The Express. — London, England, 1848-08-31 00:00:00

11111111WM=ININNNINImmilmEmNINNINNolw re do we me tho tp Or hrrediftr, t societies and flourished in sh e r .th.government. to °Limp:nested ha thc illiterate , this fees of nap, 1, an , iqui , y, and to i and proud parli ip . ater-mark ot them COll. whi a k 'Mule of the world . Ration of party. / serration.. to de, lOW going to enter or not; but this it bee got hero di a . party government cannot have mulls id that, thc refog r rteininot out the dr. and which I hops is now warned is a s that h ..c hitherto louse o Commons, din d. wiroare from a syst. in of which 'trot...at; but no eon , v4 , o'neea. I oontt .1!C - -What my • pinion they .be them as prejudi. lament, tarsi to that as bei II our bent se w, more than that, nian 11,..e. This I owner. ill he . such in accoinplialung—. cht conclaves whisk rto dent.. I know :terions 'Latimer'. It in which so long ill be awil.t from the n the .1 , venth hour, id it with indignant ▪ those conae,uences, ir tire fare of W atss. Con of calling spot. I have had the pet the cans, of this have h .4 tile console itrein it in my highest sting in toe face of the II of Corn s seat Kraut loud and the first place to it dcwn for his kind• hence u lo the time ,are in th , neat place le for the very dtrert .c• that sp. ~ch origi. tided, I own it 111 With reep,ct to a parJgreph which handay paper, with ds that t, e paper in ty than the London Data me, and in as far the Whole • story of ming it to the 26th, is But that statement member's ddress. fn hnu. memh. r seems to e 'louse of COIIIEIIOIII ent had made against m them I was inclined def.nding Hercules, ~ . ungrateful o n the part lush atate:nenta or held rt we have received the ty of irntances. Those we the howe have been those which have been 7epesl of tho navigation maj >titles. S that we ale of Commons which iroself to pur3ni.e and ember seen• to suppose been some ob creations ruse allowin, very pro iow I do not wish on •eposal is Wore the of whether all of these our halos and prac- as no practice more con iaually discussing yeti ntleman who presorted them at some length, .oirg down to nine esentati,n of petitions. ice havins been alterel, a to say for it than that enjoyed by the people of possess with rezard to ere may be alterations in house without injury nest to the fretdom of gentleman himself gave ge had been made —and, occasion a person of great athority on constitutional the proposed alteration, .et of destroying all free hat no form of the house 1, without sacrificing that .tial to our deliberations. a history, or ra•her corn session, and has led the lures which have been I shall have oc *aims to which prevail ed las t nena of rho pressure htprevailedave lad us bey ond the s t e p which was not justifie ' d according to the latter ot im boo e e 1844. We th ou g ht it neceleary to rueet parhament pdsnee of our ha t ving . taken that step ; and having co ne parliement toget . er, - it was not tor us to propose t oy re approbat i on r any rote con fi rming th e con duct we had felt it our duty to►maws; but we were ready duct, and to meat any opinion, or to reoeive an i° t might think fi t to pass. (dear ) Now what did - his h i nnn n n ? pan s y to which the hon. ge issue eiengs—fOPr'the bon. gentleman uot only a defend n er lea .n this house, but he is also a member of a party— ofa t - i Wt . the good fortune to have a want they had long felt isn of the right hon . gentleman the suppliedmember fboy, tSnetainarord (Mr. Herries). 1n .. 1848, when that feu the goveruniont of Si r B li. Peel, there wpireretYsitcemord,gsudt them many mambas who unwed much ability vi a rea dinss in the Oiscuesions on those measures with which they hail then to deal, but they had the misfortune or defect of not having the awistance of a gentlema I of official iseiorience, aua inted with the mode of transa want ct thing bus hed the iness' in the public cq ° dices ; and to supply this ey eood fortune to secure the aid of the right hon. member for taraford—a gentli man of great practical experience, who hose tilled of ot great importance, and whose attention bad been specially turned to the financial and monetary evnetrue ot the country. At the cornmeuci ment to the !session that right hon• gentleman proposed a resolution, anal Irma was it? After st aing the cause of the measure to w theoys mount had resorted, the motion stated that " .m ister swere juentied, dur i ng the recess, in order to restore pt blic confidence, t t s uspend the restriction! imposed by the lam." But it is here lel le matter of blame to us that when we the it our duty to have recourse to a strong me twee, which if we were wrong would have exposed us to Censure, we called parliament tegether ceps ss whatever opinion it pleased upon our conduct—(heer, hear) —whereas I show that the lemon who came forward and without opposition passed a resolution jus.ifying our conduct, was the right hon. en who, alai became a member of that party which liscenitaieranly o pp o sed t ' o us, and to which the hon. member who now makes the charge against us belongs. (Hear, hear.) Thee the hon. gentleman has entertained the Imuse at some leogiek with an a u unt of the tone budgets which he is pleated to say hove been brought fur •• and this year. (" Hear, heir,' and a laugh, from Lord G. Bentick.) But the whole pciut of this joke—the reel Rotter of wish in the noble lord who now laughs at it—lies in the determination of the noble lord to dignify every sigh mem or t :planation which is made on finish:lel matters with the name of a budget. (11.nr.) When ministers are asked questions connected with the supplies or the: finances, it may be very witty, awl suit the purpose of bon• gentlemen opposite, to give to whatever statement or explanation aav be made in answer the name of a budget, and to say, here we base a Chancellor of the Bo cheouer who bring. forward no lea! than four budgets in one ~ but I have known ministers in former times bring seesion forward propositions on finitece which did nut meet with the concurrence of the country or of this house, and afterward. I withdraw them end propose other measures- (Hue, hear ) I remember, whe I was first iii parliament, I voted against the ministry when they pr continue the forwar incomed art for two years—a ppotitiou widen wet be ught ro the purpose of winding up the accounts of the war. Oa that coo:salon the maj oity of the house, and I believe the majority ot the c metry, though, the proposition was not just4ea, and on going to • division the government were defeated. On the followg day another tax was given up- 1 a pert of the malt tax. Of course this occasioned a change in the whole financial arrangement, and the r. suit was, that the war eetahliehment was not provided for in the way the ministry had intended. Bot we were not then so witty in our oppoiation as hon. uotherntie men opposite are now. (A laugh.) Aed though arrangements were proposed and carried, we did not think it necessar to charge the govement with hav in brought forward t hese or tour budget!, rc though the c me g was very analogous to the presi nt. (Hear, hear.) Then the hon. gentleman finds fault with us for re ferring the estimates to a select committee, and has endeavoured to draw a distinction between the committee apsointed for a similar purpose by Dlr. Pitt and the Duke of \Vel ington. But, sir, in point of fact and substance there is no such difference. (Hear.; The Duke of Wellington's committee in 1828, Lord Castle reagh's committee in 1818, and the previous committees pro posed by .IT. Pitt, were all to the same effect. Ido not say the same words were used. Lord G. BENTINCK.—Than committees ori.inated in messages from the crown. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL.—Yes, there it that difference. (Oppo sition cheers.) But here is a measure whirls the hon. gen tleman hes spoken against as being contrary to the spirit of the conetituttoo—as a dangerous ionovatiun, likely to lead to the most serious consequences—and the only difference be tweea it and former amnia measures is, that in the present instance there is not a message from the crown. (Hear, bear.) Now, sir, Ido not think the absence of the message from the crown will make the precedent in this Case so ex , etedinstly dangerous as the hon. gentleman seems to imagine —Ow); but that whice would have been a dangerous pre mina would be to have left it to the select committee to frame the estimates, and to say how many men were neces sary for the services of the army and the novy. (Bear.) But, sir, we did no such thing—we framed our own esti mates on our own responsibility, and declared our intention to stand by them as far as the number of men we considered the public service required, adding that no opinion of the committee would induce us in this respect to alter them. (Hear, hear.) So that all the hon. gentleman has said on this subject i s a delusion on his o wn part, and has no solid foundate n (Hear.) One consequence has however arisen from the appointment of these committee+, that is the recom mendation in the report on the navy estimates, which is d exceingly usenil to the house and wich the government has t e aken into its se rious consijeration, h and which my hon. friend the Secretary to the Admiralty has already intimated will be in a great part adopted; so that the precedent, so far from being injurious, has been beneficial. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman went at cons:derable length into te question of the Public Health Bill. That is a measu re of which, so far from being ashamed of the part I have taken, I am glad, and am rather inclined to boast that we have been able to pass a measure of such great use in a new and un trodden field of legislation, and which is likely to be the foundation of man y otner great and bene fi cial changes in the law relating to the sanitary condition of the country, and its administration. (Hear, hear.) But the hon. gentleman says that measure was couiiderably altered in its progress through the house. I should have thought that an hovi- n. gentleman who stands up so much for the rights and pri leges of the House of Commons, and for its legitimate influ ence, would hardly be prepared to contend that the govern ment was bouud, when it brought in a matinee, to carry it through unchanged, and that the suggestions of memhers of the Huum of Commons SO alter or modify the measure should not he considered. (Hear, bear.) The next measure to which the hon. gentleman adverted was the bill tor alter ing the navigation laws. Now we have obtained the assent of the house to the principle of that change—(hear, hear) ; and the discussion which took place ono ther subjects, Ls the bon. gentleman has correctly stated, pvented our proceed.. ing further with the bill during the present session. But when the hon. gentleman passed to the subject of the sugar duties, I think he might as well have mentioned what has been the history of the change in the laws. It will be recol lected by the house that in the year 1841 we proposed a measure giving a differential duty of 12a per cwt, in favour of colonial as against foreign sugar. It was thought advisable by those hon. gentlemen who represented take the coloninte rest to make that questions matter of party, and to ad vantage of the proposition with the view of overturning the government which was then in power. In this object they were successful. (Hear.) They achieved a great triumph, and defeated the 12a. differential duty, on the ground that to admit any foreign sugar would be attended with ruin to the colonies. Several years elapsed, and the opinions in favour of free trade gained considerable influence in the country and in this house, and you passed 'soothe: measure in respect to the sugar duties; and then the colonial interest same forward to ask u a favour from the house a &limn tied duty of 25. Ism than we proposed in 1841. But, again following the course they pursued in 1841, they thought it netereary to make it a .political and party question, and therefore, instead of bringing it forward as a proposition of their own, they embodied it in a resolution condemning the project of the government. This mode of treating the ques tion led undoubtedly to great length of debate, and the noble lord opposite continued those debates upon other points, which of course he was at liberty to do, though we slay not agree with him as to either of his cora • plaints+. We do not admit the justice of his complaint with regard to the despatch said to have been miming— (hear, hear)—but which was never miming, for it was either in the Colonial office—(" hear," and laughter from Lord O. Benthick)—or it had btou mot from tho Colonial ofram in Th en hf• laid before the house in due time. (Hear, hear.) the noble lord found fault with the arithmetical errors of the government, but tho figures were defended at the time. (Oh, oh.) On this point the noble lord has his opinion— (hear, hear)—but we rest by ours. (A laug tad our figures. h.) Lord U. BENTINCIi.—But you adop (Cheers and laughter.) Lord J. IttISSELL.—.Some of them—(hear, hear) — undoubtedly. The discussion of the measure we brought forward with regard to the duty on sugar did take up a great part of the session. I do not find any fault on that account, and the hon. gentleman ia altogether mistaken in supposing that the government have at any time complained of full and fair discussion upon any subject. (Hear.) That measure was discussed at great length, and no doubt those discussion , prevented our continuing the debates on the navigation laws. I may here, however, state that Ido not believe that the measure of 1846 occasioned the necessity for the auger bill of this year, but that the circumstance of Lof the extensive crop of last year, and consequeat cheapness ugar, was the cause of the distress which had been made the ground for demanding relief. (Hear, hear.) Then hon• gentleman commented on the conduct of the house with regard to the issuing of new writs, and the discussions on the C..rrupt Practical Bill. I had supposed that tons was not a question on which it was absolutely necessary fur the government to take the lead in the house, and I recollect, certainly many yea/4 ago, acting with o th e r gentlemen who agreed with me on such questions. I use. to take my own wax, independent of the government, and was successful first in Tarrying a motion for inquiry, and afterwards in paling a law for pdnishing those who were guilty of cor rupt practices at eh ctioas. I saw then it was by no means necesiary that government should undertake the duty; but if I complained of any opposition t that measure, I should complain equally of t eahe opposition which was offered, both to the m sure of my hon. friend the member for the Flint boroughs, and that which I afterwards introduced. Much of the lime of the house was taken up in the discussion of those two bills wit` out doubt—so much, indeed, that when the latter bill went up to the House of Lords, a person of great authority in that house—not the Lord Chief Justice, but a noble duke wh bikes a great interest in the proceedings of the Ilouse oh Lords—declared that it was not a bill that could be rr cc le a with at such an advanced period of the session. (seer, bear.) My colleagues In that place therefore thought it better to postpone the measure till another session, rather than, against the opinion of the House of Lords, to endeavour to force it through before the prorogation. Sir, 1 have now made a short statement with regard to some of the measures to which the hon. gentleman has alluded. As I have stated, not well perceiving the object to which he was endea vouring to direct the attention of the house, I cannot well answer the hon. gentleman with respect to his denunciation as to that which he terms the political plague-spot of the house. It appears as though the Hau , e of Curninons—of which three fourths of the hon. gentleman's speech was a defence, was, in the other fourth, the object of his iniective. (Hear, hear.) But perhaps another interoretation may be pat on his language—perhaps his sole object was to complain that there was no longer any regular or orgenistel party in opposition in this Mute. But so far as the present govern. ment are concerned, we formed a party when we sat on the other side. (Hear, hear.) lam not ashamed to say that I belong to a party—for I believe the mode of carrying on the business of the house by means of party tends not only to the improvement of the law but to the maintenance of the spirit of the censtitu•ien. (Cneers.) Haying, sir, belonged to a party before I was in office, while in office, again when in opposition, and now will when in office, and having the satisfaction of hay log united with me in that party many gratlemeu in whom I have full confidence—(hear, hear)—and for whom I have the greatest respect—men in whose opinions I agree, whose views I believe to be for the public geed, and in whore ' cans itutional knowledge I have the must perfect faith —(beer, hear)—it is not tq us that the complaint should be made that there is 110 longer a party : but that the noble lord add the hon, gentleman cannot torso a vary sufficient far their views, if others relive to join them hi, making a party in opposition to the government, I do not Itude teat ministers on that ground are very much to blame. (Laughter.) It would be rather too much I think if, in addition to the numerous other tanks which of late have been imposed upon government, we were required to form end consolidate an opposition—(" near, hear," and laugh- I ter)—snd it is therefore too much to blame us for having neglected that duty. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman and I the noble lord, I thisk—ii I may be allowed in answer to much of criticism which they have bestowed upon us to offer a word of criticism upon them—l do think they make a mis take as to the grounds en which they seek to found their party. (Hear.) There are many hon. gentlemen in this house, no doubt, strongly attached to the political constitu tion of the country, strongly attached ,to the establishei church of the country, awl holding opinions which are hallowed by antiquity and reverenced by a large number of the people, and who on questions relating to these subjects might well combine to f rat a party. (Hear ) And such a patty, though it might be inconvenient to the government, would. I believe, be useful to the country and to the tiouse—(liesr, hear): but if the noble lord and hi- friends persist in paying th it the cause of protection which has been abandoned they will endeavour to revive, and endeavour in some future year to restore the sy dem of huh and restrictive duties on trade, I think they are strain ing atter that which is not attainable, and will never be able to form a consistent or coherent parte so long s usy attempt it. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman has done the honour to pay compliments to some members of the government per sonally. Ido not meats it as a return for those compliments when I opeak of the treat energy, the 1 ihorious and unti -1 ring p: severance which characterise the noble lord the mem. her for King's Lynn--the ability and eloquence shown, not on this occasion only, but on many other occasions, by the honourable gentleman who lately spoke—the acquaintance with busbieas which many others who act with them possess—it rppears to me that those hon. members might form a party to which a great portion of the country would adhere. That they do not combine for this purpose it is for them to explain. (Hear, hear. i I have taken the liberty of giving them a hiut—(hear, bear)—and that is as much as I can fairly bee xpected to do. (Cheers.) I and laughter.) With regard to the circumstances of this session, the length of time to which it has extended, I think there are several reason , to account for it. It is the first session of the parliament, and there are reasons which jus• tiff many of those motions for writs and other matters which have been made, and which belong ti a new parlia meet, and which will not occur in future sessions. (Hear.) But it may be necessary for the house well to consider whether, for the sake of preserving the valuable forms and rules of debate we enjoy, it would no: be advisable for some hon. gentlemen to refrain from giving us so frequently and at so much length the benefit of their opinions—(hear, hear) — and occupying so much of the time of the house in re citing them. (Hear, and a laugh.) I cannot say more on this point, for it would be i0)110ie10116 and wrong to point out more directly the hon. gentleman of whom I now speak —(a laugh) • but when the hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) says he is defending the house, I wish to show that it is not the house that needs to be defended. (Hear, hear.) The house is the complainirg, party—it is the plaintiff in the matter. (Hear, hear.) Nine-tenths, or nineteen twentieths, ' or even forty.nine-fiftieths of the home complain, and with justice, of the other fraction to whom I have referred, and who are certainly in a great measure the cause of the delays which have been complained of. (Loud cheers.) But on the whole subject of the business of the session, referring as I have done to the measures which we have passed, repeating again, that out of 12-5 bills introduced by the the r goe verneuent we exp ct 105 to pass—(hear) —recalling collection of the house to the fact that we had, at the be ginning of the session, but two days a week, or eight days a month,; for, the purpose not only of introducing bills but of proposing all the estimates, and laving before parliament the thuatial plans of the year-1 do think that we are not to blame for the small amount of work that has been accom plished. (Hear, hear.) Ido maiiitain, above all, that which I stated at the commencement, that with sedition in England, with incipient rebellion in Ireland, zed with con vulsions throughout Europe, the work of administration was the chief business to which we were bound to de vote our energies. (Hear, hear.) There have been moments when ev ry one must have felt that a slight indiscretion of the government might have provoked foreign nations against us—(bear, hear) ; there have Veen moments when a want of watchfulness and anxiety on our part would have given a most inconsiderable and contempt ible number of miscreants at home the means of promoting confusion here. (Hear, hear.) But in wishing to maintain peace in Europe—estimating the value of that penee be" yond all price—lamenting that which I think was an unne cessary war in 1793—(hear, hear)—we shall continue to de vote our beat energies, our constant labours to the prune., tion of that peace. (Hear, hear.) Valuing also our institu tions —believing those institutions are the best that ever werol l framed for preserving the liberties of the community amongst ' whom they prevail—wishing to uphold those institutions against a superstitious neglect on the one hand, and against rash innovations on the other--(hear, hear)-1 shall always reflect with satisfaction that during the present year we have preserved those institutions unimpaired ; and whoever may succeed us in any future session will, 1 trust, have to defend and not restore toe constitution of this country. (Loud cheers.) Mr. HUME differed both from the hon. gentleman and the noble lord as to the value of party in that house. In his opinion party was the bone of this country. The obj. et of whatever party was in power was always to carry meatuses for their own aggrandisement, and not for the good of the people. The national debt had been produced by aristocratic influence prevailing, in that house. The greatest satisfac tion he bad had since he had been in the house was in h a ving been instrumental in breakiri g un that party ed thewhich previously kept the country in subjection. lie beli ar ev constitution of this country to be an excellent one when ttr encumbered by aristocratic and party influence. The only party he ever wished to see in that house Ives the party of , the people. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL hoped any further discussion would be taken on the passing of the Cotecilidated Fund Biil, so as not to delay the business of the evening. Mr. OSBORNE remarked that the debate, as it had gone on between the hon. gentlemen and the noble lord, was something like a modern duel : shots were exchanged, and both parties wished to retire satisfied. Bat there was mother party to the affair — the people, who looked indiff on both the attack and defence. With regard to the house, it did not need the defence of the lion. member for Backs ; and the hon. memoer should rather have declared himself the defender of the hon. members for Yooghal and Stafford, who had occasioned much of the delay—(hear, hear) —and whose speeches this session, according to a macu lation made by a friend of his, would occupy as much as six weeks debating of the closest print. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman had referred to the government fish dinner. lie (Mr. Osborne) hat lately dined at Greenwich, and on that ocuaion he was told by the waiter that when the ministers were there on Saturday last they looked quite like a family party, but that they were much more moderate than the last ad ministration. (Laughter.) teat, too, nee die tyluito. the country. The people thought the present ministry formed a snug family party, but that in their administrative capacity they were mach more moderate than their predc cesium. (Much laughter.) The defence of the noble lord wee, that three former ministers had done nothing. This proved that the system was diametrically .wron, of ng. the now, with its growing commerce, on the system pur sued by Sir R. Walpole, Mr. Pitt, and Lord Castle reagh. With regard to the Sugar Bill, he forward had nev theer heard of a greater failure. Though brought by great "economist"—(a leugh)—it contained arithmetical mistakes which a school-boy would be ashamed of. With regard to the business of the house, it was an innovation of t m he r t . r i r tuntileeghesadtobewehnicah p h a e rti w as , t w it: y m W ent sa be y ra h w 's er h e mi not fn n e o n w d allowed, as heretofore, to bring forward cases of public or private grievance on reading the order of the day. In the position in which the business wee this session the government were certainly in some degree to blame. The noble lord could not deny that there had been four budgets, and he Withule long odds there would be a fifth. (Laughter.) regard to the sanitary measure he would "aidfax upon soap and light, instead of bringing for ifogotvheeracommenfterrtsealolyf wishedt pec t p o le im , P ig v t e he t m he ta b le " : th off a t n li d e ward the dilettante measures of the Ireland and Forests . He regretted much that the state of lightly touched upon by the noble lord or the hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire. It was understood that the noble lord intended shortly to visit Ireland, hut if he did so merely with the vi e d of consulting the Lord-Lieutenant he might effect his object by a letter throughthe Post-office..lle niihigghhetrtaaknedamedoirtefoerestueinpseivnedouibojectht etnh•oxiewaa. b T o ts P e e d n o h b e l lorde bad a el choerphuasditiran Iregilanvedn;toblurtehlane wdasownot measure ea of d am oin iorationg so until li which were so much talked of but so litt le seen. e convinced of the necessity, and he better pre p ar ed hoped the noble lord by visiting Ireland wouldbe t n lt e e . sion with his long cherished plan. He must recollect that mare serse roeur to bu te t li th th e ue o . f E n gland, o l gle ti e be t g , part of the empire that they .. mus i t ia give nop goof hanedhabd.nootugmety to t :ac t : t p h re a p t a h re that the Irise Roman catholics , remark on one sentence e latter part of Ilia speech. le course of this year there there had been incipient r.ion in Europe. Now, on of the house to the crown are chiefly ap of the empire, and that in England has been met ary of State for the Home es—tbear, hear)—that the u been suppressed by the combined with the energy —(cheers)—that the revo : shaken the institutions of rhatever the form or extent nvulsed the states of the e hitherto preserved peace convulsions, I must say, Bich is attacked, that the lefective under which sedi ippressed, our institutions in the midst of events such as have witnessed. (Bear, ) more confidence, because, man may Praise the ancient d in that praise I should ough, perhaps, any pane ent than his—l must that this supposed daty of introduce agree . . number of them through in each sot new to the government in may have been more or less ministry, but it is a duty ognised by the gr.r.test and coury has seen. I will t assur tr edly and UudoUhtedil tr2,e majorities of the House ithstanding, this duty was rmed. First, there was Sir itilmlt to name any legisla ✓ carried. It is true he en. ad Customs Duties, and that to was Lord Chatham, who nost without debate, and for for division ; yet, with tne h soldiers' pensions were ' d uc ti oo being made et mount, I hardly know at bears the name of Lord hnother minister--ono who y in this house, sod who ea ng the institutions of this h surrounded them-1 speak asuret necessarily conco m ted ae exc • lotion of the girt es , there are no legialauvo mea . Pitt is attached ; sod every ) the settlement of the tithes but that it was eflected, not istration of Lord Melbourne. not, nor his it ever been held uty of the government tots id carry them through parlis t times of difficulty and peril, deters must be given to those ie discretionary exercise of the crown which every day may 1 it is therefore far more given to such questions, ise and every particular which are brought forward r, in this state of thing,' and had to meet, and the way we of 12) bills introduced by the t session, 105 have tither been al so much of the @auction of mole that they will receive the ion. (Hear, bear.) Many of le utmost importance -2s the m which, with regard to Ire ults have followed is suppree which was previously.pr elle red Destitute' Poor Bill is a bi ll , is likely to be of great use in ruelty w hi c h sometimes is ia tenantry in Ireland ; and with ditatinCthe sale of encumbered was a measure which, while it to its chat Als, is calculated in on which the state of society tly improved, by allowing thoseew umbered to be sold, and s maion ot them who will reallf mprovements o f the tenantrYug gent l e man has gone thro e the regard to which he 'ay pose on the part of the severs effects The first quesdo be isamercial distress. Now evert Os ipou that subject. We THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 31, 1848. a right to self- government as any factious set of men in England. The government might take credit for their measures of coercion during the late panic ; he would not dignify it by calling it an inserreetion, any more than he would term the disturbances here " rebellion," got up es they were by a miserable set of vagabonds—(derisive conservative cheers) —he did not allude to the charuata nor to the bon. gentleman (Mr. F. O'Connor), who he believed was thornily red republican in the house—(laughter)—but to a set of idlers, who thought they had an interest in disturbiar the peace. Bat he warned the government not to regard the panic in Ireland as otherwile than tempo rar y , and when it ceued the country would anxioudy look for those remedial measures which had so long been promised. Mr. HUDSON admouthed the government upon the' necessity, as re garded the commercial interest, of being more Our in their financial statement, and of limiting it to one budget. The hon. gentleman bore his testimony to the ex- cellent state of the crepe in the netth of Ern:laud, where he , had recently been. No damage had been done, and they were looking extremely well. The bill was then passed, and the house, at a few minutes alter 4, adjourned till a quartet past six o'clock. The house renuned at a quarter put six. PROCLAMATIONS 1 IRELAND.) Sir J. TYR.ELL asked the noble lord at the heat of the government whether he would be permitted to substantiate the statement which he made on a termer evening, with re spect to the conduct of a Roman catholic priest at Temple knowe, in tearing down the Lord-Lieutenant' proclama tion. Me also wished to know it the noble lord lied received any intelligence on the subject from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, or of the intention of government to prosecute the person guilty of this outrage. Lord J. RUSSELL said that be had received no intelli gence trona Ireland respecting the occurrence referred to by the hon. baronet. The best plan for him to follow was to write out a statement, and then the Lord Lieutenant would be able to judge of the propriety of instituting a yrosecution. PROTECTIVE DUTIES. Mr. HUDSON asked if the government had any inten tion of repealing the protective duties on silks, cottons, and cloth manufactures, so as to put them en a level with corn ? Also he begged to ask whether any accounts had been re ceived from Ireland respecting the state of the crops there ? Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to alter the duties ref. rred to by the hon. member. With reap ct to the crops in Ireland. the reports were contradictory and could not be yelled on. He had reason to believe the result of the harvest in Ireland would be more favourable than had been anticipated some time ago. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer , to Mr. Hudson, stated it to be his intention nut to raise • loan of 2,000,0001., but to sell stock from time to time, in such a manner, however, as to sustain the price of the funds. COPPER ORES DUTIES. The house then went into committee on this hill. The clauses were agreed to. On the schedule being proposed, Mr. HENLEY moved as an amendment that the duty of 21s. per ton be levied on copper ore and regulus imported from foreign countries. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the principle of the bill, which was to abolish the duties on copper, having been affirmed by . a large majority, it was unnecessary to argue aga inst the amendment, which was directly opposed to that p r inciple. All he should do was to oppose it. As he said on a former occasion, the manufacturer in lieu country ob tained an advantage by the introduction of foreign copper ore of a superior quality. The smelters also, and in fact all those who used topper in this country, obtained great ethane tage by its introduction. Mr. NEWDEOATE said that he was not afraid of the ' competition of foreign countries with the smelters of this country. England produced 5.3 per cent. of all the copper used in the world. Russia Produce) 16 per cent., Austria 9 per cent., Norway 9 per cent., Prussia 3 per cent., and 1 Sweden 3 per cent. They had us means of preventing other countries from smelting their copper. But England had an advantage in the possession of coal which almost placed her beyond the reach of competition. The right hon. gentleman seemed to have a greet leer of the United States; but what were the facts ? They exported to the United Steve. 2,170 tons of copper in the year 1846, and in the year 1817 they exported 2,720 tone. Tneir exports to France had also in creased. He did sot think they had anything to fear then from either France or the United States. He invited ti s govern ment, therefore, to consider the case of the colonists and the emigreets to their colonies , and t o give them an assurance that their interests would not be enUrely neglected. Mr. Vs'YLD said that this was the first time since the Slave Emancipation Act that a British government were about to put the free miners of Cornwall in competition with the slaves of Cuba. He asked the house whether they were prepared to accede to such a principle ? If it was insisted upon, a feeling would arise in this country against the system of free trade, however sound it might be in principle. He thought the amendment proposed by the hon. member for Oxfordshire was a must reasonable one. They gave a pro- tection of Is. 611. per tun to the sugar of the Wert Indies. They should carry out 'hat principle with regard to their I other free colonies. Their other colonies had as g ood a ri g ht to protection against slave labour as the West Indies. Mr. SPOONER said it was not a question as between free-labour copper and: alavedabour copper because the copper at Chili was not produoed by slavellabour, and it was to be admitted. If the amendment referred to slave produced copper only, he would support it. If they adopted the principle of free trade they must carry it out so its full extent; and till they did so, he believed they would not perceive the full mischief of that principle. As long as that principle was to rule he thought the home manufacturers should be allowed to purchase the raw materials of their manufactures as cheaply as possible. It was on this ground that he should oppose the amendment of his hon. friend. Alter a few words from Mr. DRUMMOND, Mr. MUNTZ said that South Australia did not produce copper enough for the use of this country. He believed that if the law was to remain as it stood the people of Chili would become the great smelters for Europe, so that the whole of the duty would be lost, and the whole of the smelting trade would be lost. What he complained of was, is the system of protection, that it could cot protect all e equally. lie was in favour of protection, if protection could be earned out for the benefit of all. But he believed that they never could protect the foreign trade, and there tore protection must be partial, and consequently unjust. Mr. E. VIVIAN said that if the foreigner or the English man who. imported foreign ore paid the duty on copper be inlaid not understand how the manufacturer could put in a , claim for peeing it alert. ' Col. DUNNE said that if foreign copper ore was admitted free of duty those who d2pendel on mining operations for subsistence in Ireland would be seriously injured, and that was a matter of no small importance in the present state of that country. Mr. ROBINSON said that if the principle of free trade was found to be wrong the true course to adopt would be to stop short and not carry it out any further. He thought they considered the interests of the consumers too much, in contradistinction to the interests of the producers. Lord G. BENTINCK said it was the cruellest cut of ell to hear his hon. friend the member for Warwickshire ad- vocating free trade principles. (Laughter.) He warneC the government that in thus depriving the miners of Corn-' wall of the means of subsistence, they were exposing the country to excitement and outbreak. As to the smelters, they were now better off than ever, fur while since 1842 the price of the ore they smelted had fallen 271. 14s. 9d. per too, the copper they produced had only fallen 111. 10s. ; so that 1 they were better off by the whole difference. Mr. MUNTZ said that the reduction in the price of copper was 19/. per ton. The committee divided—For the amendment l9-24 Against it 43-24 The original clause was then agreed to, and the house resumed.—Report thee day. bITTING OF THE HOUSE. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, it was ordered that the house sit this day at 2 o'clock in stead of 12. SAVINGS BANKS BILL. On the motion that the report on this bill be brought up, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that the managers of savings banks objected to the species of auditing which were to be imposed upon them by this measure, an objection in which he believed the ble President of the Council concurred. He hoped this pointnoble would be reconeidered by the right hon. gentleman opposite. After a few words from Mr. SPOONER, Mr. Wonsuoues, Mr. DUNCAN, Mr. P. SCILOPE, and Lord 0. BEWIINCE, the report was received and agreed to, and the bill wu ordered to be read a third time to-morrow (this day). The house then, at hell-past 9 o'clock, adjourned. entirely to expose the futility of the fear. The feats of the gallant subaltern EDWARDES 'recut off by their comparative insignificance from being reckoned up with the greater events of our military career in the east. Plaasey, and Assaye, and POLLOCK'S cam paign occupy an elevation not to be reached even by a nine hours conflict with a superior force in a hostile country, and in the teeth of - the monsoon. But the achievement is in every point of view most extraordinary and brilliant. Here you have a young man scarcely arrived at the prime of manhood resolutely setting his shoulder to the wheel, and, in spite of the most harressing and perplexing diffictd lies, conducting his enterprise to a successful issue, which his superiors in command were apparently absorbed in irresolute cogitation. By a coincidence suggestive of many reflections,Lieut. EDVrARDES holdi his commission in that let Regiment of Ftutiliers, which of all the corps in the service of the Bengal government, is the only body of troops who can bout upon their colours the name of "Plessey." The comrades of this breve young man are the succes sors of that hardy band who, on the famous 23d June, 1757, performed so distinguished a part in CLIVE'S heroic onslaught upon the recreant Subandar of Bengal. Of all the brigades and battalions who have sworn allegiance to the British standard, there is only one other body of troops who reckon the honours of that great and decisive day among their trophies. Her Majesty's 39th Regiment of Foot are J ustly proud of the inscriptions which remind them of their participation in the defence of Gibraltar, and the bath's of the Peninsula, but the title "Primus in hulas" is still the moa t illustrious blazon upon their colours. If CLIVE had taken the advice of his elder officers on the day that he drove before him, by his handful of 3,000 men, the army of 70,000 assailants, he would have addressed himself rather to negotiation than to battle. He would have begun to reflect that he was fighting in a hostile country, and under all the dis advantages of the tempestuous period of the Asiatic solstice. Upon mere considerations of prudence there might have been very fair reasons on paper • and if they had prevailed, for aught we know to the con trary, the destinies of Hindoetan might still have been directed from Delhi, and the GREAT MOGUL, instead of revealing himself to the British people through the voluminous rhetoric of M. GEORGE THOMPSON, might have been as magnificent a barbarian as the Lord of the White Elephant or the Brother of the Sun. ' Luckily for the fortunes of the East India Company, ' CLive had a salutary contempt for over-safe coun cillors. He had lived long enough to learn that daring is often the best sort of sagacity, and so he marched down upon Sunaisti-en-DowLsu, and took an oath never, to the end of his days, to incommode himself with another council of war. At a respectful distance, Lieut.EDWARDES has done 1 very much the same thing. While Sir F. CURRIE has been bewildering the people at Lahore with orders and count. r-orders —has been pestering the Commander - in-Chief and the Governor-General with one reference to-day and another reference to-mor row—has been making up his mind not to expose his l'unjaub contingent to active service during the rains, and has, nevertheless, subjected them to all the perils of an inconvenient and crowded encampment — and has been so anxious to secure the peace of the country on the one hand by delay, that he has provoked its perpetual infraction on the other by the pardon able audacity of 'some half dozen different malcon tents and fanatics—we say, while all this has been going forward for two mont hs in the vicinit y of the Resident, a young subaltern, detached on separate duty, has, by his own unaided exertions, got together a few thousand raw troops, picked up at hazard among one of the wildest of the tribes who dwell I upon the western frontier of our eastern possessions, I and by dint of energy and skill, has apparently put an effectual curb upon the Moultan rebellion. The defeats sustained by MOOLRAJ on the 18th June I and Ist July, stem to have reduced him from an aggressive to a purely defensive posture. More than this they have scarcely accomplished. At the con- I elusion of the last battle, it EnwAitoes had been pro lvided with a few of the g uns and mortars so plenti- I fully sprinkled by Lord HARDINGE among the I cantonments of the Sutlej—but surely not pro vided with any . expectation that they would ever fail of their effect from unskilful hand , ling—the victory and the campaign would in 1 all likelihood have been then and there com pleted. MOOLRAI might have got within the fortifi- I cations of his capital, bat it would only have been for the purpose either of capitulation, or of standing I such a process of assault and battery as has hitherto I never failed to reduce all obstiaate recusants to a due sense of their situation—no matter whether they were piratical deys behind the bulwarks of Algiers, or soldiers of the pasha ensconced in St. Jean d'Acre. As the matter stands at present, the youthful victor of the battles of June can only contemplate the stronghold of his enemy, and patiently await the result of his application to Lahore for assistance. In the meantime the revolted DEWAR has the benefit of the chapter of accidents, and by the aid of the sooth saying fanatic, who is reported to be attached to his interest, it will not be at all surprising if he contrives Ito increase his strength by considerable accessions, and to give us no small trouble during the autumn. The East India Company must already , have found the marching* and countermarchings in the Panjaub to be at least enormously expensive, and in their present temper we can imagine no result more di rectly calculated to arouse their discontent. They arc bent upon economy andretrenchment,and they want to alter the balance of their revenue account from a deficit to a surplus. As well as being laudable in itself, this peculiar bias at this moment will have a special salu tary effect. It will give a keener edge to their criti cism of the dilatory conduct which has led the Lahore authorities—whether Resident or Commander-in-chief, or Generals of Divisions—to frighten themselves by the notion of a monsoon campaign, and to be indebted for the removal of an imminent peril to the sagacious bravery of an officer who does not even hold a field •mmission, and to the chance loyalty of a few Paten recruits. We have said from the very beginning that the changes made in the Pubjaub executive at the com mencement of this year, were needless changes. There NM JOHN LAWRENCE, MACKRBON, MACOREGOR, and LITTLER, among whom to choose for a successor of the brave and skilful officer, whose name is so inti mately connected with on: Punjaub policy ; and with these materials for selection the course pursued was little better than a wanton disregard of common The tOrpreOli. sense. The discontented portion of our trans-Sutlej subjects have now got a knack of rebellion, and we may de pend upon it, that even if we could extinguish the seditious DEWAN to-morrow, we should by no means rid ourselves of future troublesome customers of the same sort, unless we contrive to convince the Sikhs, through our administration that they may securely cal culate that if they are rampant rebels one day, they will be promptly defeated rebels the next. Mn. DISRAELI was last night delivered of his promised review of the progress of public business during the present session of parliament. As if aware of his natural predisposition to tartness of remark, the honourable member stuck it into a debate on a sweet topic—the question whether the Distilling from Sugar Bill should pass. Clever, Mr.Distunti's treatment of the theme undoubtedly was, but not so comprehensive in its aim as was demanded by the subject, or as will satisfy the country. He merely availed himself of the pretence of discussing the ques tion, why such a protracted and laborious session has proved utterly fruitless, t 3 attack ministers. It Is sheer affectation on Mr. DISRAELI'S part to pretend that by showing min isters to be blame able for much (or most) of the desultory trifling with public business by which the House of Com mons has provoked public indignation throughout the session now drawing to a close, he can exonerate the house from complicity in the crixe. Admitting that ministers are to blame in the first instance for the scandalous waste of time which has characterised the session, the House of Commons which tolerated and connived at it is equally culpable. We will take an early opportunity to submit to oar readers our own review of the progress of public busi ness during the session, less with a view of imputing individual blame for the time that has been lost, than for the purpose of throwing light upon the causes of the inefficiency of our legislature, and the means by which it may be rendered more efficacious. In the mean time, requesting our readers to combine Mr. DISRAELI'S sarcastic but too true histor y of the tour LONDON, THURSDAY, AUG. 31. budgets of 1848, with the circumstances under which IS is quite clear that our Indian Empire is not to the financial statement of the CHANCELLOR OP THE be loot just yet. If anybody had begun to regard it EXCHEQUER has been made, and an addition to the in jeopardy the 4. tailed accounts of yesterday ought national ',debt voted, within the last few days. we The mails for New South Wales, Von DiCMHA't Land, and New Taaland will be made op ou this evening, the 31st August. The mails tar the West Coast a Africa and Madeirn will be made up on We evening, the 31st August. The mails for British North America, and the 'United States will be made up the evening of the Ist Sept. The WWI India Mann, including Bermuda., Nassau, Ilevan Hondures, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and excluding them for Madeira, Jacmel, Cartharna, Santa Martha, Chsgres, Panama, West Coast of South Amenca, and St. 1111131 Alt• Nicaragua. will he made up on the morning of the lad Sept The mails for the ernam tke River Plate, Monte Video, P buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Buena Ayres, will be made up on the evening of the 4th September. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisb o t n, Madeept. Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of he 7th S The overland closed mile, vie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Mo., will be made up on the evening of the 7th September. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, via Southamp ton, will be mate upon the evening of the 20th Sept. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the .titamp-oliice, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3.447.00 9 'nth, we believe, is within eight per cml. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, ast4 M or ning Poet, ALL PUT TOCINTHBR. In a ddition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS. Morning Paper, there were issued for the &miry; Edition, THE EXPRESS 778 714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard. Evening Papers. DIOR WATER AT LON DOS BRIDGE. Este 13..-.110rd5p.33 URA post 3; Aftwouo. tee. put 3. To- --lionilut, t. MA 4; Jammua mkt. put 1. would direct attention to an important consideration suggested by these transactions. Of the two functions of the House of Commons — legislative and financial—the latter is not the least important. The duty of strictly examining the yearly estimates, of consenting to the taxes impoeed on their constituents, is ono which the collective members of the House of Commons cannot delegate to a 'elect committee. The estimates can only be discussed, taxes can only be voted, in a cummittee of the whole houae. Now can this be said to have been done when the CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER makes his financial statement to 38 members, and when the measure he recommends for bringing the income of the year up to its expenditure is voted tits= in a house composed of 85 members? De facto, the members of the House of Commons have run off to enjoy their autumnal sports, leaving a select committee to look after the pecuniary rights and interests of their constituents. The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER appears to have reserved his, financial statement for this snug party of confidential i friends. Instead of submitting that statement to the House of Commons at a period of the session suffi ciently early to admit of their taking it as their guide in the discussion of the estimates and the ways and means, he reserves it till all the estimates have been voted, and till the session has approached so near to its close that he can feel confident no one will venture seriously to propose a counter project to his plan of raising the wind. He reserves it till so few members are left in town that, if any serious opposition were threatened, he might appeal to the I irregularity of so inconsiderable a fraction of the I house entertaining novel proposals. Ministers and the House of Commons have been fortunate in the time they have selected for thus trifling with their duties as administrators of the public revenue and guardians of the national purse. Had the public temper been either a little mare or alittle leer excited than it is at present, the experiment might have been a dangerous one. The folly of the few silly braggarts calling themselves chartists has frightened JOHN BULL into one of his periodical paroxysms of acquiescing conservatism. He is in no mood to take a bold step to right himself. But were he, as we have seen him, sufficiently angry to be elevated above the suggestions of alarm, or were he sufficiently convinced of the stability of his institu tions to be free from alarm, it is not unlikely that he might question the legality of a money vote passed in hugger-mugger, at the fag end of a session, by less than a seventh part of his representatives is the House of Commons. If we could imagine it possible that the manner in which the financial business of the session has been conduced in parliament could pass into a precedent, we should be seriously alarmed for the future. The members of the House cf Commons have allowed themselves to be worn out and jaded by all sorts of minor business—to be put off from day to day by im perfect and deceptive revelations—and have at last fairly run off before the real business of the session began. Aided by their impatience, government have passed off upon the few members who remain, a financial statement in which they virtually confess their ignorance of the actual condition of the national revenue and resources, and have obtained a vote of two millions to tide over their difficulties for a month or two. This is an unpromising state of public affaire, but it will work its own cure. Whatever apathy or panic may paralyse at present the expression of public opinion, the levity with which our so-called representatives have deserted their duty while the üblic accounts are becoming obviousl y and hope lessly entangled. has fixed the doom of our existing representative and administrative systems. The long, busy, and futile session, which is now drawing to a close, demonstrates the urgent necessity of searching reforms in the constitution, both of the legislative and the executive government. FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNESDAY, 11.30, A.Y. The state of the press in Paris, at present, is with out any previous example in the history of all the political convulsions through which France has passed for the last 60 years. For the first time within that eventful period the liberty of the press has become extinct in the most literal and practical sense of the term. It is not merely the abuses of journalism which excite the head of the government to the exercise of the despotic power with which he is in vested for the arbitrary suspension of the press,but it is now openly avowed that any journal which will exer cise the right of discussion in any manner which the head of the government shall consider to be adverse to the repabhcan form of government, will be immediately suppressed. This doctrine was frankly and explicitly avowed, to the great astonishment of the journalists, by General Cavaignac, in his interview with them on the occasion of the presentation of their late protest. On that occasion the general is reported to have said, " You application does you honour; it is your duty' ' to protest as it is mine to suspend. I will not do less with the Constitutionnel, if it continues its attacks upon the republic in favour of monarchy. I have in a friendly way caused its editors to be informed that if they continue their polemics in &Nour of a dynasty which I feel honour in having served, but which I will have nothing more of as France will not have it, I will suspend the Constitutiotanel without more hesita tion than I suspended the Lantrion. The republic is still in its infancy ; it is too weak to resist the jour nalists of the opposition ; when it shall have grown you shall have a carte blanche to attack it." The same doctrine is accordingly promulged by the journals of the government. There is, therefore, to be to opposition press. The government is to have its official and semi-official organs, but they are to have no adversaries. Under these circumstances it was proposed that all those journals not directly or indirectly in the interest of the government should suspend publication. This, however, not being agreed to, several of them have ceased to publish any comments on public events. This is the case with La Presse and the Cenatitutionnel; uss l ai he go lti so p h i ss tbli s q t i ts ie ch in ed en to o tio h ns is p a st re so po s, r f t ot tht General tiou, a guard consisting of the police agents who were ordered to watch over the safety of Louis Philippe when he appeared in public. Another detachment of upwards of 400 insurgents was sent to „Havre on Monday night. The Salta Public of Lyons states that the army of the Alps is now 60,000 strong, and in a complete state of organisation for active service. The Northern Railway Company has just paid, by anticipation, to the treasury of the republic, a sum of 3,000,000 f., which , by the terms of the late arrange ment, need not have been paid before three months. A rumour was current at the Bourse yesterday that the diplomatic negotiation between the cabinet of Vienna and Mr. Abercrombie were so far advanced that the English government recognised the right of Austria to hold all her ancient Italian possessions. This rumour appeared to have suffisient foundation towards the eintea to prevent the Rpeetilatora for a rise succeeding in their attempts, and to induce a decline of 1 fr. 20c. on the first quotation of the day. After the Bourse some transactions took place in the Coulisse, even at lower than the closing prices. The new loan was firmer than for several days past, in comparison with the price of Five per Cents. We have received the Madrid journals and corre spondence of the 24th. Some dissension had become apparent between the Cabinet and the ultra-Modem doe. The latter of whom is supported by Queen Christina and her party. It is said tha t appeared sensible of the impossibility of maintaining his present position in relation to England, that a rapprochement would be attempted by the interven tion of France, and that Queen Christina and her friends would be thrown overboard. A plan for the settlement of the debt, foreign and domestic, had been presented to the government by Don Manuel Sanchez Silva, member of the committee appointed for that purpose in May last. The principle of the plan is to convert all kinds of debt into Two per Cent. Stock at the type of F 20 pes and r cent. The Threes to be admitted at par, to ur Fiv at 12 per cent., the Coupons at 8 percent., and the Passives at 5 per cent. Mahan,. Aro. 24. Three per Cents., 19i paper; after Bohm, 19 19 &.16 cash. Five per Rents., 114 Ci. o l ; offer . Bobs, 101 ark. Pascles, 4 paper. Coupohs, 74 cub. Bank of St Ferdinand, SO paper ; 46 cub: &swum of notes, 41 41 per cent. Exchange on Laoden, at. 30 days, 47 p..per. THE EXECUTION OF THE CONVICT KELLY, who shot a woman in the barrack-yard, Newport, took place on Monday at Monmouth-gaol. A MURDER ie reported to have taken place near Buntingford ou Thursday last. The criminal is a h.q . , named Game, oily eight years old, and the victim his sister, a child 1 three years y , .unge• than himself. GERMANY. AUSTRIA.—Two proclamations by ministers were published in Vienna on the 24th inst. The first intimates that, in consequence of the tu mults• stirred up by the workmen engaged on public buildings, and the necessity of restoring public confidence, ministers have unanimous 4 re solved:-1. To take upon themselves the imme diate and exclusive direction of all measures for en suring the public peace. 2. To place the national guard under the immediate and exclusive command of the cabinet. 3. To stop all those works which have been the scenes of riots, and to permit Ito work man to return to his employment who cannot give a satisfactory account of his previous conduct. The second proclamation purports to have in view tho extension of the protection of the laws to the national guard when employed in preserving order. 'I 'o this end notice is given that in conformity wi'h the penal code, sentence of imprisonment varying from six months to five years will be pronounced on every person convicted of resisting the national guard, whether with or without weapons; and every person wearing the uniform of the national guard who does not belong to it will be subjected to arrest for a period varying from three days to one month. On the same day the Minister of the Interior had a number of questions put to him in the Diet respecting the riots, and the measures adopted for their suppression. lie stated that order had been completely restored, and that as soon as ministers were in possession of full information respecting the events of the few preced ing days, it would be laid before the assembly. In reply to a charge that ministers had super seded the Committee of the Community in the management of the local government, because it was " a thorn in their eye," he explained that the com mittee was called into existence merely to prepare a civic constitution ; that ministers entertained all re spect for it ; but that, until a local government upon a really popular bsais was organised, they thought it was their duty to undertake themselves the task and ot preserving order. UNITED STATES. A summary of the following appeared in the whole of our impression yesterday : The America, Capt. Judkins, arrived at Liverpool yesterday morning. Her dates are: New York, 16th inst. ; Halifax, 18th. The long passage is attributed to strong easterly gales. Congress was adjourned on the 14th instant, and President Polk was to leave town on the 18th to spend a week at Bedford Springs. The State elections were in progress, and there appeared to be in many of the states a close run between the whigs and democrats. In North Carolina a whig governor had been elected, there was a "tie" in the House of Commons, and in the senate a majority of two for the whigs. In Indiana the returns from 20 counties had been received, and so far the result was 37 whigs and 37 democrats for the legislature. The political summary of the New York Courier and Enquirer will be found to contain all the intelli gence of any general interest. It is as follows : The Congress of thl United States adjourned on Monday, after a session of eight and a half months. There has been no legislation affecting the tariff nor the curreccy of the country, nor any touching specially on our trade with foreign nations. A proposition, understood to he submitted by the President of the United States to the senate for their advice, relative to the purchase, for a gross sum, of all the property and o rights rego., of the pw li Hudson' s overn' s f la y want C Company ng :oin time. . . Thewithin t he president, however, has still the power in the recess of negotiating a treay upon this subject through the British government, 1 and subject to the ratification of the senate. It is certainly desirable, as likely to do away with two pregnant causes of dispute between English and Ame rican settlers in Oregon, that all the property and rights of the Englisn company should be conveyed to the American government, even although the price to be paid should be larger than the sequel money value of the property acquired. Among the last acts of li gelation, and one wuich has received the president's signature, was • bill providing for the government of Oregon. Tree peculiar circumstance which gives interest to this .rill is, that it em bodies, in respect of that territory, the provision of the famous ordinance of 1787, which forbids slavery for ever iu the territories nerth-west of the Ohio ; and the wise foresight of which prohibition has been proved by the growing up already in that territory of six great and prosperous states, within which slavery can find no foothold. There was a strenuous contest in the senate especially to exclude this provision, but it was found, after two or three successive trials, that on each occasion the Rouse of Represent atives breams more and more determined to !et Oregon remain without a government, rather than consent to any compromise adverseto freedom,and finally the senate yielded and the bill woo passed, and is now a law, with the clause prohibiting slavery within the hort:ere of Oregon. '1 he other new territories acquired by the treaty of peace with Mexico remain unprovided with any government, and are in a sufficiently anomalous position, for they are American by treaty, and of course no longer sub ject to laws which attached to them when belonging to another country—and yet not provided with any new form of government by their new country. Slavery is here again the stumbliug block—for portions of both these territories lying within parallels of latitude where slave labour may be with most advantage employed—the senators and n presenta tive, from the slave holding states will not consent to any bill that locked to the exclusion of slavery from these countries. On the other hand, the representatives from the non slave holding states would not sanction any bill that might lead to the intreducticn of slaves end sla very into regions now free. The differences are irreconcilable, end the territories are left without any fettled form of government. The prvident must admi nister their concerns as best he may. Our accounts from Mexico present no new feature. Paredes, although over thrown by Bastamente, had escaped from capture, and was still at large. His authority, however, is much impaired, and his chief coadjutor, the Padre Jarauta, having certainly been executed, there will no harm come of Paredes. The American forces have all abandoned Mexico, and the flag of that country now flies again from St. Juan d'Ullaa to the capital. From Europe our advices by the Acadia to the 30th ult. have produced little effect, commercially. P.,litically, we look with anxious forebodings to the struggle that seemed impending in Ireland, of which the issue can only be, as it would seem, one of terrible bloodshed and more etrinvent rule for the Irish. The sympathy with their cause and their sufferings on this aide of the Atlantic is genuine and Renne], but it will not lead to any such insane projects, as seemed to be apprehended in the last dates in England—of ' , ending armed forces from here to Ireland. Its utmost tangible manifestation may be, in sending seine thousands of p ,uuds —and not many of them either—to swell the funds of the revolters. The weather with us continues very fine. The wheat harvest has been got in in fair eider, and the Indian corn promises most abundantly, and is now ~^youd reach of injury. Of the potato disease we have occasional complaints ; but the early crops were of excellent quality. Thus far tiers is not much reason to apprehend serious loss to the whole crop. • 1 COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. lime Tonle, Auo. 15.—Our money market is trenquil, with some more easiness. Loans or calls can now be reedit, obtained at 7 per oent.; consequently the prilX4 of stocks are tending upwards, and range above the prices quoted by the last eteioni•r. t.. states six per cent. stock of ! GI and 613 now sell promptly at from litif to 1041 ; the aces of '53 command 931 to 938 ; and for treesui y notes bearing 6 per cent. intereet, and convertible Into a twenty years' stock, 101 to 1041 are readily paid. New York State neaten have improved aleo—the fives being 97 4; the sixes, 1031. For foreign exchange, the rates, notwithstanding considerable purebaaa OD Meat= account, tend downwards. Bill' on London are limn 91 to • ten day bills on Paris, sf. 211 • end bills on Amsterdam. 40 to 4. 'Corror.—The new crop comes'in slowly. In our !a t we named the fleet hale at Montgomery. The first bale at New Orleans arrived on the sth, at hfobile,twobeles on the Gth or 7th. savannah, a bale on the7th. Oa the 4th and sth 4 or Shales were re.3eived at Albany and Ma con, Georgia, aml at Montgomery. In making up um Meal total of this crop, in conformity with the practice of former yearn, %bete well have to be added to the receip c o tto n the ports about 10,000 bales for Virginia and North Ceirotte• commetea m t•et nes at Petersburgb, &a, and the nett Augusta end Hamburg clock on the Sint , which may be about or 15,000 bales. The final crop will, therefore, probably appear at abort 2,528 00 halm, Glue: Itsceipis at ports thus far 2, •210,000 bales ; probable future receipts, 30,000 or 35,000, say 30;000 bales ; addition for Virginia and North Caroliin, 10.000 balm; probable nett Augusta and liamtang stock on Slot inet., 10,000 bales; probable final crop, about 2,320,0e0 bales. As regards the final total export to Great Britain, the 26 easel.. left toed ing at southern poets maybe expected to carry 40,060 or 43,0u0 bales; and vessels which maycommence loading after the sth inst. may take, including proGsble clearances fermi northern ports, 15;410 or 20000 more. Thus: Export to Great Britain thus m0nth274.000 bales; probable export fcr the remainder of this , 00,0 , 0 bales ; probable total of this Masao to Great Britain, 1,334,000 balm. Now n, let us some to the kc probable stack on 314 inetant, textual, Bosto Philadelphia, . That stock on It September last was 215,000 bales ; crop as already stated, 2,328,00 e haler; total avail able qatunity, 2,543,000 hales. Export to Great Brittle as stove. 1,334, 0 00 bales probable to Prance and other places, 533,0 0 0 tales ; probable actual borne coneumption, 450, ( 0 0 balm ; probable eteek remaining 31. t August, including Augusta, 80-tan, Philadelphia. he., 220,00) bales; total, 2,541,000 bales. Thug, even if we allow the actual home consumption to be 453 100, the total stocks at the close of this Beason will be en large aa at the close of last season, when they were larger than ever at that time of year. The stock of 158,000 does not include those at Xetrasta, and Hamburg, nor at any northern ports except New York ; beeldes which it is tolerably clear that at this moment the menu: atueers and their agents bold 50,000 bales more than last year. In G rieting the clamour at this time last year as t 3 the probable deficietay ot the crop, and stating that it might still reach 2,300,030 hales, wren lei many cetimates below 2,000,000 were put forth, and in estimating tart January that the probable export of the season to Great Britain would be 1,280,000 balm—in there two positions, and they were the two which were of objected to we shall e pr.,,,A1 to be under the mark, instead of being (as a ginat majority b of the trade expected, or seemed to expect) greatly beyond Flora, 5.c.-I.pon the receipts of the telegraphic deal stelae from the Acadia at Barton, Madero of flour ads awed their Tat*. 12te. to 15Ie. per barrel, at which several ',ales were mode; so-day. bowe‘'er. the letters having come to hand, chippers withdrew from the market, and quite a limited hwenees was done. Bayern for ex. tat offered .1 dots. for Western Canal, whilst receiveni caked 5 dint 121 c. to 5 dole. lele. for cemmon hennas, 5 dols. 2 ie. to 5 dole, tile. ea good, and 5 dole. 50e. for pure Genesee. Common Southern onu Is held at 5 dots. 50e. Corn meal may be quoted at 3 dole. to 3 dole. '2sv. Hye flour, 4 dole. The advance which was obtalned eterusy in corn may be ccaddered loot ; shippers will not glee the peace. asked. 2,0e0 bushel of heated sold at 56c.; 4,000 bushels low mixed. Gle. A tew samples of high mixed were in market, for which ale_ is a cAtere4. Oats are dull, and small lota of Northern :re stung at 40a. 'I