The Express. — London, England, 1847-04-27 00:00:00

otnd• a Rutin thanks to the noble lord for the ..Meld she was placed by the measure which he pro ilwetrusted that there was in this country a growing that, without tasking say distinction with respect to tut hey o t at ught to extend to all those wets wh differed s from these h education and li ght which they That was the very best mode of ppa eeeit"rbegli;ltruth, and ridding all other leaf ro from their ;thei'sod dark nes s. . ROEBUCK was anxious to learn from the noble lord li b ig eer the ieterpretation put on his views by the right hon. who had just set down was the correct one. rt s rere so, it would remove all the difficulties „bol t be an d other honourable members labnured under. ne Noble lord begin his expla thro, nations but did not finish u derstuod that alter the 100,0001. had been sued they would have en opportunity of considering witeththr t oy portion of it should be given to the education d Emma catholic', or whether, that not being sufficient for t e e iss ue purpon, a new and separate grant should be pro e.r them. If that wen the noble lord's intention, all a ▪ : Acuities would be removed,—they would not have another w ool te sac If otherwise, the whole difficulty remained. ourewere two Roman catholic gentlemen (alluding to Mr. glee' end Mr. M. O'Fereall) connected with the government who, though generally deeply interested in Roman catholic adees, ware silent on this onariou ; therefore the fight Kul been left to them. Ile could not suppose that the petty business of office or the small proceed. of pee wee' consideration on this occasion could have tied the yyatat Lon Rue ; but he must suppose that there was some that bowed down the giant, and made him as r e""rtawn a I babe, - 1 ft this ' anweent and an use cat as • and e great question these whom the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down would cell the enemies of his faith. He was not the way of his faith—he was not the enemy of any man's hik but he declared that, if it were his faith, he would ant he a silent spectator while contumely was heaped upon it The noble lord at the head of the government would to e pr aise that he would bring forward a vote for the education of the Roman catholic' this s ear, but he had Mated that he hoped tl.at the hon. baronet the member for Winn would withdraw his motion, and leave to the prernmeat what ought to be done on this occasion. What led ben already done towards education in this country o w e d a great deal of jealousy. They had been sectarian oween hitherto. It was bound that, for one national school, there were twenty British and Foreign schools. Now they were it ogre, for going to pocket the public money, as the education of the people, and to withhold it from the diseenters. He would oppose any such athp, an I he believed firmly that that was the na ture of thii proration which was on the table of the house. H e now wished to ask the noble lord whether be intended to . mpete . sr tking for the Roman catholic* during the preen ; ink & the hon. baronet the member for Southwark was asked to withdrew his motion • but on what promise, or ohm condition was he to withdraw it? It seemed that everybody got up and held out some kind of a promise but the coble lord, who carefully avoided doing so. The object e l the government was that this grant should pass the Home of Common., and go to the House of Lords, and that the Roan catholic, should be heard of no more, and if the sat parliament be • 4FI one, they should have a chance of having their c considered. He would ask the government, the , what was their position as regarded Ireland ? They came down at the early part of the session with • grant of 8,000,0001. for the relied the people of Ireland. They did that with a hope amonlisting a large portion of the people of that country. That was their mcde of dealing with them in the first part of the session, but when they were called upon to look to their personal and temporal interests, and to give duct- Ms which was deemed essential to the happiness of the ople, they made the paltry sum of 100.0001. the battle deld of preiudiee, ignorance, and bigotry, and an insult to the whole Irish people, because they refused to let the Ro ane catholic' participate in the advantage of that which they acknowledged to be the undoubted right of every human being in this country who was the subject of the crown, no matter what may be his creed. It did so happen that the people who, most of all others, were in want of education, were the Roman catholic' who inhabited the manufacturing and commercial towns of England. What, in God's name, were they giving this grant of money fur ? Was it not for the purpose of relieving the people from that ignornice and darkness which had hitherto unfortio aately prevailed in this country ? and who were they who were mint in want of the fostering hand of education? They were the unfortunate Irishmen belonging to the ins subeturing towns in this country. He objected to the whole principle of this educational scheme. The noble lord mid to the country, " I will give you money if you give me money." The parte of the country which were most igno rant, and in want of the government money for the purposes of education, were the meet poor and the least able to meet the demands of the government for co-operation. (Cheers.) What good were those cheers ? Why not vote against the noble lord? There the noble lord sat smiling trium phantly, because he felt sure of a majority, and he did not care how conclusive • man's statements may be, so long as he had that. The feeling, however, may change. This cry of " no popery " may yet be converted into another description of imputation it may be said that there was in office a body of men placed there by extraordinary circum stances, from no peculiar virtues or powers or considerations of their own, hut placed by the mere fantastic turning of "Moat eccentric fortune on the treasury bench, without any thing to rest upon but the extravagant dissensions of their most unwise opponents, who thought that all their ingenuity and intellectual power should be directed to the fashioning of certain measures which would keep them in office without any care for the public weal. The hon. member for Tam worth said that the principles laid down by the hon. baronet, the member for Southwark, meigwith his cordial co-operation, but that he bad such faith us the noble lord, that he hoped he would not press the house to a divi-ion. All he wanted from the noble lord was a promise that he would do something for the Roman esthetics—nothing else would satisfy . him. The noble lord was now kindling the firs of fanatic ism, and stirring up the coals of dissension, in stead of bringing forward a liberal proposition. It was im ponible to maintain that narrow bigotry which we...compre hended in this scheme of education, and which lad been de stroyed by the debates which took place in the house within the last few nights. The government, by bringing forward a more liberal proposition, would not have lost a angle supporter. He had no fear, by the free declaration which he had made, of losing the good opinion of one honest individual in this country. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that the hon. and learned gen tleman who had just sat down, stated that he began his ex planation' to the house, but he had not closed them. In the lag respect the hon. and learned gentleman would not prove a tree prophet. The hon. baronet the member for South wark E:oueht forward, in a very fair and temperate speech, the motion of which he gave notice, and adduced the reasons which appeared to him to support it. The right ben baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, stated over again what had been stated to the house on a previous occasios, and stated his grounds for not agreeing to the motion of the boo. baronet. That explanation was satisfac tory to many members of the house ; it induced many members of the house to say that they were willing to leave this matter in the hands of the government; though agreeing with the hon. baronet in the general opinion, which be expressed, giving him every credit for the motives which induced him to bring the mo- tion forward, .they were yet satisfied with the explanation given by the right Eon. baronet, and believed that the pro misee of the government would be fulfilled, the declaration "(the government would be made good, and that if the go vernment put this question to a division, however agreeing with him in his general opinions, they must vote against him. Such was the opinion of the right hon. baronet the member for Tainworth, the right hon. gentleman the member br Wiltshire, and the hon. gentlemen the members for Bilden and Louth. Other gentlemen expensed the WOO cenldence, and came to the same result. He was satisfied with the confidence expressed by these gentlemen le was satisfied with the distrust expressed by the hon. arid learned member for Bath—(cheers and laughter)—and he would not consider it necessary to enter into any further ex planation. He had done so on • former occasion he bad shown the statements of the hon. and learned gentleman to be erroneous by printed papers, and to far from removing his impressions, he brought down a re-statement of them. For three reasons he would not enter into any further ex planation on this question. He trusted that the house "greed generally with those members to whims the go vernment shnuld be obliged for their expressions of confidence in the fulfilment of their declarations. The hon. and learned gentleman, who could not find • good motive for any act, thought that the government had given eight millions to conciliate the Roman esthetics of Ireland. It had, however, never entered into his (Lord J. Russell's) imagination before, that in advancing the money of the exchequer, in order to save from starvation an unfortunate People who had been stricken down by a great calamity, that in so doing the government were acting as the hon. and teamed gentleman seemed to think, against the princi- Pin of political economy, or were consulting the feelings of any particular class of the people. (Hear, hear.) The horned gentleman remarked that it might happen that there might be • ministry in power which, having no merits of its own, might have attained that power by the dimensions of their opponents, and might mismanage and misgovern. That certainly might very well occur as other things might happen. It mugnt, for instance, happen, that a city in the welt of England might choose to send for its representative to parliament a gentleman who, without ever proposing any wise measure of his own, thought it enough to cavil at, and find fault with, every other (hear, heir," and laughter) a gentleman, whose theories were generally inapplicable to tha country to which ha belonged, and totally at variance with the opinions of those to whom he addressed them—(hear, hear)—but who did attract a considerable degree of attention, because It was known that one party or another, in short every luny in that house would come in for a great deal of sharp abuse expressed in a very epigrammatic manner. (Cheers and Latter.? It might happen that a city in the west of Englan might have the caprice to send such • member (renewed laughter)—and from such a member they might expect, if he was speaking of the right hon. gentleman who had been at the head of the government of this country he would imagine no looter motive for him when he declared that he wished the Roman catholics to be educated, than that he was endeavouring to outbid those who were at present the unspent" of the Treasury bench; and who, if he was alluding to those in Power, and to the relief they might be able to afford to the people of Ireland, could think of no better reason than that they were endeavouring to conciliate a particular doss. (Rear, hear.) Such a person was utterly unable to conceive say wisdom in the plans or generosity in the motives of other members of that house, whether in office or out of it— whether they belonged to one party or another--(eheers)— and he should say that each a member would take a very false impression both of parties and of individuals. (Loud cheers.) To revert to the subject before the how', he must my that although it was to be regretted that the government had meet unooasciously given nee to a flame of religious opposition--although[lloo4 had been expressed by protestant dissenters which the government bad h a d no reason to expect, for they were at variance with the sentiments advocated by Mr. Baines and other dissenters who had been distinguished members of that house—(hcir, hear)—although they might have ;had that misfortune, yet an hon. member so expressing himself might have seen during the course of nearly a week of debate, that there had been in that house, among all its members, • signal forgetful ness et all party ties—of all individual and party interests —a very general wish to benefit the people of this country— • desire common to all to see their countrymen raised hy education to • higher moral rank—(cheers)—a feeling which did the greatest honour to members of that house, who had been for years opposed to the present govern. ment—(cheers)---and who were willingly lending their 1 1 co-operation ; whilst others who were supporters of the government en other occasions thought their plan of educe- tion contained defects —he would say that any person, watching fairly and candidly the course of the debate in that house, could not but feel the highest run cet for an assembly which had thus debated a great question so inti mately connected with the welfare of the people. (Cheers). That was the prominent feeling in his mind. (Hear, hear.) He thanked the great majority .of that house for the confi dence which they had ',down in the declarations of the government ' • but, above all, he exulted in the pr oo f w hi c h the speeches delivered in the course of the debate had given that the members of that house had really at heart the improvement of their fellow.eitixens, and desired to make no distinction, hut where there was the greatest need they wished to give the most assistance. (Loud cheers.) Mr. BUNCOMBE said the noble lord had not answered the question of the hon. and learned member for Bath, atter all ; that question was, when a measure extending the grant to the Roman catholic* would be proposed ? Would tte government endeavour to bring forward their minutes this session ? He believed that negotiations had been going on between religious wets and the government, with a view of throwing the catholic* overboard. After a repetition of some of km former arguments, the hon. member concluded by sillag that he should vote for the motion sf the hon. member for Southwark. Mr. BROTHERTON hoped the hon. baronet would not press his motion to a division, as he belioved it would be better for the esthetics and the country that the matter should be left to the government, who, ho believed, desired to do that which was just and right. Sir W. MOLESWORTH had, on • former occasion, understood the noble lord at the head of the government to say that he intended to postpone any grant to the catholies until neat year; but as the right hon. baronet, the member for Devonport, had now said that he would endeavour to &met minute as soon u he could to enable Roman catho lies to participate in the grant of public money for the pur pose of education; and as he had been advised from both sides of the house, and amongst other hon. members, by the right hon. gentlemen the member for Tamworth, whose opinion on such matters of policy he always regarded with great respect ;—(hear, hear)—moreover, as it now became a questien whether he could place conlideLce in the promise of the government, and understanding that he had received such • pro Use, he would brg leave to withdraw his motion. (Loud unroof " No, no.") Mr. BRIGHT, with reference to • statement by Lord J. Russell, that he (Mr. Bright) had voted against the May noeth grant because he objected to giving the money of the state for the propagation of what he called religious error, explained that he objected to all endowment of religion, but not more to the endowment of • Roman esthetic, than toe ' Church of England, chapel. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. COLLETT objected to the withdrawal of the motion. Mr. S. CRAW FORD asked if he was to understand that the government meant to propose a vote far the Roman catholic* this session, for in that case he would consent to the motion being withdrawn ; otherwise, he hoped the hon. gentlem►n would persevere in his motion. Mr. HUME said, the great object of the discussion oogbt to be to promote L•ermony amongst all classes. (Hear, bear.) If they divided upon tlapresent motion he thought it would have the contrary effeeli The house then divided—For the motion, 22 Against 203-181 Mr. EWART said that he would not bring forward his motion at that late hour if it were not one of a practical nature. His proposition was " that in districts where there is only one school receiving state support, children, whose parents object to the kind of religious in struction administered there, may be admitted to the school without being subject t. such religious instruction." lie thought that was a must equitable proposition. Unless it was adopted, they would hays iojvs'sce done to the dis senters in England, and in Wales to the church of England. Mr. AGLIONEY seconded the motion. Sir G. GREY said the principle on which this resolution was founded seemed to him to be the same as was submitted to the house by the hon. baronet the member for the Tower Hamlets (Sir W. Clay), though it was more reatncted in its application. He therefore had the same objection to it. The hon. gent spoke of these as state schools. They received the E. s. d. of the state, it was true, but they were not state wheels. (Hear, bear.) They were voluntary schools, founded and supported by voluntary contributions and exertions. and if they were to impose conditions, he wee afraid that the hon. gentleman's proposition, instead of accomplishing the object he had in view, would, if carried, involve the rejection of the grant altogether by the National Society and the British and Foreign School Society. (Hear, hear.) He would, however, express his own wish and gratification that there might be a greater absence of an exclusive system of teaching in their schools, and that chil dren might be admitted without insisting on a particular relii;icus instruction. (Hear.) Mr. V. SMITH mid that there was this difference between the motion of the member for Dumfries and the motion of the hon. member for the Tower Hamlet', that the former dealt with n practical grievance, which the latter did not. Mr. FINCH said that, taking even a/practical view of the subject, he did not think the house could agree to the mo tMn of the hon. member. Mr. ADDERLEY Wt that the only course which could be usefully pursued was that which the government had eelectel, of encouraging individuals and societiesto discharge the it duty to the poor. Mr. II ME said that in his own neighbourhood in Nor folk there was a population of 1,200 for which no school had been provided, and none could be obtained if the church in. gated on the introduction of the Catechism. He did not know how those who were sensible of the wants of the country could resist the motion. Mr. PROTHEROE opposed the motion. Sir W. CLAY said that if the motion wi re pressed to • division, he should vote for it; but he thought that the dis cussion alone would be beneficial. Mr. P. HOWARD thought the hon. member should defer his resolution until some practical griey. nee had arisen. Mr. E WART said that, after the opinions which had been expressed, be should not press his mama. The motion was accordingly withdrawn. Sir G.CLERK expressed his deep regret that, according to the answer given by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to a ques tion pet by himself (Sir G. Clerk) that evening, the paro chial schools of Scotland were to be altogether excluded from participation in the grants. He saw no reason whatever for that exclusion, and he hoped that the subject would be further considered by the government. Mr. HUME contended that the parochial schools now ested on a sound principle, being thrown for their support on the locadin• ; and he considered that the proprietors ought to be awned in order to raise • better salary for school masters. Lord J. RUSSELL said, that when the right hon. gen tleman (Sir 0. Clerk) had put to him his question in the early part of the evening, he had had but • quarter of an hour to consider the notice, and he could not give any mi tuned opinion. He was quite ready to consider the matter in the committee of council, but he owned it still appeared to him that they must either take the principle of giving . to schools for which there was a voluntary subscription, or, if they gave to Scotch schools, supported by assessment, they must assist other schools, sup ported in the same way ; and then 100,0001. would not be sufficient. lie was prepared to consider the matter maturely, and he hoped the right hon. gentleman would not take the answer which he had given as final. (Hear, hear.) The report was then received. RAILWAYS, ire. (IRELAND). The house having resolved 'self into committee, Mr. Greene in the chair, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and said that the house would no doubt bear him out that in the debates which had occurred on the proposals of the noble lord the member for Lyna, he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had never expressed any opinion &demon to rail ways in Ireland, but only opinions adverse to the financial part of the measure which the noble lord had introduced to them. Toe proposal which he had now to submit to them was a measure of a very different character, and of • much more limited nature than that of the noble lord. His proposal was not to ad vance money rashly to any railways that might apply, but merely to such railways as, under the terms of the existing law, were in • oonditiou to borrow monies of the govern ment. The amount he should now propose to advance was 620 0001., which he should propose to lend to three different railway companies, which had complied with all the require ments of the existing acts. The lint line he proposed to assist was the Great South Western Railway of Ireland. (A loud cry of " hear, hear," from Mr. Shell, followed by much laughter.) The capital of that line was 2,600,000/. of which 1,400,0001. was paid up. The company premised to raise by call, a further sum of 600,0001., to be expended between this time and the month of December • and what he proposed was, to place at the dispo sal of the loan commissioners to advance to this company in five or six instalments a sum of 500,0001. to be paid back at each time as the calls were received By this advance he anticipated that 16,000 additional men would be employed upon the parts of this line incompleted up to Cerk, and that the line itself would be able to be brought into operation before the next winter On • similar principle he proposed to lend 83,0001. to the Waterford and Kilkenny Railway Company, which had 250,000 1 . capital, of which 125,0001. bad been paid up, and which proposed to raise on calls a sum equal to the amount to be advanced. The third railway, to which be proposed to advance 36,0001., was the line from Dublin to Drogheda, which had 150,0001. capital, of which 100,0001. bad been paid up. These loans would be advanced in the terms usual with the loan com missioned ; they having, of course, reported themselves lel ie. fied with the security offered. The house would ate from this statement that the total amount to be advanced was 620,0001, which was to be repaid as he said before, in instalments at 6 per cent. interest. Now, he was about to make • statement to the house which be wrs sure they would receive with great pleasure, namely, that during the last month there had been • great diminution at expenditure upon the relief works. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more important than to substitute profitable employment of this sort for the employment under the relief acts, and they would, there fore, be glad to find that during the last six weeks the re duction bad been very considerable, and that the expendi tare was now going on at a rata not exceeding 600,0001. a month, being a diminution of 400,0001. in the four weeks of April, as oompared w ith the four weeks of the month preceding. In the week ending the 24th of March the expenditure had been 245,0001., whilst in the week erding the 24th of April it was only 125,0001. That proportion had been sustained throughout the month, and a further diminution, he was glad to say, had taken place from that slay. Some of the labourers had been taken of by the new bill, but none had beta taken into employment by the landlords. Sir J. GRAHAM—Had there not been an increase under the soup kitchen expenditure ? The CIIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The in crease under that head by no means correspAided to the decrease under the relief labour act. He was glad to ' say that the gentry of Ireland hid conducted the proceed ings under that bill in an economical manner. He really considered the money to be advanced in this way as the best possible substitute fur the employment which they might otherwise have been obliged to extend, and as the total expenditure in Ireland W6B not to be increased by these loans, and as no difficulty would be incurred in the exchequer, inasmuch as the advances would be made in file or six instalments, extending over the period between this time and November, he thought be could confidently ask the house to concur in the rs solution he should now put in the chairman's hand, that a sum of 620,0001. be advanced by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury to the loan commissioners of Ireland, to be by them applied as directed. Before the resolution was read, Mr. HUME rose and said, that having heard the Chan• teller of the Exchequer's speech, he really must fay that he had consider:able duubts upon this subject. Let them look at the state of the money market ? They proposed to lend these railway companies more than half a mil lion at five per cent., whilst they could not get money in the market themselves under six or seven. So great was the difficulty at the present time in the City, that scarcely a bill of the best house could be cashed. Ex chequer bills were at a discount, and yet they propsed to lend this large sum of mosey at a time of such unparalleled pressure. He really could not agree to vote such a sum at such a time, end he should therefore move " that the clmir man do report progress." Mr. OOULBUI(N observed that the question openedby the last speaker being one calculated to give rise to muen discussion it might be advisable to accede to this amend ment. B. OSBORNE mid he was completely taken by sur prise that so important a question as the present should have boon brought forward at such an hour of the night. (It was pro twelve o'clock.) For hicown part, he begged to say that M did not think this proposition any " boon" to Ireland. Mr. ROEBUCK said his objection to the resolution affected its principle. That objection was a very strong one —so strong that he should not consider it right to let the vote pass, but should take the sense of the house upon the abject on every occasion that he had an opportunity of so doing. He should decidedly object to going on. Lord G. BENTINCK Certainly he should not object to going forward. " There is more joy over one sinner that repenteth." (Loud laughter from the Opposition.) Ile was greatly rejoiced to find that her Majesty's government bad at length discovered that it was cheaper fir England to lend money upon reproductive works than on tha unless relief works recently so much admired. He was glad to find the Chancellor of the Exchequer better instructed uow than he was three months ago as to the number of men to whom railways would give lllMployment. Ho (Lord G. Bentinck) had proposed to lend rib millions to employ 110,000 men. The Chancellor of the Exchequer now found that eix millions would employ more than 1.4,000 men. The Irish people, when this debate reached them, would be grievously disappointed to find that it was an erroneous calculation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that prevented their having the benefit of the larger measure three months ago. But he trusted they scald have the whole sixteen millions at last. This 020,0001. was, no doubt, only the first instalment. The propositions were identical, except in liberality. The Chancellor of the Ex chequer talked of his (Lord G. Bentinck'e) proposal as advancing money without discrimination. No such thing. Me proposal was to advance money to such Irish railways only as the railway oommissionen might report of favourably. The CHANCELLOR of theE XCHEQUER —Butyou said nothing of capital paid up. Under this arrangement half at least of the capital of a railway borrowing must have been paid. You would have lent to them whether paid or not—whether they were in a coadition to borrow or not! Lord G. BENTINCK—IIe perfectly understood that the Government proposed to lend 600,0001. to a railway which had one hal of its capital paid up ; but whets n was this better than his propos tion, that not ailway shout:Venire assistance in which the capital paid op was not equal ti one-third of the money to be advanced, and of which the railway commissioners bad not reeorted that the company would offer good security ? The objections taken to his proposal resolved themselves, in fact, into two propositions—first, the plan could not be an effectual mode of relief; second, that in the then stateof the money market it was not practicable. The government, however, had now found out that his calculation as to employment was an under-calculation ; and as to the state of the money market, he need scarcely 'remind them that Exchequer Lille, when his proposal was submitted, were at a con. amble premium, whilst they were now at an utter discount! And having touched upon this point, he could not resist this opportunity of staking the Chancellor of the Exchequer for some information as to the state of the money market, and the prospects of the manu facturing and mercantile interests of the country. Was it true that the best bills—if only with some 60 days to run— could not now be discounted under 7or 8 per cent. ? Was it true that Exchequer bills were scarcely saleable at all ? He would ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer if these things were, and, if they were, whether he considered them the result of railway speculations, or whether they had not been ra her trm/lit to such a pass by that drain of gold, inst ad of manufacturecto pay for foreign corn,which he and his friends around him had always predicted ? (Hear, bear.) He would ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, too, what ho anticipated would be the effect if still larger exports of gold should be necessary to pay for American corn? Whether he would still continue to consider such a drain the effect of railway speculation ? Whether he would still continue to think that railways were the cause of exchequer bills being down to a discount, and interest being at its maximum ? Let the house remember what was the state things when railway speculation was at its height. The year before last the Bank of England was obliged to reduce its interest to 3 per cent., in order to get out its notes, and yet now Exchequer Bills had fallen to 4c, and the week before last there were really serious diffi culties about the payment of the Bank dividends (as we un derstood). He would venture to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, further, whether it was not the Bank Charter Bill of the right honourable baronet the member for Tumworth which had thus crippled the Bank of England, and caused itso to contract the circula lation of the country that the trade and commerce of the nation were being driven to dust—to such a state, that %Idea relief was afforded to the bank, they would soon have the manufatturers of Manchester, the trade's of Li verpool, and the operatives of the conutry generally, in a state verging upon ruin ? Would the right non. gentleman further state to them what he contemplated doing under them circumstances? Was it the intention of the government t a let things proceed in their downward course till trade could no longer bear it, or did they mean to afford the Bank of England some oppor tunity of relaxing the rigid rules, which over and above &circulation of 14 millions forbade her to issue a note unless there was • golden sovereign in bee coffin for every pound represented by her paper ? Sir Robert Peel's bill in his (Lord Georges) opinion, might be a good measure for fair weather, but he feared it was little calculated for such times as the present ; and be called on the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, before he had thousands of bankrupts knocking at his door, to give the Bank some discretion to Mae the con teaming a rculatiou to expand, and to prevent that ruin to which they appeared at present to be hastening. (Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER deprecated the introduction of a subject of such importance, and quite irrelevant to the matter in hand, at that late hour of the night, but as it had been introduced, he would beg to say a few words respecting it. His nobly friend had founded his apprehensions of our commercial ruin upon a total miscon ception of facts. The noble lord talked of the state of im pending ruin in which the Bank had involved our mer chant', by the restriction of its circulation, and the consequent high rate of interest, whereas, in point of fact, the Bank had not reduced its circulation at ell, or in any degree given stringent application to its laws. The ample state of the case was, on the contrary, :that the bank had not carried what was called Peel's act into operation soon enough, for if, at an earlier stage of the drain it had limited its circulation in accordance with that act, the present state of things would not have assumed its settle' appearance. Had the spirit of that mea sure been acted upon by the bank during the last three months, he did not, he would repeat, conceive we should be in the position in which we now were. (Hem, hear.) What were the acts ? On the 29th Augu-t last, the bullion in the bank was 16,366,0001 , the circulation at the same time being 20,426,0001. ; on the 17th April last, the amount of bullion at the bank was 9,329,0001., exhibiting a decrease from the preceding Augur of more than seven millions; what was the reduc tion in the circulatim at the same time ? Had the letter of that bill been acted upon there would have been an exactly corresponding reduction in the circulation, I.,ut, on the con trary, the circulation had only been reduced to the extent of 1,420.0001. It was quite extraordinary that, in the face of the official statements which had been published within the put fee weeks, in the London Gazette, and in well nigh all the papers the noble lord should make the statement he bad propounded to the boas', on this occasion, as to the re duction of the circulation. (Hear). There was not the slightest occasion to augment the public apprehension on these subject/by mis-statemeats or misapprehension. (Hear, hear.) As to the accommodation afforded to the public by the bank, what were the facts ? On the 29t tof August last the go- vernment securities held in the banking department of the bank amounted to 12,961,0001. ; the private securities at the same period were 12,395,0001. ; and on the 12th April last the government securities were 11,677,0001. ; showing • decrease of 1,284,0001. ,• whereas the private securities had Increased to 17,111,0001 ; and on the 23rd of April to 18,627,0001.: exhibiting • vastly augmented ac commodation to one portion of the metropolis. The amount of government securities held by the bank on the 2nd January, was 12,860,0001. ; on t e 9th January it was 12,757,0001 ; and on the 16th the same amount. On the 3rd of April it was 11,990,0001.; en the 10th, 11,574,0001. ; on the 17th, 11,870,000/.; being considerable lower than in the corresponding periods of January. the amorist of gore rnment securities had been—on the 4th April, 1846, 13,146,0001.; on the 11th, 14,437.0001.; on the 18th, 13,0 - '7,0001. In 1847, on the 3rd April, 11.990,0 001 . ; On . I the 10th, 13,574,0001. ; on the 171 h, 11,677,0001. The in . creme in 1146, between the week before and the week after the payment of the dividend,was 1,300,0001. ; in the present gitt L' 1 profs. MAILS. The nails foe New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand will be made op on the evening of the 30th April. The West India mails, excluding those for :desieo, ilooduraa, and the flawumah, will be made op on the morning of the let May. The overland sails for Gibraltar, Malts, Greece, the lonian Islands, /23-pt, Aden, Ceylon, (long-Kong, and Claim, via doutbarapten, will - be made up on the morning of the 9rd May. The mails for British North Americo, Bconuda, and the United States, will be made up on the evening of the 3rd May. The mails for the Brindle, the /tiler Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia, Madeira, sad Bathos Ayres, will be made up on the evening of the 4th May. Inc mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lebow, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar, will lie made un on the morning of the 7th May. The overland dosed mall., via Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Lead Aden, Ceylon, India, Hoag Kong, kw, will be made up en the evening of the 7th May. HIGH WATV.R AT LONDON-ISKIDGE. Teo DAT —Morning, 5 de. past 0 ; Afternoon. 27 Oda. DOA 0 . To.lloaaow —Monde& 48 de. put 0; Afternoon, 7 dn. pest I. LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 27. THE debate, in which the members of Prussia's first parliament have essayed their powers of eloquence and lineal skill is highly creditable to all parties, and es well for the future. The monarch's open ing speech was, in some respects, exceedingly ill judged. Nothing could be more natural than that a monarch of those latitudes should feel "zany mis givings as to the important step which he was about to take. Since its birth, the Prussian nation has been held in leash, and governed in military fashion. For a king to let ge this hold, and acknowledge in one day his subjects as freemen, and their represen tatives as sharing in his power, was an act which might well make the nerves shake, and the will falter, of a bolder sovereign than Faenxulc WILLIAM. A speech, conceived in the midst of such misgiv ings, naturally caused disappointment. That portion of it which more than hinted that the regular summoning of the estates would depend much upon their good behaviour, especially grated upon the as sembly. The old and provisional edict of the late king declaring that all laws affecting property or rights should be laid before the provin cial states, until such time as a united representative assembly should be called, manifestly implied that each general assembly, when called, should exercise and absorb permanently the functions of the provincial states. The kings speech, however, seemed to leave open the possibility of a recurrence to the old system whilst even the limited duty reserved for the states, of examining the annual report of the revenue, was represented as one that might be performed by the old permanent committee of the provincial states. This committee might be made to examine and to sanction mere loans and taxes, and the promised re presentative system might be titled in its birth; and, at all events, its duration seems to be made contingent on the servility of the deputies. So strong was this feeling, that on the opening of the diet for debate loud objections arose to return an address of thanks at all; one of remonstrance was declared to be more fitting. Count SCHWERIN proposed, and BECKERATH, one of the com mons of Rhine province, took the lead, and very ably summed up the . grievances of the assembly in an address. This address reminded the monarch that his sire had promised an im perial representative assembly, not a mere union of provincial states; that a yearly summoning of this as sembly had been contemplated at the same time, viz., in 1820 ; that the future assembly was not merely to audit,but to gives co-guarantee of financial operation' ; and that much as they respected the royal word, even when causing pain, they could not but deem them selves to possess an especial power with respect to the state debts, such as neither provincial states nor their committee could fitly exercise. Such was the address, as proposed by the extreme opposition, and developed by the deputies of towns, BECHERATH and HANSEMAN. The speech of the latter, the well-known leader in the provincial state of Rhenish Prussia, was most remarkable. Not con fining himself to legal or constitutional arguments, 11A.NSEMAN launched into the gre at ocean of European politics ; declared that Prussia, without national unity, menaced by two colonial empires, by Russia and by France, could never successfully resist both or either, except by the creation of • free nationality, in which prince and people would join. Prussia, free and united, dragged Ger many after her, or rather represented Germany ; and he felt, when he spoke thus, that there were behind him, not fifteen millions of Prussians, but twenty five millions of Germans. What they debated, therefore, was not merely the freedom and hap*. ness of Prussia, but those of Germany and of Europe.. In vain did the Marshal of the Diet seek to repress this exuberant eloquence, which we are glad to see the Censor did not interfere with, for the menaces both to Russia and to France, appear in full in the Prussian Casette. HANseMMAN s eloquence and BECK , ERATH'I3 address were combated by Count ARNIM, ! the most liberal of Prussian statesmen and of the king's friends. He admitted the justice of the objec tions, but urged the disadvantage of insisting upon them. "If the states," said the Count," call in question the justice or the right of what the King has granted, this Is offering to the King the example and oppor tunity of himself recalling and considering much which he has done." The Count therefore pro toomit:the special objections contained in the address, and to trust to his Majesty's wisdom and justice to reconcile the new law and constitution with the pro mises of the late King's edicts. This-seemed by no means to satisfy even the moderate men of the assembly, who thought the occasion called for expressions more firm and full. Accordingly, Baron AVERSWALD, of Konigsberg, proposed to preface Count ARNIM'S amendment by the declaration that the states deemed themselves possessed of all the rights allotted to the imperial states by the edicts of the late King in 1820 and 1823. When these amendments were put to the vote, there were 290 ayes for Count ARNIM'S amendment, 303 noes ; whereas, when Baron ACERSWALD'S amend ment was . put, it was carried by rising and sitting, a large majority showing itself. The final vote was 484 for the address thus modified; 107 against. It would appear from this division that the King and government might count on a large majority, there being not more than 100, or one-fifth of the assembly. of ultra-liberal notions. At the same time, the pure royalists are evidently also in a minority ; the vest and influential numbe - r of votes consisting of the liberal class, bent on furthering reform and pre- I venting revolution. All, however, will depend on the mode in which the King takes the gentle remonstrance of his it des. It is unfortunate that he has to answer the address in person, for he, too, has get the cacoiqhea of political talk ing, as well as his deputies; and it his Majesty thinks proper to deliver them another mystical lecture on their impropriety, instead of accepting their ad dress simply, and declaring that he meaned to say precisely what they have said, should he entangle him ' self in his first constitutional essay with a wordy war, then he will inevitably be set down as a JAMES 1., a pragmatical prince, that knows not how to grapple_ with realities. FREDERICK WILLIAM is closely watched and sur rounded by foes. Russia is most hostile, and the Emperor is about to visit the south German states in order to prevent their flinging themselves into the Prussian movement. France, if we may judge from her journals, looks on the King of PRCSSIA'S efforts with more suspicion than love. Austria's opi nion it is easy to divine. The greatest cause of delight to these enemies of Prussian constitutionalism would certainly be any extravagant conduct on the part of the liberal deputies, any manifest breach be tween them and the court, and any turbulent mani festations on the part of the peop'ee , tker in Berlin or the provinces. Such symptoms would be thrice wel come to the Czar and to every champion of despotism. And it is therefore that we pat up anxious vows for Prussian moderation. THERE is no sentiment, we believe, in which the whole inhabitants of Great Britain, of all classes, sects, and opinions, are more heartily and entirely unanimous than in contempt for those selfish and thankless Irish brawlers, whom even the terrible pressure of the time cannot silence in their noisy and malignant attacks upon England. It is seldom ex pedient—it is never pleasant—to encourage any un iriendly feeling between different classes of the com munity ; but for the sake of maintaining and strengthening the connexion between the two divisions of the empire—in justice to England, which is making such willing sacrifices—and in mercy to Ireland, which we would protect against the danger of alienating the sympathies on which her present existence depends—we feel bound to express the scorn and disgust with which the speeches at a recent meeting at Limerick will have been universally regarded. The bluster of the Conciliation Hall Rump is comparatively innocent. The tritons of the minnows who have succeeded the great ENOSICIITIION of Repeal, must repeat their vapid fallacies, and vent their make-believe sedition, to se cure the weekly pittance of rent which still dribbles into their once overflowing exchequer: they meet for nothing else. Those who listen hear what they came to hear; and public opinion regards the whole farce with contemptuous indifference, having always a kind of tolerance for those who labour in their voca tion, even though that vocation be disreputable. . The contempt which the speakers at Limerick call forth is of a graver kind. They met for an osten sibly proper and honourable purpose—to express gratitude for a proof of timely sympathy, and to reeiprocrate the international good feeling which the American people have lately shown both by word and act; but grapes will grow on thorns, and figson thistles, before any sound orgenerous feeling is substituted for the vulgar virulence in the mouth of that worst specimen of a bad class, the Irish mob•sycophant. Neither the bad taste of attempting to involve their American benefactors in a quarrel with which they have no concern, nor the risk of checking by insolence and ingratitude the course of English benevolence, deterred the Limerick agitators from extracting poison from kindness, from venting their professed hatred of England, and indulging in the safe treason, calling for American assistance against her. What is it to them if foreigners decline again to furnish opportunities by their benefactions for seditious attacks on a friendly power? What is it if a few more thousands of their countrymen starve, as long as the ill-taught idlers around them cheer every word of abuse according to its violence, and every statement in proportion to its falsehood? The government of the United Stake, as our readers are aware, liberally commissioned the James town, one of their ships of war, to convey to Ireland a cargo of provisions, purchased by the contributions of a number of benevolent individuals, residing, we believe, principally in the Atlantic States. Several gentlemen belonging to the American merchant marine volunteered their services sit officers, and everything which good taste and kind feeling could suggest was done to make the seasonable gift wel come and acceptable to the Irish, for whose relief it was intended. Mr. EVERETT, the chairman of the committee for forwarding the relief, was well known, during his long residence in England as American minister, for his desire to promote friendly relations between his own government and that to which he was accredited, and we have no doubt that he che rishes the same sentiments in his dignified academic retirement With the courtesy of a gentleman - and a statesman he anticipated the arrival of the Jamestown on the coast of Ireland by a letter to the Lord Lieutenant, in which he requested that every facility might be given to Mr. FORBES and the other officers of the ship in the discharge of the benevolent duty which they had undertaken. It is anseceseary to say that the Irish authorities willingly and promptly attended to his request, and we have no doubt that Oil gentlemen who brought the Jamestown to Ireland have found that their active kindness has been appreciated as it deserves. They must, however, even with all their experience of democratic freaks, have been surprised and indignant at the turn given to the meeting at Limerick which assembled professedly to do them honour. Of course the first attack was upon the minis try. " Was there any one is the room," a speaker asked, "to say one word in favour of Lord Jona RUSSELL ?" We should have thought it would have been more to the purpose to have said something in favour of Mr. Eveaerr, or of Captain FORBES, or if it was thought fit, of Mr. POLK and his Secretary of the Navy. But praise, and gratitude, and good will, are not familiar or easy utterances to a Limerick demagogue. " What cared he (the speaker) for lords? - What cared he for the base, brutal, and bloody whip—the recreant, bribing knaves?"—in allusion, we suppose, to the vote of eight millions sterling by wh i ch the recreants, and the English people in general, are now bribing the Irish poor— to do what?—simply not to starve. The orator warned his hearers, if they emigrated, against going to Canada. Let them go any where—" to France, to Spain, to Portuga l , even tO RaMa—rather than under English despotism." All English were bad alike—" conservatives, radicals, whip, but the whip were worst of all." We would not, however, advise the parties who are praised by comparison to rely too much on the compliment It is only because the whigs, from their official position, are at present more prominently employed in relieving Irish dis tress; because their days and nights are absorbed by Irish business; because it is through their hands that the stream of English bounty flows ; it is only because they are from circumstances the most conspicuous benefactors of Ireland, that they enjoy a superior de free of vituperation. The meetingafterwards proceeded to give three cheers for "Bunker'. Hill,*and for "the men who threw the British tea into Boston harbour." It is generally con sidered ill-bred, in the presence of two reconciled oppo nents, fora third party to allude to their former quarrels. It was not as invaders or enemies that the officers of the Jamestown claimed and received the assistance of the government authorities. They were acting pro , fiesedly in harmony with the English government, and in some degree representing a frienily state. If they possessed, as we doubt not was the case, the feeungs of gentlemen, they moat have been ember , reseed by the attempt to identify them with a silly and spiteful insult to England. As to the tea which was thrown into Boston harbour, in resentment of the attempt of the English parliament to levy a duty upon it, we should like to know what analogy to present circumstances that cele brated act presents even to the Irish imagination. Are we engaged in raising revenue from Ireland ? Are we stopping the merchandise which is destined for her shores:? All the harbours of Irelard are heavy with ships, and the cargoes were purchased with English gold ; but those cargoes consist of wheat, and maize, and rye, of all provisions which could be procured from every quarter of the globe, and all for the same purpose, to feed the Irish poor at the expense of England. Eight mil lions will, before long, have beeu expended in this task, in addition to four hundred thousand pounds contributed by voluntary subscription. And with this grain, the produce of this liberality, these patriots would blacken or whiten their harbours—or rather talk of doing so—because Americans once on nearly opposite grounds performed a similar deed. Analogies may be absurd, and figures of speech in apt, but at Limerick they serve their turn, if they only convey insult, ingratitude, and hatred. We ....bserse that, with his wonted liberality, the no ble Parsee merchant, Sir J n MSETJ EE J LEJEEDIIOY, has contributed :AN/I. to the Bombay subscription for the Irish. When the Limerick repcalers acknow ledge his generosity-, they will probably show their usual historical and statistical accuracy by identifying the Parsee capitalists of Bombay with the Hindu° or Mussulman warriors who have at different times threatened our power. We have no doubt they will thank him by three cheers for Ala.% R Mime and the pass of Jugdulluk, or, if their knowledge reaches so far hack, by nine times nine for the Brack Hole at Calcutta. The unexpected intelligence was received at Paris on Saturday night, by telegraph, of the complete sub mission of the district of Kabylia, in Africa. The despatches which brought these advices left Algiers the 20th, aml consequently arrived in Paris in four days. The mountain tribes have acknowledged themselves subjects and tributaries of France; they have engaged that no enemy of France shall be harboured by them. The tribes and their chiefs are to keep the roads free and safe, so that travellers without escort may pass through the country. Oa the other hand, the gover nor of Algeria has engaged that so long as the Kabyles observe these conditions, their country shall not be invaded by the colonists. The difficulty which arose in the Chamber as to the supplies for the proposed expedition to Kabylia, will thus be evaded. The tract of country which becomes tributary to France bas the form of a triangle, the base of which extends along the shores of the Nlediteira nean from Delbyo to Bougie, and the vertex of which is at S-.4if. Bougie and Gigclli, which are the two ports of Setif, have been blockaded on the inland side for fifteen years. Henceforward Setif, which derives its supplies from Constantine, will have the advantage of these ports. European commerce will also be free to penetrate this country, hitherto inaccessible. The rich iron mines of Jurjura, says the Juurnal des Debate, will be explored; perhaps even French lengineers will go to teach the Kabyles the processes of working them on scientific principles. The pros pects of Algeria have been greatly brightened by this I happy convention. The chief lion-:Hasa, the capture of whom we announced some days ago, has arrived at Toulon, and is on his road to Paris, accompanied by the captain of engineers, who was mainly instru mental in his capture. An animated debate took place in the Chamber of Deputies on Saturday on the subject of the abolition of colonial slavery. Petitions in favour of its imme diate and unconditional abolition without compensa tion to the slave-proprietors, bearing 11,000 signa tures, were presented to the chamber. The grounds on which this measure, or some modification of it, is urged upon the legislature is mainly the fact that the law of 1845, to provide measures for the gradual abolition of slavery with the concurrence and co operation of the colonial proprietors themselves, has been utterly ineffective, and rendered dormant through the bad faith of the slave-owners and their obstinate resistance in carrying its provisions into effect. In fact it would seem that hitherto the colonial proprietors have so managed that the measure is utterly abortive. The committee on the petitions had agreed that they should be re ferred to the presichnt of the council, and the minister of the colonies, and the question now before the chamber is, whether that recommendation of the com mittee be carried into effect. At the moment of adjournment on Saturday even ing, the minister of the colonies intimated his inten tion to oppose the recommendation of the committee, and the debate was adjourned till Monday. The op position of the cabinet was of course expected, the in variable policy being to do nothing. Not a single measure of amelioration, nor any substantive law, save and except the granting the supplies, has been allowed to pass the chamber during the present session. The speech of M. Jules de Lasteyrie, in which that deputy, with great eloquence and moderation, described the atrocious treatment of the slaves in the colonies, was listened to by the chamber in silence, but with profound emotion. No report we can give would afford an adequate idea of ' the tortures inflicted on the slaves, and the monstrous examples of partiality and injustice in the legal tri bunals, whose public duty it is to right their wrongs. One proprietor, for instance, found guilty of the murder of five slaves, was sentenced to only fifteen days' imprisonment. Thus, it appears, that in the estimation of these ,judges, the life of a slave is equi valent to three days loss of liberty of a colonist. The procureur-general and the presiOnt of the court who disgraced themselves by this scandalous sentence were themselves, it appears, slave-owners, and friends of the wirderer. To these and numerous other revolting instances, produced by M. de Lasteyrie, M. de Mackau only stammered some unconnected words to justify his administration, and announced that he would move the previous question. A con siderable sensation was produced in the chamber by this disenasion. The Madrid mails of the 19th have brought little intelligence of general interest. It appears that the King Consort has been at length persuaded to adopt a more becoming course, at least as far as regards external appearances, for he attended the Queen on horseback in her promenade on the 19th, this being ' the first time for several weeks he has been seen in company with her Majesty. Previous to the public session, the congress assem bled on the 19th, to choose the committees to report upon the different projects of law presented to the chamber. It was said that the majority of the mem bers of the committees were unfavourable to the measures of M. Salamanca, and many doubts were entertained as to the support which the Pacheco cabinet would meet in the Cortes. A general im pression seemed to prevail that a further ministerial change would ensue, and the cabinet was generally ssppooken of having M. Olozega at its head. The Hera:do annonnors that 4,000 men were Fiat in motion towards Badajoz, under the orders of General Count Vista Hermoza. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 27, 1847. !year, 1,684,0001.; showing it Mentes between the present year and the last of only 284,0001. Taking the next week, 'here was a considerable diminution. Last year the diminution between the maximum held by the bank and Litt tint week of diminution was only 400,0001. ; this year it wee 1,897,0001. This statement W.ll a complete answer to the allegation of the noble lord, that the pressure of the government on the bank had prevented that institution trout affording the usual accom modation. As to the circulation some yeah ago, in 1830 and about that tune, it had never exceeded 18 millions, and was sometimes as low as 17 millions. Thi refers to suppose that we were now reduced to the verge of rube whoa the circulation was upwards of 20 millions, wan a meet wild sepposition. Neither in the circulation nor in the amount of bike discounted, was there an/thing to account for the state of alarm now existing. From all he could bear, be believed the result would prove the existing alarm to be wholly unfounded. He believed the bank had been acting with the greatest possible prudence. With the cautioned drain of bullion that had been going en for some months, to a large amount, it was perfectly impas sible that there should not be a considerable pressure on all the inti rests of the country. It had never been otherwise; 1 and he did not believe it ever would. (Hear, hear.) But when the noble lord ascribed this effect to a diminution of the circulation, it was evidently nos. the fact. There had neither been a diminution of the cireulatioo,nor any diminu tion in the assistance afforded by the bank to private traders, from any pressure which the government had made upon the back in any way whatever. The pressure by the govern ment, in tact, had not been so great as it had been at other times. He might now refer to another statement which had been made—that the pressure was owing to sonic extraordinary operation which he (the Chancellor of the Exchs quer) bad directed, with regard to the f u ods o f the savings' banks. (Hear.) All that had been dune was simply this: de powers had been allowed to withdraw their dere sit/ as usual; and, of course, the only means to meet these withdrawals, was the aide of clock. The broker, therefore, who was charged with the savings' banks precteds, would na'urally come into the market to sell stock. But, to avoid thi s , he had spelled a portion of the sinking fund, which was also in hie hands, to meet the withdrawal of deposits, thereby obviating the necessity for the sale of stock, which must otherwise ueces eerily have taken place. (Hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM said it wee quite necessary, after the speech of the noble lord the member for Lyon, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have made the state ment he had done ; and though that statement was not altogether satisfectory, he had no doubt it would have the invariable effect of tenth. He hoped the chairman would DOW be allowed to report progress. Mr. II UDSON said the Chancellor of the Etchequt r had stated what was contrary to truth ; he had said that there was an intention to grant money indiscriminately to rail ways in Ireland, which was not the case. In his statement with regard to the bank, he had not mid a word about de posits. With upwards of 9,000,000 of bullion in the bank, the advanees were limited most seriously. Mr. T. BARING said that, though the bank might keep a full circulation, and though the government might have caused no extraordinary pressure (in which he did not agree), yet, with the large amount of bullion in the bank, everybody was contracting his business, solely owing to dis trust. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had not touched the real question, which was, how was the trade of the country to be carried on, if facilities were not green it r Mr. J. A. SMITH said that confidence was shaken from one aide of the country to the other; but the present state of things was only what might have been expected Gem the experiment of the Bank Charter Act. (Hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE said that he thought that the whole stets went which was made by his noble friend (Lord G. Bentiack) was confirmed by what had fallen from the Chan cellor of the Exchequer. The debate was then adjourned till this day, Mr. MCNTZ expressing a hope that, before the discussion was resumed, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would inform himself of the true state of things. SERVICE OF HEIRS (SCOTLAND) BILL. The house went into committee on this bill pro forma, and it was ordered to be recommitted on Friday next. CONSTABULARY IN TOWNS. Sir V. StsMEß.Vllllmovelland obtained leavo to bring in a bill for consolidating in one act certain provisions containul in acts for establishing police constables in town,. CEMETERIES. Sir W. SOMERN ILLE °bowed leave to bring in a bill of the same nature, in reference to the provisions of acts for making cemeteries. PASSENGERS' ACT. Mr. HAWES obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend this act. The house adjourned at half-past one o'clock. PORTUGAL. From our Lisbon letter, publislied yesterday, it will be seen that the British envoy and admiral, though pro mising, at first, merely to protect the person of the queen from violence and her palaces from fire, at the same time offered counsel to her Majesty in a series of propositions. These were as follows : 1. That the constitutional charter. with all Its political and individual guarantees, without restriction, should be put in force and faithfully executed. 2. That the Queen should name a ministry composed of persons whose good character and political sentiments may offer guarantees to public opinion, and who may in no meaner show themselves adherents to the system pursued sines the Gth of October. 3. That the swims!. Cortes should be convoked as soon is possible. .. . , 4. That all the nieensards demo* jpy thetminieters in the name of the Queen, In defiance of the power con ' fttrred by the charter, should be &clam& 6. That all appoin meats , however, in7te of late, be I annulled.