The Express. — London, England, 1852-12-07 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 7, 1852. will be, is incompatible with even the shadow of a free press. Orders have been given to strengthen the fortifi cations on the western coast of France, and the mea sures is said to be " an answer' to the announced addition to the British navy. Abcbelliader will return to Paris on Thursday, to proceed by railway to Marseilles. Commandant Boissonnet, at the request of the Emir, is to &mom pany him to Browse. The works of preparation for opening the Impe rial and Royal Museum are neatly terminated, under the superintendence of Count Horses do Vial- Castel, and it is supposed that before the end of the month the Museum will be ready for the admission of the public. Amongst the objects to be seen there are the uniform of chasseurs; the sword sad the spurs which General Bonaparte wore at Marengo; also a poinard, with a handle of rare workmanship, given to him on his way to Egypt by the Grerid Master of the Order of Malta. The imperial mantle worn at the coronation is deposited there, as well as the imperial crown, which, momentarily lost in the wild scenes of 1848, was stowed away carefully by honest persons into whose heads it fell, and was afterwards restored to the Treasury. When M. de Viel-Castel went to take it thence, it was still en veloped in the coarse linen wrappings which had been placed round it for its better preservation. A person long connected with the Murat family, M. Lebel, has been for some time travelling in Italy in search of articles belonging to the Emperor, and will bring back, it is said, from Florence, various objects of historical interest. Lord Cowley, the English Ambassador, was re ceived to-day by the Emperor Napoleon, to whom he presented the letters that accredit him again in the quality of Ambassador to the Emperor. ITALY. PIEDMONT. In the sitting of the 2nd of the Chamber of Deputies at Turin, Count Cavour, Minister of Finance and President of the Council, made his financial statement, which was listened to with uninterrupted attention. After showing that the financial condition of Piedmont was fast recovering from its prostration, owing to the preceding measures, he announced that new loans were only to be had recourse to for extraordinary expenses, and in case there were no other means of meeting them; that considerable reductions would be made in the public expenditure, but that never , thcless some increase of taxation would be necessary. This is to be distributed upon the entrance duties now under discussion, the personal tax, the stamp duties, the commercial tax, &c., and a new tax is to be laid upon carriages. The amount of this increase is laid at 14 millions of francs, which will suffice to equalise the receipts with the expenditure. The minister then presented four bills, viz., two for the sanction of the budgets of expenses and receipts for 18.53, one to authorise the government to levy taxes until the end of March, 18.53, and one for the alienation of two millions of francs of Rente. I lion was a greeter step towards reaction than anything that has been done nue DM. (Hear.) This resolution asserts, " That this house, thankfully actoowledeing the general prosperity, iinddeeply sensible of the evils attending frequent j changes in the fi nancial policy of the country, adheres to the commercial system recently established, and would view with regret any renewed attempt to disturb its operation er ha- peds its farther progress." Now, let your lordshipsoblente the terms of the resolution. Finn, it acknowledges deile general prosperity, hut does not attribute it to auy isaweel under Providence. lam the last man to deny that all WI good we possess i. due to the bounty of an overruling Pro vidence, but in this case I must say that Providence has blessed a human agency, end that we have a right to attri bute the prosperity in a great 'measure to the commercial saws which lice recently bees established is this country. (Cheers.) Then you go on to say that you adhere to this policy, end would regret to see it impeded. Why ? lie cause you think it would be inconvenient. No doubt there is great inconvenience in frequent changes of financial policy, but such inconvenience might attend changes from bad to good as we'll. from good to bad. The Earl of DERBY (much ezcited)—There is not sue word about inconvenience in the resolution. The noble earl should take care, when commenting on a reaoluti that he (twine, the exact words. (Cheers ou the minute side, and murmurs on the opposition.) The Earl of ABERDEEN.—It is my misfertune that I am not able to read the wore. distinctly, but the two read ings amount to preci.dy the same thing. You am deeply sensible of the " evils," but the evils of change exist ea much quid change from bad as from go d, and I say far ther litat lookiogat this resolution, the logical inference from it is, that you would change ihe system if you could. (Opposition chetrs ) I say that so far for the interpreta tion of den resolution. If it be only the evils attending change that restrain you, then I say you would change It were it not for these evils. (Hear, hear.) That I Husk is not setticient ground for adhering to a system you pro fess to adopt. No, my lords, if you adhere to that system it is because it is " wise, just, and beneficial." (Good cheers.) That is what I should like to vote, although I should not refuse the resolution which has been Se ceded to by the other house ' and which I think was studiously worded to meet the feelings of the party who act with the noble earl, and to avoid doing those feel Urge any violence. Now, although I should like to vote that the system was wise, just, and beneficial, I do not cell on noble lords opposite to vote anything objectionable to their feelings; but I refuse being pasty to a resolution so immeasurably below my own convietions on the subject. (Har, hear.) Ido not wish to enter largely into this ques ties, bat I could cot help expressing the very strung feel ings I entertain as to the total inadequacy of the resolution proposed by the noble earl. (Cheers.) Lord BEAUMONT intimated that he had an amendment to propose, because dissatisfied as to the sufficiency of that proposed by the noble earl. They wanted a pledge that the policy which had worked so much good would not be disturbed, and the best process fur obtaining that was, in his opinion, to adopt the resolution which had already been adopted by the House of Conine - me. The noble lord concluded by moving the following revolution as an amendment :--" That it is the opi nion of this house that the improved condition of the country, and especially of the industrious dues, is mainly the result of recent legislation, which has esta blished the principle of unrestiieted competition, has gibe limbed taxes, imposed for the purposes of protection, and has thereby diminished the cost and increased the abun dance of the principal articles of the food of the people; that it is of opinion that this policy, firmly maintained and prudently extended, will best enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens, and will thereby most surely promote the welfare and contentment of the people; that this house will be ready to take into consideration any measures consistent with this principle, which, in pursuance of her Majesty's gracious speech and recummondatiou, may be laid before them. a ihi se ration haring been pat, and no other peer seeming di to rise, Earl of DERBY said he had certainly been It :irons of wairiug somewhat longer before he addressed their lord ship*, in order that he might know what view the house rectally took of the posit oil in which they were at j.- .sent placed ; but, as nn noble lord appeared inclined to tie, his duty would not allow him to let the question be put with absolute silence on his owu part. What lie chiefly deeired to do, however, was to call their lordships' attention to the position in which they were placed in consequence of what took place in the preceding week. It would be recollected that on 'T uesday last the noble marquis who bad now brought forward the motion gave notice of his intention to move a resolution on the free trade policy of the country, without stating at the time the precise words which he meant to propose. In the course of a chart conversation which took place on that occasion, he stated to the noble marquis the ground. on which he hoped the house would be:, pored the necessity of any conflict of opinion on the subject. He said he thought it was most desirable that the pest should now be consigned to oblivion, and that they should look to that wbich was really important—nante4, the future conduct of the government of this country. He Men stated to the noble marquis the substance of the amendment which he wished to submit in order to ascertain whether it met his views and those of his friends. It was at that time, ho believed, the intention of the noble marquis, if he brought forward hie motion at all, to give notice on Tuesday for that day, in order that noble lords who had goi.e down 'be the country might have an opportunity of recording their opinion, and in order that those who were in London might be induced to remain. He (the Hail of Derby) sug =dto the noble marquis that he should postpone his ecision on the subject till Thursday, and that if he still persisted in his intention of moving a resolution to which considerable objection was felt on that side of the house, he should exteuil the period of notice. When he came dawn to the house on l'hursday the noble marquis met him in an outer room, acid off:red to show him the pre cise words which he =east to move He (the Berl of Derby) had at that time written down the weeds which he ventured to prepare as an amendment—words which be thought would secure what the noble merquis professed to desire, and what he believed all their lordships desired— namely, a unanimous concurrence of °pinkies with regard to the question involved. Ho placed those words in the noble marquis'. hands. The noble marquis did not imme diately return they haviag stated that before adopting them he must consult his 114,6111 A Who the friends were with whom the noble marmxis consulted he did set know; bet he knew that he was waiting for the noble marquis for Remunerable pined, and that on returning to the house the noble marque said, that though be could have wished to place on record the words which he had pre he was rite willing to sear C sd (the Had of Derby's), in order that there might le ee divider*. Now, that was an exact etli libel eneriereil • and so far was he from think- IWe themembe whisk teak plies discreditable to the House ,of Laub. that he thought it was jest as example of the manes, in which political opponents in that house were in W lehit—and he hoped would always be in the habit—of dealing with each ether, with frankness and with courtesy, sok es fee as pantile, endeavouring to conciliate opponeuta imbed of seabittering differences, and bringing about un neesessey divisions. The noble baron (Lord Beaumont) seitl.les wan taken so entirely by surprise that he lost the power of speech. Ho mast say that when the noble baron lost the power of speak he mum be in a very bad way indeed —(laughter)—for whenever he had heard him he had bees tolerably fluent. (Renewed laughter.) But the noble bare. slept upon it. (Hear, hear.) He came down to the house on l'riday, and if he intended to move an amendment, he was surely not then in such a state of bewilderment es to be unable to give notice of it. (" Hear, hear," sad I laughter.) Instead of that be canto down to the Men that day —he (the Earl of Derby) having told his fennel that it was absolutely no. mail for them to attend in OAF' sequence of she general agreement—he came down to the house and told them for the first time that he was about to' move an amendmeut, and that the government must pros i pare for a hostile division. (Hear, hear) Now he put it to their lordships on both sides of the house whether, after what passed on Thursday, and after the absence of notice on Friday, they could, consistently with the order and position of the house, consent to support the amendment now moved by the noble lord ? (Hear, bear.) He cosld not say that he thought any resolution was abso lutely called for; but, in deference to the opinion of the House of Commons and many of their hardships, he had not objected to place on record, beyond the possibility of contra diction, the principles on which the government in tended to act. And now he would ask, what was the ob ject of therm among their lordship's, who were the most determined fret traders who hail been the most consistent free trader+ from the beginning ?—for he mast say that this immutable principle of free trade had had to struggle against various and serious difficulties; and b. , saw hardly a single individual opposite who had not at one time or other given votes in opposition to it. (Laughter.) The noble marquis (the Marquis of Clanricarde) could not assert that he had never given a vote against free trade ; for, al though not is person, by proxy he had certainly voted against free trade in corn. The Marquis of CLAN RIC ARDE —When ? The Earl of DERBY—Ie Iteie. In that year Earl Fits williarn brought forward a motion in favour of free trade in corn, and Lord Somalia' was ono of those peers whose proxies were used in opposition to the Biotic)). (Hear, hear.) If he was not mistaken, the noble marquis was sub sequently chairman of a committee on agrioultur il burdens, and still further, he had the honour of finding his name among those of the peers who protested against the repeal of the corn laws. (Hear, hear.) Ile did not blame any noble lord for chanting hi. oeinions—they were all liable to change their opinions ; bet he must say that if noble lords opposite were sincere in their professed theirs to produce the greatest possible effect by the affirm dim of free tin le, they ought to take th a t course which would secure the largest number of votes. With that view he fauna a resolution which pledged the house, so far as say eaniation could do so, to act for the future on the pelnlgim er free trade. Now, with regard to the prosperity of asowy, he for tainly did not attribute it to one partied", cans, net did be think there was any necessity for the essokaa at all metier forth what the causes were. Ow wad with regard to the late Sir Robert Peel. He (LMIE ' Derby) would not now enter into any discussion el the wisdom or justice of the measure of ISI6. Ile differed at the time trim its policy, and ho still more differed from its jiaciee or the eropriety of its introduction by men who stood pledged to support au entirely different principle. (Hear, hear.) Ile proved the sincerity of his opinions at, the time hr abandoning alleeeues with whom he hail long actedactedeven the in .1t friendly footing; b u t f rom th a t ti me to I latethli friendsr right h h o t i dfh tineo . I l b . e a t r e r i s i s a n i i e d r a l a t (r i l i o t t ; r d i r . Llglai to' would is t t t n l l e d i c n e h f y a :t y h c et speeche :e i ' r r m t e l ►s ‘ o li t e 1 ' exprespion of his, either written or spoken, one single thought that was derogatory to the right hon. baronet's honour, or at all impugned his justice. Indeed the only seriousmisunderstanding he ever had with his ever to be artillery corps on fort ign service ;—thus spreading them all over the world, instead of keeping them at home. The min aro voted under the plea of national defence, and for national defence they must be kept. Our present sea and land forces may now—on the authority of Parliamentary Papers—be mustered up and stated as follows: Cavalry and infantry of the Regular Army, (exclusive of those in East India Com pany's service) Ordnance corps—artillery, engineers, sap pers and miners Additional artillerymen (voted last night) 2,000 Marines on shore (parliamentary paper 1862) Additional marines (voted last night) Enrolled pensioners Yeomanry cavalry Dockyard battalion Coast guard Militia (parliamentary paper 1852) 56,740 Irish constabulary (drilled and armed) Total land forces 212,680 Of this total furor there were in the colo- nice at the date of the last Parliamentary repots on the subject Leaving 196,008 To this add sailors and marines afloat (18.12) Making together Add addition to seamen (voted last night) 5,000 It will be seen by this statement that, exclusive of the 46,678 men scattered—many of them unneces sarily—through our colonies, we have now a total land furor of 196,008 men, and a force of sailors and marines afloat of 33,295 men: total, 229,303 men of all arms available for national security. To these last eight was added 5.000 more seamen. Any prime minister having control of so vast a power, and who yet permitted it to be so scattered as to allow the land ing of an invader in England, ought to be sent at once, and without mercy, to Tower Hill. Our correspondent, A Soldier on Duty," has pointed out how we might have our national power of defence greatly increased without the cost of a single guinea. He shows—as has often been demonstrated before—that this very Oidnacce office which last night asked Parliament to grant them an additional sum of 92,648 , . from the public purse persists in continuing a pernicious system of keeping ttto two ufficers;to do the work of one. Lord RAGLAN, for whom a testimonial is now being raised, might erect for himself a far more noble memorial if ho would go honestly and boldly into this matter and get for the nation a modicum of practical army reform which he—of all of men—is so Pell able to appreciate and secure. He has gained the highest military rank; he has obtained a place in the peerage; he has recently inherited con siderable wealth—let him crown his long, gallant, and useful career by an act of great publicyustiee. Both Ise and Lord HAanixoE—old brethren in arms —must have closely at heart the efficiency of the service in which both their lives have been spent. Both know how greatly that service would be im proved by the adoption of the recommendations of that parliamentary committee whose report has becu so long a dead letter. Let them secure an amalga mation of the Ordnance with the Horse Guards, let them concentrate our forces; let them weed out all the inefficient officers—and they will by so doing have taken steps towards making our defensive power more complete than could be done by the voting of treble or quadruple the extra force last night sanctioned by the House of Commons. BELGIUM. (BY 'LILT/IC TILNOAAPN.) 'SON Orlt OWN COMINSPONDINT. THE LAW OF THE PRESS. PARIS, MONDAY. The Belgian Chamber has pared the bill on the law a the Fees by a great majority, and without the liberals' amendments. SPAIN. [ST iLRCTRIC TILSOILAPII.] (PROM OCR OWN COMIZIPONDIXT PARIS, Tun DAT. The Spanish Cortes are dissolved. FRANCE. PARIS, MONDAY Evsnitio. The columns of the Muniteur are crowded with tel hic despatches from the prefects announcing in the hackneyed style the enthusiasm with which the Im=stites of the empire has been received in the At Havre the Bishop of Kentucky, who 17erieesliggei out of the steamer from America, joked the direr who were marching in preemies On n. I find nothing else is dime meek notice. ellMllipt. the minister of police, has appointed the faliewise remnant committee to examine books, pamphlets, and engravings, before they can be allowed to be sold by hawkers . — MM. Latour-du de la Guerroniere, Baron do Jouvenel, De Anoelot, Paul de Agaves, Firmiu Didot, Bane Angier, Count Eugene de Montlaur, and Dr. Maxims ernois. M. Paul Core is appointed secre tary to the commission. The Emperor heard mass yesterday in the chapel of the Tailenes. In all the churches of the diocese of Paris the Domino soleuni foe Imperalorens nostrum Napulemeene was chanted yesterday, according to the form pre scribed in 1804 by the Holy See. The Moniteur de I' :trove discloses an incident in the history of the coup clew of Dec. 2, 1831, which, I believe, is not generally known. It was supposed that while the succoess of that adventurous step was questionable, Louis Napoleon remained guarded in the Palace of the Elyike. The military journal now states that at the moment when the excitement of Paris was at the highest pitch, the author of the movement, knowing that in France it is expected that the head of the state should, when necessary ex pose himself to danger, appeared on horseback before the troops assembled oa the Place de la Concorde. Several battalions then hoisted their slakes on the points of their bayonets, and cried " Vire l'Empe. reur !" "To the Tuileries." But Louis Napoleon, determined to owe the crown to nothing but the spon taneous voice of the people, crossed the garden of the palace, without so much as entering the royal abo&, thus avoiding even the appearance of sove reignty. Government inspectors have been sent to visit all the schools under the spiritual jurisdiction of the Bishop of Lugon, and if an infusion of legitimist principles have been mingled with the instruction given to the youth of this diocese, the fact will be embodied in so official report. The Prem.. in allusion to the extraordinary two neoti.in of Count de M. roy to the rank of Grand Cross in the Legion of Honour, says that the iffeei leer justly observes that this is altogether an excep tional reward, inlomuch as it constitutes a radical derogation from the statutes of the order. This fr.* comment upon a personal act of the Emperor r i ra suineo largely upon the liberal disposition toy.sect s ,rho press which people hope, rather than believe, is to be one of the consequences of Louis Napoleon's having attained the summit of his ambition. It is true that he his keenly felt the worthlessness of that servile adulation which is drily offered to him by the government prints, and would delight in a little . genuine approbation. Hence tho lures held out to the independent journals, that, if they will only be moderate a little liberty shall be allowed them. It would be very agreeable to the government if opposition papers could be trained to confine their hostility within such bounds that the .Aurnal (b. 'EmpL•e might always have the best of the argument. But I fear that it they at tempt to go beyond sparring, and get to real blows, there aill be no long-enduring tolerance for them'. 'rho question is, whi.ther the doings of those about the court have been or are likely to be such that to speak the truth concerning them would not be a stinging libel. The Ntrie says in plain terms that loyalty to the Emperor includes an abstinence from opposition towards all those honoured by his confi dence. This maxim, if acted upon, as it doubtless I TUSCANY. r The Riaorgimento of Tu rift - , of the 3rd., states, from Florence, that arrests continue to be made in several towns of Tuscany, the police having disco vered, it is said, immense quantities of documents relating to a widely org►nized conspiracy. ROMAN STATES. Our Roman correspondent, writing on the 30th Nov., mentions the uneasiness felt at Rome by the election of Oen. Pierce, and the supposed return of Lord Palmerston to power. Cardinal Antonelli had visited M. Martinez delta Rosa, who still lived. . • Some more extremely severe sentences had been peesed by the Consulta. The opera had closed, and Cardinal Piecolomini objected to his neioes singing any more. The Aus trians insisted on the opera's remaining open at Bologna. A batch of cuts for the Sydenham Palace is shortly o be sent off. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT MUSK OF LORDS.—MONDAY, Dm 6. Too LORD CHA\CILLOS SSA hi■ Se at St ITS o'clock. COMMERCIAL POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. Berl GRANVILLE (+bolted on the paper a notice with reference to select committees) was understood to postpone his motion until to-morrow (this day). The Marquise( CLANRICARDE did not intend to detan their lordships at any great length, after the general isodentesding which had been come to; but objections had been taken to the course which he had felt it to be his duty to adopt, and he hoped their lordships would allow him to endeavour to meet those °hit:areal. First, it was said that no motion should have been made on the subject. In the neat place, the original melon which he proposed was that which he understood now, and he did net know it until he came into the house, was to be moved by he noble friend behind him es au amendment,— gamely, that their lordships should adopt the same mere ton es was adopted by the other house of parliament. That, however, was objected to by the noble earl opposite; sad thou, lo ns sake of having a unanimous vote, be bad edegted the words which the noble earl bad suggested. It that he had bees is the wafertunat• position at set very uncosrma e. eliallibila a man sadis m/nil gook unmet if annallia, be ended is find ing _ tiff "peed by yetille It would be a leases to him fat tin estetes end be mete are endeavour to make what memo he weld. Be meet ley that he thou it was samemsraihat a neekdra should paw that Aimee ea OM t upon Mee remade. First, it was thee, Oat ebewaleure is which they had met, die the Myna amid be leseght before the hems ; ad eNtleffly that dm bemie disiald. - he thought. proesance ea decidedly eamalliver.of the amastansial system bell been so happft eitehlished. If /soma going to lbeneeseedettes wltieb - would be worthy of tbet hoisse,it was sat Mr regineles adopted by the Mien. 110110111 of wir- e lesse s et era that proposed by Mr. TLC ders—he should not ebb te go farther then the journal 6 of their lordships MUM sad he should find there the clearest doctrine ex plellestla the meet admirable way--0 se referred to that ins-' ✓eelltdpelleest of Lord °resettle's, which wee signed by dress irre in 1816, not one the UMW. "nannati" of al' , those principles the ✓eadases and wisdom of which' of whom lived to see i had been since proved. The aobie marquis concluded by moving—" that this house thankfally:acknowledging the V neral prosperity, and deeply swie____,,bla•f•the evils attending frequent changes in the - • ithe essawr . ~ adheres to the commercial grival__ __ . ••••••••... J end would view with regret q uilos Mr 101 . 1 . 1 . 11 ho 'ow arb its operation or impede its farther " The Cri; ABBRIf ggig said—My lords, although most maim that a gene sal unanimity should prevail with rafirrirel Nta eehiter , now under discussion, rill I feel altrall emnavalnad tom he a few observations on the sub sent. It may, or it may not, be proper for this house to come to some malefic oor vote affirming the policy of free trade, and the Mate , " • of commercial legislation which has recently been oral; _ a bed, but, for my own part, I should he" been well pier .sad to have left the matter precisely r it now stands, and should not myself have advanced or pee this description, and for those mimes— posed any vote of I think, in the T aft place, that this hoer has a very derided to ~inion on this subject, as the whole MUM of our _,lefljaimr since 1846 has been in accordance to the Fei,neePie laid down in that year. That being the ease, we are tne sees' i body in the house that we were at that time; we are not like the House of Commons, a changing body, le whose ' AN en appeal to the people wax required to con firm and establish the °endue of the house on I l thes s il w eet i On W ctrary, our opinion may be taken now, hatilee on aperients precedent, to be precisely a ae• 111111111111 Prone 'wird in 1846. Therefore, for thee, reasons, I sionM w`e '..0 necessity that this house should corns to any Ark 'lto ision on the subject. (blinisteriel cheers.) For another e* .son I think any vote on this subject ucnecessury. Ne v ote to which your lordships can come will be practically of the elightoet imp stance. I believe the question of the corn laws to be settled irrevocably, and that however f avoura bl e T our vote, it will only bo settling what has already been firmly settled. (Cheer,. I think we may rest convinced that the contest of the last sic years is now finally closed, and that the name of Sir Robert Peel, whirl was pursued with such persevering and relentless hostility, may he received with blessings, and ha memory revered as that of the benefactor of his country. (Coutioued cheering.) Perhaps I cannot expect noble lords opposite to share altogether: in this feeling of triumph, but I know that it has long received the sanction of the coun try, and is deeply impressed on the hearts of the people. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I have said I do not see the necessity for coming to this or any other resolution on the subject of free trade, but I must confess that 1 never did expect to hear of the government suggesting, or the hour assenting, to such a resolution se the noble marquis has plated on the table. (lieu, hear.) Wheat the noble mar quis announced his intention of proposing a resolution on the subject, I took it for granted that he was going to Propose a duplicate of that which hail already passed tle Commons by too large • majority. I confess that even that resolution is not to my taste, nor should I have sp. proved of it if it had been brought forward by the noble marquis, hut at all ,vents it affirmed tree trade. But that also the noble earl dial not approve of, isiel he laid on the table or suggested the resolution we now have before se. Now lam bound to believe that the noble marquis, is moving this resolution, thinks and is convinced he is why favourable towards the interests he ham Du long support 4 but I must say that if I did an feel this question to be re moved far beyond our control, I should Ile of an entirely different opinion. (Near.) I should say that this resoler CLERICAL, MEDICAL, and GENERAL LIFE AIPSOTIANCE SOCIETY. neXa.,red nay wide 1111 meat parts of the waild. without WTI &vie, and la all Stet poyeneat of • extra premiums. The wall view dAteible b haw' among tit.. oh Arab bearg row wielded' without • atremeldag on the .most made by the meta beilmale.thell%4lJEF.l3 will hese • Rae derive all the Wee. Its °Walsall, he= • 11•1•11141ce, wilt, at the ease Um., waplirte fresh= brew l leawal by row of a• we* r CaO4•ll—that eewhialwy We ems cite al the adeastawe n9 =2 Tpeleime. FIVE •ONChEII law Wee &doted; at the bat, he T werp, IL% the ev u L.' tir .12S Ina added to the Fulham, pedaled • nen= voryt..a nth ib^ ditlrreat apes Iron 2ii to 31 per Via. n tbs Pr=- =ise p.ol 'Mill the See yew. or hew ZS In Ell lea. per ewe. ea the eam Neared. The sat sad Maw thowee nay be Atha moved Is ark we applied at the spike et the wowed l• we, Whim lis Oß Pokier kr Or rink t f Wt. cow bolt of tie Mord Preslomo be too lw yore soy room oo mkt. sod eery Nem wrier is *tot or kr Puifir. fir Ns, kr road WM tar tom. Claim ^aid tWb aro etre proof.), doses. rod ill Palo WO IS 1119•hchir. chow* firlrir of hood. INVALID LIME/if to moored at room reoportkood to Ike lk sreolud tor. TM ANOW•11111 rilid dimly to,e•ted sarroots to 030.1110, owl Ike 1nt."... chap& £lllllloo p.r asanaa. 7b..1 , , maga Mil It Newts Are At an time open to the Is. woe •1 do kirrroi, fof way per-.w who mAy dewy to wary. Tab to .1 lorlo. Ink knot of to be °Warned of say a the luta ey's limbs Ira 01111001 t 11. rt!ICIA111% a•Witst rweretary. 111 i'Ar•A*. Rilliffiderec& UM W& ghe firvreOgs. TO CO tt I'l ,111.24114. Aire '' 't ,Jart" The rtreetr." entailers.: U. row. *venire, " üblobect every Tootle; awl Vrt.Lay r.ght, .13 Uwe for rrer . . v:tr.teretee.ded ror " The Rapreee,"Lowloa Oratq paper, maw re Yi the O. 10, roverelwatreec * Two o'eocit 11121 the est of vobtleatiew. DIOR WATR't AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tut. Mt—Montag. 1 0 ' 1 li. Munson. 10, 'Om. T•Nosamr—Morclair,llo tea.. Aftereous. Ilb. 32ia. L')NDON, TUESDAY. DECEMBER 7. Tor qncetion of national defence assumed yester day the shape of supplemental estimates for the year 185.-3 for the Navy and Ordnance.—the two amount ing to 20.1.7.34'. AVe arc to have an addition to the Navy of five thousand seamen and one thou sand five hundred marines. The eost of these for the four months ending on the 31st of March next is estimated at 113,1001. In March the House of Commons will of course be called upon to vote a sum of money for the support of this additional force, for such further period as their services may bo deemed necessary. These preparations being made to meet an alleged need for an additional protective force, will meet with general approval. Seamen have ever been the chief defence of this nation, and their arms have never been used against those in whose service they were enrolled. No man doubts that we—wealthy England—must he kept free from the mere suspicion of danger from foreign aggression. Indeed, the existence of any doubt upon the subject of our complete preparation to guard our homes, embodies a most severe cri ticism upon the executive authorities of this eountry. The cost of our naval and military arma ments is about 13,000,0001. a year, and for that sum we are surely entitled to an efficient fleet and army. When the invasion alarm was last year raised. we asked Where is the Channel fleet? and after public opinion had unmistakeably backed the inquiry. a portion of the fleet was brought from Lisbon to Cork. We urged on that occasion how much more important it was for our ship. to be in the Channel to preserve our own shores from the desecration of a foreign hostile landi•ig. than that they should rest in the Tagus to uphold the rotten throne of the Bata aNZ as in Por tugal. The need for a sufficient naval force in the Channel is just as urgent as ever—be that need more or lege—yet now where are our ships of war? Some at Lisbon, others in the Rest Indies, others in the Pacific, and a very large ferce indeed off the shores of Tunis—because the Bar of that country is just dead. In the Mediter ranean it may be desirable to have a good force, bat the other places where our vessels of war now float are surely not so important as the neighbourhood of our own shores. Why keep ships in the Tagus that ought to L be in the Channel, the Thames, the Solent, the Mersey, and the Humber ? Why guard Lisbon with many hundred British guns afloat in charge of many hundred of our best seamen, when Liverpool is unprotected, and Hull open to all comers ? The spendthrift borrows to meet the claims his extravagance has made, in stead of retrenching that waste itself; and so too often with governments, who, rather than cut off a single sinecure, or admit end correct a single govern mental mistake, prefer coming afresh to the people with new demands for taxes upon industry. Is it not something easier to the Admiralty to ask for more ships than to bring home those we'have astray . ? Is the present case, this demand for the navy is neither unexpected nor altogether unteasonable. In the estimates prepared by the Whigs before they left office was a platiseeuring 5,000 sailors as a relieve I force is csse of need, and the funds for the I were voted before the change of Ministry t oo l The Tories have therefore had cash in hand that min I voted to give us an extra number of men, although the men have never yet been entered. Instead of carting out the scheme left at the Admiralty by Sir Faucets BAILING, the present Chief Lord of the Admiralty, the Duke of NOIITHVIIIIERLAND, has asked fur a permanent force of 3,000 additional seamen. Nobody will grudge this. The new plan will make a different item in the national ex penditure to that contemplated by the late govern ment : but still, if it can be shown that the safety of our shore requires new form—and if itj can be proved that the best and wisest use is now made of the navy we possess—there will certainly be little objection to an increase of our defensive power afloat, We always for generations peat have had a good Navy, and at a time of unparalleled prosperity there is surely no reason why we should fall back in this respect. But !the country and the Parliament will require to know with certainty that the best at. is made Of the ships and guns we now possess before unreserved sanction is given to further increase of our armament. To prove that our prevent navy is in the beet order must be a difficult task; especially in the teeth of the many and notorious proofs of Ad miralty mismanagement which have lately been made public, but the nation is entitled to a clear explanation on this subject. When more money is given it is at least fair to ask for a proper expenditure of that previously granted, and no prudent man will consent to endorse lavish nes of public resources under the control of men who cannot give a thoroughly good aceonnt of the mil lions a year at present entrusted to them. Let IMF Butt. know that the Navy is really what it ought 1111 be—and is really used in the way it should be, mai no government will ever have to grumble at lb want of liberality. Whether perfect national semis rity ie more likely to be got by navy and army re form or by lavish expenditure remains to be deter mined. Pew men will be bold enough to say that our sailor. are overpaid. Indeed all classes of active and en:Haile naval men, both seamen and officers, are very poorly paid. The money is not wasted upon them—but urn idlers at home, in dock-yard joy bang, and in using dock-yard influence for politi cal end.; in the wante of ships of war, where shires( war ought not to be, and by disgust inggood officers ad i seamen through mismanagement of the service. Awl ther whobtale gourmet waste exists in the system al fitting ships for commission; getting their men into good order and discipline, and then at the end of three yenta setting all tho men adrift, and pulling the ships to pieces to send out others in their stead, with riay crews to go through the same absurd system over and over again. If we pay this 113,1001. for addl. ionsl men for the coming four months, let tabs sure that between the present day and March next,—when we shall be asked for at least three times that amount to pay them for the following year,—we have from the Admiralty satisfactory proofs of navy reform, h dh afloat and ashore—in our fleets, in our dockyard., and at the Admiralty in Pall Mall itself. In addition to thistxtra Navy Estimate the House of Commons last evenir.g had before them an addi tional Ordnance Estimate, in which means were asked for securing the services of 2.000 more artillerymen, and for purchiming a thousand more artillery horses, a number of heavy guns. and a stock of projectiles. How many pieces of iron ordnance eon be got for n. 0061., or what quantity of di adly projectiles for 40001., we know not, but the artilleryman are—as we have often shown—wanted to render our artillery effective. But these two thousand extra men will be comparatively wasted if Lord Rains"( doss not put a atop to the stupid old plan of adding the men in small parties ;to the different lamented Mend the late Lord George B mtinek—a mina derstending which happily wets thoroughly removed before his lamented death—was the full though very friendly ea- ; mission of hisopinion thatnethingcould be more injudicious and nothing could be .0 re impolitic than for his noble friend to allude in tonne of vituperation to those from • whom they had been compelled to dissever themselves. (Cheers.) At the same time, he was not prepared to say that he might not have taken now the same course that he did in 1816, if the same events were to come over again, but he was prepared to say this much, th ir, whatever might have been the justice or policy of the c curse pursued in 1846—which, it should be remembered, was nut I then introduced upon any abstract principle or de• fined doctrine, but which arose out of en emergency in Ireland,—sluts the decision of the e suutsy was found to he made in favour of the measure, it MU time to put an end to those useless oppositions which could ce ly keep up a feeling of continued uncertaiuty, while they retarded the prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) The resolution went to that extent in its expression of opinion, and he could see no just grounds fur their lordships requiring anything more upon this occasion. A noble earl opposite had commented upon languroe which hail been used in the other house. It was certainly not a convenient practice, but the noble earl hail commented upon lanstuaite which had been held in the other twine by his right lion. friend the Chancellor of the Exclirquer, to the effect that at no time had the protectionist party attempted to reverse the system of 1816, but that noble earl must have misunderstood the expression mule use of by his right lion. friend, for what his right hon. friend did say was simply,tl.at frusta the repeal of the corn laws in 181 e, down to the gene ral election In 1817, and even afterwards, the language which the protectionist party held was that the qui etion could nut be settled until the country pronounced a definitive opinion 1.11.0111 it at a general election, which should be ezpressly taken to decide its merit,. (Hear, hear.) Well, so meet for this; but this more he coithl bey, that he had not altered the views which he entertained of that policy, nor did he regret the course which had been taken, fur he stated in the early part of the last session that unless there was not only a declared majority . but an over vlielnaing majority on the part of the country in favour of a return to a protective system, so strung did he feel the inconvenience of the con tinued agitation of the question, that he had determined to advise a continuance of our present commercial policy. (Hear, hear.) All that their lordships could possibly desire was to pronounce in favour of that policy; and, for his own part, lie need scarcely say that ho medians concurrred in the motion made by the noble marquis. Ile concurred in it without the slightest reservation, and he billeted it could be con• curred in by the great maturity of his friends and sup porters; but, at the same tinte, he was quite ready to de clare thet, it worils could be found to make the future more clear and decided, he would unhesitatingly adopt them. (Hear, hear.) Ile was, however, convinced that no such words could be introduced into the re solution ; and he therefore hoped their lordships would, resting satisfied with the restluti in no it stood, refuse to sanction an amen linens which could only be Helsel upon as a medium for censuring opinions that some noble lords had conscientiously enter tinned in bygone times. (Chit re.) The Marques of LAN:ti)OWNE had hut a very few words to address to then hielshies before the res ilution was put. tie was ready to comities that he had been a party to the agreement which was made by the noble marquis n. ar him, and he tette inly undersmod that for the sake of recei v in unanimity, the resclution proposed by the noble earl at the head of the government was to be adopted, but, of course, that understanding could not possibly be binding upon noble lords who were not present when the agreement woe made. (Hear, hear.) Ile did not find fault with his noble friend, the noble bar a who had moved the amendment, for having done so, but under the circumstances which he had just mentioned, if the question came to a divi sion he should abstain from voting for it. (Hear, liter.) It was in accordance with and breathed the spirit of a protest which one of their own body had placed on the records of the house, and which first gave utterance in parliament to those maxims which had since proved so favourable to the people ut this country. The amendment only carried out the priuciple laid down in that protest; and although it was not is the power of maim ment to reverse the policy which had since been haled upon these principles, he should still have been rejoiced to sec this amendment a b o oted. (Hear, h-ar.) He need scarcely add that be cordially coincided in it, more espe. cially after what hail transpired within the List few days as to the proposed financial changes. It became of the utmost importance that both they su well as the other house should pronounce a decided opinion as to the evils of financial changes. The e iuntry was sated to be in a moat healthy and proeproous condition, and it ' was perfectly ridiculous to supp se that we could inetrfere with our finances without riehing their stability. (Cherie.) Changes lied been propased in the other house as a ''sufficient convene:dims" to certain uoprotected classes who were supposed to be suffering from the effects of unrestricted competition, and th se changes were spoken of by the government as being expedient and necessary, but he really did trust that, upon consideration, both the government and the other house of parliament would take lime to deli berate before they beauty adopted changes the effect of which could only be to transfer Worthen, from one class to another. (Cheers.) There WWI one other point which he must touch upon, and then he should have done. The noble lord at the bead of the government had talked repeatedly about the discoveries of gold, but he fur one must take leave to dissent from the doctrine that those discoveries hail anything to do with the prevent ques tion. His noble friend (Lord Beaumont) to a certain degree subscribed to that doctrine, but it was one to which he (Lord Lansdowne) must rec .ed his entire dissent. lie be lieved that whatever permanent accession of inset a nature was made to the country in general, it did net alter in the least the permanent relations be:twist' consumer and pro ducer, aad that there was ;to more produced of any article in consequence of a great accession of gold than there would be peoduced is consequence of a great accession of popsy. If the Bank of England issued paper to-morrow, at it might do if permitted by parliament, it would nut make the slightest diaeresis in tae relations between the amount of *wield:Anal produce, or of any other produce, and eon susaption. ids was sure the noble earl would on refieetien admit that fact, for, if his argument was carried out, it would ()Bow that if a diminution of the supply of gold was to take place parliament would be compelled to altar the corn laws again. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DEBBY explained what be said and what be still maintained was this—that the condition of the working classes had been benefited by all them three causes together, and not by any one of them alone. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed that the noble earl had mentioned the rate of wages as the first thing to be affected, but he believed it would be found that it was the last in the circumstances to be considered in the question. Lord RADNOR suggested that the house was In a di®- ' culty between the amendment and resolution, and was un derstood to propose, as • means of getting oat of it, that the debate should be adjourned. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he had no objec tion to offer to the adjournment of the debate, as he found that in endeavouring to secure unanimity he had only pro duced the greatest amount of discord among their lordships. ("Hear," and a laugh.) If both propositions were with drown, it would appear to the public that their lordships, having bed that question before them, had adopted neither one view of it nor the other. He had some fault to find with the noble earl opposite, because he thought he had given no reason for not taking a vote on the resolution before the house. 'fho Earl of DERBY said he would support the noble lord against any amendment, if the motion for the adjourn ment was not agreed to. The Earl of HARROWDY was opposed to any imitation of the House of Commons in assigning reasons for the row lution they had adopted. The objection to such a course was that by assigning no other to own, the house in effect declared they saw no other reason for opposing the recent policy than the inexpediency of frequent change. It would be beat to leave out that portion of the resolution, and make it merely amrmatory. He should propose, therefore, that they should leave out all the preamble, an d simply declare their adhesion to the recent commercial policy, and that they would do nothing to impede ite opera tions or hinder its progress. He doubted if the noble lord, or any noble lord in the house, would assign the prosperity of the country to any one cause, be it free trade or not. Lord STRANOFORD, after listening to so much and understanding so little—(a laugh)—only roes to express his deep regret that the noble lord the member fur Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) was not • member of their lordships house. There would then be some chance of coming to • conclusion. (Laughter.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE expressed his concurrence in the view taken by his noble friend (the Earl of Aber deen), and in the opinion which he expressed as to the absolute inutility of the present or any other resolution. Under these circumstances, he rose to impress on the noble marquis (Clanricirdel that it would be very desirable for him to accept the proposal just made by the noble earl— (" Hear" from the Earl of Derby)—end thus put an end to the discussion, by the omiii.ion iu the motion of the coin mencing words, of which act many noble lord'. disapproved. (ll.ur, hear.) He thought that they would b. acting more wisely and prudently as regards their own credit and the object they all protessed to have at heart, if they contint d themselves to the practical part of the restitution, emit. tint all tl e preamble. If he were to understand from the cheer of the noble earl opposite that this arrange. meat met with his approval—(the Earl of Derby here said he had no objection to it)--and if the noble marquis (Clan ricarde) would &ilia assent to it, he should not think it right to trespass on the attention of the house. Lord BEAU moNT, in relerence to what had fallen from Lord Btrangfurd. said they did not want the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, in that house, because his genius was present there, for the noble lord on the crass beaches hail proposed an amendment which appeared to be approve of by all parties. (Laughter.) Ho expressed his willing- I ness to withdraw his own amendment. 7 1 . 0 M ,rquis of CLANItICARDE consented to the alte ration of the resolution as proposed by the Earl of Ear rowby. The Earl of DERBY, in expressing his concurrence in this arrangement, observed that it Wit a curious coincidence that in both heti,* the ditf•rent parties had been brought more in harmony by a resolution interposed. (Laughter.) The resolution, as altered by the Earl of II arrowby, was then agreed to in the following terms : .. That this house sulhieoi to the commercial system I recently established, and wattlrl view with re,t7et any re . n.w.-0 attempt to disturb its operation, or impede its future Om& _ _ riu Marquis of CLANRICARDE desired that it should be entered ou the journals that the resolution was passed nern. dis. (" 11, sr," and laughter.) Lurd STANLEY of ALDERLEY, pursuant to notice. inquired of the government whether than was any oboe tion to lay before parliament a copy of the protocol signed by England and the four great European powers Ripest. ing the canton of Neufchatel; and also of the . ! ..ne e ,,,,„ between Englnd, Ruud', France, Bavaria, -,iol Gre . eo, fur the settlement of the soccemian of t h e throne of Greece; and to ask a question respecting •4 report that there had been some recent changes in the political •,.a- Lions of the territory of Montenegro ? The Earl of MALMESBURY—My lords, with res•eet to the first question put to me by the noble baron, only make to him the same reply that I did last se a. Negoticints have not been pv.ceeded with sul,req to that period, and the protocols to which he al. aes hive not been prepared to be laid upon the table your lorusliips' house ; but they give her Majesty's whi ttlers the power of ehoot,ing their ttwn time to begin these negotiations. The present does not appear to her Majesty's government to be a proper time fur entering into these negotiations, sad the .the. parties who have signed the protocols are of the same opinion as her Majesty's government upon that point. With respect to the treaty relating to the Greek succession w'sich has just beim signed between the t,ur powers, it will he in your lordships' recollection that when the independence o f Greece was accomplished, it w considered an object of great importance that the dyna..•.; should be seminal to that people, and that the sue:wenn of that dynasty in a regular line should be gu seantre , l by the contracting posers o f Massie, France, and Feq;.atit' After the dynasty been secured, mid Greek cede. .”desee mad, sate, the Greeks themselves framed a eunidt lion, sad the articles in that cow titu'.ion declared tout t o ratite king of Graves should be of any religion bat the t' reek fai:A. It is known • your lordships that the presoat %ins of re •-• s • • .4 4 up it an he, childhood in the ' letar • • 01... :a 0 con‘no, hen of who it is, that that v ..It • tare it. It 11.110 dg '• r • tees shout l emend an tar as th- rl w • Greek people were club.' al 0 • • • , the three powers should • et, . at • the future King of ilrece:Oeisle! ' their er 1•101, well as the dynaety which had hwfed o t e en !. nation iu 18SY. It be rme nee •saaree taerefore. jeisli this end, and t. review the treaty uf IF 2 f e purpose of rendering it iewe in accordance with the stn article el the conatitet:oe. Yu Majesty's goverment thereupon invited the C r af Russia and Fritioce to join them in the cedeavir t amplisb that ohsect, u.: the three courts together h the t reat , . t o signed the convention a..cordo h at I believe ' , are in order when 1 say that 3 rot the 'who to :lay such treaties upon the tab'e • ,o , • retificetion hos taken place. The le o o • u.. ion-- , f which the noble baron II so given me net: : ybr ' change has been effected in the state of the p :c • 1 oh the wild country situate d un the borders aid called Montenegro. I believe that since Li r t present governiu , sat hues come into office their lee Leer • change whatever in the state of these relations. Ihe ibis: of Out country bears a double title. Ile is t'. heed of tee Greek church in his own country, and he is also the temprral sovereign of that country. But, sa hi id of the Greek church so he own country, be is under the juri,.:ie. tiou of the Emperor of Russia, sore, , pour j e oloo p „ is :naked upon as the head of the whole Gook emelt. 'the chief of Monteueero hae, therefere, been, as ! I. an cestors have been Lon, him, to the court of lit. V e to, burgh, to receive the eanctiou of the Emperor to his episcopal jurisdiction and titles at Miletem gro. Wok respect to the indepenele rice of that country, what. err may I be the opinion of did' rent persons upon that qui,tios, it seem. to be a quk stool rather for antiquaries than fur cabinets to settle. Bat the practical fact i., Viet it has been an inde e endent country fur something like Vel years —and although various attempts have been wale by the Porte upon its independence, they trove only l o st large armies in the effort to subjugate it, sod he believed that, in ita present practical position, it remained, as far as possible, the same now that it was 200 years ago. Having thus answered the question of the mole baron, it now be comes my duty to announce to your oraships ea event which you must all have long since ex pected ; but which is not diminished in importance by the circumstance that it has been so long expected sod foreseen. I allude to a notification which has been m to her Majesty's government be the Secretary of State for Foreign Adair- at Para, announcing that the }:such people have determined to change the cionstitution of their govern in •nt from a republic to an empire, and to steel. to the person of the Prince President of the Republic the impe rial dignity of Emperor. That notification was merle tome on Thum:lay lest, and having been communicated by me to her Mejoety'r, pet rument, her Majoity's eerveute have th mem, it right, a ithout furtieer delay or hoitalun, to ads Ise her Majesty cordially to accept soul recognise the new constitution eeleeted by the French. people fur their owu government. My lords, it has been, as your lordships know, our usual policy for the last 22 years—nide& I see sines the revolution of 1830 in Paris—to iecknowlolee the constitutional doctrine that a people hose a right teethes' their own sovereign without the int erferenee of any foreign power; and the sovereign having been freely chosen by them, that that sovereign or ruler, or by what ever name he may be called, being rie facto ruler of his country, ehould be recognised by the sovereign of this. l'hete might have been oar, and one only, reason that might have tempted us to hesitate before we advised her Majesty so to proceed ; but I rejoice to say that the g rote sense of the present Emperor, foreseeing the difficulty, met it in advance, and removed from her MAjesty's wiv,ruinent those difficulties that might otherwise have intervened. I allude to • somewhat ambiguous expression which was found in the report of the Senates Censultum, which re ferred to the late President of the Republic, and which was conseeted with the title he meant to tem. —that of Napole..n 111. That expression might have induced her Majesty's government, anti would naturally have induced any one, to .oppose that the interpretation to be given to it would hive teen that of common parlance when it designates Part rdgns—that it gave the bearer of the title au hereditery • retrospective right to the throne, end that he was deeeneled in • straight and legitimate lice, and by right hot ti ow ascended the throne of France. My lord-, the aelvisen of the:preeent Emperor of t i me French, foreseeing thi. diffi culty, frankly took the initiative, in assuring her Majesty's government that it related simply to the historicel in.ident that in France, :and according to French law, two tete reigns of the name of Beureparte only had preceded the present Emperor. Neither of them, a. your lordships know, were recognised by this country, and the French knew that as well as your lordships--and they therefore adopted the title with no iutention of claiming any heredituy right from the first Emperor. They have distinctly intimated that, both to her Majesty's government, and since in 'speech by the Emperor himself ; he has declared, and his govern ment have also declared it to ours, that he is sovereign only by the voice of the people, not by hereditary right to the throne—that he distinctly recognises all the govern ments that have existed since 1814 in France—that he recugnisei the act. of thou government., and ac knowledges the solidarity of those governments in succeeding others. With this satisfactory and frank explanation, it was only left to her Otej.ety's government, as I said before, cordially and with pleasure to acknowledge the decided will of the French na tion ; and to send to her Majesty's ambaunilor at Paris new credentials for the new court. In the notifies ein which the Empetor has made to her Majesty's geventini•nt, he says that the same policy which influenced the Pre,i dent will influence the Emperor. And with respect to that policy, as regards England, it is impossible to speak too highly of the cordial and frank manner in which every question has been entertained by the government of Francs —at least since I have had the honour of holding the seals of Also. (Hear, hear.) 1 have no doubt my noble friend opposite will say the same thing at the time be tilled my place. I have found nettling but farness and lair play— in all these transactions—nothing but assurances of good will and wishes to maintain an unbroken friendship with this country. I believe the Emperor himself, and the great mass of his people, deeply feel the neceseity, for the inte rests of both countries, that we should be on a fo dear/ of profound peace. And, on the other hand, they tie the great folly and crime which it would he on either side to provoke a war. They must know that a war, us tar in it would lead to the subjugation of either country by the other, is an absurdity—that neither country, so great, powerful, and independent, could in any manner subjugate the other • and therefore war must be as useless, as cruel, and ulnrilori .as, as absurd. (Hear, hear.) Viscount CANNING, after making some observations, which were not heard in the gallery, said he would take the liberty of asking the noble earl to complete his statement as regarded the form and shape in which the awurances which be had referred to load been placed in his hands, and he also wished to know whether the noble earl would, either now, or at any future, hut not very distant, time, lay them before parliament and the country ? (War. bear.) 'the Earl of MALNIESItt'ItY did not uniervtand his noble friend on two points. Ile appeared tint to ilisapprovo of something which he (the Earl oh Mnlmesbsry) hat state 3 Viscount CANNING said it was • feeling which he had over and over again repeated and constantly miintained in that and the other house of virliament, and it was simiily this, that in the kinglisli parliament, whtneser toreign matters were brought under discus,ion, it was advisable— and, above all, in the cue of • minister of the crown—to abstain from anything approaching to comment on the conduct of a neighboaring country, whether it were the people or the ruing authority. Chen us to the other point, communications betiTeeit friendly mates msunted diff rent forms; sometimes they were in the torn of • dispatch from the ambassador, an I sometimes in the form of a note from the minister of the country. Ile wished to know in which of these berms or, if in either furor, what form, tht se assurances had been received 2 The Earl of MALNIESDIJRY perfectly agreed Is to what the noble lord said with refcrenee to comments, if they were disagrecalee or unfriendly. In that case he should be the last man to have made them. Ile was not in the habit of expressing his feelings very often to their lord ship., and he might not have made himself clearly ueiler stood. Ile rose with the most earnest wish to say for France and the French all that France and the French would say for themselves. Ile dill not, therefore, under stand why his noble friend found fau l t with his com ments. The diplomatic nature of the columnar,. violet which hail been made were perfectly odici d, BD l therefore satisfactory to the goveniment. They oould not be more satisfactory to him th when made by the French limbos...ado,. vi chatty, .nd in words repeated by the Emperor hima9 in his •pceclk to his Chambers. lie thought that WAS satisfactory enough. . The Earl of BREADALLIANE hoped the changes which had taken place in Franca would bo attendel with the hest results. BANK NOTES BILL. On the motion of the Earl of Duke v, this bill wu read • second time. Their lordships then adjourned at • quarter-past 9 o'clock.