The Express. — London, England, 1848-06-02 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF COMMONS.—TnwasDAT, JUNE 1. The Spurn took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. REPORTS CONSIDERFO. -Midland Orval Wentern Railway of Ireland (deri.dion line from blullintrar to Athlone) ; North and South Weatern Railway (Ilarrow to Brantford); Scottish Midland Junction Railway ramendmant and branehes to Itirnam, die.); York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (deviation and abandonment of part of the Tink and Halton branch); Bing. THIRD READlNGs.—Edinburgh nod Glasgow Railway Y o. I), (amendment arts ac and branch% . &a.); Forth and (lode Nil.' ABM% and Airdrie and Cuatbridac Water; tirva. Western It nlwar ,e‘ten eion of the Berko and Ilanta Railway from Ilungerford to Weirthory, oath a branch to liovize.); Norfolk RAIWAy ( antrwlntent of sera an d natendon of time lorcommeneing Reedham and la** branches) ; North Wertern Railway (d.tersiona at Sklpton, Casterton, and dedbergk); L a. ORDS' A3IE.NDMEN Cs CONSWERED.—Priee's Patent Candle Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS.—By the Lord Mayor and several aldermen of the cor poration of Publin, at the bar of the house, maritally but deter minutely dear:mhos a repeal of letrtalatlyv COMMITTEE. —lmumbered Eatatts (Ireland! Til lit 11/11Sti.—Tottago Itchef and ImMignition Into British Orlin lituidal Bill. NOTI'ES OF MO Iltr.q.-11 outs t. --lord It. GRO , VPSOFt, cm an earh day. to ta.se leave to bring in a bat prokiluttny night. work heyond eertain hoar. w baking.houtes. dare 1,10 V lit N1N14111 , 10 P.410.10111,41,-I.ord J. ItUtr;ELL, on Monday next, ta ask I.IVC ill bring in a bill to alter the torm of oath taken by tuembers of the !louse ot C0mm....0n taking their scats. Bytom, At,— Cava, r ov .t•Wi...):11 Tint*, *.e. —lord J. RUS SELL, on Friday ( O il. day wet I.!. rt. more for lease to bring iu a bill to repeal so much of the existing Itw :is mad, it netesstry to pay ausersted taxes, to., hews exercising the tight to vote for Atte.. and orotshs. LEICESTF.R ELECTION. Mr. K. SEYMEIt spotted that Sir J W.iltnaley and Mr. Gardner wore not dole elected, and that bribery had been committed by their r.gents, but without their knowli dge. The committee also reported that the bribery and corruption committed at the 'dist el, etion for Leic atrr were such so to deman d tiro s ttention of the house. ( Hear, heat.) Tim hors. geutlerar n moved that the evidence be printed, and the motion was agreed to without discussion. %VLSI INDIES. Mr. :JUDIE staled (in reply to Mr. BASELY) that if all 3v , rd he would I ritg forward his resoltatiima on the c indi. tie. a of thine colonies that day week instead of on the 22nd, 'which:he admitted was too near the nth of July, when an al teretiod of the duties under the act of laid would take place. Lord J. RUSSELL leered he could not give nest Thurs day for the purpose, but would let the lion. member know to-morrow (this day). The noble lord added tin reply to Mr. lititLill'atS) that the govcrutnent would be prepared to make a statement on the subject after the %V hitauntide recess. INCUMBEItED ESTATES t I ItI:LAND) DILL. la rsply to a question by Mr. litutalt, Tba SOLICITOR.GENERAL said that this bill was qui.* ready for committal, and would lio brought on at the first opportunity. DEE ALCATION IN CALCUTTA. _ Lord JOCELYN asked if it was true that the chief officer of the ecclesiastical e•nart in Calcutta had been a de• tanker to the extent of 100.000!!.? If so, he wished to know by whew the deficiency was to be made good, and whether an, steps hod been talc n in consequence ? iSir J. C. 11013lIOUSE regretted the truth of the state ment as regarded • defalcation by the Registrar of the Suprema Court of Calcutta, Sir T. Turton, although not to so great an amount as stated by the noble lord. The sureties given by that officer of 10,0001. would go hut a short way, if tally available, tograids making good the deficiency. As to who would do so he could not give a satisfactory answer, as the Exit India Company would protest against its being charged upon the res cones of India, and tho Chanc llor of the Exchequer upon those of England. (A laugh Oa the Sot receipt of the intelligence he had S.lt it his duty to consult the law onkel. or the crown as to whether it was de sirable to indict Si. T. Tutton ; but their opinion was not favourable to that course. Re was enshled to say that the government of India were now preparing an act by which they would endeavour to prevent a recurrence of such delin quencies. LAW OF MARRIAGE. Mr. S. WORTLEY (in reply to Mr. Rite) slid that the commits:on appointed on this subject had come to the deter wainetion to report separately upon the tith,tiou of marriages within the degrees of at city, and that report wu now ready. BOROUGH OF DERBY. Mr. COLVILE rose to move that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant to the clerk of the crown to make out a new writ for the el,ctingtwo burcesaes to serve in this present per il iment for the borough of Derby, in tho room of the Right Ifora.E. Strutt and Hon. E. F. L. Gawer,whose elections had been determined to be void. The hen. member concluded by moving that the writ do i sue. Mr. A. STAFFORD seconded the motion ; and asked how it was possible that any man who had read the petition which had been presented from the inhabitants of Derby, a town containing 43,000 population, mould be p repared to suspend the writ for an indefinite period of time ? Since the discuasiais which had token place on tiles.: subjects s 'me light hod been thrown upon the con-equences which had resulted from the course pursued. The refusal of a writ of election for a constituency, whether small or large, on the ground of bribery, treating, and corruption, had been at tende 1 with tlis result A offers • bribe to 13; B accepts it; C informs by petition modest both, acd is the end all three are disfranchised. Such was the justice which the house bad dealt out. (Hear, hear.) In future, if C pos• seeks an rive rage amount of common sense, he will, after the course the house has taken, withhold his peti tion against A and LI, seeing that the remelt will be, after much trouble and expense, his own die franchisement. And this was done by three who stood up for fair and impartial justice—who wished to be considered the models of purity, and who asked the enlargement of the constituencies of the kingdom. Wien those on his (Mt Stafford's) side of the house asked the house not to deprive the innocent of their political rights and privileges, because a few were guilty, boo. members opposite chanted them with toeing in favour of bribery and corruption. If this system was carried out further, it would compictely eilene2 the voice of petitioners, becau-e if it was shown that the certain result of a petition was, that neither the innocent petitioners nor their fellow-townsmen should have a voice in that house, it was not in human nature or common sense to expect that these delinquencies would be exposed, because men would say let bribery and corruption go on, rather than we should be deprive: of cur voice in the legislature. Seeing the petition which had come up from Derby ; the number of the constitu ency, and also the small amount of brinery reported by the committee, bethought the writ ought not to be longer with held. If it was r. fused to-night he would bring it under the notice of the house day after day and time after time, in order to test who were those who, under a pretext of purity, withheld political privileges from so large a portion of their fellow.eitirens. (Hear.) Mr. HUME said be had thought that the almost unani mous expression of opinion of the house on • previous occa sion in favour of the propriety and justice of suspending this writ would have prevented any attempt to renew the motion for its issuing. The hon. member (Mr. Staf ford) accused those who objected to the writ with acting tin jusey in deprivinz their fellow-subjects of their political rights. His (Mr. Hume's) object was to aseerLin fully to what extent these corrupt deeds and malpractices had been carried on, and not in the meantime to enable these constitu encies to repeat th , se malpractices, because they were unjust to the rest of the community. Sir G. GREY said the question now before the house was, not whether there ought to be en inquiry into the extent of the corruption which it was said had prevailed at Derby at the last and previous elections, but whether the circum stances apparent from the evidence which the election com mittee had submitted to the house were such as to justify the suspdheion of the writ fur an indefinite period. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir G. Grey) might be open to the charge of throwing a shield over corruption and bribery, hut he was prepared to meet that charge rather than consent to an in definite suspension of the political privileges of a large con stituency, against the greater portion of which no charge whatever attached. (Hear, hear.) The report of the Derby committee slid not, as the Yarmouth committee had, recommend the suspension of the writ until measures were taken for . the disfranchisement of the freemen; but even if that had b.en so, the house had been told on a former occasion that the number of freemen in Derby was only about 110, while there were 1,400 electors under the 101. household suffrage, against whose purity no charge whatever was made. Ile should, therefore, vote for the issuing of the writ. Mr. RICE inquired whether, if the writ issued, it would have the effect of excluding Derby from the operation of the Borough Elections Bill, introduced by the hon. baronet near him ? (Sir J. Ilanmer.) Sir G. GREY replied in the negative. The Earl of LINCOLN said that he could discover no dis tinction between the eases of Derby and Yarmouth, and he thought the house would stamp its course with the character of vacillation, and would create in the minds of the people a doubt as to its sincerity in putting down corruption, if it consented to the motion now before it. (Rear, hear.) Bir J. BANNER said that after the speech of the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey) he thought the SIVNIPIIII of his bill very doubtful. It was said that because Derby had a large constituency it ought not to remain unrepresented ; but did the extent of the constituency show its purity ? On the contrary, had not the house that very day heard of another large and important constituency, that of Leicester, where the committee reported they were so corrupt that the case was recommended to the especial attention of the house. (Hoar, bear.) MZGOULBURN was prepared to assent to the motion for the Mining the writ for Derby. fdr. MUNTZ opposed the motion. Col. SIBTIIORI also opposed the motion. After a few words from Mr. Cotvlte and Sir J. BAN NER, in explanation, The house divided.—For the motion Against it it of this result was received with loud SPANISH AFFAIRS. In answer to a series of questions from Me. BAtLLIE (which were not heard in the gallery owing to the confusion caused by members leaving the house), Viscount PALMERSTON said—l have to state in the first place, that the Spanish minister, ',turd; some time ago, announced to me the arrival of Count de Mirasol in London, for the purpose of giving exp'anations and state ments with regard to recent transactions at Madrid. My reply to that was, that whatever communications the govern ment of Spain wished to make upon those matters to her Majesty's government, I should be quite ready to receive from the official and aecredited organ of the Queen of Spain in this country—(hear, bear)—but that I thought it my duty to decline entering MO any communication with the Count de Mirasol. (near.) 1 also stated that, considering the nature and character of the ~_evouts. to. which thes° communication, w ere to relate , p :nought d es i ra ble, at G il events, i n the lint place, iht t,; "b communication, should be made in writing. (Hear, hear.) I have received some communications from the S minister; upon those subjects I am in communication with him at the pre sent moment; but I do tot feel it my duty at resent to state anything upon those matters to the house. Whenever :hose communications are brought to a close, probably I may feel it my duty to lay the correspondence on the table of the house ; but of course it is not for me to say on what day, or at what time. that will he. Mr. BANK ES wished to ask the noble lord whether he would next day i move that the house should go into commit tee of supply, n order to give him (Mr. Danko") the oppor ' inlay of bringing on his motion on the Spanish question ? Lord J. RUSSELL said, if the resolutions on the naviga tion laws were agreed to and reported that night, mud the hill founded thereon brought in, he should propose to go into committee of supply the next day; if not, he should propose to go Into committee next do t , with a view of con ridrnng these resolutions, end in that case, should take the committee of supply on Mondsy. COPPER DUTIES. Mr. WYLD inquired if it was true that ships laden with foreign cooper. which had recently arrived, had been allowed to discharge their cargoes ;Ari payment of the Is. duty pro posed by the bill now passing through the house. Mr. LABOUCIIERE said it world prevent me ;A t incon venience if notice was alwaya given of questi - 4 „, o f t hi s nature. lie hail no knowledge of the ma.t'.r beyond the general practice which had always ohtaine' s in all cases of remission of duty—namely, that as sour. as the house had atlirmee the resolution for a rernissi , ,n of any duty, parties were allowed to enter their gm ds at the lower rate, giving a bond Mr the payment of the difference, should the house not tonally sanction t h e reduction. Ile had no reason to believe that a ditlerent course had been punted with regard to copper. Mr. WYLY , said he' must contolain of this course. (Order, order.) Ile would move the adieu' nment of the house, to be in order. Ile suspected, f tom the unusually larg- importations of foreign copper which hod recently beta made, that the parties must have received some intimation of what the govenim nt were ',taut to whereby a serious loss had been entailed on the copper miners of thin country. WEST INDIA COLONIES. In answer to Mr. Hymn, Lord J. RUSSELL said that on the ITith or 11th of the present month some member of the government would lw prepared to state the enure whirs was meant to be 1 ursued ith regard to the West India colonies. NAVIGATION LAWS—ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. J. WILSON craved the indulgence of the house in r ference to some observations which lie had made on Mon day. On that oecasion he had referred to a letter from ID° Janeiro, stating that Desired British ships were lying there unable to obtain cargoes, and to a corroborative statemant which had subsequently been posted at Lloyd's. The hon. gentleman opposite, the chairman of Lloyd's (Mr. O. liu• binson), had s.tid that was altogether untrue. Mr. O. ROBINSON—I said it was atesoltvely untrue. Mr. WILSON wished to afford the hon. gentleman the opportunity of stating whether his words referred to the fact °finch a document having been posted at Lloyd's, as the house apparently underst sod him, or whether he redeemd to the Con of the vessels lying unemployed at Rio Janeiro. Mr. ROBINSON sail as he should afterwards address the ho.ise on the general question, ho would rather defer his aplanation till then. (Ns.) If it was the wish of the house ho would now give it. There was no difference of opinion whatever as to a certain letter or extract basing been posted at Lloyirs—thear, hearl—or as to the pert ct accuracy ul the statement mule by the hon. nsemlier for Wt gamey. (Hear, hear ) His denial was strictly meant to be confined to the inference drawn from the fact stated, of there being eight first-class vessels at Rio Janeiro un freighttsl, whilst all the foreign vessels were obtaining teights; that inference being that the reason of their re• mailing unfreisrhted was the bad character of the ships and the masters. (Hear.) • Mr. MITCIIELL said he knew the writer of the letter. It was entirely a letter of business, written without any reference whatever to the navigation laws. The denial of the hen. member for Poole having gone before the public, a gentleman who had recently returned from Itio Janeiro had emu.. nit yard, and Mattel that the matter was precisely as it had been represented by the hon. member for NVestbury, and that the rea , en why the English ships were unehartered was the general '•ad conduct of the English captains. He added thet insist houses in Europe had given directions to their agents there not to charter English ships at all if they could get foreign ones. (Ilea:, hear.) Such was the statement given by parties who had no interest whatever in the naviga tion laws. . . . . Mr. ROBINSON.—I shall he prepared to show that the statement with respect to the but character of the masters cud the ships is alt otether untrue. Mr.MITCHELL.—I mid nothing the badness of the ships. Mr. I.IOFFATT regretted that the forms of the house had prevented biro from presenting a petition from his consti tuents against any alteration of the nav;uation laws. He did not same in the sentiments of that petition ; bat believed, from the favourable effect of past changes during the last 20 rears, th it the altem:i in now prop would be benelici tl. }'rem the mom, nt that our tonnage had been in caress of the quantity required for our coasting and colonial trade and f•r the fisheries, the benefit of the navigation laws had erased, but the obstructions which they created had continued. Many hon. members had expressed great alarm a. to the cilia of this meisure, but they had failed to show any ground for it. He did not believe that the measure would be detrimental to British shipping, and he would, therefore, give it his cordial support. Mr. ROBINSON did sot think there ever was a measure submitted to the house involving such momentous Cons!. quences which was supporteel by such fee hie arguments. The right hon. gentleman presented a petition the other yenta", signed by 272 bankers, metchanth &c., of Lot don, in favour of the measure. He looked over the name at tached to that petition, and he found that there were but few of the large merchants of London to be found in it. Mr. LABOUCHEItE—The governor and deputy-gover. nor of the Bank of England. Mr. ROBINSON.—It was principally signed by solicitor., tradesmen, and shopkeepers. But what would the right hon. gentleman say to the petition which had been presented to the house by the right hon. gentleman the member for Sti *fiord, which was signed by I poi) of the principal hankers, merchants, and trailers of London ? ( Hear, hear.) Ile would find that the names attached to that petition far out wei and those appended to the petition he presented. And 1..:1 regiad to petitions generally on the subject, those against the measure were far more numerou. than those pre sented in its lavour. ( Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentle. man said that Jamaica end Canada petitioned in fan, ur of the measure. That was true ; but their object in doirc so was to indemnify themselves at the expense of the British shipowners for the low which they suffered from the free trade legislation of that house. He therefore att iehed no importance to the application from those places. The right hon. gentleman then spoke of a menace m Pringle if they did not alter their navigation lees. Ile hoped that this country had not yet fallen into such • position that they would be required to alter their policy with respect to com merce and navigation at the menace of Prussia or any other state. (Hear, heat.) Prussia had nothing to offer them in exchange; besides that, the policy of Prussia, as the principal state of the Zollverein, was not such as should induce them to pass a measure for her benefit. The right hon. gentleman said also that the United States promised to reciprocate if they passed this measure. He had watched for several years the legislation of that country, and he cculd not see anything like a liberal commercial policy in her measures. After the intelligence of the intention of the government of this country to alter the navigation laws had reached America one of the most respectable papers of Washington expressed its delight " because," it said, " the enterprise of our merchants, and the advantages we enjoy, will enable us to acquire a large portion of the trade with the British colonies." (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Robinson) believed the effect of this mea sure would be to throw the whole of the inter-colonial trade into the hands of the Americans, because, situated as America was in respect to those colonist, it would lie im piwsible for the British shipowner to compete with her. From the time of Washington to that of Mr. Polk the ob ject of the American republic was to create a powerful marine force ; and this measure, if unhappily it should pass, would greatly contribute to that result. As America bad not the least advantage to off.r them in return they were not called upon to pass such a measure as the present. lie complained of the mode and means adopted by the go vernment to carry their measure—he alluded more particu larly to the letter which had been sent to their consuls abroad. So far, however, from the consuls having reported universally against British ship-muter., they had frequently giv• reports favourable to them. He maintained, however, that British consuls, who were generally persons who once beonged to the army, were not the fittest judges on surh a subject. If the government wished for corrert information they should not have sent the leading letter which Mr. Murray wrote. (Hear.) Was it worthy the government to tied( to blacken the character of respectable men ? (Hear.) There were some amongst them who might be liable to animadversion, but on the whole the masters of British ships were as respectable as any other class of person.. ( Ilear.) The hon. gentlemen then proceeded to read c etraets from the letters of the consuls in reply to the letter which had been addressed to them. Mr. Brooker, the consul at Cronatadt, said that for 59 years only two cases had occurred there of master. obstructing the custom-house officers. Two men had been accused of theft. This was all that could be alleged against British seamen in Cronstadt for a period of . - 19 years, although there were .500 ships a year there on the average, with crews amounting to 295,000. (Hear, hear.) Col. Whitehead, of Archangel, said that there were a few cues of charges against British masters, hut they were comparatively rare. Col. Wright, of Rigs, Mr. Games, of Odessa, Consul Liddell, of Memel, and Mr. bl'Oregor, of Elsineur, made reports of a similar nature. An Hos. Mem ItElt here moved that the house be counted. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but the requisite num ber of memben being present. . . . . . . - Mr. ROBINSON continued his address by saying he was surprised that on so important a subject—one which it was desirable to have fully discussed—an attempt should have been made to count out the house. (Hear, hear.) He would read no more of the consul's reports, but would ob. serve merely that they were not generally unfavourable to British shipmasters. Now, in reference to the statement of the hon. gentleman opposite, that British vessels could not get freighted at Rio Janeiro in consequence of the bad cha- ratter of the vessels, whilst foreign vessels readily get freighted, he begged to say that be had received a fetter, dated the Ist of April (the very date to which the hon. gen tleman referred), in which it was stated that the reason why the British vess.•ls were not freighted was, that the masters would not accept the low freightage offered them. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member had accepted his information too readily and too credulously, and he ought to have taken same pains to ascertain not only that the fact was correct, but that the inference he drew was warranted. Mr. WILSON—It i. not my inference. Mr. ROI3LNSOII—Tha right hon. gentleman referred to THE EN PRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 2, 1848. Holland as a country that had formerly a large commercial 1 marine and navy without a navigation law. That war true ,• but then them was ne analogy between the case of Holland in those days, and the cue of England at the present time, because there was not then the ISM competition which ex isted now, and moreover Holland was not burdened with a debt of 800,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) Ile could assure the house, that if the government prevailed en it to adopt free trade measures to such an extent, this country would not be able to compete with foreigners, and the effect would be to displace a great part of the commercial marine of this coun try. (Hear, hear, ) But tome persona might may, what consequence was that of. And a naval tinker of some stand. ing said that the commercial marine was not neceseary to the manning of the navy of England. If he ha I nut read the evidence of Captain Stirling, he could not buve believed that any naval officer would have given such art opinion. Ile believed that the evidence of naval men would be given be fore the committee, which was eil,..ting..r.e.vl:Or:fh that erti. tha t I subject, which completely 7 Tho h°Q., r .ed gallant member for Christchurch (Capt. 11 ". 6 9 clad contradicted it already, and declared at was impossible to maintain that tlai corn , P . :mild marine was not instrumental in manning the navy. How, he would ask, was the navy to be manned, in cue of emergency (Hear.) It was true Capt. Stirling had a plan of his own, namely, to keep up such a large naval establishment in time of peace as would render it indepen dent of the commercial marine. But would the hon. morn her for hlontrnee sanction such a plan ? Would Cie country, in a period of financial embarrassment, cowmen to keep up ian mmense navnl armament in time of peace ? Ile had to complain that it wax sought to connect the eysteni of impressment with Bluish shipowners. They had nothing to du with it. It was the naval authorities of the country who were responsible for it. lie was opieued to the system, but he did not see how they could do without it in time of war. How would they fled men then to man the navy if their commercial marine was so much reduced as he •.x. penned it would be under this hill? The hon. member oppo site (Mr. Ricardo) accused them of entrapping apprentices for the purpose of transferring them to the navy. Why, it was the naval authorities that forced apprentioi's upon them much to their disadvantage. (Hear, hear.) lie con t. uded that if this measure stisscil, the English shipowner would be pieced in a disadvantageous position with respect to the foreign. r. Meer, hew.) The British shipowner would not be on an equality with the fereigner. Ile could not, for instance, import timber to build hie ships duty free. Ile had also many other runic, tines imposed on him for national purpose.; but ho did not want to shake off thou ri unctions If protection was conti nued to him. The commercial marine of fnreign countries had greatly increased of late years. 'I he difference between vessels entered inwards from the United State., Denmark, and Sweden between the years 1824 and 18111 , compared with thou • of (heat Britain, was in favour el those states by 3,T0.) weasels and 70,700 tons. Ile did not with t exaggerate the nutter, hut as the capacity of foreign tui tions, and pirticularly of Franco and America, to compete with them was growing greater and greater every day, it was in his opinion the greatest act of folly, if nut et insanity, that could be committed to give them the addi tional advantage which this usea•ure will.' afford them. (Hear, hoar.) Then, as to authority, it was all in favour of the navigation laws. Mr. liu , skixin and Lord William whibt they were in favour of the reciprocity art. m, would not consent to abandon the fundamental principle of the mu vigatien laws. If he went hack to the days of Sir Joshua Child, and even Adam Smith, whom gentlemen opposite were so fond of quoting, it would be (.nand that they were fur maintaining those laws. Indeed, nothing could be etronger than the opinion of Dr. Adam Smith in favour of them. From beginning to end the anatomy of the navigation laws was a nuue of ribaldry lend prejudice. If government succeeded in carrying this measure they would add hundreds and thousands to the may of paupers at pre ant in our country. And all this would to done only to secure an uncertain advantage; for, if the altera tion did increase commerce, it would he the commerce of other countries. If such a bill was introduced, he should watch it very closely, and cite it every opposition in Lis power. Even it it thould pug that house, hr hoped there would be sufficient patriotism to nject it in the House of Lords. . . T. A. MITCHELL said that when the hon. envie man the chairman at Lloyd's expressed a fveling in favour of carrying cargoes by British ships in prefirence to carrying them in those of foreign nation+, he was impressing an opi nion entirely oppoeed to that of ovary underwriter in that house. Two of the underwriters of Lloyd's had been exit mined before the committee last year, and had given decided evidence in favour of the superior desirability of carrying in foreign bottoms. In a recent case at the Havana two cargoes of sugar for St. Petersburg, one a British the other in a foreign ship, had been insured ; sod whilst the foreign ship's cargo had arrived safely the cargo of the Brinell ship was so damaged as to require all the premium to he refunded in order to make good the loss. At the present time there was ahvolutely no security for the merchants /against the captains of ship., and in eases of vessels going shirt voyages the captains were fre quently men of very indifferent skill and conduct. This wee, aceording to his view, entirely a question of free trade. The elect the monopoly had had on our commerce was most tearful. Look at our Canada trade: flour was brought from New York at 2s. Id. per barrel, whilst from Canada the barrel cost for freight upwards of es. His opinion was that if these laws were repealed the carrying trade of the world would he increased, and that consequently prices of freights would he increased rather than diminished. Delay in chip menU would also be avoided. It hal often hap pened to him at Wee that he was quite un• able to obtain British vessels to take his cargoes. His conviction was, that if facilities were afforded for the importation of goods, England would become the great commercial depot of the world. Employment would he given to our dock., to our ships, and to our laourer, in every department; lodes d be could not attempt to state the benefits which would result as a consequence of the repeal of the existing inertia With regard to competition, not one single argument had he beard to prove that British ships would not be able to compete with the ships of every other nation of the world. Ile believed, for his own part, that no country in the world had such advantages in building and outfitting ships as we had. No country poe...eesed such advantages of obtaining teak, oak, lir, end the new woods of our Australian colonies. As regarded outfits, the cost of outfitting in the north of England was only about If. per ton for canvas, 1/. per ton for cordage, 10.. per ton for iron work, sod fri. per tin for copper work. There was no other country that could compete with these prices. Then as to sailors, we pail higher rates for the captains, and it was most desirable that we should do so. But as to the common seamen, though in the itaitle trade the Swedes paid less than we aid, yet the cost of the American marine wan quite as great. Then as to provisions, we had all the advan tage of provisioning our vessels cheap ; and with all these ad vantages surely it would nut be contended again that foreign competition was likely to injure us. We were competing at the present time with foreign countries under all the dis advantages of the ap,irenticeship and other systems ; these would be entirely or in rein repealed, and if they were, could there be any doubt of our being able to compete with the greateat success ? He had considered the question with the greatest attention, and lie was fully assured that we should he great gainers by the repeal of these laws. The Marquis of ()HANBY said that the hon. member after denouncing our short-voyege captains as of interior character to the East India and China captains, and as con sequently lowering the position and injuring the interests of our eanying trade, proposed, most illogically, to remedy the matter by destroying our long-voyage traffic altogether, and to restrict the business of our ships to the coasting and fish ing trade. lie wholly denied that our ships could compete, under the contemplated change, with the foreign carrier. The difference in the lost of our ships, and our higher rates of wages, as evidenced by Mr. George Frederick Young and other eminent authorities, wholly precluded the possibility of our successful competition, unless protected by statutory re gulations. There was no necessity for altering the navigation laws. There had been no general outcry for any such inea sure as the present. On the contrary there had been mani fested a strong feeling that the navigation laws ought no- to be tampered with. The only cry that had been raised was that which had proceeded from foreign nations. And were foreign nations to be listened to on such a question as that under consideration o Ile entreated the government to pause be fore the final step was taken. In the words of the I preamble of the act of Charles 11. he entreated ' ministers not to repeal an act, the object of which was to increase the shipping and 'Timm of navigation of the country, on which, under the protection of Orel, the wealth, the strength, and the safety of the empire were so much de pendent. (Cheers ) Mr. PI. GIBSON said that he must venture to tell the noble marquis who had just sit down th..t if it had been unwise to embark in the policy of free-trade meneurex, it would be still more unwire, to stand still, and after having exposed the agricultural and colonial interests to the unre stricted competition of foreign producera, to refuse to adopt the same course with respect to the navigation laws. (Cries of " Oh.") It was necessary to call upon parliament to go forward and not to allow itself to be stopped by the impor tunities urged on behalf of a mistaken self-interest. ("Oh," and hear.) Dist the opponenteof the pmposed change mean to say that the weaker the British ships were the stronger was the necessity for driving the foreign ships away; or that if a British ship was no better calculated for navigating the seas than the Chinese junk she ought to be employed in preference to the finest vessels in the world ? What was it that the hon. member for Poole had urged in defence of the navigation laws ? Nothing else than the im possibility of building ships in England as cheaply as they could be constructed in other parts of the world. And what was the answer which he found recorded in the blue. hook on the navigation laws by a gentleman who was Lloyd's surveyor at Sunderland ? Mr. ROBINSON.—The surveyor of registers. Mr. M. 0113 SON.—The surveyor of registers, as the bon. member had stated. That gentleman, in his evidence before the committee, minted that a ship might be built at Sunder. land of oak imported from Daritzic cheaper than she could bo built at Dantzic. Ile would Rot dwell on the question of competition, which was no more an essential element of the discussion than the price of corn was to the debate on the repeal of the corn laws. There was one satisfaction which he bad in considering the present question, and that was, that the Navigation Aft could not stand as it was. But then he might be told that in making the necessary changes in the navigation laws they ought to be fateful not to surrender those great principles by which were guaranteed the superiority for which the mercantile navy of England Ind always been renowned. Now, what was the guarantee for the superiority of England's commercial navy ? It was based on the act of 8 and It Victoria, which only applies to the import+ into the kingdom. Experts might be sent in ship. of any nation, and ships of all nations might also im port goods, provided those goods were not consumed in Eng land, but merely remained here in infante. If goods co imported in foreign bottoms were to be exported, then they were outside the navigation laws. But if they were for home consumption, then those goods must be imported in the way which was laid down by the prohibition lows. N w, he would say boldly, that let a ship come from whatsoever place she might, laden with produce, he would not drive that ship away. W as England to he afraid of receiving imports from foreign countries Were they to fear PO increase in her revenue ? Ifnot, why seclude the produce of foreign countries ? Was not n that exclusion doing a serious injury to the manufac turing Interests, and could much a course of policy be justified ? Ho had stated that the navigation laws too-ro confined to the policy of prohibition; but they were not exclusively calculated for the protection of the British shipowners. There wee another mid a distinct feature to be obeerved in the operation of those laws. The noble marquis had quoted Mr. Iluskisoon, and in donate so had suppli d an important omission which had been made by the hon. member for Stamtairl on a Omission lens, Mr. 11 "* I ''''" Lc:o 7.': ration that; whilst fo re, fo rmer ee c e v e e tr n renen quoting the same auth aity. The countries might le permitted to carry for themselves, they wcro not, in that abdomen's opinion, to be permitted to carry for others. Now, ho must be permitted to Bey, that a more antiquated or obsolete maxi.:: o;;Z: cited in defence ot a had route. Per the only meaning that could be attached to it was, that in so far as the navigation laws were concerned one country was to carry g.nels for all other countries ; and the question was, which country ? Wan America to be the carrying country fur tho rest of the world ? It would seem as if the object ot the British parliament was to nurse navies fur every country in the world. But the point to which he wished to call the attention of the hums°, was the real practical character of the government proposals. Toe object was to repeal at the clime time the English and American navigation laws. Would the hope ri ject that proposal ? If they did, what would they lie calling down upon thernselvm in another direction? The fulfilment of all the threats which they had been receiving from other countries, from Prussia, from the Hamm Towns- in fact front ev:ry town in the (iceman confederation. Could they, even considering the British chipping, hesitate between these alternatives ? On the one hand they would have free acmes to the United States from every quarter of the globe, and in addition they would acquire a considerable portion of the trade of the Baltic. The value of the imports into the United States was 75,000,000 dollars, of which 36,000,004.) came from the British dominions, and 39,000,000 from all other parts of the world. Under the operation of the navi gation lows they enjoyed but one half of the American jet port trade, but if they repealed Oleos laws, there would be every prospect of thi it enjoying the whole. (Ironical cheers Iron the ommsition.) They would certainly hare the greatest share of the whole, while they now only enjoyed one-half. (dear, hear.) The honourable member for Bridport had milled the attention of the house to the injurious eifeett of the combined influence of the English and American laws on English shipping, and hail shown that under those laws English shippino must continee to be worst OE The evidence of the collector of the eon of Lonilou was strong on this point. That officer said that the effect of confining the import of the produce of Asia, Africa, and America to British ships, or to vessels belonging to the countries from which the produce came, had been to confine einem the whole of the carrying trade between America and England to American ships. All the liners were Amen eon, and it was certainly a remarkable fact that hardly ono of those vessels hailed from an English port. It was, how ever, easily accounted for by the operation of the navigation laws of the two countries, because the English liner would be obliged to confine himself to the produce of this counter , whereat the American could take hack the produce of all Eurcpe. ( Hear, hear.) If then they rejected the pro pot of the government, they would be inflicting one of the greatest blows on our shipping that could be inflicted, and depriving them of an advantsge which was almost within their reach. (blear.) With reeled to the colonial Interests, which hail been alluded to ne being pressed down by the principles of free trade, he G. rtainly felt bound, as .ate who had advocated those principles, and thus exposed the colonies to the unrestricted competition of the world, to give them that freedom of transmission of their produce to this country which wan consistent with the full development of those principlio. How could gentlemen opposite resist the justice of such an appeal as that which was made on behalf of the colonists, that they might be permitted to transmit their produce at the cheviot rate to the home noirlset ? lion. gentlemen talked of the risk of losing our col .nies. Were the colonies likely to become discontente , l if we removed the restrictions under whi. h they laboured ? Were they likely to make it a grievance that we permitted them to transmit their produce to the home market at the cheapest possible rate? (Hear, hear ) Why not put the British importing merchant on as gond a footing as the fen ion importing merchant? (Hear, hear.) Under the present law, the merchant exporting front Canada to this country, a as confined to one ship, while the United States merchant had his choice of two, English arid American. Ile trusted that h m. gentlemen opposite, who on all occasions etbibiteti to touch gym , athy for our colonists, would pot thin on a touting with the foreigner, by giving them the advantage arising from n competition for their freights. lie called upon them in justice to these colonies to free them from such oboes restricione, and to give them liberty to chip their g nabs in any bottoms they might think lit—in fact, a share in the privileges which had been accorded to the tweet country. With regard to the manufacturing interest with which the town he had the honour to represent was intimately connected, he should best explain their feelings by ending attention to a petition which he lied on that evening presented front the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. (The right hon. gentleman reaelan extract from the petition in questior, from which it appeared that the petitioners, having themselves received the benefits of commercial freedom, we re anxious to have them ratended to our colonists by the abolition of the navigation laws.) It was conceded on all hands that the novioation laws were not to remain in their present state. The worthy alderman opposite (Mr. Alderman Thompsen) was prepared to concede an important change. and thus t infringe on throe fundamental principles wl.ich the right hon. member for Stamford was so unwilling to surrender. He (Mr. Gib son) very much doubted whether any of the charges offered could be r Gebel without touching a fundamental principle. One gnat fundamental principle of the navigation leas was, that the produce of Asia, Africa, and America should be al. together inadmissible from the continent of Europe. The worthy alderman was willing to relax on that point, while the right hon. member for Stamford refused to touch a fund amental principle. If there were such differences amongst the supporters of the navigat ion limo how could they . reconcile it to themselves to orison. even the going into committee ? Why, the changes which they themselves advocated could not be effected without first going into committee. (Hear, hear.) 'there was one other point to which he must make some allusion. He had been charged by the noble lord the mem ber for King'. Lynn with having waisted in framino returns which were calculated to mislead the public on the subject ef the navigation laws. Ile must say that a more unfounded chimer, or unfounded insinuation, had never been made against any man. He was prepared to assert, and to prove, that the returns in questinn were strictly correct. Lord 0. itENTINCK—I have not made such a charge yet. Mr. M. GIBSON had read the charge in the noble Inure soeech. The charge was that returns had been got up for the purpose of deceiving the committee, and inducing them to ill aw erroneous inferences. Ile repeated that a more unfounded statement had never been made ; the figures in those returns were cornet in all their parts. The only object for which them, returns had been compiled was that of comparing the increase in those trades which were exposed to competition with the increase in those which were protected. That was the object, and the returns dis tinctly showed that in those trades which were protected the increase was not so great as in those trades which were ex to competition. The heading of the returns had also been objected to, but that had been adopted from Mr. Young, who stated that chipping had declined in conse quence of protection being withdrawn by reciprocity treaties, and that the repeal of the navigation laws would complete their ruin. The tables proved that instead of the reciprocity treaties having pro duced any such evil effects, the very trades on which they operated hail increased in a much greater ratio than the trades which remained a close monopoly. (Hear, hear.) The returns, therefore, which had been com plained of were perfectly to the point, and gave a complete answer to the statement of the witnesses. He could not con ceive the possibility of any human being being misled by them who had any knowledge of the subject, or who was not entirely ignorant of the whole bearing of the navigation haste question. lie wanted to ask another question of the house Were they prepared to assert, that if they rejected the proposal of the government our existing relations with foreign countries would allow us to return to the navigation laws ? (Hear, hear.) Ile spoke of the indirect foreign trade. How could they hope, with the concessions they had already made, the departures that had already taken place from the ' principle of the Navigation Act, and with the existing treaties of reciprocity which contained the favoured-nation clause, to maintain the navigation laws, or any great portion of them? You have (said the hon. gentleman) already per mitted foreign countries to use ports for shipping Foods to this country, which porta are not in therm countries—you have permitted Austria to use the port of Galatz ; you have permitted Hanover to use Memel, and the ports at the mouth of the Meuse; you have remitted the duchies of Olden hurgh and Mecklenburg, and the states of the Zollverein, to depart from the'principle you have laid down in your navi gation laws, of making every country confine itself to carry ing its own produce front its own ports. Then what will those countries which have in the treaties by which we are hound to them the most 'favoured-nation-clime say? What does Holland say now? Holland says you allow Hanover to carry her produce to England from Memel. Is Memel in Ilanover ? we always suppmed it to be in Prussia, If you allow Hanover to come to the Meuse, and carry her produce from Holland to England, you must allow Holland to carry from Memel to England, and give to Holland, as you are bound to do by the favoured-nation-clause, the same advantages you give to other nations. (Hear.) What then becomes of your principle that you will not allow one country to carry for another to this ? If you allow Holland to become the carriers from the countnes of the north of Europe, you break down the very ground on which your navigation laws were established—viz., fear of the Dutch. (lieu.) And if you concede the privilege to Holland how can you refuse it to Sweden, Denmark, and Norway? Then what will Prussia say when she sees that you allow those countries to go to Memel and carry Prussian produce to England ? Will not she demand that her ships shall go to those countries and carry her produce to England ? With this difficulty staring us in the face l do not wonder at the shrewdness of the hon. member for Westmoreland, for he knows well that the conse quence of the concessions already made to foreign powers is that that part of the Navigation Act which relates to the admissibility of African, Asiatic, and American pro duce is gone—the foundations of it are sapped, and do what you will, with your existing relations and your treaties with foreign countries, you are not in a condition to maintain it. I doubt whether, if the United States were to call upon you to carry out your treaty with them, whether _you could prevent American prOduec being brought through Europe to this country—(hear, hear); for what saes your Arne.., treaty ? It says that you shall not impose any prohibition on American produce which you do not impose on the pro duce of other countries ; and if you allow European pro duce, the poroduco of one country, to be hroueht through the ports of soother Europese country to England, by what right can you deny the claim of America to admit her pro duce in the same way ? In fact I believe it is only the idea that you are about immediately to deal with the Navigation Act yourselves that his prevented foreign countries pressing on you for the performance of the stipulations of the treaties into which you have entered with them. With regard to the Dutch treaty, I believe I am right in saying that the Dutch have already— some years ago—made their claim to this carrying trade which your Navigation Act wan framed specially to take from them, and that the justice of that claim was not de nied, and, whether you repeal the navigation laws or not, you must shortly :I.:: z...azossione ;Ist arei other eonti nentil countries to which you are hOur.'... by the most fa voured-natio:l tithe. (Hier.) I have stated these argu ments lo the hope that they may induce the house not to wee the course of saying that they will not stir a step in the consideration of this navigation law. It would be mon sinus, when we consider how parliament has eine- Vencd the principle of free trade, that we should now be deterred from takMg this initiatory step on the ground that it invades the principle of protection, while there are many who oppose the present motion who are prepared to suggest alteration' in the law. I may be accused of omitting the general argnment ae to the bearing of this question on our national defences—(hear, hear)—and I will therefore toy a word or two on that point. The hon. gentleman opposite talks as if every men in the British navy MU a sailor, whereas, after all, it is only a small part of the British navy that are seamen. Sir J. Sterling, in his evi dence before the committee of the Heuer of Common., tells us that nut more than one-fourth of the navy on the average are seamen, and the proportion of the mercantile marine is so small that it would be possible, air J. Sterling think'', so to c institute the navy as to render it entirely indepen deet of the merchant service. If you reduce the officers to the lowest possible limit, and put down all use less offices, it might I think be possible to increase the number of firemen in the navy without adding to the expense. And this evidently is what Sir J. Sterling (who is • man of expere nee in the profession, and whose opinion is entitled to be taken as authority) —this is evidently what he no.ans, though he elms nut assert it in words. Ile rays, " You have no mode of procuring men from the mercantile marine except by impresoneet ; they will not volunteer." Hon. gentlemen opposite say the mercantile =rise must be protected as a means of support to our naval power, and, at the same time, they object to the system of impressment ; but riot one of them has yet told us how the transfer of the men from the one service to the other, when wanted, is to be efl, cted. ( hear.) I believe the only mode by which you can effect it is by force. (Hear, hear.) They do not volunteer now freely in time of peace, and I doubt whe ther they would do so at all were war appreh, Sir J. Stirling told the committee before which he was examined that parliament was trusting to a broken:reed in the mercantile marine as a means of supply ing the navy, t xcept by impressment, and be pressed on them the importance of melting the naval power indepen dent altogether of the merchant service ; and he added that he believed it might be so made even in the event of a war. His opinion was that the best means of promoting the inte rests of both services, and of the country, wax to let each stand upon its own reairces. (Hear.) Gentlemen opposite plume themselves upon being theshipowners' and the sailors' triends. Cin anything be more unjust or tyrannical to the shipowner than to invite him to incur heavy expenses in ships and in procuring able seamen at high wage, on the faith of maniaining protection, while you do nothing to gua rantee him a larger amount of profit than can be obtained in any other trade; fur the profits in all trades veil: be the same, protect them as you may? /Hear, hear.) On the one hand you take credit for protecting the ship owners, while no the other you claim credit for having in rented a plan for manning the navy entirely at the ezperee of this unfortunate interest. (Hear, hear.) And without giviag them greater profits than other traders can obtain you claim the right to I.IIIIICC down upon them at any mo ment, to take sway their men. knock up their trade, and perhaps bring them to ruin. (Hear, hear.) If it be possible ' for any man to conceive one plan which is more tyrannical than any other in reference to British sailors, or an arrange ment more destructive to British shipping, it is that plan which, without bent fiting the shipowner or the men he employs, exposes him at some uncertain moment to all the tee inflictions. (Hear, hear.) I have referred to the ',pinion of Sir .1. Stirling another authority whom we often hear quoted in this house, Mr. M'Culloch, says that he believes it would cost less if the navy were made altogether in dependent of the merchant service, and he adds he believes there arc many naval men who consider that the time is coming when you must, for your own nab ty, free the navy from the obligation to press men out of the merchant melee; and that, under proper arrangements, this might be done with economy to the state. I Inhere there are many unnecessary expenses attached to the naval deportment which ought to be put down. It is ale, my opinion that the worst treated and worst dealt with cla eof the Queen's subjects are the seamen. (Hear.) What do you rosily do fur them ? You profess to protect them ; but you have not prevented the prevalence of great distress from time to time among both sailors and ship-owners. (Hear.) Though the country professes to have at heart the interest of the sailor, and claims the right to take him from the service in which he obtains the highest amount of wages at any moment, what have you ever done for his advantage ? Should the sailor fall into poverty and want in cense quence of the uncertain state of employment, what have you dune fax him more than for other paupers ? If you take the practical operations of the statutes you have passed---as the Merchant Seamen's Fund—are they worth a fig to him ? If employment fail, and he fall into distress, tier haps, if he is lucky, he may get a pauper allowance. (Hear, hear.) This is all you have done fee him, and yet you claim the right to call yourselves, the sailor's friends and the ship owner's:friends, while you expose them to the evik I have alluded to. I will nut say a word in disparagement of the shipowners, or of the masters or mates, in the course they have taken on this question—l can forgive men for being uneasy when they think it possible that their pecuniary in terests may be affected—(hear, hear) —hut I will not consent to allow in parliament the voice of justice, reason, and good policy, to be drowned by the clamour of any class what ever. (Cheers, and " oh.") We must discuss this ques tion with a view to the general interests of the British empire, anu must not be deterred from doing what is right by the fears and apprehensions of any party. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord asked where was the clamour and where the petition in) favour of the proposed change. I should muc .. regret if it was to be understoed that parliament was never to carry any measure except forced to it by clamour. (Opposition cheers, and Ministerial counter cheers.) It must be is subject of great regret to every friend of his country to think that we have a parliament—if it be as the noble lord says—which it is in vain to anpeal to unless the appeal be backed by clamour and threats. (Hear.) But this at least is a subject in which we are not backed by clamour. Here we want reason and dispassionate consideration, not clamour. (Ilear,hear.) And when gentlemen lay such stress on power, glory, and such things, 1 must tell them that they are not acting in accordance with the spirit of the times. (" lieu-, hear," and laughter.) The spirit of the times is commerce—(hear, hear)—the spirit of the times is industry—(hear, hear)—it is internal improve inent—( hear, hear)—it is mechanical in vention—( hear, hear) —it is, it you will, political economy. (Opposition cheers, met by counter cheers from the ministerial benches.) It is not war—(hear, hear)—it is not clamour—(hear, hear)—it is peaceful relations, peaceful preen - es, and amicable feeling among all the nation, of the earth. (Cheerine.) If you wish to act in conformity with the spirit of the times, you must abolish those antiquated notions by which you have been so long influenced. Let the ships of all the nations of the world bring the produce of the world from every place—(hear,h.ar)—exclude none. (Hear, hear.) Do this, and you will carry cut a policy beneficial to your in. dustry, beneficial to your manufactures, beneficial to your shipping interest, and to all classes of your fellow country. men ; do this, and you will add strength to your peaceful relations with foreign powers, and, by setting the example of a vast, generous, and enlightened commercial policy, you will be raising the character of England amongst the nations of the world. (Cheers.) Mr. HENLEY said that if he could gather any thing from the speech of the right hon. gentleman who spoke last, it was that the general interests of the country ought to be made subservient to a sordid spirit of gain—) hear, hear) — that, in fact, for the gain of half a farthing additional every relation of honour, of independence, and of national security, should give way. (Hear, hear.) It was easy to clothe a bad sentiment in good language, and to talk of general ad vantage, when the advantage of a particular class only was intended. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman spoke of the enervating influence of the navigation laws depressing the raw material ; by which he (Mr. Henley) supposed the right hon. gentleman meant lowering the price. (Hear, beer.) if the right hon. gentleman had not withdrawn from the government, he would not have attempted what no minister ever yet attempted to do—to separate the com mercial marine from the naval force of the country. Oar mercantile marine had advanced almost progressively in an extraordinary degree, and had supplied us with seamen whenever they wero wanted. He could not understand, therefore, why the right hon. gentleman looked upon them as injurious in their effect upon our navy. He complained, too, of there being a great clamour raised in favour of sea men. Now, of all the interests in the country, he be tiered there was none, considering its extent and conse quences, that was now, or had at any time been so weakly represented as the shipping interest, which, in some sense, was part of the commercial interest. He was not dis posed to rest this question upon the ground of competition ; for, after all, it was a matter of opinion. We had vast pos sessions in every part of the world, and he considered it ne cessary not only that we should be on an equal footing with the rest of the world, but that we should have a naval supremacy. (Hear, hear.) Once log e that supremacy, and the strength of the British empire was gone. The great mass of our empire was composed of scattered parts ; and if we were to have them knit together by the ocean, we mast maintain the supremacy of the ocean. (Hear, hear.) Com petition would not do all that was required. The right hon. gentleman said we must become one nation by means of free trade. If so, why did he not begin with his own constituents, and remove protection from Manchu ter cottons ? Ile reminded the house, that if they repealed the navigation laws they would not be able to retrace their steps, and be conceived that not merely the interests, but the honour, the greatness, and the independ ence of this country could only be secured by the main tenance of her naval supremacy. (Hear, hear.) On the motion of Lord INOESTRZ, the debate was then adjourned until to-morrow (this day.) PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. Lord MORPETII proposed to proceed with the further consideration of the report on tho Public Health Bill, but The Earl of LINCOLN objected not only on es accoun alp tor the latene of the hour (half-p as t t we l ve o'clock), but on the ground that the ST ended hiU had only reached the bands of members that day ;so that it imp naihi e enter upon the discussion of the amendmetds. L .rd MORPETH tionsented to postpone the further pro • erecting with the bill until Monday next. METROPOLIS POLICE BILL ' Sir C. LEWIS moved the second rea , !i• of o f f hi i , which provides for a re-aasemment of the par...hes in LoedTZ for the purposes of the police rate. After a few words from Mr. Iludeon, S,r O , Grey, Henley, the Chancellor of the Exehet io r, and PolJolliffe k (wh orce),o objected to the conatit u t: on o f t h e Metrop,iitg ice Mr. HUDSON moved that the delta.e should mution, an ; hut on an appeal frem Sir G . . Grey ..... h4re ';l7 4 ; d thlbili i w v ait *.:i re l a v tl A i Slr r ..nc s move/ Mt leave to bring it, a hill to stared brae laws relating to highways in England and H. described it as supplementary to an act I and in the hat seaaiou. In answer to a question from Sir W. Jotter's.. Sir O. GREY said the provisions of th.. i,dt did %aim tend to turnpike trusts, but might ho made speak' s% them by a F übsequent act. It was not the intention of th e government to bring in any general mea<ur , thi, swim * luting to turnpike trusta. Col. SIBTtiORP complained of the hardship w id* r..ilways bad inflicted on those intertatod turnpike hi t & whose capital, to the extent of thirteen mdlions, had b ei i i demi op. Mr. FRF.WEN recommended government to take Ike management of highways in Irilatol as the bids of theie legislation. Leave was then given to bring in the hill. The house adjourned at a quarter past on., ELECTION COMNIITTEE —YEsTERDAY. Durst, N.—The scrutiny was pr,loccdtal with, at evidence wa s given to the effect that several v dere who had polled for Mr. Reynolds were Ineligible fr.in not tingle paid the borough rate. The erpreso. MAILS. The malls for Brit oh North Anter , lca, and •t e totted moue stow. will be me up en the evening of 4 the v 1 luny. -. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Mame rho, per m& boon, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayree, will U;I nn th e evening tat the 3rd June. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbna, Madeira, Cadis, nod Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 7th Jim.... The overland elo.ed mails rata Marseilles, to the Meditert Egypt, Allen, Ceylon, India, /long-Kong, &a, will. be made up on th e evening of the 7th June. The Wed India Mails, including Bermuda , Navian. Bay llossitinis, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tamp,,, /3 ,1 p ort Z. Including than for Madeira, !acme', C.rthazei, a n et e ClUittren, 1 . ..112M1, Went COMA of hoUth Artterien, nod St, Nicaragua, will be mode up nn the mot ning of the rth J une. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malty, filet ye, tut lonian Nap* Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, end china, rig &sadism,. ton, will be made up on the morning of the 20th June. The nude fir New South Wales, Van Woman'. Land, rad New Zealand will br made op on the evening of the .10th June. The mails fur the West Comet of Afnea and Makin. will be n up on the evening of the 30th June. NOTICE TO ADvr.rrnsurts. TLe number of STAMPS bulled by Ult. lutborities of tit. Sterup-odiee, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009 This, we believe, is within eight per nt w the nude issued to the Morning Herald, Morairti chronsele, teal klorsiing Post, ALL PVT TOOETHEN. In addition to the above, jutted to the DAILY NEW; Morning Paper, there were issued for the Amstar Edidea. THE EXPRESS 778314 Which wu more, we believe, than wr • issued Attie II , he Globe or Natorilird, Evening Papers. BLOB WAWA AT 1,041. , 174 SLi DUG. T 424 pai—blor4l44. 4 tala pen 2 ; •t.nml... al,. ow A. T. —WAWA& 54 ous.p.A4 41.4. wit I. LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 2. Trtx English tories ought to be too well satisfied with the fulfilment of so many of their hopes and aims with regard to Spain, to show themi,c lees ungenerously vindictive towards those who oppose them. For the last eight-and-twenty years our tories have upheld the cause of absolutism and legitimacy in that country. For eight-and-twenty /years the liberals strenuously engaged in efforts to favour and to dr velope the liberties of the Peninsula. The result has been, we are sorry to say, a failure to no small ettent on the part of the latter. Oar eight-and-twenty tears of in terference, of protest, of money lending, of recognising and guaranteeing a change of succession, and finally of soldiers and military store lending, as well :a co operation—all this has ended in the establishment d a military and tyrannical government, ruthless and unconstitutional as that of FERDINAND, based on the support of the army and the police, proscribing everything and person liberal, and including in that proscription and insult everything and person that is English, not even excepting the representative of our Cp sex. To crown all, this military government has begun to look to legitimacy as the haven in which it is to repose, and to the old . CIRI.I4T absolutism as the power into which it is to be absorbed. It is impossible but that even the thorough English liberals must feel supremely disgusted with such results. They do not, indeed, go the length of thinking all their efforts thrown away ; for the germs of liberty, of independent thinking and acting, are too deeply rooted and grown ti admit of total extirpation. But the feeling is, that come what may, the Spaniards should be left to themselves to follow out their own fortunes and develop their own insti tutions. The tories, even the ultra-tories, ought to be well satisfied with this revulsion of sentiment, and this state of things in Spain, especially when they see that the minister of ISABELLA, after having spurned and proscribed the liberal party, and turned out the British ambassador, has openly appl'ed for the sup port of the legitimists. They surely could desire no better conclusion. It is but a part of the reaction preparing in all parts of Europe, where it is believed that the military power and the legitimist principle united can alone make head against the spirit of revolution. _ - If the ultra tories have thus every reason for good humour and satisfaction with the courre of events in Spain, the liberals should not lx vindictive. For, in fact, the principle of interference was born of their pristine zeal. Let it be remembered how the first moves of CANNING to interfere for Greece and to protest for Spain, were hailed by the English liberals as the dawn of a new policy, and of little abort of European regeneration. Lord P.u.stxusivs is the disciple and follower of CANNING. He has followed out that po licy, so loudly hailedin 1823, until it has been worn thread-bare, been torn, and when it is good but to be thrown aside. Let us then put an end to this CANNING policy, and see that it be well extinct; but let us see its remains buried with decorum, for though economy will no more of it, still it was liberal ism that gave birth to it. Let there be an end of the l'aLmEnsroN policy, especially in the peninsula; bet that neither implies nor necessitates that the liberal party should sacrifice Lord PALMER-.TON to Don CARLOS, LOUIS PHILIPPE, General NARVAEZ and Mr. BANKES. For such, in fact, are the members of the new quadrtgprtite treaty about to supersede the old. - We think it a happy prospect that all parties in England can come on the ground of foreign policy to an agreement as to things. Lord STANLEY de nounced the intervention in Portugal u loudly as Mr. OSBORNE, and almost in the self-same terms. The same noble lord holds opinions identical with Mr. COBDEN on the inexpediency of Spanish inter ference; and Lord ABERDEEN is not far removed from either. Therefore we may say that the prin ciple of non-intervention will be carried by acclama tion; and there is no cry that we shall echo with greater pleasure. There remains the question of persons, more likely to excite fierce debate than that of principle. To wound the cabinet through its foreign minister is the chief object of the protectionists. To enable them to do so, without taking themselves too prominent a part in the attack, will be the aim of PEEL and ABERDEEN; whilst the thorough liberals are too anxious and bent upon destroying the policy to admit of any indulgence or generosity to persons. To us, however, it appears that whilst there is an imperative necessity of effecting a radical change in the foreign policy of the country, there ioio a necessity for maintaining its dignity. If we are to remain indifferent henceforth to Spanish politics and intrigues, we should withdraw twin them, and not be kicked out ; if we are to be absent, it must not be an absence enforced by violence and outrage. It may be very convenient for the time to pocket insults, but this only begets fresh outrage, and necessitates in the end not only serious resentment, but national excitement and war. Instead of being crushed and snubbed, British mi nisters at the present moment seem to us rather to require fresh courage and confidence to be given them by parliament, At present they stand in presence of der we sid int nil re Pe ca