The Express. — London, England, 1851-12-18 00:00:00

vanit y, (Applause.) And I don't care much about I the thing, the more because I were the wildest creature in t h e world. (Laughter) Now, I beg in the name of all that w meted and dear to you, how would this alter the cause of Ilwngary • 'Would the cause of Hungary become less just, t o e r i ghteous, hes worthy or sympathy, becau se I were a bad man. (- No, no.") 1 lx:lieve no. And it is no quali ties 'natty individual here ; it is a question of a just cause, of a country worthy to take her place in the family of free nations of the world; and, therefore, I do not care much ii.rout these calumnies. Even 1 do not much care about it ;h er e; that since I arrived here, that I was told aimed, even here in the United States, with the char!. ~r ta .,, et o n irreligious man. Now, gentlemen, that is " Je d gruand. 1 ma somewhat susceptible in the matter; but, notwithstanding, I will tell as a geed Cluidiur, whose first moral principle in, " Love thy neigh bour as thyself." 1 only wish that that man who charges es , with being an irreligious man should respect one of the meat principles of Christianity, to love thy neighbour as they lore thew:lves, that he mieht stand with such an open face he fore llcreial judgment, as 1 confidently hope I will stand— (emit. roe- "melees )—and, theretere, even about this matt. r I ilen't care touch. Bur one thing l eon scarcely coin• prebend—that the press, this mighty vehicle of progres.,jus ttr, hta eliaimeem of human tights, could have an organ in the U ited :Atte' to let personal calumny proceed s far, that at was not the people of Hungary, and myself and tom who leught for liberty, but that it was the Emperor el .lu.tri aho was the champion of .iberty. (Great laugh ter, suit three groans far tne Coirrrier and Enquirer. ) Don't give hint groans, gentlemen. (Laught e r an d a p p l ause. ) Let au. Omsk the gentletnan, because 1 say there can be s o hater tme ice given to any C. 1.1143 than the proof that Moe opp oeit have nothing to ply but such rielicu )'a.--1 don't know the word to say. (.applause.) 'llse must be a just and ,aced muse, when by its 011,0. IA On , it i. 3...r:eel the Eniperer of Aucria is the champion et he, d e an throughuut Europe. (Cheers.) I thank you that you have given me lull proof of it that all the eeiminly el this sort did not take either your judgment or yeur Mere (No, no.) I have heard with great pleemre the de velumnent of your views, in your ail,ress, w hi c h I,roste that you have bestowed a kind, warm, and e ' er-avenue attention to the true nature of the cause et Ihieseiry, and those principles which I prolem. I es pert,. aid I desire nothing less [more.] I desire only that the clear eye of the people of the United States ahead be pka.ed to read in that open book—in my heart —in the beauty of the snuggles of Hungary, and I want an ads outage but to recommend the cause of Hungary to your attention. The c two itself will sufficiently re comm. nil it.elf. Now, gentlemen, it was not myintco tiau re speak so much, but having spuken so much—(Cries of "Go no, go on ")—uo, dear sir, gentlemen, I can't go en —(eughter)—chietly beeause I will have to speak to. mcrin, and I don't know how much more times inn today. (Laughter.) I am a bad sailor, and have tuth r d touch from the sea. My bodily strength is broken up. bur, notwithstanding, I gist, my word when the true:y.l eau ..f swum &Atom of my country is heard, I el o re be .irk, but will take my place in the battle Mid .2 in, because the body must obey the spirit. Let me, math:mere once more repeat to you my fervent desalt.l..c your generous welcome, and for this generous uwiaient which you have honoured me with here. And let me here • 'Jet Mime I leave the United States, as leave it I al rat, besiiii.e I have a suffering country in /Amer, smell is only more dour to my heart by its so& &risme-let me hope that lx.:ere 1 leave the United Stetea, the general feeling of the people of this United .;talcs will have given me material post. tom this sentlint lit which I have boil the honour to beer ie re, is the sentiment of the whole people of the Vaited Stabs, and that the people of the United States are *slimly &Tided to he an good in deeds and in acts as in weeds and in sympathy. In these words I beg to be kindly tvmam', red by you, and take leave from you with the pro mise. thet eel. piece w.ll he the place, once I start back for Euro: if yuo will give me the honour, I will once more h•,. I's, my and happiness to address you, and say pub .o, ; and, as I hope, bear you public thanks for acts I o,w do fee seutiments. Lida Monte', who was a passenger by the same , tealti—hip with Kosiuth, was i.ir2ady in treaty with Mt. Barry, of the Broadway theatre. She is reported by the .V.qr York M.rithl to have said, while sitting in the cabin of the Humboldt, watching the proceed ings on the presentation of the first address to Kos suth, that the latter was " a great humbug;" pro bably a little jealousy might have tinctured the °laceration. Many stories are told of Lola, but she add to a gentleman of New York," If I were a woman of the character that has been represented, I need not he compelled to go on the .tago to earn a liveli hund." As the Humboldt came up the boy, Kossuth was saluted by u discharge of thirty-one guns, which was returned on the part of the steamer. On his arrival at Staten Island a large number of the people, not ithstanding the lateness of the hour, rushed down to the duck to welcome hint. ])r. Doane, the health officer at quarantine, addressed the noble guest, to which the latter replied in a brief and ap propriate manner. His fellow-countrymen, who have Is.en fur some time awaiting his arrival in this city— our citizen soldiery, and the others present, seemed perfectly frantic with joy, and made the neighbour ing shores re-echo with their shouts of admiration and delight. The Hoye! Mail steam-shin America, from Liver pool on the 22nd ult., arrived out at New York on the evening of the rith inst. The Washington pain rs announce that the Pre sident, on horning of the tiring into the steamer Prometheus, ordered a competent naval force to repair to San Juan for the purpose of protecting American vessels from future outrages of a like diameter. Inquiries were also addressed to the liritith government, to know whether this conduct had been prompted by official authority. "This is all very well now " (says a New York paper) " but it is rather late to retrieve the cha racter of the Ptesident and his cabinet for their imbecility. A naval force sufficient to protect our 11:ig from insult shoeld have long since been stationed in the neighbourhood of the Mosquito coast. Had this been done, the Express would not have dared to tire into the l'rometheus or any other American %mai. or, if she had, she would, in all probability, base been blown so far out of the water, that sfie tura could have discharged another gun." In reference to the suhject the Nei; York Courier oui lugrrirer• says: By speeial telegraph from our Washington correspondent, we kerns that the American mail steamer Atlantic, which was to sail to-day at noun, will be briefly detained by an arrange ment with the state departmeu tclo receive the mail fronsWaah b,Son, dispatched yesterday afternoon. Mr. Webster has written a despatch to Mr. Lawrence, our minister at the court of St. James'a, requiring him to ascertain immediately from Lord Palmerston whether the outrage upon the Pro meth, us was authorised by standing or special instructions,or whether it will be disavowed by the British government. This communication especially states that the outrage is regarded a. a direct violation of the lot article of the treaty of April, I , Si. Immediate action is insisted upon towards the set tlers. nt of these difficulties, either by the return of ' Mr. hulwer, or by the appointment of some other Pr-on with sufficient authority. The tone of this official papa is high, just, and American. Private letters have .1.0 been written instructing Mr. Lawrence, in the most urgent barnacle proceed firmly and promptly. Within half ar hour after the reii ipt of the intelligence of the out raze Mr. Webster addressed a letter to the President, re comminding the employment of a competent military ar mament to protect our commerce end vindicate our national right. Vessels of war have been ordered to ( inure-, mud San Juan, and San Sour. Ths delay in •zard to the execution of the Balwer and Clayton treaty Ims been pr o d uce d by the demotic diflcalb'ss in Central America. COMMERCIAL, The commercial adviers partake of the same healthy che mist as when the Afriea sailed. Securities were very fun. The export of specie was still very lam. Tlk hreadstuffe market was inactive. No change to to ?On in quotations. The cotton operations were very brisk. A good amount of bwia.• had been done at slightly advancing prices,— via., New Orleans and Mobile, mid. fair to fair, 91c. to 90. per ih., a rise of cent. Uplands and Florida ditto, 8 rears. to 9 mats. per lb., or a rise of 0. 1'6444 continue low ; nothing doing. Cotton to Lis "1 ,0 01. 3.16 d. to :d. per lb. Grain to Liverpool, 4d. to 4id. per bn•hcl. Flour to Liverpool, Is. 6d. to Is. 9d. per barreL El rlunttenn London, 1101 to 1101 ; Paris, 5.13. Bre 'lgir IN to ;Si. Hamburg, 3 61, 1. etNIERON'S COAMOOK SIZAK•COAL s afei a pt—Yesterday a Oak iima billsm Mew nirk.snls for the aa of • AIM maw 4 e.ndoet the w up of this Widow lb Honour aPPosatsd Brig ge of Old harp Cambinn. In the wane ...f the , it was imasA asSialidee te the s aloons of 3(0001. MI t n incurred Ila 1110 mimllidsg. (rBk Mune7.—An an VIII Mil Me illy 44_____ a,, at the O r l eans Immima. mile smear adios I `..esstanees. A maumakatioaßgiapillil.l4. ••••"0 to the genders at tad a t bie arrival there of a VIM. rased vas MI flifir.la Ifth ft, tt, ,• . r tom/lab snobbery • jet SR 6 411 .._ mums taw s lif /111 0 p001110 . ~. :: ...0 oar of taw essaspa Jiis ammiemens -: %."' " Whereas's. alma Moir SIN. near Blois.' sat is your mom r "Nab imam." She then walked 04 bat tho Mr la aha ''''''hl called oat la a Cr is iee, "C i l i m il l i TioALINIC ti.i(uvo off her Beard, Intendiately tousielama ~....___. ' 44 . Ab! IA! It is you las a seareb of," gas, arnatiu g her, took her to prison. NOICI 11 SUFFORDSIIIRE RAlLWAY.—Traffic for tit. ''''h , uditat Dee. - i-1,6881. Corresponding week last' , "‘I. (.511/. Note.—Th i e shore is exclaim of the receipts "m e Ratioder the agreement with the London and North ilway Conapiuw. THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 18, 1851. TILE NEW REFORM BILL. (From the Daily Nam) TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL Lerrsa MY LORD, There is a weakness which is common to most men and to all women, and from which even states men are not supposed to be exempt. The weakness I mean is susceptibility to compliment. In Parlia ment, the foibles of leaders are not merely recog nised, but studied; and in your own case, especially, the idiosyncrasy has been sedulously watched, and the due attention has deferentially been paid. Among the cld Whigs, indeed, it has long been, I believe, a matter of principle to do nothing that can be considered " di s re s p ec tf u l t o L or d John." " What am Ito do when I get in ?" inquired a young noble man of his father, who was insisting on the pro priety of his filling the family borough. " Do!" was the reply,—"do, sir, precisely as Marcus Hill tells you, and above all things be sure you aro highly respectful to Lord John." "How is it that Manful makes no way ?" asked a visitor the other day at Brookes's :—" he is one of you, intelligent, industrious, and makes uncommonly clever speeches on the subjects of the day." Ah !" was the reply, " it's true, no doubt of it, but Manful nevercan suceeca he's .o v-c-r-y disrespectful to Lord John." In fact, my lord, I don't believe there is an article of MagnaCharta that a IVlng would stand by if he did not deem it entirely consistent with personal respect for you. My lord, these anecdotes occurred to me the other mut wing whilst reading an old speech in which one of your foibles was remarkably developed. There is nothing of which you are so foul as the idea of being thought a " constitutional minis ter." On every great occasion certain high sounding phrases are always on your tongue. " The ancient principles of the British constitution ;" the " Landmarks of the nation;" the "Old founda tions;" the "Constitutional lines of demarcation ;" these are what you like it to be thought that you arc specially appointed Prime Minister to save. My lord, the House knows this, and we are consequently always hearing front expectant members, some allu sion to " the consistent statesman who, by God's blessing, holds the first place in her Majesty's coun cils, and under whose guidance, &c., our nation is preserved." I remember a debate on the Reform Bill, in which the young members seemed to vie with one another in endeavouring to say something " highly respectful of Lord John." At length it came to the turn of a great man; and the great man made, as everybody thought, a great hit. " I praise you," said Mr. Macaulay, "for preserving the ancient, principles of the British constitution. (Cheers.) I praise you for preserving the land marks of the nation. (Loud cheers.) I praise you for preserving the old foundations. (Renewed cheer ing.) I praise you especially"—(with a thump on the table and the accustomed wave of his other arm)—" I praise you especially fur not effacing the old distinctions between towns and counties!" (Loud vociferutions of " hear, hear," from the whip benches, and bursts of cheering that were again and again renewed.) Dear Mr. Macaulay! For a Scotchman, he is without question the most figurative and imaginative of mankind. And so warmhearted, too; another charming virtue by no means commonly supposed to be identified with hie nationality. Ile has his foibles, too. In the cause of a friend no one deludes himself so completely as he does. Why, in this very case, he absolutely believed every word he said ; aye, and what was better, your lordship believed it too! I see you trying to hide your blushes behind the bill whilst the house applauded; aye, I see it as if the scene had hams•ncil yesterday. If the great historian had only imagined that in stead of enunciating a truth he IVIIS giving point to a sarcasm! If he had only conceived that he was uttering the severest and bitterest reproach that it was possible to put in words! Ah! my lord, if statecraft has left a blush remaining in your compo sition you may blush again at this moment, and Macaulay may blush with you, you : that with such a bill in your hand you should have accepted such a compliment ; he, thnt in ignorance of its composition he should have awarded you such praise. Why, my lord, if there was one thing which your Reform Act did more effectually than another, that very thing was "to etface the old distinctions be tween town and country." Such havoc did it make with those old distinctions, that there are absolutely at the present time counties which arc electomlly dependent on the towns, and towns which are politi , cally lost in the surrounding country. Tho "old distinctions between town mid country:" why, my lord, I can show cases of boroughs which are no more towns than a turtle's egg is a new fledged ostrich. In the list of British boroughs, as your Reform Act constituted them, there will be town(' several which, like Droitwich, Wrexham, Chippenhum, &c., appear to contain considerable populations, though well known to be subject to nonnuation influence. How is this? people ask. Here arc places well known to be close, which nevertheless are, osten sibly, as populous as many a town which; exer cises freely an unbiassed choice. A tory would pro• bably suggest that large towns were just as bad as small ones ; or that the effect was the inevitable con sequence of local and hereditary attachment. But is this so? In order to arrive at the truth, let us ex amine a specific case. Suppose we take Woott- STOCK for an example. The population of that borough appears by the ordinary returns to amount nearly to 8,000. Now a town population of 8,000 constitutes no mean constituency. There ought to be, and wo may fairly expect to find, a certain amount of independence among 8,000 towns people. And yet we all know that Wood stock is a perfectly close borough of the Duke of Marlborough's. Is it, then, my lord, sim ple admiration for his grace's character and person that has led the " 8,000" men of Woodstock to re ' turn to parliament unfailingly, and without regard of politics or principles, no other member than his grace's nominee ? On one of those holidays so rare to statesmen, and consequently so precious and so vividly remembered, it may have chanced to your lordship to visit the classic ground of Blenheim—the splendid gift of a great nation to undoubtedly one of her greatest warriors. As you approached Blenheim Palace, you may possibly recollect passing some almshouses— the gift of a former Duchess to the poor. You may remember a hall, unnecessarily large no doubt for the extent of the place, but not the less munifi cently dedicated by one of the Dukes of Marlbo rough to the worthy burgesses of the enlightened borough. You may recollect the inn, the church (a cha pel, I believe, of some adjacent parish), the stocks, the grass-grown pavement, and the now neglected glove shop. These are the objects which you see before you reach the magnificent triumphal arch which opens upon Blenheim-park; and these objects con atitato,the town of Woodstock. " What, the borough town !" you will exclaim. " What, the town of Woodstock?" Aye, my lord, here is Woodstock. But where are the 8,000 in habitants ? Where is the town constituency which Mr. Macaulay applauded your lordship for preserving distinct from the constituency of the county ? Alas, they exist only in the Reform Act! The borough of Woodstock is a myth. The town population of 8,000 has no existence. There is no such population —no such constituency. Who are, then, the worthy electors who return the Duke of Marlborough's nominee to parliament? We will look about us and inquire. You mount in Blenheim court-yard, and taking a ride over the demesne, you pass the celebrated gar dens which, like those of the Hesperides, are watched by the ducal dragon for the golden fruit which the produce ; you pass the lake which legend says it half ruined one of the family to attempt to clean; you pass the pillar on which are recorded, deeply cut in the hard marble, all the great achievements of the greet founder of this house. In a distant and se qnestered part of the park you come, it may be, on a keeper's lodge. Your lordship, ever vigilant and eyeful of the privileges of the people, ventures • ryiot, to the keeper as to his poli^ical rights. on know something of . ducal influences, it may be probably without surprise you hear that this keeper is, in right of his lodge—of which the 101. rent is only nominal an inde pendent voter for the nominee at Woodstock. Well, my lord, you go on. You get seven or eight miles away from Blenheim. You see a stalwart Iploughman in a distant field. Approaching him, you ask him what county you are in ? It may be Bucks or Oxfordshire or any other. " Whose is the land here?" "Why, the duke's, of course." "And are you a voter at elections ?" " Oh, yea." " For the county, I suppose ?" " Non, for the town, just." "Town—what town ?" " Oha—just the Duke's town away there, Woodstock." This puzzl e s y o u ; but on inquiry you find that you have got into one of the " outlying parishes" of which " the borough of Wood stock'' is composed. They are the parishes around the town in which the Duke of Marlborough has property. Allow me to give your lordship the names of them: you will probably have forgotten by this time of what elements your Reform Act made a town. Woodstock, as God and man have made it, is a village lying . at the Duke's park gates, and contain ing a population of 1,000, cats and dogs included. Woodstock, as the Reform Act made it, is a borough consisting of the several parishcsof " Bladon, Begbrook, Shipton-on-Cherwell, Hamp ton Gay, Tackley, Wootton, Stonesfield, Coombe, and Handbrough ; the parish of Kidlington (except the respective hamlets of Gosford and Water Eaton); the old borough of New Woodstock, the new borough of Old Woodstock, and [by way of a be-all and end all] B.enheini-park." My lord, I 'hope this instance will serve to show you how fully you deserved Mr. Macaulay s praises " fur not effacing the old distinctions between towns and counties." Your lordship, in passing the Reform Act, ex pressed as its principle, that towns with populations of less than 2,000 would he disfranchised altogether. Woodstock had a population of 1,000, and was, consequently, one of the towns originally iucludedin Schedule A. But the Duke of Marlborough wanted to preserve a seat in parliament for a nominee. The L government wanted the Duke of Marlborou g h' s vo t e in favour of the bill. Woodstock was accordingly taken out of Schedule A! But as for very shame-sake it was impossible to leave this village to return a member solos, the Boundary Commissioners were instructed to include in the borough such adjacent polishes as would suffice to maim upon electorate of not less than three hundred 101. householders. To get this electorate, they were obliged to include in the borough bounda ries no less than twelve outlying parishes. And these twelve parishes surrounding Blenheim Palace you digtified with the title of " a borough town." Yon gave the franchise to a noble man's woodrangera and gamekeepers, and you called them " independent electors." You enfranchised that nobleman's estate, and called it a " parlia mentary borough." You grouped together 14 agricultural paroles and called them " a town ;" coolly accepting, at the same time, the praise of a great statesman, " for that ycu have not effaced the ancient bulwarks of the British constitution, but have faithfully preserved the old distinction between towns and counties." My lord, Woodstock is not a solitary ease. There are twenty others quite as flagrant. The " old dis tinetions"were effectually effaced elsewhere. What shall we say to BeCKINGUAII ? Buckingham, which, to the scandal of our representative system, returns two members to the House of Commons, was included in Schedule A of the first Reform Bill as a place containing less than 2,000 population. Dukes, however, were powerful in those days. The Duke of Buckingham insisted that Buckingham should be preserved. The Whig government sue cumbed :—the borough was preserved. But how ? In the parish of Buckingham, of which the town it self forms a very minute part, there were only 7.10 1 houses altogether, and of these only 223 were rented at 10!. To make up a constituency of 300, it was necessary to take in the surrounding country. The duke's farms were large ; the tenantry thin and scattered. The seven 'swishes nearest to Buckingham contained no less than 13,000 acres, and on these 13,000 acres there were only 140 en franchising tenements, and these, said the Boundary Commissioners, " are occupied as farms." Neverthe less, " the duke's wishes must be met." The seven parishes, and 13,000 acres, were, therefore, taken in, and constituted a borough by the name of Bucking ham. This borough extends four miles in a straight line, in almost every direction, from the (so embed) town ; its circumference is no less than four and twenty miles ; and it is almost needless to add, that it is the tenants of the houses " occupied as farms" —l. e., the tenants of the great estate of Stowe— who return the two members who arc sent to parlia ment by Buckingham. I intend, my lord, to instance other, and even more extraordinary, cases, but before we go to their c'sn sideration let us see how these anomalies arose, let us inquire by what perversion of the Reform Act it was that rural districts, such as those of Buck ingham and Woodstock, became chimed as " towns" entitled to send representatives to parliament. This explanation I will afford another day. Meanwhile, my lord, I have great honour to remain, your obedient servant, WINN Y3IEDE. IRELAND. DUBLIN. DEC. 17. Last evening the chairman and directors of the Midland Great Western Railway entertained his Excellency the Earl of Clarendon and a numerous and distinguished company at dinner, to celebrate the completion of their line and of their splendid ter minus at Broadstone harbour. Mr. ENNIS, chairman of the company, presided, and in proposing the health of the Lord Lieutenant, he expressed gratitude to Lord Clarendon, on behalf of the railway in terest of Ireland, for the assistance he had given them on all occasions. The LORD LIEUTENANT, in returning thank', said that he had felt it to be his duty to demonstrate to the govern ment that a railway from the metropolis to the west of Ireland was indispensable, and that without it that great tract of country, notwithstanding its vast natural advantages, would remain comparatively isolated and unproductive, and unable to compete, not only with the south of Ireland, but with England and Scot land, which are more fortunately circumstanced than ourselves with respect to railway communication. In fact, every argument which could be generally used with respect to the advantages of railways, seemed to him to apply with ten-fold force to the Midland Great Western Railway. (Hear, hear.) Having adverted to the success which had attended that project, his excellency concluded as follows:—Gentlemen, allow me to take this opportunity, which I trust you will not consider an improper abuse of your time, to say one word of congratulation on the signs of improvement which I think are visible throughout the country, end to which railways have so much contributed, and from which I hope they will derive much benefit. (Hear, hear.) I must at the same time say that I never, even in the darkest days, despaired of the prospects of Ire land—l never brought myself to believe that, surrounded u she is by all the elements of wealth, and having some of the choicest blessings of Heaven showered upon her, she would continue to remain poor, and prostrated, aod discon tented. (Hear, hear.) And although it is • matter of regret to look back and think that, while other nations during the last 30 years have been steadily cultivating the arts of peace, and achieving those triumphs of industry and skill which elevate the moral character of a people, and promote their happiness and comfort ; while it is melancholy to reflect that during that time Ireland has been engaged in the pursuit of dazzling phantoms—neglecting what was real, and attracted by what was impossible—it is also cheering to skink that a better spirit has been evoked, and that this phase in our history has now gone by, I trust, to return. (Loud cheers.) Oa every aide we see the symptoms of renewed vigour. We see men, who are now relying on themselves, pursuing the science of agriculture with a success hitherto unknown; the distinguished position occupied by the pro ducers of Ireland, in competition with the whole world, shows what your manufacturers can do, and how little they require from fore ' assistance, if their own powers were properly exerted. ( gn Hear, hear.) Go where you will, you hear the cheering declaration that Irish difllculties can only ibe vanquished by Irish industry. I believe the manifesta tion of this spirit is almost without parallel in your history, and I entertain from all this the cheering hope that the re generation of Ireland has commenced, and that her future abounds with hope and promise. (Loud applause.) The company wu also briefly addressed by Lord Gough, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Mayor, and others, and the proceedings were altogether of a very gratifying character. UNIVERSITY AND CLERICAL. CAMBRIDOL—At a congregation holden on Mon day, graces passed the senate : 1. To appoint Mr. John son, King's College, an examiner of the Moral Sciences Tripos of the ensuing year. 2. To appoint Dr. Paget, of Caine College, an examiner of the Natural Sciences Tripos of the dialling year. 3. To appoint Mr. Thring, of King's College, and Mr. Westcott, of Trinity College, examiners for the Maitloasd Prixe.—Mr. B. T. W. Polehampton, M.A., of Pembroke College, Oxford, was admitted ad mann. At a congregation holden on Tuesday (being the last day of term), the said term was dissolved in the usual form. Caosal SCHOLAIL—The vacancy in this scholarship has beta filled up by the election of Mr. 0. Mertyn Cloreham, B.A , of Trinity College. REFORM MEETING AT STOCKPORT. The annual smirk, of the Stockport Reform A•go elation was held at the County Court Hall, on Tuesday evening, and drew together nn exceedingly large and re specteble attendance of the electors and other ilinabitants. Mr. HANIrBoN, president of the association, took the chair, and the company included Jas. Kershaw, Esq., M.l'. for the borough, Juhn Bright, Esq., M.P., Mr. Councillor Eskrigge, Aid. Itylands, of Warrington, Edwin Oldham, Esq., l tev. IL de Valnaint, Rev. John Thornton, Mr. 11. Coppock. Atter the usual loyal toasts, the chairman proposed " John Bright, Kai., M.l'., and speedy success to the scheme of parliamentary reform so ably expounded by him at the late delegate meeting in Manchester." The senti. ment was received with immense cheering. Mr. BRIGHT rose amidst renewed demonstrations of enthusiasm, and after a few introductory observations, said 1 should like to ask you what was the rea son that it was required that the struggle should be main tained for seven years before we could obtain the abolition of the corn Lev. rue reason is a very simple ono. If you could step inside the House of Commons, us it has been my for tune to do tamed every day for six months in the year for the last nine years, you would perceive that your opinions are nut the prevalent opiniuus there ; and that your repre sentatives, or those who speak your sentiments, or the senti ments of the great miss of the population, are not in a major ity, or in any great numbers in that house; but you would hid that representatives of im entirely different class, and in numbers a very small section of th e community, are in trenched in both houses of parliament, so that without souse great and long continued agitation it is impossible to over come them or to convince them. When I speak of con vincing them, it is nut convincing their reason so much as convincing them that they must be compelled to surrender. (Cheers.) Now, there are abundant proofs that the cora law was an unpopular law when it was pasted in 181$. There were riots hi many parts of the country, many most intelligent and patnotie own opposed it, and the govern ment of that day employed a large number of spies to visit all portions of the metropolis for the purpose of ascertaining what were the reclines of the people with regard to that bill, and to report to the government thereon, in order that the government might know whether the course they were pursuing was safe, and whether the people would stand the pressure about to be laid upon them. Now, I have seen a bill, signed by a Bow-street magistrate in London, attesting the services of certain men employed all spies, with their as. a day wages, and ss. ter expenses attached. That was the course taken by the government in 181.5, be cause they knew that what they were doing was contrary to the interests and liberty of the people, and they were afraid that what they were doing might create trouble and insurrection. From 181.5 to 1846, when the law was abo lished, there has always been a protest against that law on the part of the great majority of the people of this country. The landlords were fur it, because the law was made fur them ; the farmers ultimately became for it (they were not for it in 1815 to any large extent), because they believed their interests were bound up with it ; but the great body of the people, the manufacturers, trailers, and artisans in all our large towns, were opposed to that measure from the beginning, and remained, the vast majo rity of them, constantly opposed to it until it was extinguished. Now, what is the opinion of the country at this moment with regard to that question? Almost unani mously we are agreed that the abolition of that law in 1816 was a very happy circumstance for the country. (Hear, hear.) There is out a man in Stockport at this moment who is so obtuse that you would not ask his opinion on any question, who mould say that it is nut a happy thing for the country that the corn law was abolished by Sir Hubert feel in 1316; and, with the exception of some farmer; who are not much accustomed to examine and re flect on these questions, and some embarrassed landlords who fancy that their mortgages would be better paid if you helped to pay them—with some exceptions like these the whole country hue come to the conclusion that the corn law was a bad law; and, although in its abolition some persons may have been put to temporary embarrassment, yet ' its abolition was just and necessary, and it would be impossible to re-coact that low. (Laud cheers.) Now, there is cot one argument that I could use on this platform to-night against that law, that was not as good at any time since 1815 as it is now, and there is not a fact that I could bring to prove its wicke d and unjust character, which would not have been equally patent to prove its character any time between 1811 and 1816. Aral what is more, the chief men of the political parties in this country knew as well any time within the lust 20 years the character of that law, its objecfs, and its ri sults, as they know it the very minute at which I am speaking. (Hear.) It is not to be supposed for a moment that Sir R. Peel first discovered in November, 1346, that the corn law was a bad law ; what he had discovered was that the people bad found out that it was a bad law. (Loud cheers.) The House of Commons is, as can be demonstrated by figures and by facts which cannot be controverted, con siderably more the representative of the House of Lords, of the great landed proprietary, than it is the representative of the property, the industry, and the intelligence of the whole people of this country. We have possessed Ireland in some shape or other for hundreds of years ; that is, it has been governed from the administration, or by the government established in London ; and yet Ireland at this moment presents a picture which cannot be equalled in any civilised country in the world. .So much poverty is not to be found in any country on the earth. Ireland, during the last five years, has sulfured as much as if armed men had been con stantly contending on its plains ; and at this moment, as you may see from every Irish newspaper you look at, the people, tired of the hopelessness of their condition, arc gra dually escaping as fat as their means will permit and as ships will carry them, to a land which is more free than thews, and which stiles them an asylum and a subsistence which are denied them in their own country. (Hear, hear.) New there is nothiug . in Ireland, there is nothing in the soil, in the climate, in the constitution or genius of the people, to make it more difficult for them to live in their own country than it is for them to live in the United States of America. Sending wine on a voyage to the East Indies is said to improve its qualities, but it is not to be supposed that because an Irishman is three weeks at sea, he lands different from what he was when in his own country ; anal yet it is a fact that when Irishmen are in the United States they do become a different race in their con• dition to what they were in their own country. And these people, who could not live in their own country, are sup posed to send over to Ireland some hundreds of thousands of pounds annually, to pay for the exportation of their fa milies and friends to the land to which they themselves have fled. Well, now, there are only two circumstances which can in any way affect the Irishman differently in America from what he meets with in Ireland • one is with regard to the land, and the other is with regar d to religious questions. With regard to the land, until very recently, no Irishman could get hold of a piece of land for love or money. Such a thing as the soil of a field, or a plot of land for building ; or a email farm, was not known to a man of 50 or 60 years of age in Ireland, who was yet fully conversant with all that was taking place in the country. The estates were in the hands of great proprietors, who were mortgaged up to the very lips. (Hear, bear.) With regard to the Esta blished Church of Ireland, we have had, as you know, this last year, not • little discussion upon the questions of protestan t and catholic. I shall discuss no such question here, but I shall speak of men, and of free men ; and I say that there can be no greater insult to a nation—to the nation of Ireland—than that this nation, a more populous, a more wealthy, and a more powerful one, should insist on maintaining in Ireland a proud, dominant, wealth-gathering, church, which is not in any degree the church of the people, which instead of being the distributor and dis penser of blessings, of civilisation, and of the Gospel, is in point of fact, a symbol of the conquest in ages gone by, and of the degradation and servitude of the Irish people. (Prolonged cheering.) Why, there is not a man in his senses that will say, and speak honestly, that that state of things would have existed in Ireland if the popu lation of the United Kingdom, if the property, and in dustry, and intelligence of the United Kingdom had been fairly represented in the House of Commons. I would scorn to call myself an Englishman, I would be ashamed to say that I belonged to this country, if I thought the people of England had no more sense of right and justice, no more sense of what was due to their own character, and their own future and present well-being, than to trample on every sacred right of Irishmen in the manner in which the government of this country has been doing. Well, now, this representation is a question which is now coming before the public. It is just of that nature to allow the opinions of • small minortty of the people to be expressed in the parliament, but it is of that nature also to allow as much evil to be done, and to give an apparent popular sanction to as much evil of government as the go vernors think it is safe to practise upon the people. The sentiment which has been read referred to the reso lutions which were passed in Manchester, less than • fortnight ago, at a conference of gentlemen assembled chiefly from Lancashire and Yorkshire. From the accounts in the papers, you will know that that conference was of a very influential character, that it was composed of men of education, property, and influence, and all those qualities which give men standing in this country. The resolutions that were passed were passed in the belief that a law based upon them would give to the people of this country that representation to which they are justly entitled. The object was not to take care that every particular individual in the country had a vote, nor that every member of parlia ment should have precisely the same number of constituents; but they were prepared upon this view, to obtain the sanc tion of the good, the liberal, the well-intending portion of every class of society ; and judging from the mode in which they have been received, I am happy to believe that the conference did not wholly fail of the object which it had in view. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the franchise, the resolutions proposed that a principle which has existed time immemorial in this country should be adopted,—the principle of voting within parishes, which I believe no one ever complaiued of as being too extended a suffrage or too contracted; that every person liable to rating, every person rated in fact, every person who has a right to have his name on the rate-book, by virtue of any occupation he might hold, should have the franchise ; that, in point of fact, the rate-book should be a copy of the register of the electors. Now, if that has worked well in all the parishes of England, if it has been the franchise adopted in municipal boroughs (with one great mischief, which the House of Lords introduced, of a three years' residence, and which ought immediately to be abolished), and if the same franchise has worked well in poor-law unions, I cannot see why it should not work well in electing members of parlia ment. And as this conference proposed and as a nig g h r t ea s t an ni ctro tin ned g thine pr th po e .i F tio ree n th T at ra it de w - u hal d l es t ira he ble u that me a measure should be introduced by the government, of which we have had some faint promise, and that it should be based upon that most efficient and admirable franchise, which, whilst generally speaking, it admits every settled inhabitant to vote, wherever it excludes a man, it does not exclude them because he belongs to a particular chits in so ciety. Now, the present ten pound franchise is fix e d a t t en pounds for this special purpose, that the great lady of the working classes may be excluded. It is intended to admit broad-cloth men—(Laughter) —what are called " respect able people "—(Cheers)—but it is intended specially to ex clude the great mass of the peopi' of this country. The rating franchise will not be directed against them at all, but whatever exclusion there may be, will be directed equally against men of all classes of society who do not happen to come within its limits, and be liable to be rated to the relief of the poor. Tho next proposition of the Conference was, that there should be established a system by which voters could go is the poll without compulsion, and without fear—the vote by ballot. (Great cheering.) We hid it upon authority, whirls 1 doubted extremely, in the House of Commons, I that the people of Stockport did not care about the ballot. (Cheese.) An elector of Stockport answered that statement by it petition to the House of Commons (which being in formal was not permitted to be accepted), Sy signing of a memorial, I believe, to the extent of a considerable Ina jority of the constituency. (Cheers.) I met a gentleman the other day who was a candidate at the lust general elec tion fur a borough in Yorkshire (and lie was not under stood to be of the political party to which I am supposed to I belong), but he said he thought he ought to vote for the ballot ; for at the last election, when h o w as a can did a t e , h e I only lost his election by a very small majority, and no less than forty-four of the voters who had signed the requisition to him ultimately voted for his opponent. They voted, of course, under more or less of compulsion or influence, which the ballot would shield electors from. I should like to find a man who could give au argument against the ballot. (Cheers.) I have heard it discussed repeatedly in the Home of Commons ' —I have heard one of your representatives speak of it, but I never beard an argument against it. The only thing which has been said only shows that there is uo argument, and that is, that it is u very un-Englisli way of voting. Well, everything that is not English may not be good, nor is everything that is practised in England bad; but if there be one thing worve than another, according to the spirit in which this govern ment is established, and according to the music which we have heard this night, it is that the man to whom the con stitution professes to have given all independent vote, should give a vote not in accordauee with his holiest opi nions, but in accordance with the dictate of an employer, or a creditor, or a customer, or somebody i who has some influ ence over this elector. Why, _it s a notorious thing that in almost every borough in England, certainly with the exception of the largest boroughs, this influence is used to a great extent at every election. After referring to the much-talked-of corruption at elec tions, Mr. Bright wound up as follows:—I should say that any minister who is really anxious to improve the repre eentatiun of the people would boost signally fail in time per formance of his duty if lie did not cooneet with the mea sure, whatever it may be, the shelter of the ballot. I be lieve that any minister who withholds from the electors the shelter of the ballot, after the experience of so many years, prefers that the votes should be given under these impure and immoral influences rather than under the impression of intelligent and conscientious duty on the part of the elector who is entrusted with that vote. (Cheers.) Another pro position of the conference was that we should have a cond. amebic alteration in the distribution of the franchise. In Stockport I believe there are about 60,000 inhabi tants; there arc many boroughs wills not more than four or live thousand inhabitants who return as many as Stockport does. Manchester has three hundred thousand or more, and 12,000 electors, and i+ only returns two mem bers, while Stockport, with only 1,300 or 1,400 electors, re , turns as many. These inequalities actually defraud you of what real representation there is. Out of every seven men you meet, six of them have no vote at all, and the number of electors all over the country amounts to less than a mil lion, and the number of members going to parliament is so distributed among these that all your great seats of popula tion, wealth, intelligence, and power, are deprived of power in the government, and are matched, and outlialaneed in deed, by little paltry boroughs in different parts of the country, half a dozen of which might be carved out of Manchest, r, and Manchester would not appear any less than it is now. (Hear, hear.) I am in hopes that the propositions submitted by the conference in Manchester will meet with the Approbation not of this meeting only, but of all the population of this town. But your borough does not stand in quite so satis factory a position as that in which I live. We, fortunately, return only ene member to parliament, and we return him on what we conceive to be the right side of the question. Your borough sends two members to parliament, and I have the pleasure of being more or less intimately acquainted with both of them. Mr. Kershaw I very often find at my elbow in the Home of Commons, and we see opposite us about us far from here to that clock--your other member; and whenever Mr. Kershaw says " Yes," that gentleman, with a most unpleasant echo, says " No." (Laughter.) That must be admitted to be an unsatisfactory state of things. It may be of no consequence that nothing is done in parliane nt, it may be of no consequence whether " Yes" is said or "No " is said, but I think it is of very great consequence what parliament does, and I think that the people of this country have suffeted during the last GO years to an enormous, incredible, and indescribable extent from the crimes of government. The minister has declared distinctly that, at the opening of next session, he would be prepared to submit a measure of reform to parliament. We believe he will keep his promise. His measure may be a very small one, which will be very un statesmanlike ; or it may be one °lnsubstantial improvements. If it be the latter, of course, we who are in favour of parli amentary reform will give it all tile support in our p o w er . But bear in mind that a large section of the llouse of Com mons, as in 1830 and 1831, don't want any reform at all. The gentlemen who won't to get back tne corn-laws don't want any reform at all; gentlemen who sit for corrupt boroughs don't want reform, because they doubt whether they would get back again to the House of Commons. The House of Lords don't want reform; and it is not quite cer tain that all the members of the cabinet want reform. lte form is not desirable in their eyes because they know its ob ject is, and its result would in all probability be, to lessen to some extent their exclusive possession of power, and dis tribute power more equally amongst the people—in fact to ask in a larger number of the population to discuss and settle the affairs of the empire. Now if ire go to the House of Com mons we may make whatsoever speeches we like, and give what votes we like, but if there is not a manifestation of feeling and opinion out of doors, you will see at once how incapable we, who are in a minority, are to cope with this banded and confederated monopoly of power which is arrayed against at. Why not have great meetings in all your towns, why not have your reform com mittee, most of whom are hero to-night, I presume, who should they not meet and arrange a system by which they can obtain the signatures of every man in Stockport in favour of a scheme of parliamentary reform. Why should they not make a circuit of all the surrounding villages and obtain from each of them also a petition, which Mr. Ker shaw, when parliament meets, may lay on the table of the house and say: "This is the opinion of the people of Stockport —not of the electors only whom I represent, hut of the vast body of the people, and of the surrounding vil lages, too, of that most industrious and very large town. This is the opinion they have sent me here to express, and they demand that the House of Commons should give to them that right which the constitution in theory says they have, but which our system hitherto has den i ed th e m. ' (The hon. gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering.) The CHAIRMAN proposed as the next sentiment, "James Kershaw, Eat., M.P. for Stockport: may his energetic struggles, which rescued the borough from tory domination be ever fresh in the memory of his constituents—may he, u one of the representatives of Stockport, live long to up hold liberal measures and support progressive reform, the safeguards of constitutional liberty and the bulwarks against anarchy." The sentiment was rapturously ap plauded. Mr. KERSIIAW addressed his constituents upwards of an hour, frequently interrupted by loud cheering. lie con gratulated the reform association on the service it was doing. lie understood that they had achieved some signal successes in the municipal returns, and secured a right good register aptinst the next parliamentary election, I (Loud cheers.) It was probable that in a very short time I he (Mr. Kershaw) should have to place in their hands the important trust delegated to him four years ago; in his opinion there could be little doubt that the present par liament would be dissolved during next year; and they would then have to give a verdict upon his conduct. They would then have to elect or re-elect the gentlemen who were to serve them in the next parliament ; and though the last four years had been a period of labour, of trial to his health end many sacrifices of a personal nature, with out any personal object to serve (for he had never asked the minister for a favour to himself or any relative, and never would, though he was ready to take any and every means best to promote the good of his con stituents), it was his determination—and it was due to his many friends who had solicited him to take this course, to take the earliest opportunity to avow it—it was his determination to offer himself again at the next election. (Great cheering, in the course of which the whole body of the meeting rose to their feet.) In his opinion the present was a time eminently favourable to the discussion of a great question like this. The people were well employed—they had more nearly " a fair day's wage for a fair day's work " than within our memory they had ever had; and he thought this wu a time, when the people were free from the excitemen. of political dema gogues on the one hand, and from the temptations they were subject to in times of distress and physical suffering on the other—he thought this was a time of all others when an attempt might be made to settle this great question of the franchise with advantage. (Cheers.) Mr. COPPOCK responded to " The independent electors of the borough," and Mr. Alderman Rylands to " Educa tion for all the people; " and several other sentiments having been given and responded to, the meeting broke up at a ►ate hour. FATAL ACCIDENT IN LONG-ACRE.—Yesterdayafter noon Mr. Bedford held an inquest, at the Charing-cross Hospital, on the body of Aaron Boss, a carpenter, aged ♦O, whose death was consequence of falling through the scaffolding from the roof of the factory of Messrs. Horne, Long-acre. The deceased was fixing the purlins for the rafters of the roof on Saturday week, when be stepped on a thin piece of plank (such no is used for covering roofs previous to slating), which snapped asunder, and the deceased in consequence fell through the scaffold ing to the ground, from a height of about 30 leet, fracturing his spine. He was immediately taken to the above hospital, where he lingered till Monday last, when he expired, leav ing a widow and three children to lament his loss. Verdict —" Accidental death." Rain Intelligence. EQUITY COURTS.-YESTERDAY. lima, TUN MOT) OP T9[ Row. BARKER T. THE MAYOR AND COUPoRMON OF LIVER- 1 POOL.—JUDGMENT. The Master of the Rolls said ho Mai of opinion that this demurrer must be allowed. On the construction of the acts of parliament he entertained a clear opinion that the cor poration has a clear right to do what this bill complains of. fhc first act, the 6th and 7th Vie., cap. 75, enabled the commissioners for paring and sewering the town of Liver pool more effectually to water the streets, and to provide water for extinguishing fires, and the ith sectain em powered them to by pipes for these purenses in any of the streets of the town, or in any of the adjoining to . nships. By the 6th section, which was the section on which tho plaintiff principally relied, it was provided that no water to be obtained front any wells shall be supplied by the commissioners for any other purpose than the ex tinguishing of fires, or watsriag the streets, or for other public purpmes as in the act provided. The 129th section provided that the commissioners might supply salt or fresh water within the town fur public baths or for other public purposes not thereinbefore provided, and the supply of water under these acts for the purposes therein mentioned was wholly unlimited. The 9th section provided that the commissioners should make the wells as deep as they thought fit, and they were compelled to leave the pipes quite full, notwithstanding any waste. The act recited that the commissioners had bought Green-lane, in the parish of West Derby, aad therein sunk wells, and laid pipes front those wells to different parts of the town. In this state of things the second act passed, the 9 & 10 Vie., c. 127, by which the acts for supplying the town with water were incorporated into one act, and Placed under the con trol of the corporation, the water to tie supplied for every purpose but domestic purposes. Upon this, the third act, the 10 & 11 Vic., c. 216, passed. It authorised the corporatioa to purchase the Liverpool and Harrington Watt rworks, mid it gave power to the corporation to obtain water also from ltivingten like. It was obvious tl.at the object of this last lie! of purliament was to place the whole system of supplying water for domestic as well as for public purposes under the control of the corporation. The preamble recited that under the provisions of the former acts, !sorts of tho borough of Liverpool had been supplied with water, but that such supply was only i int , rmittent, and was not ade quate to the wants of the nkubitants ; that the corporation had power to supply water for public purposes ; that it was expedient that the supply of water for all purposes should he placed under the control of the corporation, and that all i the privileges of the water companies should he vested in theta for that purpose. It was not possible to state more clearly that the object of that act was that the supply of water for domestic us well as public purposes should be placed under the entire control of the corporation, and this was confirmed by the various provisions of the act. On that ground, therefore, without giving any opinion on the other part of the case, he was of opiuton that under these acts of parliament the corporation el the borough of Liver pool has the power of doing that which the hill complains of, and that consequently the demurrer must be allowed. }Fluff VICZ-NANCLI.IDS Mt F. KnltwasucT. IN RE TILE WOLVERR %METON,_ . CRE,TER, AND Big. KEN II EA J NCTION ILWAY COMPANY.-CALL VERN CONTRIBUTORIE.4. Mr. Roxburgh appeared to oppose four motions on behalf of contributories in the thieve company. Tilts- p-ntlenten were Messrs. Head, Challoner, Dugdale, and Kidd:tn. The learned counsel stated that these motions were precisely similar to that of Mr. Dale, reported in the Doily Sews of yesterday—the object being to discharge an ord r made be the Master for a call, such order being founded upon the Anttcr's report, stating the debts and liabilities of tho company. As no counsel appeared in support of these mo tions, he submitted that they must follow the same fate as the motion of Mr. Dale, and must be dismissed, on the ground that the order for a call could not be discharged until the Master's report, which contained the grounds for making the cull, should first have been reversed. The Vice-Chancellor said under these circumstances the motions must be refused with costs. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCIL-YESTERDAY. elarrioa AT New I•ama AT GUILDHALL—HUI/FM Loan Grrustt ANY COMMON BAKER V. GM:GOWN-Tu. MIMI X ELECTIOV. This was an action to recover the fum of ifil. and 111. Ils., the amount of fees paid to counsel by the plaintiff on behalf of the defendant. It appeared that the plaintiff was a parliamentary agent in Spring-gardens, London ' and the defendant a gentleman of fortune residing in Dublin. The plaintiff' sourlit to re cover certain sums which he had mid to Mr. Serjeant Wrangham and Mr. Serjcaut Murphy, under the following circumstances: In Augnst, 1817, an election tolls place fur representatives in parliament far the City of Dublin, on which occasion there were three candidates, Mr. Grogan and Mr. Gregory in the conservative interest, and Mr. Rey nolds in the literal interest. Mr. Grogan and Mr. Reynolds were elected, upon which a petition was presented against the return of Mr. Reynolds by four of the electors, and also a petition by that gentleman itgainst the return of Mr. Grogan. The plaintiff' was the parliamentary agent em- Pinged in London. A subscription, amounting to .1,311t1L, was entered into to defray the expenses of the petition, of which sum Mr. Gregory contributed upwards of 1,000/. The committee sat 91 days. At a meeting of the petitioners in the previous Septeinlier, it was resolved to retain Mr. Austin and Mr. Serjeant Wrangham ; but the defendant after wards wished Mr. Serjeant Murphy to lie retained, he being an intimate friend, and having (ns one of the wit- nesses stated) very little respect for Mr. Reynolds. Mr. Serjeant Wrangham and Mr. Austin did not appear, and the only counsel who actually attended were Mr. Serjeant Murphy (who appeared only for the first week), Mr. Nor ton, and Mr. Patrick Murphy. It was arranged that the plaintiff should receive 300/, for his professional services, which sum, however, was not to include any money which he might payout of pocket. When the committee had sat a short time, Mr. Serjeant Murphy insisted upon the payment of his fees, amounting to about 2171 Appli cation was made to Mr. Gregory, who was then in Lon don, and he gave fio/. towards the amount. The plaintiff had also 751. in hand, and made up the entire sum by an uddition out of his own pocket of 921., part of the amount now sought to be recovered. The election fund being in sufficient, Mr. Johnstone, the agent in Dublin, who had the management of that fund, wrote to Mr. Snjeant Mur phy from the plaintiff's office, and with his know ledge, stating that in consequence of the low con dition of the fund they were obliged to dispense with his further services. It appeared that a let. ter had been written by Mr. Gregory to the plaintiff on the 9th of March, 1848, in consequence of the illness of Mr. Johnstone, in Dublin, requesting him to get the lists prepared and ready for exchange, and that he, Mr. Gregory, would take upon himself the responsibility of that portion of the outlay. In addition to the 92/., the plaintiff hod paid Mr. Scrjeant Wrangham's clerk 111. Ds. fur consulta tion fees. Mr. James, for the defendant, said that his client had, from the outset, refused to bear any personal liability, and had contributed nearly 1,2001. towards the election fund. It was well understood that Mr. Serjeant Wrangliam was to be paid out of the common fund, and when he returned his brief, Mr. Serjeant Murphy took his place as leader, and it was known by all parties that his fees were to be paid from the same source. The learned serjcant had been re tained for Mr. Grogan, and not specially for the defendant. The plaintiff had received the full amount of 300/. for which he had undertaken to give his professional services, and it was beyond all doubt that he mould alone look to the fund for the payment of any sum which he had advanced out of pocket. Lord Campbell having summed up, the jury retired, and, after a short absence, returned with a verdict fur the plain tiff for the full amount claimed. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.—YESTERDAY. 81170011 A? Nl/11 . Puce IN LOMllolf.—Bkrolua CIIII7 ANTICS JEkVII ♦ND ♦ COMMON JUST. BALCH V. THE REV. WILLIAM WM/LIN/MM.-Amyx UPON A MOP:WAGS DEED.—PLEA OP FRAUD ** This was an action of covenant on a deed of the 20th of January, 1837, by which certain policies of insurance, and the reversionary interest under the will of a Mr. Pitts Dapper, were assigned to the plaintiff for the consideration of 6001., and the defendant covenanted to pay the sum of 6001. and interest, and the premiums on the policies of in surance. The defendant pleaded that the deed had been obtained by fraud and misrepresentation. It appeared that the plaintiff is an attorney, at Bruton, in Somersetahire, and the defendant is a beneficed clergymen, at Ilamildon, in Surrey, and formerly resided and took pupils at Clevedon, near Bristol. Ile married, in 1836, a Miss Clapper, who had two maiden sisters, and a brother Charles, who carried on the trade of a currier, and was on intimate terms with tho plaintiff. Charles Clapper had with his sisters a reversionary interest under the will of his uncle, Mr. Pitts Capper, and was in tech difficulties that in 1831 his new unmarried sisters lent him nearly their whole fortune, via., 2,0001., on having an assignment of his stock-in-trade, furniture, and policies of insurance ; and he also obtained an advance of 1,6001. from the trustees of his marriage settlement. In 1836 a mutual friend of the plaintiff and Charles Clapper, named Francis, who was clerk at;the National Provincial Bank at Castle Carey, and fur whom they had become responsible, ran away, and left them to pay his debts. The defendant was applied to by his brother-in-law for assistance, and signed a note for 2001., and he also asked the plaintiff, who was then defending actions for him, to get him out of his difficulties. The plaintiff inquired what he bail to raise money upon ? on which Dapper produced his uncle's will, and the plaintiff proposed that the sisters should join in a security for raising 6001. Some correspondence took place between the plaintiff and the defendant on the subject of a proposed loan by the plaintiff, and on the 22nd of December the plaintiff and Mr. Dapper went over to the defendant's 'residence at Clevedon, when some conversation took place, in the presence of his wife and sister-in-law, on the subject of the proposed loan. When the defendant asked his brother in-law what profit he made in his trade, he answered, " From 15 to 20 per cent.," and the plaintiff interposed and said it was hardly fair to ask that, for, if Dapper broke, there was not one of his friends who would not assist hint, and he himself would lend him 1001. Neat morning Mrs. Wilkinson said, what was the useof lending more money, what had become of the 2,0001. of her sisters' money, which already lent ? and added, when her hutessutd married her r hedid - not marry her brother. The plaintiff observed, if ho advanced the 6001. it would save Dapper, and that all would be right, and the amount would be put into the busi ness. The defendant said, as the other part y, in tl mil , the Messrs. Glossop, were to be consul should draw np the terms on paper. A . a. I accordingly made, proposing that the d • • ~* :we c a, •