The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-10 00:00:00

theirs by right of pommies ant of the usufruct. When the treaty of Waitangi was concluded it was unietroally construed and understood to stipulate that the titles of the actives to their lands were recognised, the lands so recog nised*. theirs being not only those under tillage, but also those which he had just referred to. That, without gam lien, was the construction put upon the treaty of Waitangi, and the governor of the island had given suopls and just explanafion of the footiag on which he deemed the matter to staud at page 16 of the volume of papers laid be fore the hoime, wherein he enumerated the various modes by which the natives obtained their living, and enumerated the tracts of land in question as being pact o their possessions necessary for them to obtain subsistence. The view taken by Governor Grey on this point was in entire conformity with the interpretation which the treaty had uniformly obtained as well in the colony as at home. Now, the great anxiety which he (Mr. Gladstone) felt upon this point was to be quite sure the despatch of Lord Grey, dated December 23, 1816, together with the instructions which accompanied it, were in conformity to the construc tion of the treaty just referred to. The natives of New Zealand themselves entertsined the firmest opinions upon the subject, and the peace of the island, nay, even its future possession by her Majesty. was involved in the question now raised. He referred, therefore, to a former despatch of Earl Grey, which was printed at p. 69 0 1 the papers presented to parliament in August, 1847 ; wherein the noble lord spots of the pretensions of the tribes of New Zealanders to the possession of large tracts of un filled lands; and in the instructions which accompanied the despatch in tinettiOn Lord Gill expressly enjoined Governor Grey to admit of no claim to land which was made, unless the court should be satisfied by some act of the executive, or by some proof on the part of the New Zealanders, that they had pension= and oosupation of the lands, either as an abode for the cultivation of crops, or the pasturage of cattle, or for the convenience and suatentation of life, by expending labour thereon. His (Mr. Gladstone's) doubts had arisen on the point—that whilst Earl Grey confined his instruction , to the cession of lands whereon laSour was expended, a great portion of the lands claimed by the New Zealanders, and absolutely necessary for their subsis tence, were entirely untitled, and, according to the views entertained by the noble colonial secretary, could not be ceded to them under the provisions of the treaty. Now he had shown already, by the admitted general construction put by both the contracting parties on that treaty, that such views as those which Earl Grey's instructions appeared to countenance could not be maintained, inasmuch as many large tracts of land - the property, of the New Zealanders, were entirely uncultivated, and what he feared was, that the courts instituted for the purpose of settling the land claim. in the colony would so construe the paragraph which he had quoted as to refuse to award to the natives those lends whereon they could not show that some labour had been ex pended. In the north of the island there was, he feared, little laud available, save that which had been en joyed by the New Zealanders in the manner de axibed. He hoped, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman would be prepared to contradict hint in respect to the ap prehensions which the language of Earl Grey's despatch had raised in his mind. The noble lord enjoined on Go vernor Grey to respect the treaty of Waitangi by all means; but then the meaner in which he spoke of carrying it out wee such as to raise the doubts he (Mr. Gladstone) had ex pressed. "Do not," said Earl Grey, " construe the treaty in the sense that was at first done—namely, in an improvi dent spirit ; but do so on the ground that the land claimed by the New Zealanders shall be shown by them to the satis faction of the courts to have been under tillage for the sus tentation of life." Such was the interpretation which the despatch of Foal Greyof 1846, and the instructions appended to I:, seggested to his mind. In a letter written by Earl Grey respecting the Bishop of New Zealand, dated Nov. 13, 1847, and printed at page 84 of the papers presented in De cember last, the noble lord said that all he advised was that the theory which gave the ownership of lands to particular tribes ought not to be made the ground of future transactions or of concessions, but that the rights of the Crown should be respected in future when neither occupa tion nor tillage could be proved. He feared that the mean. ing of the noble lord in the different despatches addressed by him to the Governor of New Zealand was to take as a criterion of the claims on land the improvements effected by cultivation. And now, with respect to the letter in ques tion, he must appeal to the right hon. gentleman's attention whilst he adverted to a topic on which he had already touched. It was that of the Bishop of New Zealand. He did cot fear that anything injurious to the high character of the bishop would result from what had taken place. That right reverend prelate would continue faithfully to serve the government in his station and canine, whether he were weal or ill used by them. But the Bishop of New Zealand had been subjected to blame on the part of the noble Secre tary for the Colonies on account of the protest he had trans mitted to the Colonial-office, wherein he had declared his determination to assist the natives of his diocese in maintain ing their legal rights under the treaty of Waitangi. The reely made by Earl Grey in his letter of Nov. 13, 1847, to which he (Mr. Gladstone) had already referred, was eve dently written on the supposition that the bishop's declara tion had been made pulthe in the colony, and that he had openly avowed his determination to assist the New Zea landers in assertiest their rights against the government. Now he (Mr. Gladstone; must observe that the bishop did nos ..ch thing. lie, on the contrary, determined to strengthen Governor Grey's hands by putting him in possession of a docu ment wherein the views entertained by the go. ernor on the subject of the treaty were corroborated and confirmed. The Bishop of New Zealand was incapable of committing as act of imprudence FO great as that of publishing such • docu ment in a colony where society was in the condition exhibi ted in New Zealand. The government at home had no knowledge of the fact that the bishop had acted in the man ner supposed by Earl Grey; for it was not denied that such supposition or belief was the ground upon which the censure of Earl Grey was founded. But if the bishop only forwarded his views, and expressed his intention to the government, and to the government alone, then he (Mr. Gladstone) must contend that the right reverend prelate had done a most praiseworthy act. It was for this reason he begged to ask the right honourable gentleman whether the bishop was known to have published his protest in New Zealand, for if he did not, then the Censure of the noble Earl, which was founded solely on the publication imputed to the prelate, was most unjust : and he hoped not a day, not even an hour, would elapse without producing some re paration to the bishop, for having been subjected to a charge which, if true, would be a eery serious one ; but which, if ur.founded, could not render him deserving of blame. lie should be very glad to find that the views which he had expressed of the tendency of Earl Grey's policy re specting New Zealand, should prove unfounded. lie would be v,illing to concede to Lord Grey's abstract opinions, pro viv'ied he was satisfied there was no cause for apprehension that the instructions sent cut by the noble lord would be productive of no praetical evils, not to say serious consequences. And he was prepared to show that there did exist serious reasons for his fears. When the des. patch of Dec. 1816 arrived at New Zealand, its purport created there the most seeiou3 alarm, and when speaking in this sense, be must observe that the native New Zealanders were not to be looked upon as a eass of men who were likely to be intimidated, or to be induced by fear to cede their just rights. He hoped, however, that justice would in the end prove strenaer than fear. and that the government would not be induced to proceed upon false grounds. Having thus stated the points which had disturbed the minds of those who viewed with interest the colony of New Zealand, he trusted the right hon. gentleman was prepared to give him the assurances and guarantees which be had requested, in the absence of which he must invite the most serious at tention of the house to the subject. If the fears which he entertained were unfounded, no person would be more sin cerely gratified at hearing such was the fact than himself. He trusted, however,tthat he should not be deemed impatient if he pressed for an immediate reply °nail the points nrged by hi g m, and he must add , t hat he ho p ed to find sympethy in the riht hon. gentleman's breast. on behalf of the noble people, of whose allegiance her Majesty had every reason to be justly proud. Mr. Isl. MILNES begged to ssk the right hon. gentleman whether he meant by his observatiors to include the whole of the territory of New Zealand as bound by the treaty of Weitungi. Mr GLADSTONE said that he limited the operation of 1 , the treaty in question to the northern pert of the island ; his remarks could not apply to any other portion of the island, as elsewhere in it land was freely sold. Mr. LABOUCHERE claimed the favour of being allowed to speak a second time on the question before the house, in order to have an oppo rtunit y of reply:rig to the right hon. did n ot 'g an importance em tach greater at. Ile could assure bim to thtt the cond uct he (Mr. of the Gladstongo.e) erernme at of New Zealand than he himself did; nor did any oneltheire none sincerely that good faith and generoOty should characterise the proceeding* of Great Britain toward that colony. 'the government f?'.*. all the imporivil i tac which and at- . tached to the object of y. rights the c n n e terests rights of the rice of non who inhabited New Zea land. The recent accounts from that colony had stimulated those feelings still mere All who read these ac counts, and who had also seen Governor Grey's description of them, could not but deeply sympathise in the &sire evinced by the New Zealander-, to adopt the habits and usages of civilised life. They were found labuuring dsin Co disn. ccrt with whito men--consttucting magnificent roa, - playing a degree of tractahility never yet observed amongst tribes deemed Wage; and, amongst other proofs of their ad vancement, he found that the New Zealanders possessed 60 small cossting sessele. Who that regarded such details as those could not but regret that any thine should ever be done by the goverment which would have the effect of turning them fr o m the ways of civilised life S. The contrast which their present state afforded to their former ene was very great, and it mizht very reasonably excite hopes that the rice would gradually amalgamete with the whites, and that the best results would rime. With respect to the do dactioes mate by the rieht hoe. gentleman from the printed doctor • r.ts. he (Mr. Lebouctere) must say. that in his helief Earl Grey was as reluctant to swerve from the treaty of W a itangi as tee right bolo gentleman himself. At the same time, he must say that even for the sake of the natives them selves no doctrine less safe could lten.ut forth than that which affirmed their right to the whole surleee of the land. The sus peefieial extent of New Zealand was 5 , 1.000.000 acne, whilst the natives did not number more than 100,000, and he must observe that when a claim was made on behalf of their hunting grounds, the facts del not bear out the case stated for them. for there were no fourfooted animals in digenous to the island except rats and pigs: and their situa tion was not the same as teat of the North American Indians, who subsisted wholly by hunting, and who required large tracts of ground for their subsistence. Wbat coud be more eposterous than to suppose that the 100,000 New s Zealanders existing on the island could occupy the enormous extent of ground which their tainted embraced? The right hen.gentlee man had stated that it was not his intention to controvert the abstract propositions advanced by Earl Grey. But he ex pressed hie fears that the noble lord's instructions to Gover nor Grey were not in conformity to the treaty of NVaitangt. The feet was not so. There existed no difference of opinion between Earl Grey and Governor Grey upon . the subject of that treaty. If he were disposed to justify the noble earl's conduct he should at one* quote the very despatch to which the right hen. gentleman had referred; for therein his noble friend had reminded 0 reamer Grey that the principles laid down were abstract peaMiples, and the noble earl qualified them by pointing out the manner of carrying out the views of government. But the right hon. gentlemen had said that what excited his fears were the passages hi the ingredient which accompanied the despatch of December, 1846. Ile seemed to o th think that them instructions limited the proprieta ry . rights the New Zee linden to lands on which their labour had been ex pended, and that no claims would be allowed by the coown which were not suppo-ted by . proofs that labour had been employed on the lands in question. Now Ihe (Mr. Labouchere) did not read the instructions of Earl Grey in that sense. Oa the contrary, the very expremion that the claims to lend made by the New 1 Zealanders were not to be admitted unless they were este blished to the satisfaction of the court, eitber by proof of occupation and labour, or of 601110 act of the executive go vernment, was conclusive evidence that the treaty of Wai tangi was to be fully carried out, inasmuch as he (Mr. La bouchere) considered that treaty to be an act of the execu tive government, which bound the court to take notice of the claims founded on it. and therefore the New Zealanders were not to be excluded from a right to their lands, even should they not have expended any labour upon them. He believed there was no teal ditlercnce in the construction put by the different parties to the treaty. Ile believed that it would be strictly , adhered to and largely aced upon, and that the lands would be liberally conceded to the New Zealand claimants, But even for their own sake ears ought to be taken not to concede these claims on too large a scale, as the land would to reby be withdrawn from cultivation. There was, he believed, no difference of opinion between Earl Grey and Governor Grey. The latter was prepared to carry out the instructions sent him, and he had hopes that all the dangerous parts of the negotiations would soon be brought to a satisfactory issue. Ile would now proceed to touch upon another point to which the right hon. gentleman had referr d in respect to the bill before the house. lie (Mr. Gladstone) had said that there were two parts to the bill—namely, an enacting and a suspensory part. He approved of the enacting part of the measure, but with respect to suspending the constitution granted to New Zea land the right hon. gentleman hail expressed his disapproval, and Paid that it would be better at onco to annul the consti tution altogether. Now he (Mr. Lebouchere) did not think that coarse advisable. The legislature had deliberately granted a constitution to the colony of New Zealand, and subsequently that happened which had been foreseen by Governor Grey,—namely, that the introduction of that free constitution into an infantcolony would be premature. But he must say that it would not, in his opinion, be a proper course for the government to take to to the house to recall a grant which the legislature Cre s r e anted • and it might ressonahly he anticipated that the forms and provisions of the constitution might be gra dually applied to the colony in such a Insurer as was best adapted to the disposition of the people, winch would, in his °plume, be a preferable course to that proposed by the right bon gentleman. There was another point to which his atten tion had been called, and which he (Mr. Labouchere) edverted to with pain,namely,the conduct of the bishop of New Zealand. The right hon. gentleman had asked whether any additional Information bad been received with respect to the proceed ings of the bishop, and whether it was known that he had promulgated his opinions amongst the natives. There had been no information on that subject received from the colony 1 since be had last addressed the house. But he must say that the Bishop of New Zealand, in andiag home his pro test, had distinctly intimated his intention to excite tho 1 natives of New Zealand against the course pursued by the government. The right rev. prelate said that he would do I his utmost to acquaint the New Zealanders with their rights, i and to show how inconsistent the government proceedings i were with their due observance. Ile had a great respect i for the right rev. prelate, but he must say that such conduct I was most unprecedented, and that Earl Grey was bound to 1 express his disapprobation when he was informed by the I bishop of his intention to agitate the colony of N ew Zealand. I lie thought that if Lord Grey had not expressed his opinion i of the bishop's conduct in the manner be had done he I would have been grossly deficient in his duty. (Hear, I hear) He had only to repeat that the Colonial-office did i not mean to take any steps with regard to the ei.posal of i waste lands inconsistent with the treaty of Waitangi or the 4 jig' is of the aborigines. (Hear.) lie thought that the hens*, when suspending the constitution of the colonies, I acted wisely in giving exteusive powers to Governor Grey, c who had already shown so much pro e , ptitude and capacity I tinder difficult and trying circumstances, but in saying this I it. must at the same time express his hope that the time t would soon come when free institutions might be restored, and New Zealand be as it deserved to be, and es its great i capabilities entitled it to he—a free, a happy, and a united colony. (Cheers.) I Sir E. N. BUXTON said that the opinions of the Bishop i of New Zealand respecting the proper constitution of the 1 new charter were not singular. He (Sir E. N. Buxton) had , had letters from several missionaries expressing their I apprehensions of this charter, and further believed it would t also be found that other parties of high respectability in the i island were horrified at the construction which they had put 1 upon it. He was glad to hear that the treaty of Waitangi I , was to be substantially observed. Mr. AGLIONBY, as a member of the New Zeeland Com- 1 pang, claimed the privilege of saying a few words. He could I assure the house that the company sought the greatest pub licity for all their transactions, and were most anxious to i have their conduct subjected to the severest scrutiny. He • could not admit the principle which some hon. members I had laid down —namely, that in every nook of the land which 1 the natives had ever visited, or on which they had ever eaten 1 anybody—(a laugh)—they had realised a beneficial interest. 1 He was more inclined to accept the title set up by the right hon. member for Oxford, namely, that which gave the na- i tives a right to any land which they had occupied, took pos session of, or cultivated. in the treaty of Waitangi the words were " may peseta." He would ask, what was tho meaning of those words? Why the central island, which was I nearly as large as England, contained only 1;1A0 , inhabitants. Was it contended that thew 1,200 na tiers had an exclusive right to such a vast tract? (Hear.) Lord Grey in his despatch had wisely stated that much a con- etruction would be inconsistent both with relirrion and 1 humanity. (Hear.) Under our rule the natives were gradually learning habits of industry and peace, they wen gradually acquiring property and knowledge ; and "gain he would ask, was a state of things to be returned to in which they had been bloodthirsty and, ferocious savages ? (Hear, hear.) Lord Grey had construed the treaty to allow the occupation of the waste lands by the colonists, and he trusted that that construction would be adopted by the house. Ile could assure them that so much had the cupidity of the natives been excited by the language which had lately been held to them, that, if the question were not speedily settled, there would hardly be a posta -1 bility of obtaining land for the colonists on any thing like reasonable terms. He begged before he Geist down to all attention to a p passage in Governory' despatch having reference to the western settlement. He did so, because, after the former debate he was twitted with having preserved an unjust silence respecting that settli ment; the fact being, that he really had alluded to it, but his observations had not been preserved in the usual channels of communication. (A laugh.) Theember then read an extract from the despatch aliuded to into the effect that the western settlements were favourably distinguished from other portions of the colony, and fully deserving of the most extended constitutional rights. Mr. CARI)WELL would rot enter into any lengthened examination of the treaty of Waitangi; he should only I express hie regret that the construction which had been put on it by nearly one-half of the committee of 1846 had not been accepted. lie did not think that the tranquillity of the colony had been advanced by the construction put on that treaty by the majority. (Hear.) His right hon friend the member for the University of Oxfordof had interrupted the vacation of the chair for t he purpose getting satisfac don upon two points—one being to have justice done to a most respectable individual, and the other referred to a great public question 'electing the destiny of the islands. With regard to the first, he regretted to say that the answer of the right hon. the President of the Board of Trade had been most unsatisfactory. The question walll, whether the govern ment did or did not think t h at the Bebop of New Zealand had been guilty of agitating the island, and exciting the natives against the authorities. The right hon. gentle. man had read the following passage from the bishop's letter: " I am resolved to inform the natives of their rights and privileges as British 'objects, and to amist in asserting and maintaining them." The right hon. gentleman had stopped short at that place, omitting the words which followed, " Whether by petition to the imperial parliament, or other loyal and peaceful methods; but in so dieing I shall not for get the respect due to your excellency or to the peace of tho colny." (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Why that was the whole question; and a full explanation was due to the bishop as the head of the whole missionary body. He (Mr. Cardwell) believed that not only did the missionaries of the church of England act in harmony with the bishop, but the missionaries of other denominations. He had therefore felt it to be his duty to call upon the government for explana tion ; as, if he had thought that the bishop had really agi tated the islanders, he should have been the last to vindicate him. The right honourable gentleman had told the house that the government had not had any re cent information from the islands respecting the effects of the bishop's letter. He (Mr. Cardwell) contended that they had negative information, for they had despatches down to October last, and there was not one word from the governor nor any one else to the effect that bad feeling had been excited by the bishop's protest. (Hear, hear.) The other question was, in what sense or spirit it was intended to carry out the treaty of Waitangi—were they going to pre serve it in its integrity, to break it, or to get rid of it by a aide wind? In former debates, that treaty had been recog nised as the basis on which the executive government was founded. He trusted that the answer which the right hon. gentleman had given to this question might be taken as satisfactory, because he had understood him to say I that whatever might have been the instructions of Lord Grey in 1846, the government entirely approved of the con duct of Captain Grey with regard to the treat r, and that they intended to carry out the principle w that officer and laid down. This would go out as a message of peace, ' and would allay the anxiety which was now very general in the islands. The hon. member here read an extract from Capt. Sotheby's despatch, to the effect, that two chiefs, attended by numerous followers, had waited on hint, and inquired whether government meant to take the uncultivated land, and ,that he had eased their mind' on the subject. If the government acted in the spirit of the treaty they would have peace in the colony, and upon no other terms. The honourable member fogockout had alluded to the old charge against the ives—that of the titles to the land consisting in their having eaten up the former possessors. The paper then ea the table eve eel, deuce that the natives, having in a gallant action resisted es troops of the Queen, found the body of Private Weller, of the nth Regiment, sad that they read prayers over It and buried it without mutilation. (Rear, hem.) Mr. AOLIONBY.—Ittsd the paisage where they ate the mimedlaugh.) With regard to this particular bill, he was that It was time to do something, and, having ascer tained the spirit in which government intended to aet, he did not mean to throw any obstacles in the way of the committee. The Earl of LINCOLN regretted that there had been no discussion on the principle of the bill. The general affairs of New Zealand had been fully discumed, but the merits of the measure immediately before the house had been com pletely overlooked. Under these circumstances, and seeing that it was nearly 5 o'clock, he should suggest that the chairman merely take the chair pro furmd, and that the discussion should take place on a future day. Mr. LABOUCHERE hoped that the noble lord would not press for the povtponement of the committee. Seeing that the strong feeling of the house was in favour of the principle of the bill, he thought that the sooner they got into the committee the better. The Earl of LINCOLN was determined, if the discussion were nut permitted now, to take it on the bringieg up of the report, and then to move any amendment he might think necessary. Mr. SCOTT would support the motion for postponement. There seemed to be a greet diversity of opinion as to the , character of the natives of New Zealand. One hon. member considered them worthy of the most extended franchisee, while others asserted that they only held their lands upon what was called the kill'em-and- eat 'em title. (Laughter.) Mr. ADDERLEY considered that &measure, the malt of which might be to endanger the safety of the colony, was fur too important to by decided in a hasty manner, and without the fullest informstioe. lie also recommended postpone ment. Mr. ANSTEY, in order to give time for further consi deration, would move that the house go into committee on the bill that day week. This amendment, not being seconded, fall to the ground, and the house went into committee, Mr. Bernal in the chair. On the first clause, which suspends the constitution, being put, Mr. GLADSTONE observed that be could not say he was convinced by what had fallen from the right hon. gentlemen as to the question of suspendiag the constitution ; at thesame time he had no desire to offer any obstaele to the passing of the bill. Should he hereafter feel it to be his duty to pro pow the amendment ho had announced, he would give ample notice of the oreasioa on which he would bring it for ward. Mr. HUME suggested that the period of suspension should be limited to three, instead of five, years. Mr. LABOUCHERE, considering th e distance of the colony from the mother country, end the time that must elapse before the suspension could take place, did not think five years too much. His hon. friend must remember also that at any time within the five years the governor might, if he thought it expedient to do so, bring the colony, or any part of it, again within the operation of the constitution. All that was done by the bill was to lay down five years as the maximum during which the constitution should be suspended. Mr. AGLIONBY asked, would the governor have the power to carry the constitution into effect in the southern provinces immediately, if he should see no danger in doing so? (Hear, hear.) Also, whether he would have the power of making, with respect to those provinces, such alterations in the charter, in respect to the franchise, as, with the i o ns of his council, he might think necessary ? Mr. LABOUCHERE replied that the 4th clause gave full power to the governor to introduce the constitution into one part of the colony without applying it to the whole, if he should think tit to do so ; and he thought this was a matter which might properly be left to his judgment. (Hear, hear.) If he should here reason to apprehend that his doing so would excite the jealousy of that part which would remain excluded, and so endanger the peace of the colony, of course he would continue the suspension to the whole; but if, on the other hand, the governor should find that there would be no danger in the constitution being brought into operation in certain provinces, excluding the others, no doubt he would exercise the power given to him in that respect. With regard to the second question his hon. friend had put, lie apprehended the governor would not have it in his power to alter the charter but by ordinance, and in con cert with his legislative council he might enact such provi sions as might be necessary tor the good government of the colony. The Earl of LINCOLN contended that the answer given by the right lion. gentleman was not borne out by the enactments of the bill. No subsequent clause of the bill empowered the governor to grant to the southern provinces that constitution which was suspended by the first clause throuzhout the colony. The fourth clause empowered the governor to grant a legislative council, bat that was no part of the constitution they were now suspending. Mr. C. BULLER said it was left to the discretion of the governor at any time when so advised on his own respon sibility, or when so instructed by the colonial secretary, with the consent of his council, to enact by ordinance that a pro visional legislative council should be appointed or elected for either of the provinces iu well manner as such ordinance should direct. If, therefore, the governor should consider that any part of the colony was et to possess representative institution., he might, with the ad vice of his council, order that such provisional legislative council he elected by the people under the terms of the former act, and the council so elected w..uld possess all such powers as the governor chose to delegate to them. The Earl of LINCOLN objected that the reply of the right hon. and learned gentleman did not meet the p oint which had been raised. The first clause distinctly suspended the representative powers of the constitution for five years, unless the Queen in council should otherwise direct. The subsequent clauses provided a substitute, of a medley cha racter, for those representative. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed that the consti tution provided a general assembly for the whole colony, composed of a legislative assembly elected for each province. If in one part of the colony it would net be proper to con tinue the power to elect the legislative assembly they could not have this general assembly. But the basis of the present measure .11 to place the most unlimited power in Governor Grey, who might, if he thought fit, increase the lislative council which wan the body that existed previous t eg e the former act, , and was revived by the present bill, and give a legislative assembly to the southern province. (An expression of dissent from Lord Lincoln.) Yes, he might under the 4th clause take verbatim et literalim the in. etructions of Lord Grey, as contained in the previous charter, and re-enact them. The Earl of LINCOLN.—Did the bon. and learned gentleman mean to say, that whereas the first clause re pealed the two houses of parliament, viz., the legislative council and the legislative assembly, under the 4 th clause , Governor Grey would have the power of re-establishing a general amenably as well as a legislative council, or, in other words, a House of Commons u well as a House of Lards ? The ATTORNEY-GENEB.AL.—The constitution as it now stood consisted of a House of Lords and two Houses of Commons. The llouse of Lords had control over the whole colony, and was composed of the members of the two Houses of Commons. Under the present bill there could only be the one assembly, but it might be appointed by the governor in council, or elected as he might think fit. It being close upon the stroke of six o'clock, Mr. LABOUCHERE suggested, as there were certain returns to be moved for, that the house should resume, and the chairman report Progre-e, which was agreed to. VICE-ADMIRALTY COURTS. Capt. PECIIELL having moved for certain returns on this subject, and intimated his intention to call the attention of the house to it on that day fortnight, Mr. WARD said he had no objection to the returns, but would take that opportunity of stating that the whole sub• jest of the Vice-Admiralty Courts had been UlltiOT the con sidemtion of the government, and, under the advice of the solicitor of the treasury and Dr. Lushington, they were now engaged in completing a new scale of charges, for it could not be denied that the charges in respect to many of the adjudications had been enormously high. (Rear, hear.) The house then adjourned at six o'clock. 16, Zrtt expreo MAILS The mails for British North Arueries, Bermuda, and the Unkbe:l Statee. will he made un on the evening of the 11th February. The West India Made, excluding Bermuda, Sumo, Havanna, Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Hien, and including those for Madeira, Jame', Carthagena, Santa Martha, Chagres, remote, Weet Coast of South America, end sr. Juanalea Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the 17th February. The made ler Vigo, Gporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, 11W1 Gibraltar will be mudc up on the morning of the 17th February. The overland malls for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands Aden, (Mylow, India, Hoeg-Kong. and China, eta Southampton. will be made up on the morning of the 20th February. The mails for New south Wales, Van Diemen's Land, sad New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 22th February. The overland closed mails, yin Marseilles, to the Mediterranean Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, I fang Kong, Yes., will be made :ti' on the evening of the 24% February. The reads for the West Coast of Africa and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the lath February. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Femme. boon, Bahia, MMlCira, and Buenas Ayres, will be made up on the evening of Inc ith March. TO CORRESPONDENTS. THE number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during the year 1847, was : From JAN'. 1, 0 Dec. 31, 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and Morning Poet, ALL PUT TOOETHER. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Mornino p e rt ere were issued for the Evening Edition , TEE EXPESS, From Jsv. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or standard, Evening Papers. LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 10. The Hot SE of Cum uoNs met yesterday at 12 o'clock, when a new writ was ordered for the univer sity of Dublin, in hasoom of the Hight Hon. FRE DERICK SII.IW, who accepted the Chiltern liun dreds.—On the motion of Sir GEORGE GREY, the adjourned debate on the Jewish Disabilities Bill was fixed for to-morrow.—Sir GEORGE GREY, tin answer to Mr. Unont tar, replied, that inasmuch as the number of spiritual peers was limited by act, and as the junior bishop, therefore, could only take his seat in the House of Lords by the exercise of her Majesty's THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1848. prerogative, it was not the intention of her Majesty's government to invoke it in the ease of Dr. HAsteuert, the new Bishop of Hereford.—A debate ensued on the Irish Poor-law, at the instance of Mr. P. SCROPE, relative to the steps taken by the government for the institution of legal proceedings against such boards of guardians and relieving officers as have neglected the again imposed upon them by statute, in not affording relief to the death ite poor. Su. W. Bost EXVILLX having intimated the coarse which the government had taken for fully enforcing the law as regarded refractory unions, the subject dropped.—Mr. BACKE'N bill for the post ponement of the Epiphany sessions, after a conversa tion, was withdrawn. -11e question of going into committee on the New Zealand Government Bill led to a . protracted discussion, in the course of which Lord LINCOLN, Mr. SCOTT, Mr. ADDERLEY, and Mr. C. ANETEY, urged the postponement of the stage of the bill, the latter hon. member moving it be ad. journed to that day week, which proposition, how ever, being devoid of a seconder , fell to the ground._ After speeches from Mr. GLADSTONE, Sir E. BUXTON, Mr. AOLIONBY, and Mr. CARDWELL, upon the merits of the measure, and a reply from Mr. LADOIICIIERE, the house went into committee. On the first clause being put, suspending the constitution for five years, Mr. HUME moved, as an amendment, that the period of suspension be limited to three years. Some debate arising, and as the hour of adjournment (six o'clock on Wednesdays) had nearly arrived, Mr. LABouclizim moved that the chairman should report progress, which Mr. BERNAL did accordingly, and the further proceeding with the bill was adjourned to a future day. THE anxiety of the runes for the formation of a strong opposition party does not seem likely to be relieved for the present. We were mistaken, it seems, in supposing that the acting leader in the Jewish debate had received a regular commission to command the singular body which the Morning Herald and Standard call the Country Party. We were perfectly satisfied that Mr. STAFFORD would not hold the posi- I lion long : but considering that the Jewish question appears to have become the test of politico-rural orthodoxy,we should have expected the leader elect to take the opportunity of exhibiting his prowess at the head of his followers. Perhaps the Marquis of GRANBY may himself be a heretic on the vital ques tion. His appointment to succeed Lord GEORGE BENTINCK was made out under it c auspices of the Judaising Lord STANLEY, who retains the command in chief, notwithstanding that he is about to incur the " awful curse" denounced by the Standard on those who tamper with the abjuration oath. From the extreme political obscurity of the marquis it is difficult to remember what course be may have taken on any particular question. The only sen tence by which he is remembered in the House of Commons was a whimsical misapplication of a line from SDAESPEARF:, in which " Lord George " was substituted for " St. George." Now that he has not only deposed his patron saint, but determined on sup planting him, we have little clue to his future con duct, and the cause which makes it impossible to fore see it is worth remarking. There arc no doubt in stances of great men who have risen to eminence after years of obscurity. The first half of life is often em loyed in struggling for an opp ortunit y to make use of the remainder ; but of one who, born in the purple, with applause and notice ready to attend the slightest merit, with all difficulties and obstructions removed, has never yet displayed ability or acquired even the meanest public position, it is not too much to say that he will never arrive at eminence. The sons of dukes may be "rocked and dandled into legislators," but they cannot be made, though they may be called, leaders, unless nature has given them some capacity for command. Obscurity is in itself no reproach : nun mile o irii qui belie intuit : but when incapable men are thrust into prominent positions, it is right to I disapprove their presumption, and the weakness or I sycophancy of their supporters. The abdication or deposition of Lord GEORGE BEN- TINCK is not a matter of great political importance. It must be admitted that he had obtained a position I in the House of Commons, which out of doors was almost unintelligible. A confused and disagreeable i speaker, he delivered endless harangues, of which the I matter was even worse than the manner. The 1 reader of his speeches could find little in them but I extravagar.ces of temper, blunders in arithmetic, and I perverse conclusions from irrelevant premises. It 4 was evident that with a love for statistics he was I wholly ignorant of them, except as far as he had I crammed them for parliamentary purposes. His in- I dustry and energy only made his incapacity more I evident, as it was clear that he had no resources i in the back ground. Sometimes affecting the measured I tone of a statesman and possible minister, he 1 would the next moment strive to catch a laugh I by the namet ,, of his blunders or extravagances ' • and .1 from his scat on the ex-treasury bench propound such I measures as the banging of Irish corn-dealers or the 1 seizing of Cuba. Notwithstanding all this, the mem- 1 here of the house were generally disposed favourably to the protectionist leader. His own followers were first attached to him by his determined and perse- 1 vering hatred to their late chief ; and when it was no 1 longer possible to keep a party together on the single 1 principle of hating an individual, his manly bearing, his vigour, and the clearness of his understanding within the narrow range of his knowledge, secured him a favour and respect which many abler and wiser men have failed to obtain. He had the great advantage of exciting no jealousy or fear in his ostensible t dveraaries. It was clear that Lord GEORGE could not be a minister, and it was by no means certain that lie wished to be in office. He always offered an easy triumph in argument ; and vet there was something in his character which made the victory not quite contemptible. If the opposition leader was elected by the supporters of government, we have no doubt that he would have united all suffrages. To those who are removed from the immediate in fluences of the House of Commons Lord GEORGE BENTINCK'S fall will be only interesting as far as it indicates the virtual dissolution of his party. A hundred gentlemen may very easily meet in St. James's-square and elect one of the obscurest of their body to be their nominal head ; but it requires some. thing more to constitute them into a party, or their 1 • nominee into a leader. A party must have a common purpose, if not a common opinion. It may be united in its choice of measures; it may only agree in its preference of men; but it must wish either to further a certain policy or to raise to power the individuals in whom it has confidence. The country party, if such is its name, has neither bond of union. We will not insult even those who met at Lord STANLEY'S by the supposition that they wish to make Lord GRANBY into a minister. GEORGE H.'s choice of Lord WALDEGRAVE, or GEORGE lll.'s of Lord BUTF:, would be judicious appointments in comparison. Lord STANLEY was, and is, the only orator, with one I exception, and the only experienced official, of the whole party. Mr. DISR %ELI la also an orator; but his eccentricities and his want of aristocratic connexion have always prevented the followers of Lord GEORGE BENTINt K from heartily trusting to his distinguished lieutenant. He has moreover now, we believe, retired to the ranks, and it is certain that, whatever other caprices he may indulge in, he will never support the persecution or exclusion of the Jews. Mr. STAF FORD, and perhaps some others of similar opinions, may be competent to form the raw material of which ministers are made ; but it is not necessary to go through the list of the party, to show that they are personally as incapable of forming an administration as they are politically impotent in parliament and in the country. Indeed it is their professed wish to keep the present government in office; and if they have any object in common, it must be the resistance to a cer tain policy, which they are agreed in dis- liking. What the measures however are, which Lord CRANIA is to advocate or resist , with the unanimous consent of his constituents, we are at a loss to dia -1 cover. At first sight it might seem as if religious I exclusiveness wns to be the crced of the party. Ex clusion of the Jews, and resistance to the Roman catholics, might be supposed to be the common object . But Lord GEORGE , who is a friend bo th to Jews and papists, is still, it seems, to serve in the ranks, though he has relinquished the command. Lord STANLEY, the undoubted chief of the party, must, if he has any regard for political character and consistency, sup. port the admission of the Jews to parliament; and there arc several advocates of protection in all its branches who ate by no means disposed to join in the no-popery cry. If religious bigotry was to be the basis of union, it would be a strange blunder and in lustice to have chosen any leader but Sir ROBERT Notts. There is no one who can repeat the!old catch-words of exclusion so fluently and plausibly— there is no partisan of peraecation steadier, more ex perieneed, or possessing equal weight in the house. It protestantism, in the sense of the Standard, is to be the object of the opposition, Sir ROBERT INGLIS is na turally and pre-eminently its champion. Nor will the GRANBY pact find itself more united in dealing with commercial questions. It professes to represent the West India interest, and also the shipping interest: but the West Indians demand the repeal or modification of the navigation laws, and the protectionists aro pledged to maintain them. In other respects protection is a mere name. Not even the dullest of the party really expects to restore the corn laws, or to force protection on unwilling manufac- turers. Lord 0. DENTINCK talked the other night of the advantage of protecting every interest against every other, and demonstrated, in his own peculiar way, that a system of universal reciprocal extortion was in the end a gain to all parties; but we would not recommend the new and inexperienced leader to follow his predecessor into the regions of arithmetic. _ . Lord George's figures cannot sp ied be, Within that circle none dare w k but he. We will not dilate on the many additional discre pancies which might be shown to exist in the opinion of the re mnant of Lord GEORGE BENTINCK's fol lowers. Their two organs, the furiously protestant Standard, and the high-church Post, may partly re present the incoherence of the party. It is enough to say that it is at an end. It has neither purpose, nor policy,nor leaders, nor opinion in the country to support it. Those who have formed portions of it must either be content to relinquish all political in fluence, or they must find their places in new and real political combinations. Hereafter the parties of resistance and movement will no doubt re-orga , dse themselves; but it is childish to assume an attitude of dogged opposition to change, when all practical men are for the time engaged in administrative, or prac• tical objects, to the exclusion of organic move ments. Wo cannot conceive a more absurd state of things than that the balance of opposing parties desiderated by the Times should be found in parlia ment at present. If every practical measure proposed by the government at a time when the country is agreed on many desirable changes, was to be met by opposition for the sake of oppoeition, perhaps want of talent and experience would be the best excuse foe the leaders of the anti-official faction. We do not, however, attribute any such project to the late fol lowers of Lord G. BENTINCK. On the contrary, u e repeat that their party is at an end ; and we congra tulate them more than the public on the result. The world at large can do without them, or go on in spite of them ; but, personally, they wiil be benefited by being relieved from a useless and impracticable post tion. IT is quite a mistake to imagine that conservatives are averse to popular demonstrations ; they only dis like such shows when likely to thwart their own purposes. During the lung fever-fit of the anti- Jacobin war excitement, no men more ready to patronise or head window-breaking mobs on illumi nation nights than the tory magnates of the day. Lord GEORGE GoulioN's protestant mob, and the parson and-magistrate-inspired mob which sacked PRIEsT LET'S house, may take rank with the most reckless democratic mobs this country has seen. This is not meant to apply to the good fellows who yesterday rowed from London-bridge to Westminster bridge, and walked from the latter to the Home office. There was nothing sinister about them. They mustered to the number of some 2,000, or, it may be, 2,500, rather motley in appearance. The majority were evidently decent hard-working sea men ; some splendid-looking fellows there were among them (obviously conscious of their good looks); a large admixture of boys (some of whom looked liker the factory than the collier) ; and a few non descripts of middle and more advanced age, in long shore togs, who, had it been a procession of the royal navy, might have passed for broken-down purser.). But they all looked good-natured, and on their return to Trufalgar-square, not a little fagged. None of them I were the men to set the town, and few of them the men to pet the Thames on fire. Our observation is for the benefit of the wealthy ship-owners and ship-builders who gulled these honest fellows into such a dull and fatiguing mode of losing a day's work. Of all our conservatives the I most conservative are that medley of freighters and furnishers, brethren of the Trinity and the like, who • call themselves "the shipping interest," and who' have persuaded the good men and true who' man the northern colliers , that the naviga tion law is meant and works for their advan tage. They, if any, hare turned up their eyes and exclaimed against the wickedness of processions and open-air meetings in the Reform Bill time—they have , been open-mouthed in their horror at the audacity of , the chartists who carried the national petition in grand procession to the House of Commons—and they, as soon as they fancied they could gain anything by it, have hounded on their own sailors to walk in I procession through London. In taking this step the YouteGS and other worthies who are making cat's-paws of the honest seamen show how egregiously ignorant they are of the form and pressure of political movements. A demonstration is not an argument. The procession of yesterday leaves the question of the navigation laws exactly where it stood. No doubt the gatherings of the Reform Bill era materially contributed to the passing of that measure : but how ? The Reform-Bill struggle was a contest not of opinions but of powers. Politi cal power was then vested in a few i the powerless classes wished to participate in it. The question the powerful class put to themselves was not, what ought we to do 3 but, what can we do ? Ignorant of the feelings of all beyond their own limited circle, they would have disbelieved the intensity and universality of the national eagerness for extended representation, had not the nation presented itself visibly to their eyes. And this was done when their agents throughout the kingdom told them that, on one and the same day, almost the entire populations of all the towns had as- ' aembled and enthusiastieally pledged themselves to 1 the principles of the Reform Bill. The contest was felt to be hopeless, and was soon desisted from. But can the shipping interest flatter themselves that be tween two and three thousand seamen walking through the streets of London will produce a similar effect? Of all parts of the empire London was the most hopeless place to select for such an experiment. Gatherings which in smaller towns might pass for numerous, look dwarfed beside the every-day throng land bustle of the metropolis. The barge and lighter men apathetically following out their daily toil, showed multitudinous yesterday beside the boat pro. cession. The listlessly curious crowd assembled at the rendezvous in Trafalgar-square outnumbered the seamen ten to one. Tho daily omnibuses, cabs, wag gons, and advertising vans drowned the cheering by their deep murmur, and outshone all the flags in the procession. The day's work was entirely thrown away : and it was evident from the dull dispirited manner in which many of the more intelligent sailors with drew from the ranks, and gathering into little groups indulged in general conversation, that they had no heart in the business. And now a word or two with these honest fellows, with whom we sincerely sympathise. Do they know what the navigation laws are ? If not, let them try to master their contents, before they allow their em ployers to prevail upon them to set out again on such a first of April errand as yesterday's. Meanwhile, we request their attention to one provision of our naviga tion laws. The act 7 k 8 Vic. c. 112, makes it obligatory upon masters and owners to have on board every ship a i number of apprentices proportioned to its tonnage. i There must be at least one apprentice for every ship of 80 tons and under 200 ; two far every ship of 200 tons and under 400; three for every ship of 400 tons and under 500 ; four for every ship of 600 tone and under 700; and at least five for every ship of 700 tons and upwards. Now the effect of this regulation is, that the masters and owners, to com pensate themselves for the apprentices forced upon them, employ fewer able-bodied seamen than they would otherwise do. This is not the only way in 'which the law injures the sailor. As soon aa one apprentice on board of a vessel is out of his time, the owner or master must take another in his place, whether he needs him or not. More seamen are bred under the compulsion of this act than are needed, and the consequence is that they cannot all get employ ment. This it is which drives off so many of our best seamen into the American merchant service, a service where they have to encounter so many disagreeable.. 1 We haveheard of tmdes'unions trying tospmpel mas ters to take fewer apprentices than tlity wished; but the sailors who cry out for the maintenance of our navigation laws are the first working men of whom we have heard that they wish to force their masters to take more apprentices than they need. Again : —let the sailors ask themselves what is the avowed object of the navigation laws. If they b u t open their ears, they will hear from ehl quarters that these laws are meant to rear a supply of seamen foe the navy—that the merchant-service is to be made e nursery for the royal navy. What is the plain Eng. lish of these fine phrase. , ? Once upan a time th e English merchant-service really was a nursery for the royal navy. llswwiNs and PENN, and many others of the best officers in the royal navy, were trained in the merchant service; and,when perfect seamen, take (and sometimes their ships along with them) into the royal pay. But what chance has any man now-s. days, who has learned his trade in merchant Iva* lof obtaining a commission in the royal navy , Th e only man in the British fleet capable of taking th e soundings required by WOLFE before the assault on Quebec, learned his trade in a north of England col. Tier; but even after Limes COOK was recognised by every man of science in England, and by foreign governments, as one of the first ornaments of 04;ir navy, was he recognised as an equal by his super. cilious brother officers? And what merchant Rama has since been able to raise himself as COOK did? ' When the merchant service is called a nursery for the royal navy, nothing more is meant than that it is to furnish a constant supply of men before the mast, or at the very most of warrant officers. It is meant that every merchant vessel shall he made and kept a float , ing crimp-shop for the use of press-gs gs. We know that this article will be read by many an intelligent merchant seaman. Curiosity to know what is said about yesterday's procession will mak e many a one read it. And the facts we have now stated will not in every case fall upon dull or awe fleeting minds. We tell them that these prosbioas to which we have adverted are not the provisions most harmful to their clans that the navigation laws contain. We ask them, will they, as men of memos sense, again join in a demonstration to uphold these laws, or allow any of their mates with whom they have influence to join in such a des monstration, until they have thoroughly studied the laws, and by the aid of finis own sad their friends' experience tested their working? These laws may perhaps benefit the masters (as a body w e do not believe that they do), but seem edly they keep many able-bodied seamen out of employment, keep down the rate of seamen's wages, and help the press. gangs to catch them. There are, indeed, a few rich owners and builders, who contrive to make the business pay tolerably well 1 under the navigation laws. And as they could not ' do better were these laws repealed, and might, under I the pressure of increased competition, do worse, they I are averse to change. They arc contentedthat thegreat body of the real shipping interest, and, above all, the common sailors, should suffer by the navigation laws, so long as themselves can make profit under them. And, for their own selfish purposes, they persuade the Iseamen, that laws which by compelling more appren tices to be made than are needed bring too many into the trade, and which play into the hands of the press-gangs, arc the great charter of the sailor. If the seamen are wise, the next time these old foxes come spiriting them up to a procession, they will say: " Gentlemen, for the navigation laws we certainly will not turn out; but we have no objection to try our hands at a demonstration against inipressmeat, or ' for a reform of the Trinity-home, in order to have the funds of the corporation secured to ne c e ssitous seamen land their families, instead of being jobbed away as , they have bees. And we shall be proud to see you taking the chair, and moving resolutions at our meet ' ings, or marching at the head of our pmeessions.' AMERICA. The New York and the Waterloo, Capt. Allen, ar rived at Liverpool yesterday, with dates from New York of the 1 ith. The former vessel brings 12,0001., and the latter 22,0001. The reason why the New York mails did not reach Boston in time for the last steamer was, that an acci dent happened to the steamer Rhode Island, which carried the mailbags, and they were consequently transhipped to the Traveller, which, being obliged to slacken her speed in the Sound en account of a fog, was unable to perform the trip in the usual time. The Washingtou arrived at New York on the even ing of the 13th. The most important piece of intelligence by this arrival is the fact that, on the 14th, the l'resident had ordered a court of inquiry . for the purpose of investi gating the charges against Gen. Pillow and Col. Duncan, which had been preferred by Gen. Scott. After that investigation is terminated, the court is further directed to inquire into the charges preferred against Gen. Scott by Gen. Worth. The charges against Gen. Worth, submitted by the commanding general, have been dismissed by the President. The court is directed to assemble at Perote, at as early a day as the members can convene. It is to consist of Gen. Towson, Paymaster-General as President, and Gen. Cushing, and Gen. Butler, of Louisiana. Gen. Towson will strut for Mexico imme diately. The selection of Gen. Towson is an anomaly in court-martials, and will doubtless lead to difficulty. His office of paymaster-general is a civil one, which might be conferred upon any individual in private life, and he holds no rank in the regular line of the army. The command of the army in Mexico would necessarily devolve on Gen. Butler, of Ken tucky, he being the officer next in rank to Gen. Scott, whose presence would be required at the court of inquiry. The idea of recalling Scott had been abandoned for the present. The proceedings in Congress on the 14th produced no result ; but the opposition press seem sanguine in their hopes of the rejection of the Ten Regiments Bill. It was vehemently opposed in Senate by Mr. Clayton and Mr. Pearce. The committee of the house on foreign relations had reported in favour of making the chargeship to Rome a full mission, or rather an ambessadorship--the term employed in the constitution. Should the house and Senate agree to this the mission or ambassadorship would be offered to Chief Justice Taney, provided he would aTeept it ; and rumour said Mr. Buchanan would be offered the vacant seat on the bench of the Supreme Court. Should Chief 3 usticeTaney refuse the mission to Rome, then it would be offered to Mr. Ingersoll. The bill to raise the chargcship to Rome to a full mission would also raise those of Turin and Naples to the same grade ; but raising the salary from 4,500 dols. Ito full 9,000 dole., instead of 6,000 dols., as was pro posed by some of the members of the committee on the bill, it was thought might meet with some opposition in the house. It was also proposed to raise the poet of minister resident in Turkey and China to that of minister plenipotentiary, and to restore that of Austria, which has dwindled down into a ehargeship. Preparations were making in New York for getting up a great mass meeting in favour of tin' nomination of General Taylor as a candidate for the next preed deucy. The meeting would take place on the 22nd of February. This is long notice, and will probably be made good use of. The Liiion of the 14th ult. contains four columns of documents. First, Mr. Buchanan's instructions to Mr. Bancroft to complain to the British government of the conduct of Captain May of the royal mail steamer, Teviot, in carrying General Paredes to Vera Cruz last August, in violation of the neutrality, &c.; Lord Palmerston's answer to Mr. Bancroft; and next, two notes from the Foreign Secretary. In the first of these, Mr. Bancroft is instructed to complain that Capt. May, of the British steamer Teviot, although fully aware of the character of his passenger, brought Gen. Paredes from the Havana to Vera Cruz, had connived at, if ho did not directly➢aid in, his landing at that port, in a clandestine m anner, and contrary to the established regulations. requir in g a visit from the proper inspecting officer before any passengers could be landed. And he is to complain that the captain of the British steam er, by this con duct, has been guilty of a grave and serious violation of the duties of neutrality which Great Britain owes to the United States. The instructions then go on to say :—The President has not yet determined what course he will pane ia regard to British mail steamers. The great law of self-defence would, under the ulrcuuistancee, justify him in withdrawing the privil' ga altogether from theus se steamers of entering the po of Vera Cruz, and th rt effectually prevent the landing of enemies in disguise. He will not, however, resort, at present, to this e x ' the British treme measure, convinced, as he is, that government will at once adopt efficient means to pre vent such violations of their neutrality for the future. In the meantime Colonel Wilson will be instructed to adopt the necessary me ans, under the law of ua tiona, for the purpose of preventing and punishing similar outrages on oar belligerent rights. Britian mail steamers eatueat be suffered to bring to Vent