The Express. — London, England, 1853-02-10 00:00:00

CLERICA L. MEDICAL. sad GENERAL LIFE Ampimicji *uarty, _ No. Ob. West Itweeeitaweet, ..webary. The All!it' tt. Ile 1111%0 o %•rni,-.etaee will be ►e'd. ilw tsetse el t►e I,l3etv. as TUC LAMY, Ow led .tay of Melds t -a% at t lue h► r.ciatly e ft 1011 It atortintg five I) .ettAra. Ts u-1... and uzbc Atmktot (ea the put t.l t►e retwrietoes) will be elected. ritncletar dentana of propreirg a candidate for awe office of lArc Trart , e, or Auditor. mint ero I t:.c nary , of ouch tat:debt, loth • 4 -crrt ry. at kart four , . A.:ore we day of darcung. Ur W ld rot INWIRSINIIM at 141 ,, e1 of tioSe at tit, u evek. . . Aa ct...a of en tul'l•oe pat of the A•eared will aleo tAte p'we ea sy. the IL 141 of Math. 'runes the •urs of eleires a. .! tw..:o.elt. Alt femme seeufet ix the erbul• term of Lk. ewt 414446..110 lute, we hereby re.ened t the randitsohe ch anted 'frit yohnee 'or latermateit co extols. , the iswisdate to le pry?. 4L t ;EllllOl H. I.ll,lCkibtlf, linigent Iscretary. Yetwuvy 14th. • gitt erorrog. TO COP ItEF E 0:v14111TM. -- - £ ! jaw s 0.. it. r r..t;me:radar • 1,• .are moires m." rt..4.llfts 444ffi r raw slight. id' =us ter yet. • ,1-“...rar. , tatr^4.f . 'or Lgorar,"Tiabiat I'..va.sy papa, see '4' 'he ilabwerie.arge. Y.:1141 is she W cf UlCti WATEP. Ai LONDON BRIDC4K. Tam 1)41 —M twig. la 3s Mimed& 31. Silo. T0,•05ia...-11 nor& 411. Afarsooa. 30.. L 9.\ - D UX, TH(.3lBDef I, .FEBRU-tRY 10. Juvi two days before Christmas it was our painful duty to record how the Austrians were treating the Italian Liberalslin Lombardy. We bad to tell bow iu one case eve gallows had been raised in the old city of Mantua, on which were to be hanged up five men of education, character, and national reputation, because they were supposed to sigh for the welfare of their country. But the tragic bony did not end there. The .lustrians were nut content with simply banging political eilenders, but they provided for the occasion (as the Gar-retla del l'uyolo explained at the time) " a newly-incanted halter, which prolongs the struggles and agony of its victim." The charge against the prisoners was stated to have been the poseeasion ot " subversive papers," and to extort a confession from the accused, one of the in, named TAT. suit, was whipped twele e timer during Lib trial—any incubi rent v,urds that escaped hint iu his agony be ing taken down in writing, to be produced as evi dence against him and his fellow sufferers. " TAZ ZULI;said the Italian reporter of these events) was formerly l'rofessor of Belles Lettres, and afterwards of Philosophy, in the Mantuan Seminary. He was of bright intellect, mild and charitable, ho wrote with much elegance both the Latin and Italian lan guages; this is proved by various compositionswhich he published, and whose chief merit is great feeling and love. He was the very soul of the iufant schools in both the town and province of Mantua—he be-. longed to a very rich family, was moot liberal of his mates to the poor, and was esteemed and beloved by his fellow citizens. There was no publication of the trial, which was carried on with closed doors, and before Judges who do nut understand—who rather misunderstand—the Italian language." The amiable Tateote—the equally estimable SCARSELLINI, and their craipanions in suffering, were all in due course condemned and flogged, and strangled by the hands of the hangman in the Fort Belfiore—the pa?cr which tells the story adding—" More than two hundred and forty families of Venetian Lom bardy see now pending over the bead of seine dear one the fate of these first victims of imperial yen pence. A most refined barbarity, which, rather than leave the mind in doubt, prefers to give a taste, an earnest of the way in which the other prisoners would obtain justice." A correspondent writing at the time, appended to this tragic story the following reflection : I have not the heart to relate one by one ell the horrors and enormities of which Au.tria now mikes Lombardy again the wine. It is the gauntlet thrown down by the persecutors to the oppressed. A terribly detisnee. Bat woe, if the oppressed shall rise to take up the challenge all blood-its: ea with the aseassinstion of their brethren! I eacuot tell you what I have suffered frees this news from Mantua—a suffering embittered by the personal acquaint ance I had with Scarsellini. Poor young fellow ' he was the type of peteiotisni and of courage; his life washeld pre eioas in Venice, where be was universally beloved by the ople.--and in all Italy, to which he would readily have gevo.i.d it in the held of battle. Instead of this, it was taken Eras !um by the imperial hangm:in. Less than two months from the date of the above we have now to record an outburst of Insurrection in Milan. Do we not in these two facts behold cause and effect ? Have not the floggings and the hang ings produced their natural fruit ? Is not revolt the just and natural offspring of tyranny ? Is not Aus trian guilt to be followed by Italian revenge? In our secured edition yesterday we gave the first news of this fresh outbreak of popular indignation in Italy. Thanks to the extension ot the electric telegraphs, the intelligence, which reached Bellinzona, on the Italian Swies truntier, on the evening of Tuesday, was by Wednesday morning printed and in circulation in London. That despatch was brief but impressive. The people of Milan had riven—bad attacked the Austrian troops, and had gained possession of the arsenal in that place. The city was, of course, in high fever. All routine duties had evidently been at a standstill, as is evidenced by the fact that fur two days the usual post had not left the city. " The gates of Milan were shut (says the despatch) and it was supposed that the insurrection which h ad been suppressed was recommenced. A proclamation of Mazzini had been placarded." Upon such laconic and vagno data no very'dis tinet views of the result can be based; but it seems quite clear from the proclamations of MAT RIX' and KOSSUTH, that though this insurrection has, at a moment when we were assured no danger was near, burst suddenly upon Europe, it was far from unexpected by those most deeply interested in Italian affairs. It is evidently the result of preli minary organisation,—and viewed in this light may be regarded as a thing far more serious than a hasty contest begotten by a casual case of special tyranny. Bose time ago our Italian correspondence made known the fact that 11A DETZ K V wished to have rein forcements from Austria; for some time also there has been a very general knowledge of the fact that the tyrannical King of NAPLES has been very uneasy lest the heir of Joactum MURAT should strive to do in Italy what his cousin has succeeded in accomphah log in France. Fear of the BorLeemeres is strong in the Loom of King KOWA, and has driven him for some time past to seek possession of the POPE'S principality of Benevento, lest that spot should form a refuge for intrigues and conspiracies against his throne. Only yesterday the Debuts says: " The King of NAPLES insists more than ever upon the conclusion of the negotiations with the Pore about the cession of the principality of Bene vento. There are enemies of the Boutusoz dynasty in Italy, end the KING, fears that Benevento may become the foyer of conspiracy;—hence his desire to possess himself of this territory." Young MURAT doubtless has his eye on Naples, and men on each side of the Alps now keenly re member how the " Empire" of France was once linked to the "Kingdom" of Italy. The real and active powers now in the latter country arc wielded by the Austrians on the one hand, and the French, who hold Rome, on the other —the Italians feeling themselves to be mean while not only a conquered, but a deeply ent ering, race. In estimating their true position, we 111114 not forget—that Insurrections are not pro ducts of well-governed states. The very sign of a revolt is rim(' facie proof of tyranny in the rulers— a truism just now In coarse of painful illustration. The power of NIAZZINI—Ins co operation with Kosserft—and the fact that the manifestoes of the Italian and Hungarian leaders were distributed and posted up under the very noses of the Austrian garrison of Milan, demonstrate the existence of a wide-spread spirit of disaffection. The movers in this affair avow their reliance upon the present union of Mazzlet and KOSSUTH to raise what they speak of as two wings of an insurgent force casuist their common foe—Austria; the one acting in Italy, the other in Hungary. The belief seems to be, that if Milan could bold out against the Austrians for a few days the whole peninsula might juin the movement. MAZZINI left England more than a month ago, and the friends of Italian independence remember hope fully his talents, hie judgment, and his frequent Inc omes., and doubtless pray that the present attempt may succeed. Kosserit, from a distance, speaks to the Hungarian soldiers in the Austrian service w ith as much oonfidence in their obedience to his com mands as though he still held Co:norn and was Dic tator. ThW tae of confidence was probably well considered before it was decided on, and may be well adapted for the countries and the purposes in view ; but tho:e who are but spectators of this unexpected drama will hesitate before they reeognise any proof of success in one early tone of confidence. Oppressed, sanguine, clever and brave, the Italians undoubtedly are, but the quarrel they lave in hand is one iu which thLy stand against fearful odds. ‘Vide-spread a)inpathy will be theirs, but sym pathy is not cannon. Austria has sent a large army to watch the Montenegro fight and--it may be—to take part in it. She has dangers also on the side of Hungary, and is far from prosperous on the Bourse. These things are all in favour of the Italians. But then she has at her side the great despot of all—Russia, only too ready to give help,—hereafter to be paid for; and doubtless, other neighbours would not hesitate to join her, if need be, iu the task of subduing a revolt, which, if at all successful, might spread into Ger many with dangerous rapidity. Could France stand still whilst any such work was going on? Would Piedm mt be scene if Italy were embroiled ? These and other questions naturally arise out of the compli cation which must ensue, should the insurrection in Milan remain unsubdued. But if subdued, its very existence for a single day shows how well-founded NlxiitNes declaration is, that things as they now are, rest upon a mere crust, below which is a stream of bathing lava. To this stream every Austrian flogging and hanging, every new victim cast into the dungeons of Lombardy or of Naples, adds fresh tire—burning it may be out of sight for a while, but certain in the end to prove its existence be insurrection, with all its attendant horrors and dismay. Tiit new Parliament may properly be said to com mence its sittings for the despatch ot business to-day. Its unusual assembling in November was little better than a false start, and the brief and hurried course thus commenced proved to be, for ail legislative par poees, vair. and abortive. The House of Commons was almost wholly engrossed with discussions as to shy it bad been summoned, and as to the comps tent* of the authority by whose mandate it had been called together. For the rest, the only duty ot any importance which it performed before Christmas was thut of acting in the capacity of coroner's jury . on the Del byite Administration, which, after much inquiry and argument, it found to have been guilty of fely de•sc. _ _ Today, however, the legitimate business of the session may be said to begin. For a time, at least, the struggle of parties for supremacy is suspended. A new Government asks a new Parliament to give it a fair hearing and a fair trial. It boasts of having been funned with the aim of combining on the same front bench to the right hand of the Chair the greatest amitint of administrative experience which has been found there fur many years; and experience is a very good thing in its way. But it must, after all, be confessed that it is a subordinate way. Official ex perience in the administration of laws is one thing, but in the making of laws it is another. In its appli cation it is essentially conservative. Its eyes are in the back of its head. It instinctively resists everything for which it cannot find a precedent. Its faith is no authority, its teaching is from tradition, " its strength is to sit still." The spirit of a free Parlia ment is essentially the reverse of all this. Its posi tion is emphatically to find out what needs to be removed in the old and to design what needs to be built up in the new. And for this far other quali ties than those of the mere professional bureaucrat are necessary. Petty and patchwork restorations of the works of our forefathers are not what the age requires. It is not Puseyism in political architec ture, but originality of design and inventive adapta tion of old materials to new wants that an intelligent, active, and free-thoughted people de mand. Administrative ability properly so called is in • word not statesmanship,—it is not even the power of guiding or controlling a popular as sembly. These are much higher qualities: and for these the eyes of men will now instinctively look from the new. Ministry. The nation is prosperous and at peace with all its neighbours. Capital and labour are actively em ployed; public credit never stood more firm or high; commerce is daily extending, and there is • surplus of two millions in the Exchequer. If this be not a fair opportunity for calm and comprehensive legisla tion, then assuredly the opportunity will never come. Commercial depression, failure of a harvest, monetary crisis, foreign war, re ligious distractions, or social discontents, or any other of the ills to which nations like individuals are liable, may overcloud our present fortunate condition before another year comes round. Difficulties, of which we know nothing now, would then impede the paths of the most energetic and courageous. Seasons of perplexity and doubt are surely not those best fitted for great internal chauges ; yet it has too often happened thiat until such seasons these inevitable works have been post poned. Let any one consider, for example, the growing intelligence and numerical strength of those industrious classes of our people which consti tutional forms grown obsolete and inapplicable re fuse to recognise. Are not the mass of our artisans at the present day better off and better edu cated than the majority of those, whether living in town or country, who possessed the franchise a hundred years ago, or comparing them with their own contemporary class in America or in France, are they not, to say the least of it, as well qualified to exercise the right of suffrage? And is it not akin to fatuity, and of the most fatal kind, that the golden hours of popular contentment should be allowed to pass away without redressing such a wrong as the causeless exclusion of these men from all the active rights of citizenship. En franchisement largely and liberally given at a time like this would be accepted as a boon, not the less appreciated because it has been called for with ex citement or with clamour; but, if postponed in definitely, the day of peril may intervene, and then, without gratitude or good will, the same con ' cession wilt be extorted as too many similar con cessions have before been wrung from the tardy hand of privilege. Other important subjects equally demand the pre ' scient and anticipative skill of true statesmanship. The state of our educational institutions is a scandal and disgrace to advancing civilisation. Measured by whatever standard, England is behind the time— sadly behind the time. And what is far worse, our laws in this respect are far behind the consciousness of neglect on the part of the community. Let us at once have some plan to make an end of this blind and barbarous, helpless and heartless staggering on under our load of national ignorance —a load of which the country, were it fairly asked the question, would declare itself thoroughly ashamed, and of which nothing short of bold and comprehensive legis lation can enable it to get cid. So, likewise, with reference to legal reform. Oar laws of partnership, our laws regar din g the probate of wills, and our laws regarding land, are all worm eaten and corrupt No peddling or paltry emenda tions will suffice to bring these various systems into harmony with the social condition of our time. Society has outlived and outgrown the devices of a former age, whereby provision was sought to be made for its then existing wants, in conformity with its then prevailing ideas. The wants and the ideas hare equally changed, and the laws, remaining unaltered, have degenerated into little better than nuisances and jobs. The will and the skill of a statesman are imperatively needed: let us trust that they will not be found wanting. The session which opens today will present, we must repeat, a rare and extensive field for the highest work of legislation. Let us hope that it will not be allowed to remain unim proved. HIGHWAY ROBBERY AND BRUTAL VIOLENCE AT Irswicu.—A highway robbery was committed on Wednes day night, under most atrocious circumstances. About half-put tight, Mr. Thomas Charlton, a primitive meths dist preacher, residing in Reps-lane, was on his road home from Washbrook. When between the residence of Mr. Harmer and the railway bridge, on the road leading to Crane Hall Hill, he met two men, and on passing bad* them "Good night." Mr. Charlton, however, had not pro ceeded ten yards further, ere he met a third man, who, without saying a wort, flourished a powerful bludgeon, and striking Mr. Charlton two blows, one upon the head and the oth - ir behind the ear, knocked him down. The other two fellows upon this immediately came up, and whilst Mr. Charlton was lying stunned and bleeding from the effects of the violence, he WAS kneeled upon and robbed of a silver watch, two half-crowns, and a puree. It appean that during the whole of these transactions not a word was spoken by the highwaymen. Oa Friday, Mr. Charlton was stated tole recovering from the injuries i.e received.—/is teiLA E..epren. THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1853. INSURRECTION AT MILAN. We published yesterday the telegraphic despatch announcing that an insurrection had broken out at Milan oa the 6th and 7th. Another telegraph ran as follows " Au insurrection took place in Milan on Sunday. "The people rose suddenly in three parts of the town; several persons were killed. An Austrian proclamation announces the re-establishment of order. But the Milan train had not arrived yester day at the Swiss frontier. " Milan is still closed, and it is believed that the fight has re-commenced. Mazzini's proclamation was everywhere posted up." A third telegraph gives the following: "Tuesday.—A telegraphic despatch from Bellin zona of the Bth Feb., 4.30 p.m., announces that the gates of Milan wero shut, and it was supposed the insurrection, which had been suppressed, was re commenced." MAZZINPS PROCLAMATION. The following proclamation WilA posted all over Milan, and has been spread in other parts of Italy : ITALIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. "Italians! Brothers!—The mission of the National Italian Committee is ended: your mission begins. To-day the last word which we, your brothers, utter to you is ' lusurrection; to-morrow, mingling with the ranks of the people, we will aid you to main tain it. " Insurrection ! Tho moment matured, panted for for three long years, has arrived. Let us seize it. Be not deceived by appearances; be not misled by the cowardly sophistries of lukewarm men. The entire surface of Europe, from Spain to our own land, from Greece to holy Poland, is a volcanic cru s t, beneath which sleeps a lava which will burst forth in torrents at the upheaving of Italy. Four years ago the insurrection of Sicily was followed by ten huropean revolutions; twenty European revolutions will follow yours—all bound by one compact, all sworn to one fraternal aim. We have friends even in the ranks of the armies who rule us: there are entire peoples whose alarum-cry will answer to , yours. The national democracies of Europe form one organised camp. Vanguard of the great army of the people, fear not isolation. The initiative of Italy is the initiative of Europe. " Insurrection ! Sacred as the thought of country that consecrates it ; strong in will and in concen trated energy as its aim, which is justice, ameliora tion, and free fraternal life for all ; let it rise, and convert martyrdom into victory. The thousands of victims who have fallen with the sacred name of Italy on their lips, deserve this at our hands. Be it tremendous as the tempest on our seas. Be it ob stinate, immovable as the Alps which surround you. Between the Alps and the extreme Sicilian sea aro 23 millions of us, and a hundred thousand foreigners. It is the struggle of a moment if you do but will. "Insurrection ! Let the grand word leap from city to city, from town to town, from village to vil lage, like the electric current. Arouse, arise, awake to the crusade fever, all ye who have Italian hearts —ltalian arms. "Remind the people of their unjust sufferings, their rights denied them, their ancient power, and the great future of liberty, prosperity, education, and cquality—they may conquer at a bound. " Remind your women of the mothers, the sisters, the friends, who have perished in unconsolcd weep ing for their loved ones, imprisoned, exiled, butchered, because they had not, but desired, a country. "Remind your young minds of thought outraged and restrained, of the great traditionary past of Italy which they can continue only by action, of the abso lute nothingness of the:state they are now in—they the descendants of the men who have twice given civilisation to Earope. " Remind the soldiers of Italy of the dishonour of a servile uniform which the foreigners deride, of the bones of their fathers left on the battle fields of Europe for the honour of Italy, of the true glory which crowns the warrior for right, for justice, for nationality. "Soldiers, women, youths, people! let us have for the moment but one heart, one thought, one desire, one cry in our souls, one cry on our We will have a country; wo will have an Italy; and an Italy shall be.' "Attack, break at every point the long and weak line of the enemy. Prevent them from concentrating themselves by killing or dispersing their soldiers, de stroying roads and bridges. Disorganise them by striking at their officers. Ceaselessly pursue fugi tives ; be at war to the knife. Make arms of the tiles of your houses, of the stones of the streets. of the tools of your trades, of the iron of-your crosses. Spread the alarm by watchfires kindled on every height. From one end of Italy to the other let the alarm-bell of the people toll the death of the enemy. "Wherever you are victorious, move forward at once to the aid of those nearest you. Let the insurrection grow like an avalanche wherever the chance goes against you; run to the gorges, the mountains, the fortresses given you by nature. Everywhere the battle will have broken out ; everywhere you will find brothers; and, strengthened by victories the gained elsewhere, you will descend into the field again the day after. One only bo our flag—the flag of the nation. In pledge of our fraternal unity, write on it the words God and the People : they alone are powerful to conquer, they alone do not betray. It is the Republican flag which, in '4B and '49, saved the honour of Italy ; it is the flag of ancient Venice ; it is the flag of Rome—eternal Rome, the sacred me tropolis, the temple of Italy and of the world! "Purify yourselves, fighting beneath that flag. Let the Italian people arise, worthy of the God who guides them! Let woman be sacred; let ago and childhood be sacred; let property be sacred. Punish the thief as an enemy. Use for insurrection the arms, powder, and uniforms taken from the foreign soldiery. "To arms, to arms! Our last word is the battle cry. Let the men you have chosen to lead yon send forth to Europe , on the morrow, the cry of victory. (For the Italian Committee) "JOSEPH MAZZIST. Auhatio SAryi. "Maurizio Quadrio, Secretaries. " Cesare Agostini, " February, 1833." In addition to Mazzinis proclamation, the follow ing document, purporting to be from Kossuth, was in circulation. It is evidently expected to tell upon the Hungarians in the Austrian serv►ce in Italy : "IN THE NAME OF THE HUNGARIAN NATION. ""TO THE SOLDIERS QUARTERED IN ITALY. "Soldiers! Comrades !— My activity is unlimited. lam about to fulfil my intent. My intent is to free my country—to make her independent, free, and happy. It is not by force we have been crushed. The force of the world would never have sufficed to crush Hungary. Treason alone did it. I swear that force shall not conquer us, nor treason injure us again. Our war is the war of the liberty of the world, and we are no longer alone. " Not only the whole people of oar own country will be with us, and those once adverse to us will now combat with us the common enemy, but all the peoples of Europe will arise and unite to wave the banner of liberty. By the force of the peoples of the world, the tottering power of the tyrants shall bo destroyed. " And this shall be the last war " In this war no nation fraternises more with the Hungarian . than the Italian. Our interests are one— our enemy is one—our struggle is one. Hungary is the right wing, and Italy the left wing of the army I lead. The victory will be common to both. " Therefore, in the name of my nation have I made alliance with the Italian nation: the moment we raise the banner of the liberty of the world, let the Italian soldier in Hungary unite with the in surgent Hungarian nation, and the Hungarian sol dier in Italy unite with insurgent Italy. Let all, wheresoever the alarm shall first sound, combat against the common enemy. " Whose will not do this, he, the hireling of our ' country's executioner, shall nevermore see his native land; he shall be for ever exiled as a traitor, as one who has sold the blood of the parents and of his country to the enemy. " The moment of the insurrection is at hard ; let not that moment find the Hungarian unprepared; for should it take him unprepared—should our nation not improve the opportunity—our dear country would be lost for ever, and our national flag would be covered with ignominy. " I know that every Hungarian is ready for the war of liberty. The blood shed by the martyrs, the sufferings of the country, have changed even children into heroes. "No nation yet rewarded its brave sonssoliberally as the Hungarian nation will reward here. After the victory, the state property shall be distributed among the army and the families of the victims of patriotism ; but the coward and the traitor shall die. "And I, therefore, make it known to yon,'soldiers, in the name of the nation, that whoever brings you this order of mine is expressly sent to you, that he may report to me who are the favourers of liberty in the army stationed iu Italy, and that he may tell you in my name how you should organise your selves. "Accept the instructions that are forwarded to you by the nation through me, and follow Until. Let it be so in every town and district—everywhere. "Brave ones! the Honveds and the hussars have covered with glory the name of our nation. The world looks on the Hungarian flag as on the banner of liberty. We will preserve that glory, and satisfy that expectation. It is principally on you that the eyes of the world are turned, for your number is great; hold the arms in your bands, a generous blood boils in your veins, your heart beats for your country, and for the vengeance on her executioners. Your task is glorious and easy, for you arc in the midst of a nation which will give its own millions of combatants against Austria. " From Rome to the land of the Sicilians—from the Sava to the country beyond the Rhine—all the peoples unite in one cry, shouting, mid the clang of millions of arms, Let God be the judge; down with the tyrants: long live the liberty of the peoples—long live our country.' "Bravo ones, in this cry your voice will be like Joshua's voice, before which the Jericho of tyrants shall fall. " So I order, in the name of the nation—Let every one obey. I will shortly be amongst you. Au revoir. God be with you. " February, 1833." " KOSSUTH. FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNESDAY EVENING. The telegraphic despatches published in this morn ing's Moniteur, announcing an insurrection in Milan, were dated Bel!linens, Feb. 8, 4.30 p.m., and Bile, 8 p.m. Private letters from Milan mention that for some days past rumours had been in circulation of the death of the Emperor of the French, and that the public mind had been so excited in consequence as to cause a formal contradiction to be published by the:authorities. The agitation and excitement appear, however, to have continued until the breaking out of the attempt mentioned in the telegraphic despatch. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has received a second telegraphic despatch from the Minister of France in Piedmont, stating that the attempted in surrection at Milan has been entirely sup pressed, and that Turin and Piedmont are "restored to com plete tranquillity. On inquiry at the post-office here, I find that the mail-bags due from Milan have not arrived. Accord ing to rumours current in Paris, news of a simulta neous rising in many parts of Austrian Italy may be expected. It was stated on the Bourse to-day that orders had been sent to Toulon to embark two regiments for Civita Vecchia, in order to insure tranquillity in the 1 Roman States. The Pattie gives the following account of the ar rest of General de Saint Priest: The Asumblie Nationale this morning gives an incor rect account of the west and liberation of General de St. Priest. The truth is as follows :—A warrant to search for papus was issued against Id. Charles do Saint Priest, the son of the general, who lives with his father. M. Charles de St. Priest is accused of having been in communication with divers persons who have been arrested for sending false news, and outrageously calumnious correspondence 'abroad. The commissary of police charged to make the perquisi tion thought it necessary to arrest the accused. General de Saint Priest, desiring to screen his son, and fearing doubtless on hie son's account, the conse quences of the search, declared himself to be the person mentioned in the warrant, and allowed himself to be con veyed to Masas. As soon as the truth was known General de Stßriest,who speaks highly of the politeness shown him, was set at liberty. There is nothing official in this version, and it does not meet a ith implicit ercilit. lbellcgistimistjour nals do not confirm the story, that there was any mistake at all. The statement that the commissary of police charged to search for papers made the arrest upon his own responsibility before making his search is wholly incredible. Neither is it easy to believe that a man so well known as Gen. do St. Priest could have remained for 12 hours in prison without the truth being known. The commissaries of police are men of more than ordinary intelligence. If the instruc tions had been to arrest M. Charles de Saint I'riest only, he must have been described to the commissary as the son of the general, and it is scarcely possible to conceive that an elderly man, bearing the military stamp of General St. Priest, could have been taken to prison by mistake. Yon will observe that the note in the Patric insinuates a charge against the general personally, by assuming that he had reason to dread the result of a search of his son's papers. In refer ence to this insinuation the Union says: The Petrie attributes motives for the conduct of Gen de Saint Priest which we cannot admit, and we therefore refrain from publishing the teat of this note. M. Theodore Pelloquet, formerly a writer in the National, is one of the prisoners. The Siecle says that since December, 1851, he has addicted himself to literary i pursuits, and has taken no part in poli tics. It s, I believe, certain that when the govern ment papers say the persons arrested are only 10 in number, they must be understood as referring to those yet in prison. The Debate says as many as 40 were arrested. At all events, the persons set:at liberty since Sunday arc not comprised in the 16. It is some satisfaction to be assured, as we now are, that the prisoners will be publicly tried in a court of justice. A legitimist journal of Marseilles, 'the Gazette du 3lidi, has received a warning from the Prefect of the Bonches-du-lthone, countersigned by M. do Maupas, for having published a version of the speech in which the Emperor announced to a cabinet council his in tention to marry Mdlle. de Montijo. Mdme. Bianchi, the wife of the ex-editor of the Messayer du Nord ; lately arrested for attempting to introduce into France some copies of Colonel Char ras's proclamation to the army, and several prohi bited political pamphlets, was tried for this offence by the Tribunal of Correctional Police of Lille on the ith, and sentenced to six days' imprisonment and a fine of 500 fr. With all due respect for the Moniteur, I cannot avoid recording the general belief that a ministerial modification is yet impending. Count Walewski, whose departure for London was announced two or three days ago, as a proof that ho was not going to replace M. Dronyn de l'Huys, is still in Paris,detained by one of those convenient " indispositions" to which public men are often subject. By an imperial decree, dated the sth, the following admirals have, on their application, been called from the retired list, and placed on the second section of the staff: Vice-Admiral Baron Ilugon; Rear-Admiral de Martineng ; Rear-Admiral De Hello; Rear-Ad: miml 141engin du Val d'Ailly, and Honorary Rear- Admiral Bouvet. The Marquis de Valdegamas, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the Queen of Spain, had a private audience yesterday of the Emperor, at which he presented his credentials as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the Duke of Parma. The audience took place with the accustomed ceremonial. The Marquis de Villamarina, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the King of Sardi nia, yesterday presented to the Emperor the reply of his sovereign to the letters of his Imperial Majesty, confirming M. His do liutenval in his quality of En voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Turin. _ On Sunday last a grand fete was given at Amiens to celebrate the imperial marriage. A Te Ileum was sung in the cathedral, at which all the civil and mili tary authorities of the place were pros:mt. In the evening there was a grand illumination, and an en tertaiatncut was given by the national guard and the army, which was numerously attended. The room in which the company assembled was elegantly fitted up. Busts of the Emperor and Empress occu pied a prominent place, and on medallions which were hung around were the following inscriptions : "En mutant son bonhenr, it assure celui de la France ; " " Eugenie fora revivre les vertu de Josephine ; " " 1802, Paix d'Amiens ;" " 1852, l'Empire, c'cst la Paix ; " Vivo l'Empereur ! Vive l'lmperatrice !" Several provincial journals, and amongst others those of Bordeaux and Nantes, announce that the 1 Transatlantic Packet•boat Commission has made its report to the Emperor, and that the conclusion come to is one wholly unexpected. According to these journals there will be no exclusive concentration of the transatlantic packets either at Cherbourg or elsewhere. The New York line, they say, will be granted to Havre, that of Chagres to Bordeaux, and that of the Brazils to Nantes, with a station at Lisbon. I have hcard nothing in Paris to confirm this news; and, considering that the Bor deaux and Nantes people are interested, or at least prejudiced, witnesses, the statement must, of course, I be received with caution. The following are the latest prices of the other Continental Bourses received to-day : Antwerp : Five per Cents., US ; Threes, 74; ; Two and-a•Half ditto, 53. Berlin : Fire 'per Cents., 1011 (cash) ; Three-and a•Half ditto, 931 ; Bank of Prussia, 109 i. Brussels : Fives, 98 ; Four-and-a-Half, ; Threes, 741 ; Two-and•a-Ilan; Sv ; Bank uf Bel gium, 973. Madrid : Threes, 421 ; Redeemable Debt, Ist class, 10; 2nd class, 51; Bank, par. Turin: Fives (1848), 97 :5 ; ditto (1549), t't; ditto (1931). 91, 50 ; Ilank, 1320. Vienna : Pivcs, 91 ; New Loan (A), 21 ; ditto (B), 1061 ; Bank, 1336. THE WAR ON THE PRESS. PARIS, Ter soar EVBNING. It is evident that with regard to the arrests of Sunday there has been much wavering in the coun sels et the government. There is every reason to think that the first intention was to strike terror into the salons of tho faubourg St. Germain. Some people fancy it was intended to make a counter de monstration, by way of response, to the rejection of the senators de Crousheille and Delarnane, as presi dents of the Union and Jockey Clubs. At all events it is clear that there is now a disposition to make light of the matter, which did not exist from the first. The Patrie is instructed to say that all the reports about the discovery of a conspiracy are false, and that notwithstanding the Exaggerated stories in circulation, the number of musts were 16 only. M. Granicr de Cassagnac, in the CMtstitalanmel, says that the persons arrested are outside journalists, who write in ettys and public houses, in a style alike disgraceful to the, country from the badness of their French, and the indecency of their language. The Pays takes pre cisely the same tone. Now among these miserable' journalists—these " journalistes marrons," as M. Cassagnac calls them—are M. Tanski, of the BAats, who I happen to know dined with Count Walewski the day before he was arrested, the Duke de Rovigo, Count do Cosalogon, a member of one of the oldest noble families in France, M. Page:a-Deport, of the Union, and MM. de Villemessant and Virmaitre, both polished gentlemen. So much for the ignoble quality of the writers arrested. But although I yesterday stated that General de St. Priest had been arrested by mistake, I am now certain that this report wits circulated by the police in order to con ceal the original intention. General de St. Priest, a French viscount, a duke and a grandee of Spain, was taken to the Mazas prison between six and seven in the morning, and detained there till six in the evening. lii the mean time his house was searched, all his papers turned topsy-turvy and read with tho greatest care. There was therefore no mistake. The Duke of Itovigo and Count Miraband, and some other of the prisoners bearing the most aristocratic names, were all released at the same time, and now the public is called upon to believe that " miserable journalists" were, from the first, the only object of the measure. The tiger-like spring made on Sunday morning was probably the result of a sudden uncontrollable burst of auger, rind now the government is embarrassed to know what to do with the prisoners. The press, generally, is afraid to comment on the monstrous circumstances of these arrests. The Asserablee, however, says with extra ordinary boldness: In an article written a short time back by H. de la Clueronnidre, which made some noise, he said that we were not in Turkey. To arrest and imprison persons with out saying why, would be to give a contradiction to the as sertion made by that gentleman in the Pays. The Patrie was mute on Sunday night ; the lionit.ar never said • word yesterday morning. All that we can find is a vague note on the subject in the semi-official Pays. (Here fol lows the short article from that journal which I sent over yesterday.) This note has no official character ; it is not a communique, and is not even signed. Without being de sirens of making any unnecessary remark on this article, we may be permitted to remark that we do not find in the language thus used either the precision or the measure which a government should always show in its communi cations. What are these foreign correspondences thus mentioned, and of which the authors are sought for ? Base they been published with or without signatures ? How have the police been set on the trace of the persons who gave them information ? But we have no question, to put. The Moniteur surely will speak to-morrow. We arc nut in Turkey. M. E. do Girardin, in the evening edition of the Presse just published, burst out into a vehement in vective against the reign of terror that prevails. He says : So, then, Messieurs Cassagnac and Cohen, the Conseittitionnel and the Pays find it tout simple and parfaitentent legitime. Well, then, if it has come to this, we declare openly, and at whatever risk and peril, that we find it neither lawful nor intelligible— no, not even when it concerns the arrest of M. de Saint Priest, who was one of the destroyers of uni ' versal suffrage—the arrest of MM. Bone do Rovigo ' and De Coitlogeo, whose mark we were daily in the columns of thelCorsaire—or the arrest of that other correspondent of a Paris journal which, on the 2nd of December, falsely designated us to every de mocratic journal in France as instigators of the coup d'etat. No, whether it concerns friends or enemies, we do not find it quite a matter of course that neither the inviolability of your household nor that of your cor respondence is held sacred, and that now no man can prudently preserve a letter containing a secret, how ever precious it may be to keep, or sweet to read. The liberty of correspondence is to the liberty of tho press what liberty of thought is to liberty of speech. It is an interior freedom. If we are no longer permitted to say what we think, the moment is not far distant when we shall be equally condemned for keeping silence; the last of liberties, that of holding one's tongue, will then disappear, no longer tolerated. Was that liberty tolerated under tho Inquisition, which burned, or under the Reign of Terror, which guillotined ? If the government fears lithographic correspondences, autographic letters, or the calum nies of foreign journals, let it apply the law to those letters, let it interdict the calumnious journals. This is the point at which the law of France stops ; it could not go further if it would. But the experiment is, it seems, to be made. Suspected correspondents are imprisoned. Well, we shall see whether this prevents calumny, sedition, defamation, injury, from gliding into the accused foreign newspapers. Vain thought! Unless you can compress, suppress, re press all that M printed in journals, written in letters, spoken in drawing-rooms, nay, all that is read in the silence. How deal with that ? lou may suppress what I print, but you must establish the scaffold and guillotine before you can suppress what I think. One question is worth consideration, and I put it seriously—lf we have not the liberty to write confidentially that which we think conscien tiously, have we the liberty to think conscientiously that which we may not wnte in confidence? M. de Girardin also publishes the following letter, addressed to himself by the son of a minister of Charles X.: Sunday Evening, Feb. 6. Sir,—The police entered my house at S o'clock this morn ing. I was absent. Five police agents, who doubtless came to arrest me, broke open all my locks, and went away without finding any paper to compromise me. Will you, sir, whose courage never fails, be so good as to make these facts known, and receive the expre”iion of my most di.tiu guished sentiments? B. Ds CuixTELAuzu. 46, Rue de Seine. The Dtl&af; speaks out upon the arrest of one of its editors on the following article: " The Moniecur of this morning states that the persons who have just been arrested are known to have been connected with secret agencies whose work was to address to foreign journals false news respecting the state of France, and to discredit the French government in the eyes of Europe.' Among the persons arrested is M. Joseph 'l'anski, who for several years has been attached to the redaction of the Journal des Dt'hats. M. Tanski, a Polish refugee, has been naturalised in France for about ten years and served with distinc tion in Africa with the Foreign Legion, in which he held the rank of captain. Proscribed, and without means of subsistence, with no other resource than his rare inteltigence and indefatigable activity, in view of all the world, ho has created for himself au honourable position in the Parisian press, which has procured for him the acquaintance of the most emi nent and best considered men of all parties and reyiines. In his collaboratory relations with us ho has merited the esteem and affection of' all who know him. The nobleness of his character, the moderation of his temper, the sagacity of his political opinions, suffice to defend him against the inculpation o. which he iv the object. We therefore can have n‘i doubt that the tribunals, whose duty it will be to pro nounce on his fate, will speedily restore him to liberty, and to his numerous friends." The Damsts adds that twenty persons were set at liberty on Monday, and diet the remaining sixteen were delivered over to be tried. This would give ;AI as the number of those originally arrested. In explanation of the large increase in the amount of the aggregate deficits the financial re 'port in the Moniteur explains that seventy- e i g ht millions were expended iu the operation of convert in,. the 5 per cents., of which 74 millions w e r e p a id to * fundholders who did not accept the conversion, and 4 millions for fractional sums to those who did. The payment of these 78 millions being paid vv i!hout a loan was equivalent to a reduction of the public debt by that amount. In further extenuation of the large amount of the floating debt it is observed that on January 1, 1853, the treasury possessed 118 mil lions in bonds front railway companies, representing the advances made by the state towards the con struction of their lines, and that although the rules of finance require that hese bonds should appear to the credit of the account of the year in which they may be payable, they ought morally speaking to be considered as credits appertaining to former years, and to be deducted front the umount of the floating debt. Twenty-seven millions secured by these bonds are recoverable in 1853, and are in cluded as assets in the budget. Of the remaining ninety-one millions a large amount is payable at a short date. The report then alleges the standing excuses for the large amount of the floating debt; namely, that the greater part of it consists of money which the government is bound by law to receive and to find interest for; such as the funds of the saving banks, those of public establishments, and the , bank of depots and consiynatientr. The following I state of the floating debt ou Feb. 1, 1853, is set forth in the report •. francs. Baring banks Funds belonging to Communes and public establi.hm.nts 157,000,000 Bank of Dyers and Cunsegnativiss 40.00,00 Advances to Iteceivers-General G9 000,000 Funds of the Paris and Lyons Rail- way Company Bills. $9,000,000 Trens:u ry Sundries 24,U00,000 6.90,000,000 fr. M. llincau contends that this amount is not too large, 500 millions, or more than three-fourths of it, belonging to the category of funds that the govern ment is obliged to receive. The abundance of money at the disposal of the government from these sources is so great that it has been obliged to check the affluence of funds from other quarters. Then it has succes.ively reduced the interest of treasury bills to 3,2, and per cent., and has recently reduced the interest paid to receivers-general for their advances. Some of the leading financial events of the past year are thus enumerated : Before terminating the examination of 1852, permit me, Sire, to direct your attention to the results of some mea sures which belong to the financial history of this year. I have just spoken of the most important—the conver sion of the o per cents. ; that measure was effected in the most happy manner. In diminishing the annual charges of the state, it, in addition, contributed to the reduc tion of the rate of interest; and these two results were obtained without any embarrassment to the St' te, since the reimbursements applied Vim amounted to only a small sum, and without any injury to the holders of Bente, as since the conversion has been effected, that is during the last ten months, the Four-and-a-Half per Cents. have been constantly higher than were the Five per Cents. at the moment of their conversion. The privilege of the Bank of France hue h en extended to 1867, and the Bank has been authorised to lend money on railway shares and bonds. The advances which it has made on these securities, at 3 per cent. interset, have powerfully contributed to promote the ectivity of business. The deity on pebble liquors has been remodelled, the entrance duty being reduced one-half, whilst the retail duty was augmented, and the tenth of the Octroi duty suppressed. These modifications, which, whilst augmenting the produce of the tax, had the advantage of improving the manner in which the duty is levied, were favourably received, and have had a happy result. The saving arising from the union of the customs and the iudi rect taxes has been employed in nmeliorating the latter service, and these ameliorations, which have strengthened the organisation of the personnel, will lead to an increase in the revenue. The coinage of the new copper money has commenced ; the perfection of its execution is much ad ' mired, and is every where sought after. The most interesting part of the report to French men is the concluding passage, which, if I under stand it rightly, conveys a distinct assurance that the new taxes proposed last summer will be defini tively abandoned. I have now terminated, Sire, the report which you or dered Inc to present to you. This report contains a faithful account of the situation of the finances of the empire. This situation, I repeat with confidence to your Majesty, is in every respect satisfactory. France will be happy to learn that, thanks to the development of the public fortune, and to the increase of revenues which arises therefrom ; thanks also to the economy which, in obedience to your 'orders, your government will effect in all the services and all the expenses of the state—•he will not have, notwit hstand leg the great thine which have just been accomplished, notwithstanding tne great public works which you execute, new charges to submit to, new taxes to dread. This cer tainty will increase her gratitude for you, Sire, who have saved her, and her confidence in the institutions you have established. SPAIN. Letters from Madrid, of the 3rd inst., state that General Narvaez had resolved on not going to Vienna, but demanded previously an investigation of his con duct by court-martial. The elections for the capital have been decided, by a largo majority, in favour of the government can didates. ITALY. i The Queen of Sardinia s staying at Bassano, in the Tyrol, surrounded by five Austrian Archdukes, her brothers, and several other notables of the Aus trian court, among whom arc the Archdukes Charles- Ferdinand, and William, and the Archduchess Maria. It is stated that the widow of the late Archduke Regnicr will fix her residence at Turin. This will make the third Austrian Archduchess at that court, the Queen Dowager and Consort being the other two. The health of M. de Cavour continues to improve, and it was believed on the sth that he would be able on the morrow to transact a certain amount of busi ness in his department. The opening of the new parliamentary session is fixed for the beginning of March next. The sessions of the Sardinian Chambers, like those of the Dutch Legislature succeed one another immediately, and not after a considerable interval, as in England. The customs treaty between Austria, Parma, and Modena, entered into vigour on the Ist instant, and henceforth there exists no fiscal frontiers between the three States. GREECE. The Obsrecer, of Athens, contains a royal ordon nance appointing a commission to examine the best means of supplying agriculture and other depart ments of industry with money at a low rate of inter est. A bangle fonciers is the remedy in the inten tion of the government. The ministerial organ, in introducing these facts, states that the failure of the harvest has rendered large importations of corn ne cessary, which, concurring with diminished exports, consequent upon the failure of the currant crop, has drained the country of its circulating medium. MONTENEGRO. A brief telegraphic despatch, dated Vienna, Mon day evening, states that favourable intelligence re specting the negotiations opened for settling the 1 urco-Nlonteuegrin differences had been circulating in Vienna that day, and had produced an upward movement of the public funds. The Kama G,nette of the 4th publishes the tcle- I