia, it would not require many words from an English foreign minister to make that opinion have weight with foreign despots. (Hear, hear.) But if we wish our opinion to have weight, we must come into court, with clean hands. My efforts have been made to make us understand our duty with regard to interference in the foreign countries. Now, our friend tells us that he comes here on the principle of non-interterenee, and I think we owe him some explanation before he is fairly launched on the public gatherings that await him. Ile is anxious to avoid even the appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs, and under these circumstances I think it would be WrOUF for any political party to offer any act of special fraternisation to our friend, or to claim any par ticular identity. (Cheers.) In short, I think I may once for all avow that there is nothing in the position of our friend to warrant any political party claiming political identity. (Hear, hear.) He has told us that the movement of th, Magyar* was not a movement haviu for its object organic chanfe sin the national institutions. It was a move ment to maintain the eonsti!ution as it was (-templed with certain refonus which he was anxious to effect. I hope our excelleut friend, the consul from America, will nut think less of our distinguished friend if I avow my belief that the Hungarian movement was nut a democratic movement solely, but a movement of the people with the aristocracy at their head to maintain the national indepen dence. !lad it not have been such a movement they could nut have achieved what my friend has detailed to us this evening. In short, we honour in him the champion of a minim that is identified with constitutional institutions. The next toast was the health of Mr. Croskey, the Ame rican Consul. or sect. It is understood that the illustrious Magyar has intimated his willingness to visit Birmingham if it wasthe general wish that he should do so, and that he calif be eathairiseticolly received in the most democratic town in England there cannot he a doubt. A (Nativism, who has taken a deep interest in the Illungarian cause, will be de spatched to Winchester tor the purpose of carrying the invi tation to Komuth himself. FRANCE. Our Faris correspondent writes : In general the Parisians are startled at the amount of enthuxiasm which has attended Lousuth's reception in England. The and Constitsdionnel attempt to sneer downthisremarkable demonstratiun. The rinfication of the liberal papers at the great success of the Hungarian en• governor is expressed with moat I, igour by the l'resse, Pays, and atimull. The Sleek produces a very scanty report without comment. In connection with the subject of Kos suth I may mention the unanimity with which the demo crats of the llonelies-du-Ithone have come forward to pay the supplement of caution money required by the reaple, the journal of Marseilles prosecuted for an article on tho interdiction of the Hungarian' hero from the soil of France. A cheap excursion train is to start from Norman ton, in Yorkshire, to-morrow, and to proceed all the way to Southampton, picking up passengers at the various stations, to join in the demonstration in favour of Kossuth when he attends the Southampton banquet. REFORM MEETING AT BURY, LANCASHIRE. On Friday evening the large room of the fine new Town Mill ut Bury was tilled to et crflowing by working and middle class people to r. (wire a deputation from the National Podium ntory and Financial Reform Association iu the persons of Mr. W. J. Fox, M.l'., and Mr. Tindal Atkinson; and a spi r t and bitereieing meeting was held to advance the objects of this ewes-lat . . Mr. J. Gime:DT Of Outwood Lodge. a magidrute of the (witty, presided, and ho was supported by a number of the leading and most in fluential inhabitants of the town. ... The CHAIRMAN, having opened the proceedings, Mr. 11. GLOVER moved the adoption of the first resolu tion That the first mini.ter of the crown having inti mated his intention to introduee a measure of parliamentary reform during the next session, the people should lose nu time in giving effective expressiun to their wi.hes. This meeting doth therefore declare that soy measure which does not rearrange the electoral districts, extend the fran chise to every occupier of a tenement, protect the voter h the ballot, shorten the duration of parliament, and aboli s h the property qualification required of members, will fail to satisfy the just expectations of the people—will he ineffectual in preventing the corruption, intimidation, and oppression, now prevailing at elections, and in securiti4 the full and free representation of the people in tho Commons flown of Parliament." (Cheers.) Mr. E. GRUNDY, of Park Hills, a highly respected and veteran reformer, seconded the motion. W. J. FOX, M.P., was introduced by the chairman to the meeting, and was received with prolonged cheering. After a few introductory remarks, he said— Every man woo has a known and reg istered place of abode, who is not a vagabond on the face of the earth, who has a dwelling which you know where to find, and who enjoys the advantage of citizenship, should have the responsibilities of citizenship, and should feel that he has both his duties and his rights. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is an interesting time this in which we are met. We have heard very recently, indeed, of the arrival of an illustrious foreigner on our shuns—(tremendous cheering)—who has already been welcomed at Southampton with a greet ing which not all the monarchs of the Continent with all their power could command. (Hear.) Ile has been received as it behoves Englishmen, and he will continue to be so greeted, I believe. over every part of the country ; but amongst all the COUIriIMCIUS Windt we can pay to that illustrious patriot, 1 think one of the best will he this, that in cheering hint, as the champion of his country's rights, we don't forget, even in the full flow of our eidhueiasin, that we are the guardians of our own country's rights. (Cheers.) Let us show that we are worthy to welcome Kossuth to our shores; let us show that our own struggle, like his, is a constitutional, though determined struggle ; let us show that which constitutes his real greatness, and that we belong to that brotherhood of integrity, independ ence., and universal freedom which distinguis hes the real nobility of mankind from its baseness 1111 , 1 its slavery. (hear, hear.) Sir, the association which my colleague, Mr. Atkinson, and myself have the honour of representing on this occasion, the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association, of which Sir Joshua Walmsley is the presd dent, has, I think, peculiar claims on the attention of the people at the present crisis. We are here, we may say, by the invitation of the prime minister of this country. lie says, " What do you want, and what will content you ?" We give him our answer in the words which have just been read to you as the first resolution pro pounded to this meeting. We give him our answer in the terms of Mr. Hunte's motion, and we say this both to him and to the public, " We don't propound these terms as a perfect theory of political right; we don't say that this is all the people of this country will ever require, we merely soy this , : it combines it larger amount of support both in parliament and out of parliament titan any other changes which have been submitted to your consideration." If Lord John Russell chooses to propose anything broader than this, by all mama let him do so, and we will give our careful and cautious consideration to any strong measure which he may have in contemplation. (.1 laugh.) Bat in the meantime we give him this as our minimum ; we say it is large enough to secure the people the benefits of a rea- ' repreeeutation, which they do not now peewee; while It is' limited enough to satisfy any cautious reformer. And we say it is constitutional in all its parts. (Hear, hear.) We say that entail boroughs and poor boroughs were not origi nally selected because they were small and poor, but be cause they were then rich and populous, and therefore we claim :that the representation be redistributed, so that the rich and populous places may have their due share of that representation. We say that my Lord John Russell has himself repeatedly confessed and stated in the Howie of Commons, that householders' votes he esteemed to be the common law of the land. Well then, we say, "Give us household votes; or, if you don't like that, give us universal suffrage, which will include all." (Loud cheers ) Even the ballot is not a novelty in this country. We find by the state tracts of the reign of William 111., that it was at that period practised at the borough of Lymington, in Hampshire, and highly praised, as giving independence to the ruin, and preventing his being bieeed and influenced by others; and no doubt those pilgrim fathers who sought liberty of conscience across the Atlantic, and established the ballot there ' —lio doubt they carried it with them from this country. It has been already tried in this country, though on a limited scale, and it has met with approba tion ; and we ask for it, that a man's vote may be his real vote, and not the vote of his landlord, or his customers. As to triennial parliaments,—all ordinary parliaments were formerly &anted, or oftener if need be; triennial parlia ments were the law of the land front the Revolution of 16dd until that monstrous usurpation, the Septennial Act, by which, as has been justly said, parliament arrogated such an arthority,that it might on the same principle have declared itself perphtual—it made the representation of the people hereditary. (Hear, hear.) Here, then, we are within very reasonable limits. It unites reformer of different classes, and I trust it is producing throughout the country, and es pecially throughout this part of the country, a co-operation and au union between the middle and working classes, which is the essential condition of any progress; a union without which no great improvement as ever been wrested from the ruling classes; without which our labours are never safe ; but with which we have before us the great eit and most glorious prospects. (Hear, hear.) That union is in itself a blessing; a good understanding between these two classes of society establishes harmony and co-operation throughout the land ; it gives advantages which are not to be possessed when class is battling against class, and interest against interest. It has bten very absurdly said that some of us want to exclude the peers from the House of Commons—nominal peers I mean, sons es relatives of the peers who constitute the upper house. I lorene, bavenever deemed °feuds* thing,where they are tie a lair and free choice. Let them have the quails seetimmend them, and no doubt they will find their wow diem What is complained of is this, that lords, so, ' — leer of lords, are sent there from paltry boroughs, the whale el which together, perhaps some 20 or 30 of them, would not muster as many voters or such an amount of population, as to entitle them to a single representative. (Hear, hear.) I say that it is not the place which a man represents nominally, but the class to which he belo ng s that influences his opinion. A number of Quakers might re turn, in a small constituency, a naval or military officer. Does he become a memo r and friend of the Peace Society therefore ? He does not look to the interests of his electors, but of his comradee in arms, and he votes for keep int up armaments, in order that his profession may flourish. SO it is through all the gradations of society. It is what a man belongs to that mainly ihfluences his feelings, and therefore it is that I wish that the middle classes of this country, and the operative. even, should have persons of their own class to represent them in that house, to give voice to their wants, to demand justice for their wrongs, and to assert their political right and privileges. (Cheers ) Well, the people whohavegotpoeeession ofuur house we are toldarechosenandsent there. Chieleo—by whom ? Why, by ono male adult out of 7 of the population of thetinited King dom of Great Britain and Ireland. The other six have no voice in the matter. They are vested in the representatives' of one-seventh, and in looking at that seventh, we fiud a I great portion of it is composed of persons immediately un der influence. We find the line drawn by rent. What has money or rent to do with the qualifications of a man to know who is a fitting candidate to i represent a place in parliament ? It is not the amount of rent, but the amount of brains, which ought to decide the point. The line is drawn so that you include men of different classes, shopkeepers dependent on their customers, tenants-at-will o f f arms w h o may be turned out in a day, and you exclude the sturdy, independent, intelli• gent operatives of this conatry. You draw the line so as to shut out the independent, and to include the dependent. (Hear, hear.) Why, when we look at the returns of the different amounts of rent which are paid, we can scarcely conceive that above 1 in 17 of those already on the roll of constituents is of the operative class. The constituents them selves being only 1 out of 7, the working man's real propor tion in the electoral system is only 1 out of 105, just one per cent, for the men whose strong arms and muscles, sad whose skilful labour, whose indomitable perseverance, whose powers of endurance have made this island of ours what it • s,—covered it with spacious buildings, cultivated its fields, • and realised all the pro luetions which make this country a I pride and wonder in the world. (Loud cheers.) Well, ' sar i that is by whom they are chosen. Where Mr. CItOSK EY, the American consul, in returning thanks, said that he did not wish to take a very prominent part in this demonstration, which it was his wish should be purely British in its character. (Hear, hear.) He wished that when the news of the reception given to the illustrious Koasuth in this country went to the other side of the Atlantic, it should have all the value of spontaneity on the pan of the British people. Ile felt sure that when their worthy guest reached the shores of America he would hee received by all parties, both whig and democrat, as La Fayette was received in 1825—as the Nation's guest. (Cheers.) He would take the opportunity of saying a few words in regard to the subject of niters% ntion and nun-intervention, upon which his friend Mr. Cobden hod so much dwelt upon. No country hail so firmly cantered to the doctrine of non-intervention as had the Coked States. The doctrine had been bequeathed to them by Washington, and they still looked upon it as a sacred bequest. But there were many of his countrymen who considered that, with their Mere:teed power and their denting future, a new and a somewhat different policy might be forced upon them by the necessities of their growing condition. The time would come, if it had not already come, when the United Staten would bo forced into taking more than an interest in European politics. When they should be so forced, he hoped they would still adhere to the advice of Washingtou, and at the same time require of the other members of the great family of minims to adhere to the Caine doctrine. He hoped, when ititroduceil into the tenni of European politics, they would be iutroduced as the ally of England upon some such great constitutional cause as that of the independence of Hungary crushed by foreign intervention. 114nd-in-hand with Great Britain so com bination of demotic governments could re-enaet the terri ble drama of pllcing the Met of absolutism upon the neck of national independence and constitutional freedom. M. KOSSUTH rose and said—Mr. Mayor and gentle ; men, allow me to interpose for a few minutes, and make one 'or two observations to you. (Hear.) Allow me in the name of my nation to express the gratification with which I have heard the sentiments expressed and the hope that has been uttered and so warmly responded to by you that through the justice of the Eternal God, my country may yet regain her liberties. (Cheers.) I um proud to find that we are supported by the sympathies of this mighty people, and of the offspring of England across the Atlantic, through whose government the blessings of liberty are enjoyed in both hemispheres. Supported by that sympathy I trust iu God to eye the hope so fervently ex proofed realised, and that soon. (Cheers) I um not elo quent, but the words—l cannot say the brief words— which you have done inc the honour to listen to, fell from my lips in order to explain the position of my country, and not with the view of exciting sympathy for myself. Ours is not the cause of one family—of one party ; but it is the cause of a whole people claiming those just rights to which a nation is entitled. After the length at which I have already addressed you, I feel that I dare nut now long de tain you; but I am a man who speaks, ea it were, frorn in spiration, and I now feel that, had I not already spoken, I could speak volumes to you from the warmth and energy of my heart. (Cheers.) In consequence of that inspiration you must allow me to address to you is few more words. I had beard of the reception which I might expect in England, but I had not pictured to mys.lfeo warm, so cordial a greeting, as that which you gave cue on lauding, and the noble welcotne which has this day been given me iu this room through the hospitality of your m a y or . (Cheers.) I have but just come from the East, where I have always loved to see and closely examine the institutions and habits of the people of the citiessin which I have been. No study can be more interesting, because tho character of a people is chiefly dependent on that of their institutions. New, as Eastern story tells us, there are different ways to Heaven, there may also be, and there are, different ways to the promotion of the happiness and welfare of the people. (Cheers.) England wants no change, because the is governed by a coustitutional monarchy, under which all classes hi tee country enjoy the full benefits of free institutions. (Cheers.) The consequence is, the peo ple of England arc musters of their own fate--delenelers of her institutions—obedient to the laws, and vigilant in their behaviour—and the country has become, and must ever contiuue, under such iustitutions, to be great, glorious, and free. (Cheers.) Then the United States is a republic—and though governed in a different way to this country, the people of the United States have no motive for desiring a change—they have got liberty, free dom, and every means for the full development of their social condition and position. (Cheers.) Under their go vernment, the people of the Coded States have, ii, 60 years, arrived at a position of which they may well be proud—and the English people, too, have good reason to be proud of their descendants, and tho share which she has hail in the planting of so great a nation on the other side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.) It was most gratifying to ace so great and glorious a nation thriving under a constitution but little more than 60 years old. (Cheers.) It is not every republic in which freedom is found to exist, and I could cite examples in proof of my assertion—and I deeply lament that there is amongst them one great and glorious nation where the people do not yet enjoy that liberty which their noble minds so well fit them for. It is not every monarchy that is good because under it you enjoy full liberty and freedom. Therefore I (eel that it is not the living under a government called a republic that will secure the liberties of the people, but that quite as just and honest laws may exist under a monarchy as under a republic. (Cheers.) If I wanted an illustra tion, I need only, as I have done, examine the institutions of England and the United States, to show that under different ferias of government equal liberty can and does exist—(cheers)—and I trust that the people will, in the fullness of time, show which is deserving to he the possessor of the " real ring" by the propriety of their behaviour. (Cheers.) Let me then toast this meeting by expressing my sincere wish, that the time may not be far distant when, in accordance with the generous sentiments I have listened to from my hon. friend., the sovereign ' rights of the people will be universally acknowledged, despotic governments cease, and the world be free. (Loud cheering.) • Lord DUDLEY STUART then gave "Health and Pros perity to the Corporation of Southampton, coupling with it the health of Mr. Leishley." • Mr. LEISHLEY briefly returned thanks, and the com pany separated. Kossuth will leave Winchester fur Southampton on Tues day, to be present at the municipal banquet to be given in his honour there. Mr. Macsingherd, of Eaton-place, has placed his house and servants at thu disposal of Kossuth, sod there the governor and his family propose to stay till their departure for America. BIRMINGHAM. A meeting of the Hungarian committee was held on Saturday night; it was announced that the signatures of • very large number of persons had been obtained to the in vitation to be given to Kossuth to pay a visit to this town. The list of signatures embraces persons of all ranks, and (excepting the ultra-tories) without any distinction of party are they chore° ? By little places as well as large ones. The little boroughs of Thetford, Arun del, and such places, each perhaps with something lees than a couple of hundred voters, return members to parliament, and Blanchester, London, and Liverpool do no more. Why I the very growth of this county of Lancaster, in h n years, from census to census—the very addition of population— would, had it its fair proportions, return as many members as those all put together, which return perhaps 40 or 50 perms to the House of Commons. (Bear, hear.) Sir, we ask Lord John Russell to remedy this; that there shall not be grievous disparities between the number of repre sentatives and the amount of population. We ask him, not to let the highest duty of citizenship be the means of popular corruption and debasement; we ask him not to let responsibility continue, for so long a portion of the parlia ment:ay career, a mere name. if his reform bill will' achieve the rectification of these evils, why we will receive it with thankfulness; but if not, we tell him that our sys tem will do it, and that he ought to come to us if he cannot himself find the direct remedy fir the evils complained of. (Bear, hear.) What is the natural result of such a system ? Unequal taxation—taxation in spirit like time corn laws, where the pour man's bread was made to pay the land owner's rent ; taxation bearing upon the necewaries of life rather than on property. What are the results of this system, but a monopoly of office for clans and classes of people, and even for families, and held so much to he the patrimony of those classes, that when the leader of one set, say my Lord John liAlsAell, is out of office, he advises the sovereign to send for the leader of the other aristocratic fiction, as if it were a ball to be " kept between them two, and nut a matter in which the people have a most vital concern. After some fur ther observations Mr. Fox concluded as follows : We are no innovators, we are not newfangled ' constitutionmorigers —we arc not revolutionists, we'' stick to principles which have been asserted genera tion after generation, and which are the real constitutional principles of this country, which, while it I.IIS one house of hereditary legislation, should have another house of re presentative legislation —a House of Commons nominated by the commons of England. (Lund cheers.) That rry for real representation has been echoed by one succeeding generation after another. We have n tiled our flag to the toast. It was not lowered for l'itt or Castlereagh, nor Peel or Wellington, and it shall nut be stained or dis honoured fur a Grey or a Rumen. (Prolonged cheering.) Matters of detail maybe arranged. (Rear, hear.) Com promises, if nut unworthy or dishonourable, may he made on a gnat variety of particular.; but what we claim, and iu what the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Associa tion will, I trust, obtain, will be backed by the population of England, is a real anal not a sham representation. (Hear, hear.) This association invites you to exert your selves. We say, my colleague and I in this depwa tion, that we want your support in the difficul ties wo shall have to overcome. We ask you to work, to help us, to co:tibiae, by joining this emaciation, or by forming local associations d your own, or both—to unite with us in endeavouring to win for the people the great and permanent good of real representation ; and then when these benefits arc realised, when economy is established, when a greater liberality of spirit is mauitested, when the union of the various classes of society is thus cemented—then those of you who when young pitted in this movement /WC the good effects, and enjoy the advantages, you may live to say to your children, It was not thus when we came into political life—corrap tioa, and irregularities, and abuses were then abundant; we helped to reform them ; this magnificent temple of order and peace, of prosperity m.d justice, we helped to build; we brought sonic stones to pile on this great menu meat, and we new leave yon the bergage we had front our forefathen, not only unimpaired, but improved, and carried onwards to perfection. Go you the same with what still remains to be rectified; and then, when your final hour shall come, you will have the consolation, which we now feel, of saying that we leave the world better than we found it, and have done something towards that blessed change." (Mr. Fox resumed his teat amidst prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.) The resolution was then carried unanimously. Mr. THOMAS WRIGLEY moved the next resolution, and was loudly cheered on presenting himself to the meeting. lir acid : Gentlemen, we arc met to demand from the legisla ture that justice which should come of its own free will from government. We are met to demand a reform of the representation of the people. 'the principles have been stated to you in the resolution which has been previously proposed. I have no doubt in my own mind if the came union, the S.LIVIC good sense, and calm resolution he mani fested by the people, the same result they have achieved in the ease of the corn laws will he achieved in the ease of the reform in parliament. I hope and trust to live to ace the time when the name of Mr. Fox will h.: associated in the achievement of reform in the same way as that of Richard Cobden in the triumph of free trade. (Cheers.) The resolution I have to propose to you says: " That the cordial union and energetic action of all re formers are now imperatively requisite. That the prin ciples advocated by the National Parliamentary and Finan cial Reform Assoctation merit the support of the great body of the people of this kingdom ; anti this meeting, consist ing of refurtners of every shade, pledge themselves to sus. tam the well-directed efforts of that association." Gentle men, I can have uo objection, I am sure, to anything that is put forward in the terms of this resolution, but the danger we have to guard against is this—that at the present moment the country is experiencing a degree of pros , perity unexampled in history, and it is natural at times to be afraid that that very prep erity may bring about en apa thetic indifference to that which is in the future, and that it will come upon us if we do not bestir ourselves. It is not because we have plenty of prosperity, plenty of employ ment, and fair wages, and because the sun now shines upon us, that we are not to look forward to the day when the clouds will rome. I believe giving the people annual parlia ments would give a greater spur to education than all the educable isms you CAI pass, because it would give people a greater appetite for education. They do not value or ap preciate education and the cultivation of the mind in the way they would do if they hod a purpose to apply it to. I cannot conceive any more consistent duty than that of fill ing their minds with a knowledge of their country's inte rests, and cultivating that mind for the purpose of instruct- ing themselves how they should vote in the election of go- vernments. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Twines tinesinv, solicitor, seconded the resolu tion. Mr. TYNDAL ATKINSON, of London, then addressed the meeting, and was greeted with s,vervl rounds of cheer ing. He said the great difficulty which had always stood in the way of human progress ' as far as political rights were concerned, had lain in the divisions which had been industriously sown among the people themselves. (Hear, hear.) A bad government would not exist a single instant if it were not fur the division of class interests. (lkar, hear.) Mr. Atkinson then took various items of the na tional expenditure to show the extravagance of our finan cial system, adverting to the iniquity evidenced in the history of the present pensions to the Wallow and Richmond families out of the post-office revenues and the customs. Mr. Atkinson then referred to the cost of collecting the taxes in this country. In 1806, in a time of war, the collection of 68 millions of revenue cost two millions and three-quarters; but in 1848, the cost of collecting 57 millions, a smaller revenue, amounted to upwards of seven millions. (Hear.) A system of patronage had slowly but steadily crept into their public offices. Men were appointed to place because it was necessary to reward them in some way for voting against their conscience at dections. (Hear.) The people could accomplish nothing to remedy this except by union. (Loud cheers) The resolution was carried unanimously, and the meeting ma afterwards separated. EXECUTION AT GLaiaotir::LOn Friday morning our city was afflicted with one of those sickening spectacles which take place from time to time—a public execution. The crime for which the unhappy ;man, Archibald Hare, suffered death, was the murder, by stabbing in the mein street of Blantyre, on the night of the 16th of August last, of Ronald Iti'Gregor—apparently from drunken frenzy or bravado. M'Gregur lingered till the 31st of the same month, when he died. Ihe case was tried on the 2nd inst. before Lord CoMassy, when the jury, by a large majority, found Hare "guilty as libelled." Thursday wax the day originally fixed for the execution, but the fact of that day being the Sacramental Fast having been represented to Sir George Grey, a brief respite was granted, and the doomed man was allowed twenty-four hours longer to live. Although not a doubt existed on the mind of any one as to the guilt of Hare, the ditty of the officials was rendered additionally painful from the determination with which he continued to protest his innocence. He was 24 years of age, short, and strong built, and his manner throughout the period of his imprisonment was wonderfully courageous and self-possessed. During the night of Thursday the ap proaching execution produced the usual excitement amongst the lowest class of the community, and small groups of men and women were prowling about in front of the gaol before twelve o'clock. About two on Friday morning, a strong body of police were marched to the foot of Saltmarket-street, and were drawn up opposite, and on each side of the place of execution, and at three the parties engaged by the authorities began to erectthe scaffold. Immediately after this a crowd began to assemble, and previous to the awful ceremonj the multitude had in creased to about 10,000. At o'clock the ground was taken up by the whole police force, consisting of about 600 men, who formed a square on all sides of the scaffold. A little past 8 o'clock the wretched culprit ascended the scaffold, and on taking his place on the drop faced the mul titude with great firmness. Having signified to the chap lain that he was going to address tue people, the Rev. Mr. Smith retired a few stem behind, and Hare raising his voice to its utmost pitch, in order to be heard by the crowd, spoke nearly as follows: " Fellow-men,—l am going to die for a crime of which I am innocent, but I pray God to for give all those who have persecuted me. All of you beware of dram drinking, and beware of Matthew Miller, and take warning by me this day to keep out of bad company, and to put your confidence in the Lord, for He will never leave you. He has given me grace this day, and I care no more for death than any person going to his bed this night, for I have found favour with Christ Jesus our Lord." The robe was then adjusted by the executioner, and the cap having been drawn over his head, a white handker chief, as a signal, was put into his hand, after which the Rev. Mr. Smith engaged in prayer, in which the culprit appeared earnestly to join. Alter the lapse of a few se conds the handkerchief dropped out of his hand, and the executioner instantaneously withdrawing the bolt, the drop fell with a crash, and the wretched MM, after a severe and protracted struggle, ceased to be of this world. When thrown off, a low suppressed cry was heard from the im mense multitude, but no further manifestation of feeling was exhibited. After hanging the usual time the body was taken down, and during the day, after the funeral service of the church of England had been read over it, was in terml within the precincts of the gaol iu the presence of lair — l 3l4scoto Citizen IRELAND. DISRLIN. Ocr. 25. The Treasury minutes regarding the collection of the Consolidated Annuities adopted at the last meet , ing of the Cabinet Council was made public this evening. It is as follows : COPY OP TREASURY MINUTE, DATED TUE 21sT ore., MR. My lords have had under their consideration the memo rials which have !cen received from many unions in Ireland in reference to the consolidated annuities charged upon them under the act 13th Victoria, elm!). 11, stating various grounds upon which relief is sought in some cases from any , repayment of the annuities, but more generally urging a postponement of payment. My lords are of opinion that the present state of the greater part of Ireland does not call fur any relief train tho operation of the act ; and it must be borne in mind that these annuities are payable in respect of loans which have, or ought to have, been in course of repayment ; that tho forms of repayment have been rendered r by the exten sion of the period, and that the whole of Ireland has been exempted from any payment on this account during thepast year. My lords, however, cannot doubt that there are ilisttcts in which relief must be given. In the case of those districts, fur instance, where theanesl resources are insufficient to meet the urdivary expenditure for the relief of the poor, and where it 6 itetessary to have recourse to assistance from the Rate in-aid Fund for this purpose, it cannot be expected that further sums for the payment of the consolidute.l annuities can be raised. With regard to po tpintenient, my lords arc of opinion that such is course would only tend to prolong a feeling of uncertainty us to future payments. It is a great object to restore confidence to the owners and occupiers of land in the distressed districts in Ireland, and with this view the demands of the government ought to be definite, both innmount and also is time. My lo . rils think, therefore, that — remission of motent either altogether or to a certain extent, according to the cir cumstances of each district, is Inc preferable to postponing the payments; but the sanction of parliament must be ob tained before any definite measure for this purpose can bo carried into effect. It is the intention of her Majesty's go vernment to submit a measure to parliament with this object early next seta' . In the meantime my lords are prepared to adopt the fol lowing course in anticipation of the measure to be submitted to parliament: The Poor Law Commissioners in Ireland arc authorised to direct the treasurer of any union iu Ireland to retain in his hand any BIM which he :nay have received from, or on account of, on electoral division in which the expenditure for the relief of the 11.301' in the year ending Sept. 29, 1854 has amounted to 4s. in the pound on the valuation then in force, and hot to pay over to the) Paymaster of Civil Ser vices iu Ireland the annuity due from such electoral divi sion for the current year; and where the annuity for the current year, added to such expenditure, amounts for any electoral division to a sum exceeding Is. in the pound on such valuation, to pay over to the Paymaster of Civil Ser vices such suns only, in respect of the annuity, as together with the charge fir relief of the poor in the past year, will amount to Is. in the pound, nal to retain the remainder in Lis own hands. Her Maiebty's government will propose to parliament that the sum so r.t.iined in tapes t of du! annuities due fur the current year shall he entirely remitted. Yesterday, the Roman Catholic Defence Associa tion was just one week old, dating its career from the inauguration meeting of the previous Friday, and yet, strange to say, the most sinister rumours already prevailed about its tottering position. It was said that Dr. M.Hale, teeing it dwindle into tho insignificance of a mere political club, had seceded from it in disgust, and that there was very little doubt but that Cis party, the most active portion of the Roman catholic clerical body, would nut be long in following his example. The rumour which found embodiment in a paragraph of the ilerrantile Adrer. tiser last night is, I believe, premature; although there can be no question that discontent with the management of the association very generally pre vails among Roman eatholics, Luna that that dis content will most probably lead very shortly to the result which common report has thus pointed at. People are dissatisfied at seeing a small knot. of Irish members, and among these men remarkable as political intriguers, assume the whole control of a movement purporting to be a national one, and vesting in themselves, jointly, the only office or portion of the organisation over which the public could have any control, namely, the secretaryship. A large number of names have been put forward us funning the roll of the ge neral committee; but it is well known that very few of these arc the names of persons residing in or near Dublin, and who could ho expected to take any part in the proceedings. All persona connected with the press are, by a mere arbitrary regveation not included in the general body of rules, excluded from member ship; and tho whole affair has been so snugly con nived as to be placed practically in the hands of a very small clique which need never exceed HUM half dozen men, in whose political incorruptibility the Irish people in general have, it is needless to say, but little confidence. Such is the real position of the Defence Association at this moment, and under such circumstances it is not ut all to be wondered at that we should hear rumours of seessions from its coun cils. The ilrreanti , e Advertiser adds that Archbishop Cullen was in Dublin on the day of the recent meet ing of the association, and did out think it worth his while to attend. The Tablet follows up its severe continents of last week upon the management of the association, mid gives expression to sundry suspicions on the subject: When the time comes, says that journal, as come it will inevitably, and without any specific blame to anybody— when, by members of the association, other and more worldly objects are put in conmetition with the objects of the association ; when temptations are !hid out which, un less we suppose men M he angel•, it will be very difficult to resist; when the purposes of it natural and nut unprsise worthy ambition may stem attainable by a racrilice which, to a man of mere worldly ambition, may appear small, bat which to the church may seem of mighty moment, then we say it will be found necessary that in the person, whoersr he may be who fills the office of secretary, the public should justly be able to repose entire eunlidenee, as in one whose views are single—who has no purposes of ambition to wive—whuao authority amidst contending factions, from his own per sonal character, will be grant—on whose word absolute re liance may be placed—who is known to be above the bribe of a m ' ter in fact or of a minister in expectation, and whose motive for taking on his shoulders this great respon sibility. is the love of God, and the most unfeigned devotion I to the interests of the church. of some future The lisblet dreads the Lichfield-house compact. A correspondent of Saunder's News Lctier, wt iting from Gtdw•ay on the 23rd inst., says: At the weekly meeting of the town commissioners to-day, the chairman read a must cheering letter from Mr. John J. Hughes, of New York, dated 9th inst., stating that 150,0001. had been subscribed, and four tint-claw steamers read' for the grand Transatlantic route from the New World to tho favoured port of Galway, and that his fellow-eiticens now looked to Ireland for its support and assistance in the cons pletion of the materials necessary for the arraagement of a company ou a scale commensurate with the object in question. The writer probably meant dollars for pounds sterling in the preceding statement, but its accuracy in other respects also seems to be doubtful. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Robert Wcir, Esq., of Halleraig, to the commissiou of the peace, fat the county Fermanagh, on the recommendation of the Earl of Erne. TIM CM:RCM—At a tneetin of the privy council held yesterday, at which his excellency the lord lieutenant presided, it was arranged that the living of Killeagh, vacant by the death of the Rev. Dr. Fitzgibbon, should constitute the corps of the deanery of Cloyne, instead of the living of Farr:day. By this arrangement the present dean (Mr. Howls) will become entitled to the former preferment, worth 8001. a-year, which will in future be held in conjunc tion with the deanery of Cloyne by him and his successors in that dignity. Owing to the delicacy of the health of the Lord Bishop of Derry and Itaphoe, we understand his lord ship was unable to be present at the visitation fur this dio cese ; and, in consequence, the performance of his lordship's duty devolved on the Rev. Win. Knox, the vicar.general. There was but a small attendance of the beneficed clergy, and it is rumoured that some of them are, in consequence, to be cited to appear before his lordship in Derry. The junior clergy attended In great number. —Deny Standard. THE NEW RECORD REPOSITORY.—According to the last report of the keeper of public records the new re pository, now in the course of erection on the Rolls estate, ss to be roofed in by the month of July next. A sum of 30,0001. has been voted by the House of Commons out of 45,320/. required for the building. A new scheme of ar ranging the public records is to be adopted in the repo.itury. SEWAGE 01/ TOWNs—WESTON-SUPER-MARE.—A meeting of the commissioners of Weston-super-Mare was held on Wednesday last, to consider the various plans sent in for disposing of the sewage of the town by disinfecting or otherwise, and for tlle best of which a premium hod been offered by advertisement. Ten competitors appeared, and after an examination of their respective pleas that pre sented by Mr. T. A. Yarrow, C. 1., of 88, St. James's street, London, was accepted, and t h e premium awarded to him. We understand this plan was based upon one laid before the Agricultural Society of England about a year since by l'rince Albert. It was estimated that 2001. would covet the first outlay, and that the annual coot of the filtering medium would be more than repaid by the value of Wu manure retained.— The Builder. ...ArornFECARIES . iIAIZ.---.CalTleB of gentlemen who pad4ed their examination in the science and pr c alcine, and received certificates to practise, a4 a 23rd Of October, 1151 :—Edward Ilorati Bristol; George Atkin, Sheffield; \Vi av Callington, Contwall; Thomm N.uh, Odell, Newport Pagnell. • ' 4 • • , • • •• • ( I :4