The Express. — London, England, 1853-08-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TvE4DAY, Acorn 9. The LOAD Cuorwiwt.ox wok his ..at at 3 o'clock PETITIONS PRESE TD NE. . BALLAST BIATIIIS.—By the Bist.up of LONDON, from • eleippraaa is the Tower II onlvtr, praplig that the bella-t he might be placed under the management ni ILO Triaity Board. UNIoN RAILWAY RILL —By Lord OVER. BTON E and Lord BEAL:MONT from several places against 0.,* tail. PRIVATE BILLS. Lord ILEDESDifini — ... - 4:1 tiUtii; older which pre vented any bill being read a se c on d time after the 12th of July morlit be relined in favour of the unly three bills that were not intruiltsced in time, in ci.nsequenee of unusual de lay in ti.e House of Commons. Lord 51ANLEY of ALDERLEY concurred, and the mutton was agrees! to. EASIERN UNION RAILWAY BILL. The Earl of DONOUUHMORE Dined the second read ing of th n bill, and stated that its object was to Carty out an agreement which had been originally sought by the preference shareholders from the simple contract credi:ors; and they now came before their lorilahips to oppose the bill. The bill hail been carefully esamined by a committee of the other houveuf parliament, who bad unanimously reported is favour of it. He hoped, therefore, that their lordships would allow it to be read a second tiro', in order that it !sight go to a select committee. Lord BEAUMONT ear, d nothing about the details of the measure, but be obi to its principle, because it proposed to take away (ruin persons, without their consent, property which had been guaranteed to them by an act of parliament. Osaranteed shares were always dealt with as safe propi-ey, because they were secured by act of parlia ment ; and if they adopted this bill they would break down the it bultriif that principle. lie should move the second reading the bill that slay three months. Their lordships divided : Contents Nun-contests l4-17 The bill was accordingly read a second time. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.—THE NAVAL REVIEW : - - _ _ In reply to a questiouft;intru Earl of DONist'ollXolll, The Earl of ABERDEEN was understood to say that it was not considered necessary that the house should meet on Wednesday, and as the business for Thursday was only of the oritioory character, and was not lik ly to occupy much time or occasion discussion it was not proposed to adjourn over that day. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. The Duke of NEWCASI LE, in moving the second ressdiag of this bill, said he believed he should best consult that large portion of their lordships who were connected by birth or by property with Ireland if in asking their lordship' assent to the three bills which stood first on the paper in reference to the relations of landlord and tenant, he treated them as pertaining to one and the same sub ject, end discussed thcoi together. With regard to the Landlord and Tenant 80l and thejenants' Improvement Conspeusation Bill, they were to a great extent of a similar character, and as the other bill (the Leasing Powers Bill) dealt also with the Nine subject, it would tend to simplify the discussion and enable them to arrive at a more perfect taderstandir st of their nature and object if he took them together. (ilear, hese) But before covering Oro the consideration of the bills themselves, he would allude shortly to their origin. Within the last few days an attempt had been snails to persuade the public that there was something of • communistic principle in time me 4.1.1Te11. and that they involved confiscation of pro party. He could only soy, that for himself, as well as for say other member of the government to which he had the honour to belong, that if there could be even the slightest suspicion that such a character attached to them, they would be the very last persons to give them their coons tifeauce. (Hear, boar) But how had these bills ori ginated ? Ile hail seen it stated that morning that they had been brought in bye coslition cabinet Oa. the repre sentation of certain Irish members of the other house, who were represented 04 powering estraorilinary influence with the ouvernment. S. far from that being the case, these measures dated so far beck as November last, when they mete introduced, not by a coalition cabinet, but by the right hon. and learned gentleman who filled the office of Attorney.lieneral for Ireland under Lord Derby, and upon the responsibility of • conservative government--(hear, hear)—of tbs• government which procloiesei itself as a body antagonistic to the slightest advance of that very democratic clement which was now supposed to be eteneentrated in these bills. (Hear.) They were told last sight by the noble earl opposite, that the bills as they now came up to their lordships were net the tams bills that had been introduced by the right hon. and learned gentleman and the government of which he was a member. lie confessed he had bees rigNsi astonished than he was when he heard that statement from the noble earl, for he could show that the bills were not only the same in every parliamentary and re cognised senor, but that trey were the same in all their va rious features and principal enactments, and that no change in them bad been made of so extensive a character as usually took place in measures of this kind in passing through parliament. It was impossible, therefore, for any man who supported the bills is November last to repudiate them now on the ground that they were not the same. However highly he valued a settlement of this ques tion, as essential to the peace and welfare of Ireland, he believed no settlement would be satisfactory which did not preserve the rights of property, in all its aspects and particular* inviolate. (Cheers.) Nothing was more cal culated to retard the social improvement, and the progress of civilisation in any country, than otos runes which could possibly have the tendency of Impairing in any way the rights of property. This brought him to the consideration of the sentence so often quoted that " property has its duties as well as its rights," but, unfortunately in Ireland the duties and the rights did not lerain to the same individual. It might be said that any gislation on the subject of the relations between landlord sad tenant was an interference with the doctrines of free trade. lie did not adopt that position, but he said that they were not in that position in which they could decide that they would not legislate. Let him call to mind what had been done in successive generations in reference to the relations of landlord and tenant, not is Ireland merely, hut in this country also. Why, the bills to which he was now falling attention showed to what extent that interference had geue. The schedule of ono of those bills referred Is nearly GO distinct sets, which it was here proposed to re- ' peal, and he was assured that upwards of 200 acts were more or less concerned or referred toin the provisionsof these three bills; and from the reign of Edward IV. down to the present time the statute book teemed with legislation on this subject. It was impossible, then, to maintain the doc trine of free trade as between landlord and tenant at this moment unless they erased all these various acts altogether from the statute book, and that they could not do without interfering with the law of entail, which he looked upon ma a veluab!ir ingredient of the social system of this country. (Hear, hear.) Looking at the gradually increasing wealth of all classes, and the growing population, he maintained that if they wished to uphold the iaw of entail it was neces sary to pus, he would not say these particular bills, but measures having the same object, and that by passing laws foe settling the relations of landlord and tenant they would is effect be strengthening the law of entail. (Hear, hear.) It might be true that the value of property in Ireland had at this moment increued, and was increasing, and that the social condition of the people was improving in the mme ratio, and he might be told, perhaps, that there was not that cry for the measure as there was some time ago. But might it not be that the spirit in which the question had bees taken up in the other house, and the anxiety which had been shown by parliament and by the government to arrive at a astidactory settlement had to some extent owe sioaed the abatement of that cry ? But even if that were not the cam, the absence of agitation was in his view an argument is favour sad not against legislation. After re hrring to the leading provisions of the bill, his grass issaeladed :—He thought, that noble lords opposite would be acting unwisely, and in the same manner that they did some years ago with reference to protection, U they rejected these bills. (Ironical cries of " hear, hear.") He had submitted any measure to that or the other home of parliament with a more sincere conviction that it was their bounden duty, without reference to party —(" Hear. hear," ironically., from the Earl of Shaftesbury.) The noble earl cheered as if thought there was some party feeling on that (the ministerial) side of the house. He Gould assure him that in proposing this measure the go vernment sought nothing but the welfare of Ireland. If it pulsed whom would be the credit? (lieu, hear.) He said at once it would be the right hon. gentleman's (Mr. Napier's), and justly so. If it did not pass on whom would rest the reproach ? On tffe present government, who had at that period of the session endeavoured to bring about • settlement of this difficult question. What room was there for party motives when honour was done to one who did honour to noble lords opposite when they were In °Nee, and whom they were anxious to discard now that Matted their purpose. (Ministerial cheers.) Re torting upon dlll noble earl the charge of being actuated by party Illotivess It would conclude, as he was about to do when intervener/. with an earnest appeal to their lordships to pass the wad scailicg, not with the view of panne the whole of the emnellnemie into effeet, bat with the view of giving the mennee *stair countersuen which it certainly deserved at *dr lam& (Hear, hear.) The Marquise, CLANRICARDE said if he wanted a proof of the &tram of passing thew bills, he should find it in the speech of the noble duke, who, while he bad addressed their lordships but a very short time on the detailaof the bill, had endeavoured, in the litter part of his speech, to make the question • personal one in relation to noble lords oppo site—(bear, Mar) —taking them with their party antics*. dents, no matter at what sacrifice to Ireland, so that the purpose, of the moment were served. (Cheers.) Then was no necessity to introduce a single word about proteo tion or any other party question. The noble duke himself said the question had no reference to paty. Than why did he introits*, party subjects ? (Hear, hear.) Why this appeal ad Anaesseirse, instead of the 0/9117014414M ad rem, U the object were not to turn away their t lord ships' minds from the consideration of the measure, and to obtain votes by an appeal to party feelings? (Cheers. / Notwithstanding what bad passed, he would recommen the noble earl (Malessabary) to allow the bills to be read • second time, but only with • view to their being referred to a select committee, in order that they might be well con @Mend, and introduced early next amino. The reasoa ableous of delay was obvious. Their lordships had now been siting ten months; ant it was within ten days of the claw of such • session that they were asked to pass three of the most important measures veer proposed with reference to the internal audition of Inland. (Hear, hear.) He declared that these bills would be p roductive of endless litigaeisand coufasion—indeed, it was well known THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 10, 1853. was restricted to offences of the more serious and flagrant character, while secondary punishments were subs , ituted for the greatest number of cases. But the question of secon dary punishments was also one of extreme difficulty. Now, owing to our extensive colonial possessions we had hitherto been enabled to dispose of our, effenden who were subject to secondary ptinishmenn by transporting them beyond the seas, after a certain period of preliminary imprisonment at home; but we I are now reduced to the necessity of altering that system. I In the first place, those colonies to which hitherto our offenders had been transported have become thriving and , wealthy commuuities, and their feelings had led them to , rivolt against being, as they conceived „ made the recep flea' o f criminais„ who were deemed uufit to be lilt in the • mother country. Whether this feeling was unfounded or nut it was unnecessary to inquire ; we had conceded to these colonies the principle of self-government, and having made that concession we must submit to its cons , Tame, The refusal of these communities to receive henceforward the criminals sent from this country would of itself be suf ficient to compel es to alter our system. But, indepen dently of that consideration, a great event had happened in these colonies, and even if the colonists themselves bad made no objection to receiving convicts, this great event alone would necessarily have led to a reconstruction of the previously existing s- stem. Because, although it was ad visable to send the criminal out of his native 'country to pass a certain period of qualified servitude in a foreign land, and to follow up that qualified servitude by a conditional pardon, involving the necessity of perpetual banishment from his own native coun try, and although it was a punishment which had a great influence upon the minds of both the accused per sons and their families, as well as their friends and neigh• hours ; yet when it turned out that the lands to which these criminals were sent were places where wealth abounded beyond the previous imagination of man, where the exercise of a small amount of manual labour was likely to create a splendid fortune for the man who employed it, the aspect of things became entirely changed. If the only object was to provide • place of detention for offenders during • period in which they were to be kept under a qualified imprisonment there would be no difficulty whatever. No thing would be easier than the establishment of such a penal colony in the Falkland Islands ' • nothing would be easier than the establishment of suet • colony much nearer home, where the expense of sending out the offenders would be infinitely less and the expense of keeping them not so considerable. But the object which had hitherto been sought for by transportation, and which he thought he might venture to say had in • great degree been hitherto fouad, was the subsequent reformation of the culprit. Well, then, he was afraid that we had no choice at present, at least, except to make up our minds that that portion of our offenders who might be sentenced to transportation, and who, under the former system, would be sent to the colonies with ticket of leave and the hope of conditional pardon, must be partly dealt with in some other . Well, then, be could assure the house, that the great subject of reformation had not been lost sight of by the government, or those who preceded them in office, nor could he think with re tried to a great portion of persons sentenced to diff.rent periods of transportation, that reformation was by any means a hopeless object to aim at. There was nothing which bad struck him more forcibly, in the short period during which he had had the honour to- preside over the Home Department, than the great diversity of punishment • allotted by different authorities, to offences which he might say were of the same kind, or rather to the extreme variety • of judgments exercised by different courts, in allotting punishments for offences. What he meant was this—on I the one hand he had frequently observed very severe punish- 4 ments inflicted, for what sppeared to him to be compare tively • trifling offence : while, oa the other hand, otfences I of • much g character bad been treated to • much 4 lighter punishment. This was an evil which must necessarily arise from the various judgments of men, and when they considered the great number of courts before which crimi nals were from day to day brought, it was impossible that they should not expect, either from the diversity of judg menta or from circumstances known to the court at the time, which could not be recorded upon their proceedings, but which, tireless, influenced the judgment, that there should he an apparent inequality in the punishments inflicted. Fortunately, however, the constitution provided • remedy for these cases in an appeal to the S.cretary of State, whose duty it was to inquire into each matters and decide whether there were any instances where the severity of the punishment could be mitigated without *- jury to the public. The inference to be drawn from this was that a great number of those persons who were sentenced to periods of transportation had not committed crimeed such magnitude as indicated such a degree of moral de pravity as to prevent any great ree.irmatioa of either their minds or characters, and every effort had unquestionably been made for the purpose of accomplishing that object. But then, when these persons were to be released upon this conditional ticket-of-leave system, the great question imme diately occurred, what were they to do, where were they to go in the hope or expectation of obtaining employment ? Be cause there was, of course, in the minds of men a disincli nation to employ persons who had been sentenced by the law for °lleum. Men would prefer, if they could find such agents, those agaiust whom no charge, no delinquency, had been establi•hcd. The apprehension teit, then, was this, it you released at once persons of this description, though they might carry with them some little accumulation of wages earned by them in their work during the period of their imprisonment, yet that money would soon be gone, and, from the difficulty which they would find in obtaining honest employment, they might be driven back to their old associates, or laps* into those habits which had rendered them amenable to the law in the first immune. Upon consulting, however, with those who had charge of this particular department, ho had reason to think that there could be found, and there would be found, means for giving to all these persons employment upon the public works separate from the convicts, and the, placing them in this country in a state ot transi tion in some degree analogous to the one in which they would have been placed in the colonies. And thus these released convicts might, during the period of - their ticket of leave service, find employment which would not attach any stigma to their character, and from which they might easily slide into the ordinary avocations of industry in the country. So far, therefore, as that consideration west, he hoped and believed that ample means would be found for smoothing the passage from the condition of the convict to the condition of the free and honest labourer. (Hear, hear.) Welt, then, another objection which had been raised to this plan was this. It was anticipated that the detention of se many convicts in this country would naturally lead to an additional expense being thrown upon the counties from the necessity which would arise for pro viding places for them. Upon that point, however, her Majesty's government felt it to be their duty entirely to relieve the apprehensions of the counties, because it would be the duty of the government, aad it would be in their power to do so, to provide, at the public espense, every additional accommodation which this altered system might require for the custody of the criminals daring the period of time that they would be undergoing their various terms of imprisonment. it would be perfectly unjust that a change of which they were totally independent, and io which they could have had no hand or choice whatever, should subject the counties of England to any additional expense whatever ; but, as he had already stated, no such apprehension as that need be entertained for • single moment. Well, then, generally speaking, that was the nature of the change which the government proposed. It was a change, as he had said, not resulting from any will or choice of the government ; but it was a change imposed upon the government by the course of events, and which appeared to him to be • mode of meeting the course of events the least liable of any that ho was aware of to objection. There were a great number of public works connected with harbours of refuge and defensive works on the coast, on which employment might be found for a great length of time, both for those convicts who were still working out their sentences, aad for those who were sen tenced to hard labour, and for those who might be in the condition of ticket of leave men. Those operations would be well performed by these men, and he believed that those habits of industry might be cultivated in them which would eventually tend to their future reformation. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the general• question of expense even making allowance for the expense of providing ad ditional accommodation at home for the convicts, the change would still be found to produce a considerable saving of public money, because if they set on the one hand the cost of erecting additional accommodation for an increased number of convicts, together with the charge for the maintenance at home, and placed on the other side of the account the cost of sending these convicts abroad, and maintaining them in the colonies, it would be shown that • considerable annual saving would in the end result to the public from the change. That, of course, was not an ingredient in the de cision which parliament might come to, but, at all events, it was an incidental circumstance, which was so far satis factory as to show that a chance which our necessities im posed upon us would not be attended with any additional expense, at least to the public. (Hear, hear.) In conclu sion, he invited attention to this bill. It had been framed with a good deal of attention; though no doubt the whole system must be considered as experi mental, in a great degree. If, in the working ef it, fresh suggestions should occur, or other im provements should appear likely to be easily accomplished, then her Majesty's government would be most happy to re ceive any suggestions from others, and to profit by the lessons of experience ; but he believed, on the whole, that this was the best mode that could be devised for meeting that great change in circumstances which prevent us from pursuing the course which had hitherto been followed. Mr. WALPOLE (who was very indistinctly heard) said he agreed almost so entirely with all that had fallen from the noble viscount, that he would not detain the house at any length, but would only refer to one or two points which he thought ought to be considered. It was clear that transportation must cease ; not only on account of the oo lonise, hot also from the altered circumstances of Aus tralia, which induced convicts to prefer going there to any other punishment. Not long ago at Gibraltar, an outrage was committed by some convicts on a keeper, for the pur pose of their getting themselves sent to Australia. These facts ought to be borne in mind when considering the prudence of doing away with transportation. If that was to be done, the difficult question arose, how were the convicts to be dealt with. He concurred almost entirely with the plan proposed by the noble viscount. He did not think it would be prudent to create new penal settlements, for the reasons so forcibly stated by tho noble viscount. Again, if it was intended that reformation of criminals should be effected, it could only be done by putting them into a country where the moral character of the population was far above that of the convicts. Besides, if new penal settlements abroad were crested the expense would be so great, that supposing that provision could be made for convicts at home, in an economical, as well as in a moral point of view, the mode proposed by the noble lord . was altogether excellent. Looking at the systems of punish ment, it would be found that one system had done more for the reformation of criminals than any other, and that was their employment on public works. The expense of trans , portation: wm about 200,000/. a year, and that of pri sons still greater, but public works, such as the I noble harbour of Portland, were self suppott ing. In 1849, the profitable labour on that I work amounted to 9,2141. ; in 1850, to 14,0671. ; in 1851, Ito 20,5411. While in 1852, the earnings had far exceeded the cost of the establishment. Such employment on works, as harbours of refuge in this country and the Channel Islands, would be a lasting benefit to the country, and do more towards the reformation of convicts than tn.,. ctiler • plan. For these remelts he concurred generally In all that had been said by the noble lord. The noble lord would, palms, allow him to observe on two points which bad oc correct to his mind in reading the bill. The first was, that . by the second clause transportation was done away with altogether where the sentence was shorter than 14 years. He doubted whether the law ought to be framed in that manner, and he thought it would be better to leave to the crown the power of commuting sentences of transportation fur periods of penal servitude. If the bill became law as it now stood, it would be impossible to pass • sentence of transportation for seven or ten years. Ile should propose to leave out the first and second clause-, and let the third clause contain a discretion in courts to sentence either o transportation, or to hard servitude. That was the more important, as tho only penal colony left was Western Australia, which having a population of only 10,000, it was doubtful whether employment could be found there for the 800 convicts it was proposed to send there, and as there was a demand foe convict labour at Moreton Bay, you ought net to tie up the hands of the crown so as to prevent sending out convicts, if it was found necessary. Then with regard to dealing with ticket of leave convicts. In order to work out that system, there must be a control over the criminal, and when once a portion of his pueish ment bad been remitted, and he afterwards committed any similar offence as that for which he was punished, he ought to be subject to a higher class of punishment. He (Itir. Walpole) would suggest that in the 10th and 11th clauses, provisoes should be added, providing that when a conditional pardon had been granted to a criminal and he abused the mercy of the crown, there should be awarded to him • higher dtgree of punishment, such as would have been awarded to a higher crime than that he had originally committed. Ile would not further detain the house, but would express his concurrence in the pro priety and policy of this measure, and he hoped it would contribute not merely to the abolition of that which was • galling infitetion on the colonies, but, if properly and vigo rously carried out, contribute materially to the reformation of criminals. Sir J. WALMSLHY suggested that there was • part of the coast near Liverpool where a large number of convicts might be employed. There was a great depth of water at Douglas, in the Isle of Man, where the government had bad some idea of forming •,harbour of refuge, which would be a great advantage to the Scotch coasts aad to Liverpool. He recommended this work the more because the Isle of Man contributed • large sum to the revenue of this country, on condition that • harbour of refuge should be built. Besides which, by the recent Consolidation of Customs Act, • ninth part of the revenues of the Isle of Man was to be employed on her harbours. There would bo great advantage in the government carrying out such a work. Mr. A. PE LLATT would be glad to know what was the in tentions of the noble viscount with regard to the adjustment of the employment of convicts. The noble lord had men tioned public works, and as far as it went that plan was excellent. lie wished, however, to call the attention of the noble lord to the prison at Cork, where malefactors were so beneficially employed that they obtained funds for their own sustenance, and were enabled when set free to obtain an honest livelihood. The farm system, the separate sys tem, the aggregate systems and the manufacturing system— were all combined in the systems at Cork. Sir J. l'A K I NO TON thought there was reason to complain of the government in bringing forward a subject of such ex treme importance, and which had caused a strong feeling in the country, at a moment which precluded the possibi lity of a satisfactory discussion. He (Sir J. Pakington) had always advocated the value of transportation as a secondary punishment; he had seen its effects, and under different circumstances he thought it admirably answered the purpose of the first secondary punish• ment slier that of death. But, as things were, he thought the government, he was going to say .Thad acted wisely; but, as had been said by the noble lord, the govern ment bad no option than the course they had taken. Notwithstanding the necessity which he believed existed fur such a measure, he thought the government ought to have come forward with it earlier. lie had often in the course of the session put questions to the noble lord as to when such a measure would be brought on. The late government, in the Queen's speech, virtually put an end to transportation; and the judges were embarrassed with regard to the sentences which they were to pass, and when this bill came down to this house and stood fur a second read ing at two o'clock in the morning, when he (Sir J. Pakington) was fortunately in bed, but when the noble viscount was still watching over the affairs of the couetry, it was read a second time sub sikntio. It might be said that anything was justifiable by the government in the month of August, but still he thought that exceeded even the license of that period of the session. The noble viscount had now made a statement which, though satisfactory, was not so full as it ought to have been ; for which, perhaps, be would have the excuse of a morning sitting in the month of August, and therefore under circumstances which ren dered it impossible that the bill should be discussed as it ought to be, so as to inform the country by means of their deliberations how this greet question of secondary punish ments was to be settled, and that the plan did not origi nate either with the late or the present government, but was caused by the course of events comprised in the ob jections of the colonies to receive convicts and the disco veries of gold, which rendered this course imperative. Under the separate system of imprisonment the term was practically only a year and a half, although the law recog nised three years as the term. The next step in secondary punishments was transportation for seven years, which was too great a jump from one sort of punishment to another. 11e had placed this point before the Committee on Prison Discipline which sat in 18,50, and they adopted the outline of a plan by which district prisons were to be erected at the cost of the government, and an alteration made so as to substitute large periods of imprisonment for transportation. He had prepared a memorandum for the late government , which he lett in the colonial office, in which he recent mended a gradation of secondary punishments, and the employment of prisoners in great public works, so l as to make them self-supporting. That was the outline of the plan which the noble viscount had adopted. He need not say therefore that he was in favour of the plan of the government. Experience showed that there was no reason to despair of the reformation of offend ers who had been guilty of the milder offences, and by means of an amended prison discipline, they might look to the reformation of the larger proportion of criminal of fenders, and also remedy the evil, which was so much dreaded, of turning loose on society' persons who had been criminal offenders. Greet alarm was felt on that point, but be thought it an unnecessary alarm ; for the public was not aware that when at one period transportation was sus pended, a great many persons who had been sent to the hulks were let loose at the expiration of their terms of im prisonment; and that after a by no means rafermatory training. By the adoption of such means as were now Cratt, transportation might be got rid of. There en a great increase in the number of criminals who were sentenced to lege than ten years' trans portation, and who consequently did not go abroad. It appeared by returns for the years 1847, 1849, 1850, and 1851, that the average in each year was 673 persons who were transported for more than 10 years, and 6,249 who were transported for less than 10 yearn. For this latter great majority of cams the plan of the government full provided, and he believed that such reformation would lee et. acted that society would have no cause to regret the change ; for the law would be as well administered and crime pu nished as heretofore, while looking to the minor element of expense, he believed the noble lord was right in saying that punishment would be carried out at a far less goat to the country. He here cams to a part of the statement of the noble viscount in which be failed in explaining the =of imprisonment intended. The noble lord had told hat there were means of accommodaing prisoners; het he had not stated so fully as it ought to have been stated what the system was to be. Now, when a prisoner was transported, the first period of punishment was passed in separate confinement in gaol. In the case of a prisoner in future to be sentenced to transportation for seven years, how was the first period of punishment to be passed ?—was It to be passed in separate imprisonment ? [Lord Palmer.- ton—Yee.] But when that period was passed, where wes the man to go ? [Lord Palmerston—To the public works.] That might be, but the noble viscount had presented no calculation on the point, and it was doubtful whether there would be public works sufficient to absorb the great amount of labour which would be at the disposal of the government, and the noble lord should afford the house some more accu rate information on that point. After some further general remarks the right hon. gentleman concluded by expressing his intention of supporting the measure. Mr. MACARTNEY referred to the want of prison ac commodation at the depots in Ireland oven now, and urged that if this measure was adopted the government must pro vide means for meeting its requiremeuts M Ireland. Mr. ADDERLEY thought there was only one essential difference before the scheme at present before the house and that which had been under the consideration of tke late government, and that was, that in the latter case a delay of sig months would have occurred. What would have bean the advantage of that delay None. If the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Pskington) bad attempted to land convicts in Australia, he would only have signalised his reign in the Colonial-office in the same brilliant but mischievous way in which his predecessor signalised his tenure of office in refer ence to the Cape of Oood Hope. The chief merit of the measure was its promptness. Many shrank from the idea that transportation, as a system, was doomed ; but it would be better to look the matter fairly in the face, and, having seen that it inevitably must come to an end, to provide some other means of secondary punishment. Mr. F. SCULLY fully concurred in and approved of the government measure. Mr. J. 0. PHILLIMORE thought that this bill was a most useful measure. lie fully concurred with the hon. member opposite (Mr. Atiderley) in his opinion of the in efficacy of this punishment. Sir W. JOLLIFFE said it was very questionable whe ther our social system was in a position to bear the change proposed by this bill. Mr. PHILLIPS protested against the idea that trans portation was per seen unjust, an ineffectual punishment. He was willing to admit, that at the present day transpor tation might be inexpedient or impossible, but he certainly thought that, in its time, it had been of the utmost use both to this country and to its colonies. (Hear, hear.) Mr. mactiELL wished to be Mformed what were the contemplated arringements with reference ts the employ ment of criminals upon harbours of refuge. Mr. FLOYEII agreed very much iu the opinion that transportation was no longer much dreaded. It might be made so by the punishment to be inflicted in the colony, but it appeared to him that the class to be exempted in the 11th clause were the very class whom it would be best to remove to some other country. Lord PALMERSTON expressed the satisfaction he felt It tintlitt e ^ isrt a g onna: this mea sure, and that in the course of the discussion assay valualsle suggestions had been thrown out, and which would receive due consideration at the hands of government. - • -••- • - The clauses of the bill were then gono through, and agreed to w.thout amendment, and the house having re sumed the bill was reported. The house then adjourned un:il 6 o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock, SUPPLY.-ItEI'ORT. _ The report of s;ipnliwas brougl.t up and the various votes were read at the table. On the vote for the Naval Coast Volunteers, Mr. F. FRENCH said he had given notice to the First Lord of the Admiralty of his intention of putting a ques tion to him. The question was whe•her there M4l any cause why rum should continue to be the only spirit selected for the consumption of the nsvy. Sir JAMES GRAHAM s there was only one answer to be given to the question. It was the opinion of the Admiralty that it would not conduce to the good of the service or the discipline of the navy to issue more than one kind of spirits to the men. From time immemorial rum bad been used in the navy. Efforts had been made t 0 induce the men to use other stimulants, and tea and coffee had been supplied to them, in order to induce them to give up the we of spirits as a stimulant. There was only an issue of one kind of spirits, and it would lead to great inconveuience] if any other were to be issued. The question then came, what that spirit was to be. The habits sad customs, as well as the health of the sailor, induced the Admiralty t decide in favour of rum ; and various Boards of Admiralty had de cided that rum was the best spirit for the purpose. If the hon. gentleman wished to see the correspoudeuce he had spoken of, there was no objection to producing it. On the vote for the maintenance of prisons, . . . Mr. LUCAS referred to the abs. nce of religi . ous instruction in English prisons for Roman Catholic. and Protestant Dis senters, and proposed that there should be equality in this respect in England, as in Ireland and the colonies. Lord PALMERSTON was of opinion that without some such arrangement the cause of reformation was hopeless, and promised that the subject should be carefully considered. The vote was then screed to. On the vote of 486,415/. for the militia, Colonel NORTH called the attention of the Secretary-at- War to the fact that various clerks in the Ordnance depart. ment had had a great deal of extra work in connexion with the militia, for which they had received no remuneration. This vote was then agreed to. The report of the committee of supply was then brought up and received. METROPOLITAN SEWERS ACTS CONTINUANCE BILL. Upon the order of the day for going into committee upon this bill. A long disens•ion took place. The state of the sewerage called forth loud complaints ; the commission, es were duly attacked as the responsible persons; and strong reasons were urged why the commission should be placed on a bett.r The house divia-d For the motion Against The house then went into committee on the bill. On clause 1, Lord PALMERSTON said he did not wish to enter on any lengthened answer to all the objections which had been urged, but he merely wished to say that he should deem it his duty to act on the suggestions which had been thrown out, and that nothing should be done with the money raised, which was not approved of by the consulting engi neers, Sir W. Cabin and Mr. Stephenson, in whose judg ment the house and the country could confide. (Ileac, hear.) Ile agreed entirely with those who said that nothing satisfactory would be effected until some general system was adopted which would relieve the Thames from the ignominious duty of being the sewer of London instead of its ornament—(hear, bear)—and he thought such a system should be combined with the advantageous use of the sido sewers. lie hoped also that measures might be adopted which would connect the tunnels and gullies into what miners called downcast furnaces, which kept the air down instead of expelling it upwards, and that the atmosphere would be relieved from that constant source of pollution. Ile must say that while on the one band the ratepayers had great cause to com plain that they were left without relief, yet, on the other, he could assure the house that the commissioners .... also had cause to complain, for they were men of ability, who, seeing what ought to be dune, were not able to du it for want of funds; and the only wonder was that they had not struck work altogether—(laughter)—and refused to be responsible fir what appeared to be caused by their neg• lect, but which, in fact, it was an impossibiiity for them to do. He could again assure the house that no works should be undertaken which was not approved by the two eminent men h, had named, and that those works should be of suck a nature uto connect places which were not now drained with the outlets, and that those places should be brought into connection with any great system of drain age which should hereafter be adopted. There were about 2,000 miles of streets in the metropolis, and of that only 900 miles was draiaed, leaving 1,100 miles without drain age, and, as Milton had described a town, as a place Where homes thick and sewers annoy the air, what must it be where you had " houses thick without sewers," as was now the case in London ? (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Sir W. CLAY objected that this money to be raised was going to be spent, not where drainage was wanted, but on a system of arterial drainage. Sir B. HALL said, that as his noble friend proposed to have a general system of drainage, he would suggest that directions should be given to the commissioners forthwith to map out the metropolis, for the purposes of any scheme of drainage that might be adopted. Sir J. SHELLEY advised the noble lord to beware how he trusted Sir W. Cubitt, for that gentleman had stated before the London Drainage Committee that the Thames was the best of all sewers, and that everything should go into the river. lie should have more confidence in the way this money was about to be expended if the direction was left solely to Mr. Stephenson. He, however, admitted that the prospect was bettered by the promise of the noble lord that no works should be undertaken unless certified by Sir , W. Cubitt and Mr. Stephenson. Mr. A. PELLATT wished to say • few words to the noble lord with reference to the South Metropolitan Drain age. He had seen the plan, and he would suggest that, working as it was proposed to do, from Wandsworth to Deptford, it went too much to the south of the densest part of Southwark. Mr. PKTO suggested that in borrowing the money it should be spread over 30 or 40 years .. . L eo that the whole expenditure should not fall on one gennittion. The mode of levying the rates also was most unfair, as it often happened that the poorest parte of London paid not only for themselves, but for the richer district, also. The clauses of the bill were agreed to, and several danses brought up and added to it. Sir DE L. EVANS asked what was the opinion of the noble lord with regard to the suggestion of the noble member for Norwich as to spreading the burden of the money to be raised over 30 or 40 years. Lord PALMERSTON said it was intended by the com• missioners to raise the money on annuities in the way described by the hon. member, for which power was given in the bill. The hoagie then resumed, and the bill we. reported. FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL. The bill was then passed through committee. CUSTOMS_BILL. _ _ . Various amendments were added to this bill. Mr. SAWLE thought that a clause ought to be added to this bill to do away with the unjust manner fa which the expense of keeping prisoners who had been guilty of offices, against the customs was thrown upon towns. Mr. WILSON was quite aware that a hardship existed. It was quite true that when persons were taken into custody for smuggling they were sent to the county gaol with a certificate from the comptroller that they were possessed of means sufficient to maintain themselves, and that in many instances this property was not to be found. He had given directions that, together with the certificate of the comp troller, a statement should be sent showing where the pro perty was to be found. However, the whole subject was at present under consideration, and he promised that it should not be lost sight of. (Hear, hear.) The bill was then ordered to be read a third time this day. DEFACING THE COINS BILL. This bill woe reed a third time and passed. LINEN, de., MANUFACTURES BILL. This bill war read a third time and passed. CROWN SUITS BILL. Some amendments to this bill were brought up, and the third reading fixed for Friday. FEMALE CONVICTS BILL. This bill WAS read a third time and weed. APPREHENSION OF OFFENDERS ACT AMEND- MENT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. MARRIAGES, HOLY TRINITY CHURCH, HULME, VALIDITY BILL. The bill was read a third time and pused. REGISTRAR OF MEETINGS BILL. This bill passed through committee. SMOKE NUISANCE ABATEMENT BILL. After a short conversation between Mr. Spooner, Sir .1. Graham, and Mr. Pellatt, the third reading of this bill was fixed for to-morrow. COPYHOLD, &c., COMMISSION CONTINUANCE BILL. This bill passed through committee. COMMONS INCLOSURE (No. 3) BILL. This bill passed through committee. HACKNEY CARRIAGE DUTIES BILL. On the motion for the third rending of this bill, Colonel SIIITHORP, having taken much interest in this matter, was anxious to improve this bill. Ile had seen so many accidents through carelessness in drivers of hackney vehicles, that it was time that some meaaures should be taken. lie did not hesitate to say that these men were, generally speaking, ruffians. (Laughter.) But it was the proprietors who ought to be got at. Much of the evil of the present system anise from the iliffieult) of get — et the proprietors. In order to reined) Cie v..rieus preetical defects of the present system, he moved the following c l atters " That no omnibus or public carriage of th at d escription shell be permitted to take up cr set down any passenger in the middle or centre of any public s t reet , roil, or thoroughfare, but on each side of the street, raj, cr 'thoroughfare adjoining the pavement or causeway when going er coming to and fr o ; pen a lty f o r each n&nee, f o rt y I shillings or imprisonment fee one month. That the name and residence of each proprietor, as well as driver, of each carriage, be printed en each card or ticket that is to be de livered by each driver to the person or parties requiring ruck card or ticket at the time of hiring ; penalty foe omission, forty shillings er one monvi's imprison ment. That no driver or other person connected with such pu bl ic e'rri ea ag esh rr a ig l a lo e dccupu)r. or side of any such ca b nr public ing tl,e time bath Cub or pub lic carriage is on the public stand, or during the period that any such shall be hired ; penalty. each offence, forty shillings, or one month's imprisonment. That the polic , i officers on duty in each street or district be authorised and have full power to take cognisance of any misconduct on the part of any (driver of any public carriage, or other person connected therewith, or fur neglect or deviation from the enactments of the bill, and either to rectify at the time or make special report thereof in each case, and act as reflects as to any cum. plaint by any person or party concerned." Mr. LOWE was sorry that ho could not assent to the addition of these clauses. They did not seem to come within the scope of the bill and, being in their character highly penal, they ought to have bet n submiled to the or deal of a committee of the house, instead of being brought up on the third reading. Then, these claws were sobadly drawn. (Laughter.) A penalty was imposed in them, but it was not said how or where it could be recovered ; indeed, as the clause stood the penalty of forty shillings would have to be sued for by the Attorney. General inthe Court of Queen's Bench. Then, again, in the last of the proposed clauses, the police officers were to take cognisance of misconduct. " Misconduct " was a very vague word. (Yeer, bear ) They were to make a report, but nothing was said as to what was to be dnne when they had made one. (Laughter.) Lastly, they were to act as referees; but whether with or without the consent of the parties di nut appear. Colonel SIBTHORP would rather truss to the wisdom of a police slicer than to that of the Treasury bench. (Laughtee.) The clause was negatived without a division. Sir D. NORREVS moved a clause, the object of which was that, in cases in which the distance ws not to be found in thee official list, the magistrate should have power to measure it on the map from the nearest public building, or point of intersection, to Vie spot from which the cab was hired. The clause was negativi d. Mr. F. SCULLY moved the folioring clause:— " That the proprietor of every hackney carriage, or metro politan stage carriage, licensed to ply for hire within the limits of this act, who shall withdraw his carriage trout hire for two consecutive days, or for any two days iu ~n e week, without just cause, of which the magistrate before whom the complaint is heard shall be the Judge, shall be liable to a penalty of a sum not exceeding twenty shillings in respect of every carriage for each duy he shall FO withdraw the same ; and the license of suck proprietor shall be suspended or recalled and taken away at the discretion of the said Commissioners of Police provided always, that it shail be lawful for such proprietor, upon giving ten days' notice to the Commissioners of Police, to withdraw his carriage from hire." The clause was added to the bill. Mr. V. SCULLY proposed to substitute for clause 13 the following clause : " Where any hackney carriage shall be discharged beyond the eireumf, renee of • circle the radius of which shall be four miles front Temple Bar, it shall be lawful for the driver of such carriage, in auditi-n to the fare now directed to be laid, under the act of the presiiit session of parliament, chapter 33, to charge a rum of six pence per mile for each mile, or part of a mile, in respect of the distance between the piece where he is so discharzcil and the nearest point of such circumference." Mr. LOWE adopted the clause, omitting the words. •" the radius it which shall b, four miles from Temple-bar," and putting in the words " the centre of which shall be Temple-bar and the radius four miles." The clause was committed, and after some discussion was agreed to as amended. The house then resumed and the clause was reported. Mr. }'IIEWEN moved to bring up a clans: giving an ad ditional half fare when a carriage shoukl be discharged between midnight and half-past four in the morning. The clause was negatived. Lord 1). STUART moved a clause allowing appeals from the decisions of magistrates to the Quarter Sessions, revoca tions of licenses, however, to continue in force until the case should hs heerd. This clause he had taken totidem robin from the Dublin act, which was sent up to the other house a few days ago, but if the hackney carriage proprietors and drivers of Dublin were to have the right of appeal he could not ate why the same right should not be upplii dto this case. The house had done justice to Ireland in this respect, and he wanted the house to extend the same ju.tiee to London. (A laugh.) Mr. LOWE opposed the clause, apprehending that this appeal would be a repeal of the act, because it would deter gentlemen from coming forward to resist imposition in wrong. So tar from agreeing with the noble lord in thinking that appeals under this clause could be few and far between, he felt that they would be numerous, for the proprietors of cabs and hackney carriages would eOOl.- bine to make a fund for the purpose, and there would be an appeal in almost every case. But a similar clause to this had already been discussed and disposed of in a fuller house than was present then, and if there were no other ground, be thought that would be sufficient to justify the rejection of this motion. Mr. I. BUTT was prepared to support the right of ap peal, believing that it would be an efficient check upon the decision of the magistrates. The right had been granted to Dublin since this bill was brought in, and as the judges of the superior courts were subject to a similar control he could not understand upon what ground the police magis tracy of London should he exempted from it is this instance. After a few words from Colonel SIIITHORP, The house divided, when there appeared— For the clause Against it The clause was accordingly lost. The bill then passed. CONSOLIDATED FUND APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. WILSON brought in this bill, which was rend a first time amidst cheering ; and ordered to be read a second time this day. METROPOLITAN BOARD OF SEWERS. Sir J. SHELLEY moved fur leave to bring in a bill to establish a metropolitan board of sewers. His object was that the bill might be considered in the interval between this and the next session. It went to establish the repre sentative principle, and he thought the noble lord the Home Secretary would find in it something worthy of his attention. Leave was given ; and the bill was brought in and read a first time. - Some returns were ordered, and tho house adjourned at one o'clock. erautoxi. -- - in Ireland that many eases of litigation were preparing in anticipation of these bills passing, and he therefore im plored their lordships to proceed no further now with the bills, but leave them fur the consideration of a select com mittee in a future IN wei..n. (Hu, hear.) The Earl of MA LNIESIWItY slid, that when a govern ment or an independ.nt member of parliament brought in • measure it was not expeeted that they or be would be so obstinate or pedantic as to adhere to every word or sentiment which the measure contained. (Hear, hear.) That was the feeling *kith actuated him now, but at the some time, while he did not hesitate to say that the principle of thew bills was approved of by the late government when they were ant introduced, he must yet protest that as they now *Moil they were entirely different bills. The noble duke opposite seemed to fancy that he was going to abandon his former colleague (Mr. Napier), but the noble duke was mistaken in that respect, for neither Mr. Napier nor any other of his colleagues had ever agreed to thew bills in their present shape. However, as this was not a fitting opportunity for discussing the clauses of the bill, be should confine his attention to the attack which the noble duke had made upon him for, as the noble duke alleged, abandoning the intentions, the cause, and the principles of has party. Now, with respect to the Leasing rowers ßill, he was free to confess that in his opinion it had not been so altered during its passage through the Commons as to make it at all justifiable to prevent its goin into committee now. Certainly Le should have preferred sending it to • select committee, but at this period of the session that course we. hopeless. With respect to the Izindlord and Tenant Bill,' he could say the same of that; but as for the Tenant's Com pensation Bill, it was an entirely different matter. It was not the bill of the late government, nor wu it the bill of Mr. Napier, as he would show from a letter which he had received from that gentleman. In that letter Mr. Napier declared that the bill " had been patched up in the committee of the House of Commons, where it was treated as a sort of raft to which body was anxious to attach a plank, but with which noose seemed prepared to put to sea." Me. Napier went on to say that the present bill was entirely different to the oae which he brought ia, audit was quite open to him (the Earl of Malmesbury) to oppose or support it, Just as he thought 8t -_ The Earl of RODEN was not in the lust tied up or in volved in any party whatever, and so deeply did he feel the injustice of these bills, that if no one else did it be at least was determined to take the sense of the house upon the second reading. It was much better to meet bills of this unjust character with an open and candid opposition. The Earl of WICKLOW entreated their lordships at any rote to pass the first two bills. They would thereby show the people of Ireland that it was their intention to carry out eventually the whole of the measures digested in the House of Commons. If, however, they now rejected all those bills, they would give offence to the country, and er cite a feeling that that house would not grout the prayers and reasonable &mends of the people of Ireland. (Dear ) Lord St. LEONARD'S made many objections to the bills! He had no desiire to throw them out, but he trusted they would not under any pressure from without, consent to pus them in an incomplete state. After a few words from the Earl of ice LOW, Toe Earl of ABERDEEN said—l eontSes, my lords it is not without some concern that I sec the feeling which has been manifested in reference to these bills. I had hoped that the time was come when after the many abortive attempts that had been made we had arrived at the point at which it was possible to bring this difficult and exciting question to a satisfactory conclusion. (Hear, hear.) And I thought so from the facts that these bills, whether precisely the same or not, were at all events substantially the same as those which were brought in by the late go vernment, which naturally led me to hope that they would form such a settlement as would, in the opinion of your lordships generally, be satisfactory. My lords, I perceive the reverse is the case, and I cannot but see, from the tone this discussion has taken, that a majority of your ►ordships are of a different opinion. (Hear, hear.) I wish it to be understood most specifically that to taking up these bills the government had no other object in view than the benefit of the country for which they were intended. (Hear, hear.) And as I see a large number of noble peers opposite belong */ to Ireland, I beg to SISIM them, one lied all, that we have no other object—that we can have no other object— than that which I am sure brings them here—to promote the substantial and permanent good of the country. (Hear, hear,) That being the MO—without entering into the de thi:a of these measures, but looking at the view which has been expressed generally by your lordships, and which I believe I am right in supposing as the opinion of the majo , rity of this house—(hear)-1 feel it would be in vain for me to attempt to press these measures on the consideration of the house in the present session. (Cheers.) I therefore am prepared to assent to the proposition which was made early in the evening by t►e noble marquis, that the bills should be read a second time, and not be further proceeded with during the present session. I believe your lordships will do wisely to assent to the second reading, for if you do not, I fear you may give rise to much miscon struction of your motives. (Hear, hear.) But if your lordships will consent to the second reading of these bills, I, on the part of her Majesty's government, am pre pared to promise that at the earliest period of next session, the whole subject shall be taken into consideration, with the view of seeing whether we cannot at lost arrive at a final and satisfactory settlement of this very difficult and long agitated question. (Hear, hear ) The Earl of hIALMESBURY was as anxious as was the noble earl himself that at the earliest period if the next ses sion the question should be considered again, and that bills analagous to these should be brought forward. He would suggest that these bills and other important measures should be introduced into that house in the first instance, and that they should not be called upon to consider them at the end of the session. The Earl of RODEN declined to divide, and after a few remarks from the Earl of DOZ101:01111011,11, in approbation of the course the g..vernment had taken, and expressing a hope that the question might in another session, be satistac turd, settled, the Landlord and Tenant Bi ll was read a second time. The Duke of NEWCASTLE hoped the noble marquis did not intend to press his motion to refer the bills to a select committee as it was obvious no practice' result could follow at this late period of the session. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE assented; he was per fectly content with the arrangement suggested by the noble earl at the bead of the government. The other two bills—the Tenants Improvements Compen sation (Ireland) Bill, and the Leasing Powers (Ireland) Bill, were also read • second time on the understanding that all three bills were to be withdraw■ for the present session. The Merchant Shipping Bill, and the Drainage of Lands (Ireland) Aet Amendment Bill,were severally read a second time. INCUMBRRED ESTATES (IRELAND) ACT CON TINUANCE BILL. On the motion of The Commons' amendments to this bill were agreed to, after a remark from the Earl of Gumoucinisoas, who ob. jeeted to the alteration made in the seeond elutes. Tbe Poor Relief Act Continuance Bill wu read a second time, es was also the Duties on Hones let for Hire Bill. The Amendments to the General Baud of Health (No. 3) Bill were reported and agreed to. NAVAL COAST VOLUNTEERS BILL. This bill passed through committee. LIBERATED AFRICANS BILL. This bill went through committee. LAND TAX REDEMPTION BILL, This bill passed through committee. NEWSPAPER STAMPS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. CONSOLIDATED ANNUITIES BILL. This bill was read a third tans sad passed. GOVERNMENT OF INDIA BILL. The report on this bill was brought up sad agreed to. BELFAST MUNICIPAL BOUNDARIES BILL.. Bill road athird lima and Awed. REGISTRAR OF PRIVY COUNCIL BILL. Bill road • third tine and ;owed. CRIME AND OUTS/;3E (IRELAND) BILL. Bill road a third time sad weed. DUBLIN CARRIAGES BILL. This bill wont through ocussitittair. PASSENGERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Thu bill was --- TURNPIKE ACT AMENDMENT (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through amnion ; and The house adjourned at half past 10 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAT, Auo.9. The Brawn took the chair at 12 o'clock. _ _ _ PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords Amendments totke West Cornwall Railway Bill and the Bayswater, Paddington, and Holborn-bridge Railwaill were considered and agreed to. The ut India Railway Bill was read a laird time and passed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. HARWICH ELECTION. The BPEAK.iiinform that he had received a letter from the agent to the petitioners in the Harwi:h election saw, stating that it was not his intention to proceed with sub petition. PETERBOROUGH ELECTION. The members chosen to serve on the Peterborough Elec tion Committee were called to the table and sworn. The committee to meet tomorrow (this day) at 11 o'clock. SOUTH SEA AND OTHER ANNUITIES PROVI SION FOR PAYMENT BILL. . . . This bill was read a third time and passed without di.. elusion. TRANSPORTATION BILL. The house then went into eoramitteeontl bill. On clause I, Lord PALMERSTON rose and said that no subject was more difficult or more important to deal with than the question of punishments. In the early stages of society crime produced on the minds of the comtnunity one feeling only—the feeling of resentment, and the one simple object of legislation Rai that of vengeance. And in the barbarous ages the vengeance was carried to su.-.11 an extreme that not only was the punishment of death inflicted for almost every off:ace that could be imagined, but for the graver offences; the actual extinction of lite was not considered a sufficient punishment unless it was accompanied by tortures inflicted upon the offender previous to death. And where death was not inflicted imprison- ment for long continued periods, attended with every suffering that mat's ingenuity could devise, was awarded to those whose lives were not taken away. As civi lisation, however, advanced, a milder feeling prevailed both lin legislation and in practice, and the punishment of death TO CORRESPONDENTS. 4 -wand !.dittos •f" iheE.l - preee, --7 ocatartai the same err-ales', Gazette," lA published every Tuesday and Friday eight, in time for post. i7ettletineats intended for "The Itsprees,"lzerlen Evening paper, law b et the Mike, 10, Bouverto-otroot, by Two o'aloci on the lay of publiestion. MGR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tim Dar—Moray% p. 27m. Afternaor, sa. 47m. ii: 9a.. 6b. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 10. LORD PALMERSTON last night favoured the Houk of Commons with the present views of the Govern ment upon Transportation. The whole speech was a clever commentary upon the preamble of the Bill upon which the House was then in committee, and which is known by the name of the Transportation Bill. " Whereas," say the words of the preamble, "by reason of the difficulty of transporting offenders beyond the seas, it has become expedient to substi tute in certain cases other punishment in lieu of trans portation, be it therefore enacted, &c." Whence ' arises the difficulty of transportation beyond the seas which gives occasion for a change in our legis lation ? Lord PALMERSTON gave but an imperfect solution of this difficulty when he ascribed it primarily to the altered state of the colonies to which crimi nals were transported. " These colonies," he said, "to which hitherto our offenders had been tran sported, had become thriving and wealthy com munities, and their feelings had led them to revolt against being, as they conceived, made the receptacles of criminals who were deemed unfit to be left in the mother country." Surely the objec tion of colonies to receive convicts has a better foundation than sentimental squeamishness. It is not because their pride or vanity is in -1 jured that the colonies protest against receiving convicts, but because the presence amongst them of a large body of men steeped in crime is at tended with the greatest danger to life, pro perty, and morals. The whole tone of IRO rality in a convict colony is lowered. The tenure of life and property is insecure. Precisely the same reasons which influence the mother country in trying to get rid of its convicts, make a colony unwilling to receive them. Whether criminals may bo subjected to a discipline which will end in their reformation,