The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-07 00:00:00

election of commissioners, but fired no male as to the num ber of votes to be given. The consequence would be, that the mode of election under this act would be regulated by the Commissioners Clauses Act, by which ratepayers might give from one to six votes, according to the amount of their rating. To prevent this, he would propose the addition of the following words :—" Every ratepayer shall have and be entitled to give one vote, and no more, in respect of the property for which he is qualified to vote at such elect io n." Plurality of votes had been first introduced by Sturges Bourne's Act, in 1818; the poor-laws of 1835 and 1844 had extended the principle to the election of guardians ; and by this bill a further innovation would be made. Lord lIORPETH said, the principle of which the hon. gentleman complained would be established in the case of parish vestries, and in that of the poor-law. On the ques tion of tho application of the bill to a particular district, the decision was to be left to a majority of the ratepayers ; but, as the subsequent proceedings materially affected property, he thought it desirable that the clause should stand in its prevent shape. Consistently with that view of the subject, he could not secede to the amendment. Mr. STUART complained of the evils which had resulted born the introduction of the provisions of general acts of parliament into acts of a special and limited character. The Interpretation clause of the Health of Towns Bill contem plated tho incorporation of part of the Commissioners Clauses Consolidation Act, and other acts might, by-and bye, he incorporated in a similar meaner. (liege, hese) He honestly wished to make the bill available and useful ; bet he feared that that would not be possible under present circumstances, and he would rather vote against legislating at all, than consent to legislation of a doubtful nature. Mr. HENLEY put it to hon. gentlemen opposite to say what ratt.payer would be entitled to vote under the bill. (lieu, hear.) Every clause which was to be made law eaght to be clearly stated, and that was not the case at present. The bill was • health of towns bill in the ab stract. (Laughter.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the government was not responsible for this mode of carrying on the legisla tion of the country. For years it had been the practice to import the clauses of one bill into another bill, and the practice had hitherto been considered a convenient one. There was, io truth, no discrepancy between this bill and the Commissioners Clauses Consolidates Act- In reply to the question, what ratepayer was to elect the commissioners, he would observe, that the mode of election was stated in the bill under consideration, and the principle of voting was laid down in the Commissioners Clauses Consolidation Bill. The bill before the house would be a special act, and its clauses would apply where those of the Commissioners Clauses Consolidation Act did not. Mr. STUART said the statement of the hon. and learned gentleman was, in substance, that the whole of the Commis sioners Clauses Consolidation Act was to be incorporated in the bill under consideration, an arrangement which would involve the greatest confusion. (Hear, hear.) Lord MORPETH said that the question which the go vernment had hail to consider was, whether they should have one bill with 300 clauses or resort to the system of incorpora tion ; and, in adopting the latter method of proceeding, the government had only *railed themselves of that which was the brio of all private legislation . Mr. WAKLEY thought it would be well if the govern ment, instead of boasting that they were not the first govern ment to compound bills in such a:peculiar manner, were able to make another boast, via., that they were the first to &han d= a mode of legislation by which judges and counsel were continually pomled. He was of opinion that great benefit would result to the country if the drawing of bills was taken out of the hands of the lawyers, whose brains were so knotted and twisted that they were not able to know hypo thesis from fact, or to distinguish truth from falsehood. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman then read a letter from Dr. Laycock, of York. complaining of a statement made in the house by Mr. Hudson, in reference to • report of his on the military conditi-n of that city, and stating his belief thtt Mr. Hudson knew nothing of that condition, and had never visited a sick person there, at least since the time that he WY a methodist exhorter. (Laughter.) Mr. HUDSON said that what he stated was, that Dr. Laycock took a very exaggerated view of the sanitary con dition of York, sad one that was not borne out by the facts. He was somewhat surprised that Dr. Laycock should make use of the language he did in reference to him, seeing that he asked him (51r. Hudson) to use his patronage in his favour, and accordingly, believing him to he a man of talent, he spoke favourably of him in tte council hall. As to his not visiting the sick, he begged to inform the house that during the time of the cholera he attended the hospital when most others shrunk from that duty. (Hear.) He was very well satisfied, if no worse charge could be brought against him than that he was a methodist exhorter. The hon. member foe Finsbury was very fond of giving him advice, but he could tell that honourable gentleman that he bad no great opinion of him as a medical man, or as • coroner— (laughter)--and t h at, despite of his prognostications, be would go on enjoying himself. (Much laughter.) After • short discussion, the further consideration of the clause and the amendment was postponed. The chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Thurs day (to-morrow) at 12 o'clock. The house then adjourned till 5 o'clock. The house resumed at 5 o'clock. SPANISH BONDS. Lord 0. BENTINCK rose W1711:3; an address to the mown. praying her Majesty to take steps to secure, for the British holders of unpaid Spanish bonds, redress from the government of Spain. The noble lord commenced by ad verting to the fart, that there were at present Spanish bonds to the amount of upwards of 70 millions, upon which no in terest was paid. Of the entire amounts of the bonds of Spain, the subjects of her Britannic Majesty held nearly 46 millions. Non-payment of a debt due from one government to the subjects of another. hail always been deemed • just cause for war. But before it was advisable to make such a subject a cane of war, it was necessary to consider the ability of the indebted country to pay her foreign creditors. Now what was the state of Spain ? Her revenue had been riling for several years, and amounted in 1846 to 12,266,3631., there being a balance of income over expendi ture of 422,5811., besides an amount of 991,0001. appropriated to a sinking fund. She bad found herself able to West her creditors at home with great liberality, but to her foreign creditors she only paid about 200,0001. in the shape din tercet. The revenues of Spain were greatly wasted. 436,0001. • year was rpent upon the Spanish court : more by 140.0091. a year than was spent upon the court of the Queen of England. Upon the finance department of Spain was spent 3,527,7611. ; on her ministry of grace and justice, 187,8831. ; on her ministry of foreign affairs, 102,1321. ; on her home deportment, 1,2213,1041. ; and on her war depart ment, 3,223,3101. Spain, therefore. was by no means a bankrupt debtor. The expenditure of the nation amounted in all to 11,843,7711., and, as he said before, she had • large surplus to appropriate. Spain, therefore, being in a situa tion to pay, he now mine to show that England was entitled to call upon her to pay. The Roman senate, Grotina, and Vette], had all held that • nation to which a debt was due was entitled to call upon its debtor to satisfy its demands. Within very recent times the same position had been held by an English government. In 1736, England, having lent money to the Emperor on the security of Silesia, which bad been subsequently made over by treaty to Prussia, called upon the King of Prussia to twiny the demand, and forced King Frederick William to acquiesce. With such a cue before them, were the Spanish bondholders now to be told that they had lent their money with their eyes open and without any security from the British govern ment ? So far as the prise was concerned, it wee deer the lender/ never supposed that their rights were to be neglected. Their loan was, for the meet part, contracted for at 66 per cent., a Om higher than most of the debt of England had bees taken at daring the war. Bras gingen meennes ef Lord Howard de Walden, make the direstioa el the mak hod opposite, the govern ment ai Portend had boss obliged to give satisfaction to its British creditors to the extent Omen than half a million. Se, too, the sham of Venezuela mod New Granada led, by the decisive lengwege of the British government, beinlareught to do junkie tiMen British creditor,. Hs rogaleal that her Majesty's gonemment site ,tild by equally eneagetieneemens, impel the government el Span to give similar estlehelisa to its creditors be this maatry—a satisfaction alba it' had ample meson nth the slightest wismeganents of affording. no Ida, el the produce of Cuba no upwards of 9 sift= daft. year, while the renew arising from the Ha aloes was more than 4 million of dollars. The sham be mode upon Spain ameinted to Just 3. u. LW heed en the Ponlition. or three farthings per per weak for a year. It was perfectly monnans while the Spanish creditor at home received lg pee asst. he his lona, the foreign creditor should be whets ben en if his money. He (Lord G. Bentinck) did set shad ONES the advocate of loanniongers, eircumeini waeloomeshal, jew or cluietian, but of the poor and WNW el the widows and orphans of the gallant men who hod shed their blood on the Spanish soil, and of the survivors amisopt those gallant men theme:Son The node lord eariatted with wing "An address lobar mita( lose to take sash steps es the may gmeleaslybe mimed t il o g = advisable to secure fat the Debi& Maim el toopeld bonds redress from the government dept Viscount PAL TON wee net gibe to dale say material difference of principle from the opis lsis midi' lei been expressed by his noble friend; but he dillies& tram hi= as to their practical application. Ho easing*, penend principle of the noble lord as to the emilweing reimmikeen foreign countries for injuries to British eabjeses, bat thee' were exceptions to this princip le. If the goverment of Spain, for example, had violen tly seised upon the property of British subjects residing in Spain under treaties, or 1 trading with Spain under treaties, no one would hesitate in declaring it the duty of the British government to enforce redress. The present, however, was not one of these cues. There had always • distinction been drawn between the ordi. nary transactions of British subjects with the subjects of foreign countries, end the transactions of British subjects with the governante of foreign countries. (Hear, hear.) While it wee clearly the duty of the British government to protest and encourage trade with foreign countries, it was by somata* so clearly its duty to encourage British "abject in, making loans to foreign governments. Many inemonness, on the contrary, might arise from rl7= d, (Hear, hear.) He did not ,as a meta of strict right, the British govern ante ~it be melba to call upon any foreign government to maim geed its impotent, with British subjects, what- ever they might be, and of compelling redress, in case of need; but be did not think that, as a matter of expediency, ft would be desirable to set upon this right by seceding to the reelieMill of his Dab Mad. Hear, hear. The noble holpmeespied to say—l am quite alive to the Importance of Z e i =t, sad am follg swam, that although a few great a . blinterestod. yet that the majority of the 11140.116 an be this country are moms of limited warm if 6 %i% been all of the former class my nab . kind's would not have been so mash dhlarbed. ( h, ) No doubt a vast number at thelesese heameold bt the transactions are persons of INallasitial 'Wimpy The have hareetal the small sayings of , lan industrious life, or the remains mama of • dilapidated p ri i i :op. Some have invested, Ise doubt, ea egmentletion . , to by the interest promised, bat • great wasp Met 1 y believe, were actuated by a generous impales, and seeing a country struggling kr gentirmely came forward and contributed to the loan. Ana, farther, I will my that this undoubtedly adds to the baseness of thervern meets which have received them. (Load cries of ' hear.") I cannot retract those expressions, for there is not one of the governments which stand indebted to Bri tish subjects which should not have paid off at least • portion of their debts. But bow different is their prat. lice) They go on sq their own resource', al• lowing the revenue to be and plundered im collection, allowing members o the administration to emus fortunes by the misapplication of those resource•—(hear, hear)--end then with one half the revenue not collected, or misapplied on its way to the Treasury, and the other half applied to illegitimate purposes not conneeted with the in teresu of the country, they come before us in the form of paupers, and say, "We are not able to pay our debts." (Loud cheers.) This is the case with almost all of them. I believe there are one or two of the South American states, which for &time may have been enable to meet their obit gatiom. I believe that Spain, during a portion of the civil war, was in difficulties which justified a demand for forbear ance; but Spain is no longer in that position. (Hear.) The public income of Spain has nearly doubled within the hitt ten years, and is not larger only because Spain choose" to persevere in a system of commercial restrictions and exclusions, by which she wantonly prevents the revenue rising to th e amount to which, under ether circumstances, it would attain. (Hear, hear.) Spain goes on in this way from day to day, in spite of all experience and the example of other countries — in spite of all the lessons she has read, in the discussion' and debates which bent taken place all over the world, shutting her eyes to facts, and her ears to reason : she goes on excluding and prohibiting a great portion of the commerce which would naturally Sow in. (Cheers.) At this moment—l believe lam not exaggerating the fact, for I have heard it within a very short period from a person well acquainted with the subject—at this moment there are about 130,000 persons prefeasionally employed in Spain in carrying on the smuggling trade. It is a monstrous fact, but I cannot doubt it. (Hear, hear.) About 15 or 20,000 men are profeseedly—(a laugh)--amployed in watch ing those smugglers; so that aboutlso,ooo of the population are one i way or the o th er employed in the contraband trade. Here there s a large portion of their own active population, who, if employed in productive industry, would be valuable instruments in adding to the public wealth, absorbed by an immoral occupation. They are, to be sure, employed in productive industry, because employed in dis' tribution they are, in fact, the distributors of commerce. (A laugh.) Then, sir, when the Spanish government is urged to abolish these prohibitions, to permit the coramodhies which are now smuggled to come legally in, they =ewer, "We are unable to do it—we must protect native industry." (Great lasolder.) But this native industry, which they are so Gordo* to proteet, is sothing but the in dustry I have dieneibed, ger an le flosaiii manufactures the greater poetise of the mensmodities smuggled into Spain, the cottons end elks, and which are said to be produced by the industrious artisans of Catalonia and other provinces, are contrasted for by throe or four houses in great capitalist sinuggleri, who regularly receive from Man chester and Lyons English cottons and French silks, which they stomp with the Spanish marks, and distribute through the country Si the produce of Spanish industry. (Hear, hear.) Spain, therefore, loess all the revenues she would derive from levying a moderate and proper duty on those commodities, and no industry of any sort or kind is protected, except the industry of the smuggler, an industry which tends to demoralise the people, to engen der habits of contempt for the law, and makes the smuggler of to-day the robber of to-morrow, one slay going down the mountains with contraband good", and the next day up with unoffending travellers to plunder them of their property (Cheers and laughter.) Such are the principles of Spanish finance, in obedience to which they sacrifice an income which would be quite sufficient to pay their debts, and for no object but such as I have described. (Hear.) I am afraid, how ever, that the endeavours which the British government has made with successive governments of Spain to procure an alteration of this absurd system, have in no small degree been counteracted by influence coming from other parts. I am bound to my that I believe successive governments of France have from time to time opposed all plans for liberalising the Spanish tariff. (liear, hear.) A most unfounded jealousy has produced this eb stacle. Why, the change we desire would be as advantageous to France as to England. (Hear, hear.) point of fact, Ido not be lieve th e commerce of Eng land would gain much by it; be cause trade will always find its level. When there is demand there will be supply: and if Bonaparte, in the plenitude of his power, was unable, by his Milan and Berlin decrees, to exclude British goods, it is not to be supposed that the go vernment of Spain, so weak in its centre of action, and so impotent is its eirenniference, can effect that object. (Hear.) I should hope that the Spanish government will be induced, by a regard for its own interests, to sweep away three absur d restrictions, and to place itself in receipt of an increased revenue, so as to obviate the difficulty—if difficulty there be, which I do not believe, in doing justice to the British creditor. I confine not what I my to the government of Spain, although the motion of my noble friend is limited to the debts due by that country. In the ex tract which my noble friend read from a despatch it is alleged that those debtor states are applying their revenues to the public, service; but I should say they are applying them to purposes of malversation, to pur poses to which they ought not properly to be applied. There can be no doubt that the revenues which form the interest of those debts no longer belong to them. They are only re ceivers in trust for the foreign creditor, and they have not a right to apply one farthing to any service of their own, how ever urgent, until they have paid the interest first ; and if their receipts be not sufficient let them lay on fres h taxes. (Hear, hear.) I think that is a doctrine which is Indisputably true, and I should hope that the discussion in this house, and the opinions proclaimed publicly here, will, at length, bring those governments to see that not only their honour bat their interest requires that they should make good their obligations. It mast be admitted that, the South American slates havtpg been in a state of internal confusion, oilers SOMO 411000 for their neglect of pecuniary obligations. I tedsember bilking to an intelligent citizen of the North Amadeu maks, who said, " The difference between the South Ammerismaiknd as is, that they settle disputes with the cartridgniest while we settle them with the ballot-b ' Now that Mame SOuth American state, have cast aside the cart- ' ridge-box, and are enjoying more domestic tranquillity, they will g rally follow the example which one or two o their number have set, and commence paying their debts. And, if it should be so with the dealers in the cartridge-box, I hope that the example will not be lost on the admirers of the ballot-box—(A laugh)--and that the North Americans, who are able to pay, who leave no excuse for not paying, no internal 'evolutions, no military dictators, no civil wars to justify *breach of public faith, I should hope that they will follow the example of their southern brethren, and wipe away from their history that blot, which must be considered a stain on the national character. (Hem, hear.) Ide not differ from my noble friend in as far as this goes, that if it were the policy of England to lay it down as • rule that she would enforce obligations of this kind with the same rigour as obligations of another kind, then I think that in this case she would have a fair right, according to the law of nations, to do so. My noble friend instances cases in which com pensation was made to British suhjects, at the peace of 1814, for property in the Freest' funds confiscated during the war, and also the case in which the Bri tish government required from Portugal payment of certain debts due to the Duke of Wellington, Marshal Beresford, and other British subjects. But there is • wide difference between those eases and the Alibied of the present discussion. My noble friend will find that Lord Castle. reegh, in aenounetng the treaty of 1814, distinctly made known that the stipulation for compensation had been in serted, because, by • prior agreement, the French govern ment had barred Itself the right of confiscation, but Lord Castlereagh warned the _ radio that in any future ease In which British subject' should without the sanction of their government, Invest their money in the French funds, they must not expect similar intervention. In the cases of the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Beresford, their employment by the Portuguese had been sanctioned by the British government, and therefore there was a special mem why dot pranstat should insist upon P hillßling ite iimsmonle. Bat Ido not wish to modify Masi Nesee dr moat I have given to the of Adria Mend ; and although rattoarr ili o ° boom an promoda of public policy not ho b = at ibt Oa bar Ml= government the th address would on it, yet I would take this m wit ieremay et wading these forolgo govoriormia who are to astbraelo, that do lir may woo when this boss will so *point mime mop and injustice ea the Wl** elikYerus trr asai) —that the time may come ohs the Durbin mesa will not see with teemstillity • awn of IN millikee doe to British subjects nook with ems the interest unpaid and that if they do set alike prow efforts to fuldi their engage ments, the sovanumaat of this soontry, no matter what sioa tompodo It, nay bo ampelied by palls spiaioo, and the tolls of podium* to Awn ben tie iddierto rata- Whirl radios of Nagirsad, sad to Witt on the payment of time soma (Loud That ye have the means to do Wt, I sea not the mom for i.e moment to doubt. It is not boom we are afraid of thole states, one or all of them put Mt, that we abstain from taking the steps which my r v iesd urges. England will always have means to obtain justice for her subjects from cry country on the face of the earth. (Hear.) It is a quasi.= of expediency, not of power, sad therefore no longer let any foreign country which may have done us a wrong, deceive itself by a false impression that either the British nation or parliameat will for ever remain in passive acquiescence, or that when the British government is called upon to enforce the rights of the people of England, that government will Lot have ample means to procure them justice. (The noble lord resumed his seat amid loud cheers from both sides of the house.) Mr. HUME had heard the speech of the noble lord with great satisfaction. (Hear, hear.) He hoped that the noble lord opposite would profit by the lecture he had received on the subject of free trade. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Ha did not quite understand the distinctions laid down by the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but ha was satisfied to leave the matter in his hands. Lord G. BENTINCK said that after the tone taken by hie noble friend, there was nothing left to be wished for on the part of the Spanish bondholders. His noble friend had procured redress from the South American states, and would no doubt nso equal energy with the Spanish government when the proper time arrived. He begged leave to withdraw his motion. _ _ After a few words from Mr. BORTHWICK and Sir D. L. EVANS, the motion WU withdrawn. PORTUGAL • Mr. 110118 MAN said he had seen it stated In the news which had that day arrived front Oporto, that Col. Wylde, at his auntie, with the junta, had insisted on the Count Die Asti/ and Vionat ea di Baadoin being excluded *oat „~.~ ~-- THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1847. the amnesty. He wished to know if the noble lord, the Searetary for Foreign Affairs, had received any information es de mateViamm PisidtERITON did, the fads of the Nine Were than : when Oa WM% in company with the Spidid, P y i d rs , ssw Olt dam of tho . jvata, this ea -ffe Lossa,ffir _the inrpese arranging its submsississa, the askftwlsted then Could Pos Annie and Viscount As he be (ski lathe amnesty. , Col. Wild" east he had not c to discus the views of the junta as to w persons who had surrendered' elsewhere should be treated, but to ask, whether or sot they themselves would submit. He (Lord Pahnerstas) was clearly of opinion that those two officers wars entitled to the benefits of the amnesty. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BORTHWICK hoped the noble lord would insist on the release of the Torres Vedras prisoners. Viscount PALMERSTON said that the Portuguese go vernment had issued a decree pronouncing the freedom of these persons, and he had no doubt that after the ar rivet at Lisbon of the despatches which would go out by the neat mail, either a Portuguese or English vessel would be sent to Angola to bring them home. - - - SUGAR DUTIES.. Mr. MOFFATT, io moving that the house resolve itself into a committee to consider the discriminating duties on unrefined sugar, with a view to bringing in a bill for their repeal, observed that the favourable anticipations which had been expressed respecting the effect of then duties, when imposed two years ago, bad not been realised. They were neither productive to the revenue, nor attended with con venience to the imparter; and he hoped the government would see the necessity of repealing them. Mr. EWART seconded the motion, declaring his hos tility to all discriminating duties. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed with Ma boa. friend, that the effect of these duties had not been satisfactory. The government bad reserved to themselves the right of equalising them, but he did net think the present a fit time for doing so. Mr. MOFFATT, under those circumstances, and hoping that the government would next session bring in a bill on the subject, withdrew his motion. REMOVAL OF THE POOR. . . . Mr. FITZROY moved fo;leantu7ibeiniiii a bill to ex plain an act of the 10th year of her present Majesty, for amending the laws relating to the removal of the poor. Sir G. GREY would not object to the introduction of the bill, but could not promise to assent to the second reading. Leave given to bring in the bill. GUNPOWDER IN COLLIERIES. Mr. HUME (on behalf of Mr. T. Duncombe) obtained leave to bring in • bill to prevent the use of gunpowder and candles in collieries. INVESTMENT OF TRUST MONIES. _ _ Lord COURTENAY fin the absence of Mr. E. Hope) ob tained leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the investment of Cruet monies in the improvement of land. THE EX-RAJAH OF SATTARA. The order of the day for the adjourned debate upon the case of the ex-Rajah of Sattara having been read, Sir J. HOBLIOUSE and Mr. EWALT rose together. The former gave way, and Mr. EWART said he only interposed with a view to save tke time of the house by asking the right hon. baronet whether, after what had passed, he did not think it just and politic to concede a full and fair inquiry into the whole of this important question, which had taken deep root in the public mind - - Sir J. HOBLIOUSE said he hoped the house would grant him its indulgence while he proceeded to answer the state ments which had been made in reference to this subject. He could assure the hon. member for Montrose and the hon. member who had just spoken, that if he thought he could consistently with his duty advise the court of dire*. tors of the East India Company, and be a party with them to re-open this question, no dread of a charge of inconsistency, or feeling of false shame, would prevent him from entering into immediate communication with his friends: in Leaden-' haltstreet, and in advising them to retrace the steps which now for eight years they had uniformly pursued. (Hear, hear.) But haviag said thus much, he must, he repeated, claim the indulgence of the house, on account of the au- MOTOUS documents which had been quoted by the hon. mem ber for Montrose, as he (Sir J. Hothouse) must refer to many documents and written opinions and evidence, or he should be unable to make an adequate reply to the state ments made, or to afford sufficient grounds to the house to induce the house to join him in the negative which he felt it his painful duty to give to the motion of the hon. member for Montrose, and the suggestion just made by the hon. member for Dumfries (Mr. Ewart). The hon. member for Montrose, in opening the case, gave • description of the previous position of the ex-Rajah of Sattara, and had said that he had been an independent prince, and the friend and ally of the British government. Now, the fact wee, that the ex-rajah had been no independent prince at ell, but, on the contrary, he was • prince created by this country, on certain conditions conditions which were not left vague or subject to any mis understanding upon the parties to the bargain, but mindi tions contained in a specific treaty,. which had frequently been brought under the consideration of the ex-r,,jah; so that its meaning could not possibly have been mistaken by him. These conditions he (Sir J. Hobhouse) would not detail at length to the house—it was sufficient that he should state the main condition, that the Rajah of Satter& woe raised to the throne, not as an hereditary prince, but as the lineal descendant of one who by his military exploits had raised himself to the head of the Mahratta race. The rajah had himself been born in • prison—his father and grandfather having been, he would not call them the tributaries, but the imprisoned puppets of the Peshawar of the Mahratta empire. This man, by the benevolence of the British government, bad in 1818 or 1819 been raised to the throne of Sattara. He was in fact a creation of the British power under certain conditions, which he (Sir J. Hobhouse) before he sat down would chow, according to testimony which could not be questioned, be had decidedly violated, and thereby his thrane became for feited. But to begin at the beginning, he must ask what bad been the previous character of the prince? He would answer the question by quoting the very seam authorities against him that the hon. member (or Montiose had quoted last night in his favour. After he was raised to the term's, under the immediate decision of Mr. Elpbinatone, he was placed in the charge of a gentleman who was now living, Captain Bragg . Duff, and who in a very short time afterwards furnished a report to his government. He wrote : " Possessed of many good qualities, the rajah is very sly, and this he mistakes for wisdom. Some of the in tri gues end tricks he practised when in confinement he practises now. He is an adept at dissimulation. There are great excuses for him, but his confinement has gives him a taste for in trigue. Some of his dependents have persuaded him that it was by his own council and their exertions that the happy change (that was his elevation to the throne) bad been effected, and in vain have I told him that it was done by the governor-general's orders." This was the opinion of a gen tleman who had been quoted as being favourable to the *all. Again, another gentleman who bad the prince In' G B charge, Lien. riggs, gave the following prophetic opinion' of him : " he is, however, tenacious of his prerogative, and will every day more and more resist our control. He has lately been flattered by those around him into an erroneous estimate of his own importance, and be already evinces a strong inclination to extend his connexion beyond the limits permitted by the treaty. It will be fortunate if events afford the government an opportunity of giving him timely warning of the danger he is incurring by secret communica tions with those who, at some future period, may involve him in a system of intrigue which may lead to his ultimate ruin." That was the language of General Briggs in 1820. Next came the opinion of another gentleman—that of General Lodwick—as given in evidence on oath, in 1826, before the commissioners who had decided that the rajah had forfeited all the advantag es of the treaty of 1819. General Lod wick deposed It came to my knowledge that his highness had appointed an agent to go to England to seek an interview with the government in his behalf. I pointed out to his highsseu the impropriety of this without having consulted me on the subject, as he was bound to do by the treaty. From that period his highness exhibited almost a hostile disposition towards me, and now he hardly ever con sults me on any subject: he acts as he pleases, as if he was independent of the treaty and beyond all control." Now this conduct alone was &complete forfeiture of the rights of this , even if there were no other grounds to put it upon prince Bound by the treaty to put himself under the guidance ciao British resident at Satan, it was obligatory on him to con sult the resident on all matter§ and this report of General Lodwick would have justified the government in re moving him from the throne, if they had not desired to give him another chance of acting up to every pa rt at the treaty under which he held his throne. was another witness, General Robertson, to whose se4lamialbs(l34 J *Rebhan's) wished to direct the atten • Yea stein lama Gan. Robertson lays, "I have heard of the ateaveri at Ras. I thought it a foolish thing, and as I did not see say likelihood of the prince repeating that sort of con duit i did not report the matter to the government" Now he (Sir J. Hobbes's') cantered that prior to December, 1838, the court of directors considered themselves so much pleased with the conduct of the prince that it was resolved to send him a mark of their favour—to present him with a sword. This was done - and he (Sir J. Hobhouse) had been a party to it, in having signed the dispatches which ac companied the gift. This fact, therefore, proved that the court of directors had not a prejudice against the prince when they had to peas a judgment on him; but that, on the contrary, they were inclined to look with a favourable eye upon the acts done by one who was the child of their favour. (Hear, hear.) But, in 1836, General Lod wick wrote • despatch to the Bombay government, which was communicated to the court of directors. In July, 1836, he reported to the Bombay government that certain native officers of the 23rd Regiment of Native Infantry had in formed him of an attempt made by the rajah is corrupt the fidelity of certain sepoys, and on the 9th and 10th Septem ber of the same year, that it wasplaced beyond doubt that the rajah had proved faithless to his engagements with the British government; and the general, in his next communi cation, stated, " that deeply as he regretted the errors of his highness, he could not discover one extenuating circum stance." The government of Bombay were, therefore, com pelled to take into consideration what ought to be done with respect to this Final, and eventually they issued • commis sion to examine into the charges preferred against him. This commission, dated Oct. 1838, was issued, appointiag three gentlemen, than whom he would fearlessly say, none more fit or imp artial could possibly have been selected :—The first was the then British resident at Sattere, General Lodwick, who was to give proper information and to afford the prince every opportunity of answering any questions that might be put, and of refuting the charge made against him. The next gentleman named in the commission was Mr. Willoughby, the government secretary at Bombay ; and the third commis goner, Colonel Grans. These three gentlemen were ap pointed to inquire into the alleged misdeeds of the prince, and his alleged infraction of the treaty. The commissioners met on the 12th October, and sat no lees than 24 dam They examined all parties upon oath. HUM—Bat it was a secret ooramiation. Sir J. HOBEIOUSR—Yes ; but ethe whole proceedings rpm is the book now is the hoaoerable taember's hand. It was • secret commimica, but. he would ex plaia y the eitoometandes of that score y. The eem~imiose ti ~ he repeabel, tat twenty-four days. The gentlemen who forbid the eseembiion, and the way in eibite they tranductad the V ee p, malcieutly posed their °lm. Now es to th e that the rajah had not Own beard. On thtel3th big et the emnatiesion, Um rajah attended the sitting, aosseePsnini by a bother Miser. Mr. Willoughby detailed to him the endemics, particularly as to the four events proving him to be engaged in the conspiracy. Mr. Wilknighby advised him, if he bad been deluded into error, to ackuowledp it, adding that the commission was ready to hear any statement he bad to make, or any wit nesses he wished to be examined. He contented himself with • simple denial of the facts. He was pressed to hear the evidence from the mouths of the without' themselves ; but he declined, and said he had perfect confidence in the fairness of the GOMMiIMMI. He was perfectly self-pomessed, during the interview of three hours, though he appeared at first embarrassed. Oa the lath day he sent an agent to forward depositions. and the witnesses were ordered to be called. On • third occasion, the 16th day, six witoesees were accordingly examined on his behalf, and two other depositions were afterwards taken. After this no one could say that he had not been heard ; that his witnesses had not been examined; and that he had not received every consideration from the commissioners. At the end of this prolonged inquiry the commissioners reported their opinion, and sent the whole of the proceedings to the government f Bombay, by whom the subject was taken in to consideration, and the documents were submitted to the secre t committee, consisting of the members of the Board of Control, and the chairman and deputy-chairman of the Rut India company. They refused to interfere until the govern ment o/ Bombay had thoroughly invedigated the affair. While they were doing so, other facts came to light; and, upon the whole matter being brought to their cogni • since, and after the most patient investigation of the whole case. Sir Robert Grant, who had taken a bid ing part (and no man would discharge his duty more uprightly, and would more shrink from any act which might be deemed culpable in the sight of God), declared himself convinced that the plots of the rajah had long been carried on undetected, and that he must be regarded as the victim of his own blind and insensate ambition. (Hear.) Would that man have left on record each an opinion, had he not been thoroughly convinced of the justice of the accusa tions against the rajah? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Fanelli, one of the council of Sir R. Grant, had also avowed hie belief that the case was so fully made out that any justification appeared impossible; that his defence had made the matter worse; and that the terms held out to him seemed to hare rendered him more culpable. Mr. Anderson, another member of the council of Bombay, said the rajah had entertained, from the first, ideas different:from those which had led to his being placed on the throne, and had supposed himself enti tled to the dominions of the whole of the Mahratta princes ; that his 'Oman had been futile ; but that he bad endeavoured to seduce the native officers from their allegiance, thereby striking at the very root of the British power, and placing the matter beyond compromise. These opinions were handed up to Lord Auckland, and that nobleman, in a minute of the 23rd of December, 1838, said the proceedings of the commission had left no doubt on his mind of the rajah's guilt, to the extent of attempting to seduce two native officers. He was compelled to concur in the opinion of the government of Bombay that the two other charges, the treasonable intercourse with the authori ties of Goa, and with the ex-rajah of Nutter, had been fully established. However incredible these intrigues seemed, their actual existence was placed beyond doubt, and ' his ambition and treasonable practices were established.' This being the opinion of the Indian authorities, how could the authorities at home come to any other conclusion An hon. and gallant member now in the house (Gen. Morrison), then • distinguished member of the council of India, bad also declared himself quite satisfied of the treachery and extraordinary machinations of the Rajah of Satter*, adding that facts had come to light, by the examination of emis saries taken up at Madrmand elsewhere, which more strongly proved his guilt. The general bad been opposed to putting the rajah on his trial, because he could not be tried by his peers be thought that he ought to be deposed from his sovereignty, in a manner to be directed by the government. Another gentleman, also in England, fbrrnerly a member of the council of India—Mr. Wilberforce Bird—had stated, that the papers and documents submitted proved the rajah to have been long engaged in • treasonable conspiracy, by which he had infringed the treaty of 1819: that the case ought not to be treated judicially; but that a critical end dispassionate inquiry having established his guilt, and condemn , d him, he ought to be set aside. Mr. Robertson, who became a member of the council while the proceedings were pending, who was also a man of the highest character, and who had conducted the government of the north-western provinces, drew the conclusion, from an accurate summary of the whole ev:denoe, that his highness had incurred the penalty pre scribed for a breach of the fifth article of the treaty of 1819. All these proceedings had been transmitted to the home authorities. Still there was the greatest disinclination on the part of the Board of Control, to proceed to en. tremities; and when Sir J. Carnac was sent out to India, the last words he (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) addressed to him, were a request to deal leniently with this prince. Before reaching Bombay, Sir James became acquainted with the opinions of the Indian government aa to the deposition of the rajah; but, preferring to act on his own kindly feeling., and in con formity with the instructions of the Court of Director., he wished to give the unfortunate prince an opportunity of re tracing his steps. He resolved that the rajati should remain on the throne on eandition simply of his renewing the treaty, which was couched in terms that could not for a moment be supposed objectionable to his highness. The rajah did not object to the preamble (as bad been stated by the hon. mem ber for Montrose), though it contained a statement that the government of India had suspicions of him fidelity. His ob jections were to the second article of the treaty, which be alleged would reduce him to the condition of a mere steward or puppet. But this was, in fact, an objection to the original treaty, which made him in all things subject to the advice and control of the British government. This objection was of itself a conclusive proof that the charges against the rajah had been justified. (Hear.) Could anything have been more fair or reasonable than to ask him again to ratify the original treaty ? (Hear.) This was dodo in the most kindly spirit ; and even when the refusal was made, Sir James Carnac gave the rajah every opportunity of retracting it, by refusing four times to accept his answer, and sending after him to his country-house to press for a more favourable reply. But as no compliance could be obtained, Sir James proceeded to take that course which the Indian government might meet properly have taken long before—to deprive him of his sovereignty. It had been alleged by the hon. member for Montrose that the govern- I meat had deposed an independent prince (which he was not), and had sent him a beggar through the world. When on his throne he had an income of between 130,0001. and 140,000!. a year, out of which he had his forces and house hold to pay ; he had now 12,0001. a year, in addition to a further allowance recently made ; so that he was probably a richer man than before. (Hear.) The fact that he had 700 followers proved that he was aot at all in indigence. He now came to deal with the accusations that had been made as to the manner in which the rajah had been removed from his throne; and great stress had been laid by the bon. member for Montrose on the way in which his highness had been transferred from Sattara to Etenares. A petition had been presented to that house in 1841, signed by a person named Charles Forbes ; fortunately it had not been printed, for it contained a most libelous letter. That petition charged Cols Ovens with having invaded the ex-rajah's psthoe at dead of night, and dragged him from his bed, the present rajah being without, assisting in the outrage. He was hurried off to &mares, under such circumstances of cruelty, that his cousin died on the road, and his wife was refused a short stoppage when she was confined. To these charges Col. Ovens replied, by solemnly and unequivocally declaring that they were false, and stated he was ready to depose to the facts on oath, and offered to give the depositions on oath of the officers who were with him. He dec lare d that the ex-rajah had three months to prepare for his journey, and that the journey of 927 miles took 109 days to perform • and all his expenses, amounting to eight thousand pouads, were defrayed by the present rajah—that a halt was allowed for the confinement of the wife of the cousin of the rajah ; and that that prince himself died suddenly, but of apoplexy. The hon. member for Montrose, in the debate on this subject in 1846, charged Col. Ovens with using seals which, if he had not forged him self, he knew to be forged. In the debate the other night, however, the hon. member accused him only of subornation. But Col. Ovens did not depend on these lath for proof of the conduct of the rajah—and stated, in his despatch to the Bombay government, that they were not those usually used by the rajah thus showing that he placed no reliance upon them. He (Sir J. Hobhouse) knew a man so abused as Col. Ovana ; and If ever there was • conspiracy against a public servant, it was against him. He would not trouble the house with reading the character given to Colonel Ovens, as what he had said would rafficiently exonerate him. He now came to the opinions of Lord Auckland. The right hon. gentleman then read the minute of Lord Auckland, which was to the effect that after the obstinate refusal of the rajah to needs to the tame offend to him, there was no course left but is depose him—and to this step he gays his full sanction sad approval. This being resolved on, all the proceedings wme sent home, and he ( Sr J. Hoblurase) was never more surgebod than to find that his obstinacy had brought this mammy of justice upon him. The pa mi were laid before the Court of Director., end they concurred in the opinion, and added their sanction anti approval to the pro ceeding. (The right hon. gentleman then read the opinion of Mr. Edmondson, to the effect that this was a political and not a judicial proceeding.) He would now advert to the proceedings in this country. The case had been submitted to the Court of Directors and the Court of Proprieton repeatedly ; and when the against Colonel Ovens were brought in a specific fl i tr; Mr. George Thompson, before the Court of Proprietors, the remelt was that not one person voted with. the mover—the question being negatived 14*Mifle confradicente. This was to be accounted for by Mr. G. Thempeon's not having stock enough to entitle him to vote, though he had enough to allow him to make a speech. Such was the good feeling and sense of justice of that meeting, that the charge against this gentleman was negatived. On the last octagon the Court of Proprietors, by a large majority, decided against this case being proceeded with. In conclud ing this long story, it appeared to him that it would be a fatal example, if they were to take away, except in a matter of argent necessity, and upon the clearest and moat unquestionable grounds, from the authorities entrusted by act of parliament and by the constitution a cam of this kind, and leave it to be investigated by the House of Com mons. If those authorities misused their powers if there were many instances of such misuse—if these authorities did not govern for the benefit of the people over whom they preaided, let parliament re-consider the nature of the powers entrusted to them, let it diminish them, and subjest them to the supervision of this house; but he would warn his hon. friends behind him that if they broke through the general principle, except in a case of the very clearest kind, the would etrike a blow at our greet Didion empire from which it would not soon recover. (Beer ' hear.) They would do it mere effectually if they showed a distrust of the authorities sent to govern that country, who, he was not afraid to say, bad not hitherto abused thefr trust. In this case they bad the decisions of three governors of Bombay, of one governor general of India, of two councils of this and of the other house of parliament. Aad when the subject wee brought, in May, 1846, before the other house of parliament, Lord Brougham said that, if their lordships wished to have all the case before them, it would be necessary to read the report of Sir R. Grant, from the perusal of vellieh document he him- I self came to the conclusion that the decision against the rajah wet a just one. Such was the opinion of Lord Brougham. Let them, then, not abandon their public ger vests, but let the house stand by them. If they abused their trust, let them be punished; but do not on every trifling occasion abandon them to calumnies which may send them prematurely to their graves. (Hear.) Mr. EWART thought that they should not lightly aban don their public servants, but the question was whether this was not a case that ought to be inquired into. He did not think that this was to much a case of inquiry into the charges against the Rajah of Setters, as of inquiry into the conduct of those who tried and convicted the rajah. He thought that the speech of the right hon. gentleman had failed to niche out a good case for those who so deposed that prince. The right hon. gentleman said that Lord Auckland and Sir It. Grant came to an opinion averse to the rajah, but he did not tell the house that they were of opinion that the case deserved to be re-investigated. (Hear.) The right bon. gentleman quitted the opinions of General Briggs and Gene ral Lodwick ; but their censures on the rajah were very light indeed, and they afterwards changed their opinion with regard to his guilt. He considered that the rajah had been meat harshly dealt with by the commission, in not having been allowed to cross-examine the witnesses who were . . producedagainst him, or to employ counsel in his defence. One of the facts alleged against the rajah was that he held a correspondence with Don Manuel De Goa, for the introduc tion of 30,000 French and Portuguese troops into India. But Don Manuel De Goa himself denied that ho ever had any correspondence with the rajah; and he (Mr. Ewert) believed that he did not even know the name. The rajah, when taken, was conveyed to a small cottage overrun with rats and other vermin; and that was quite as bad as aka had been at once hurried off to a distance. The house had been referred to the opinion of Mr. Edmonson, that the case was a political one. Such a defence as that, if admitted at all, would justify any kind or degree of oppres sion. The right boo . gentleman justified the secret commis sion by raying that in India all commissions were a secret ; ground as untenable as the defence of the inquisition, by saying that its proceedings had always been of a private na ture. (Hear, hear.) He could not admit that the special pleading of the right hon. gentleman justified the course pm sued by the Indian government. It would be wise and jest to establish some new species of tribunal to decide this case • all existing means of re dre ss having repeatedly failed. Thi character of the Indian government and of the British na tion imperatively required that justice should be done to the deposed rajah. Mr. BORTHWICK said the impression created in his mind by the speech of the right hon. gentleman (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) was that he had completely establishedthe ease of the hon. member for Montrose, and that he had, in fast, a secret leaning to that hon, member's motion. (Hear.) The right hon, gentleman had spoken of the rajah as sly. He would ark for which of the rajah's qualities was It that the Indian government gave him first a throne and then a sword ? (Hear, hear.) The latter event took place after 21 years' experience of the rajah's character, and it was a most unusual event in India. He would not weary the house by repeating the details of the case, but it was evident that the competent authorities of India had declared that the rajah was innocent. He agreed with the right hon. gentleman as to the necessity of supporting the dignity of public servants in India ; but there could be no better means of doing so than by granting an inquiry which would prove the truth of their statements. If the rajah were guilty of the damning crime which had been imputed to him, it could not be right that he should be enjeying 120001. a year at Benares. (Hear, hear.) It was due to the Rajah of SaUara, to the British officers in India, and to English interests, that as inquiry should take place under the authority of parliament. Dr. BOWRING urged that there had been five agents at the court of Sattara, of whom four had given strong evi dence in the rajah's favour. The Court of Directors had themselves, not many years since, paid the highest possible tribute to the excellencp. of the rajah's government. There were absolutely, at the present time, 18 of the directors who were favourable to the case of the rajah. The late chairman (Sir J. W. Hogg), who was accustomed to the administration of justice— An Hoe. Miutia: East India justice. (Loud laughter.) Dr. BOWRINO —Even that learned chairman had found the utmost difficulty in making out anything hke a charge. Out of doors the feeling was widely extending itself that this unfortunate prince was grossly abused, and that no justice was to be expected for him in India. The preseat appeal might be made in vain, but ultimately justice would—it must be—triumphant. (Cries of " Question.") Mr. B. ESCOTT observed that there bad been no answer given to this charge. The late chairman of the Board of Directors sat mute. (Hear, hear.) Did he fear that he could rant prove the justice of the rajah's de position? What had the right honourable baronet (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) proved ? Nothing. (Cheers.) Why had he not laid before the house the evidence upon which he =tamed the ease to rest ? (Hear, hear.) On that evidence the house might have parsed its judgment. The right bon , baronet said the ease rested on documentary evi pence, and that evidence had not been produced. He had made a very clever defence for his own purpose, but he had not stated the treaty, or the evidence of its infraction, and 'he bad only read a string of opinions from servants of the Indian government in support of the views of that govern ment. (Hear, hear.) Was not the time come when this question must be inquired into in deference to the feeliag of the public. (Hear, hear.) The general feeling was. that the man had been unjustly deposed, and the reluctance which had been shown to enter into an examination of the case gave ground for the suspicion that justice was deniedto him, and that there was no substantial case to be =ads out against him. (Hear.) It was a grievous thing to think that charges should be made against a man teethe British govern ment which there was no attempt to sustain ; and, until this case was cleared up, it would remain a blot on English jus tice to the end of time. (Cheers.) Sir E. COLEBROOK E supported the motion. Sir J. W. HOGG considered that the case of the hon. member for Montrose had been completely demolished by the right hon. baronet opposite. The hoe. baronet having recapitulated the circumstances of the case, which have already been fully reported, proceeded to contend that the rajah's case had been fairly investigated and justly decided upon. The commission appointed to ihquire into the cir • cumstances sat for 26 days, and at the end pronounced him guilty. The finding was signed by Col. Ovens. The com mission sat in Setters, the very spot on which the crimes was alleged to have been committed; and yet the hon. mem. ber was not satisfied. The hon. member now contended that a .commission sitting in London, ten years after the facts, would have been better. The hon. member eked, why give a guilty man 12,0001. a year ? It was the prac tice of the Indian government to provide for deposed princes: they gave the held of the Mahratta confederacy 80,0001. a year. But it was complained that the rajah had been removed frem his palace ; but where had he been removed to after his deposition ? Why, to his own country seat, within seven miles of his palace, where he remained full three months making preparations for his journey to Benues, which was quietly performed at the rate of nine mites a day. So much, then, for that cause of complaint. Then it was charged that Colonel Ovens had suborned witnesses against the rajah, and had obtained documents which bore forged seals. It appeared, howeverAfrom the blue book, that when Col. Ovens sent these papers to the government, he distinctly informed them that the seals appended to the documents were not the seals of the rajah. But then it was said that he paid 400 rupees for certain papers, to be used in evidence. What was the fact ? It was notorious that in India nothing was more common than to pawn papers, title. deeds, and documents of all sorts and description. On in formation be received, Colonel Ovens reported to the government that these documents had been pawned for 400 rupees, and the government furnished the money, and directed the papers to be redeemed; and that was all the evidence purchased, except the payment of 160 rupees for the expenses of a witness who refused to come forward unless those ex penes were paid. The hon. member for Bolton had stated that out of the twenty-four directors, eighteen had been favourable to the rajah. This was erroneous. At the time the decision took place there were nineteen directors preeent, of whom fourteen voted that the rajah was guilty, and five voted the opposite way. With respect to the charges insinuated against Colonel Onus, he believed the character of that gallant officer stood too high to make it necessary for any inquiry into his conduct. Indeed, if he himself were to ask the court of directors for an inquiry, he trusted they would have the firmness to refuse it. (Hear.) If public servants were not supported is painful duties LI the authorities, the results would be most fatal. To the honour and integrity of their officers, the company owed the prosperity of their empire ; and, se they never shrank from punishing them when they departed from the line of duty, so was it their duty to support them when they acted uprightly. (Hear.) Lord J. MANNERS said he should roes in favour of the inquiry sought by the hon. member for Montrose. An inquiry was most desirable, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the sentence had not been unjust; and he believed that the refusal arose from a reluctance to disturb that de cision. There was a feeling on the part of all official and ex official gentlemen against reversing any of their decisions. The contradiction between the two opinions expressed by Genera Lodwick was of itself a very etre , reason for in quiry. Nor did he believe that the 12,1111. a year which the rejah was said to possess could at all influence the com mittee who should conduct that inquiry. The instances that had been adduced of the absurd schemes entertained by the ragas, such as his fitting out a ship for Europe, could not be accepted as proofs of his entertaining treasonable designs, but rather of his incapacity for such projects. Though it was said that no inquiry would be granted to Colonel Oran*, that was no reason for refusing the inquiry demanded by the hon. member for Montrose, which he considered essential to the integrity and prosperity of our Indian empire. (Hear.) Kr. HUME, in reply, said he was in possession of offers from an individual to prove the whole conspiracy. The numbers were—For going into supply 44 For Mr, Hume's amendment 23-21. The house then went into committee of supply pro forma, and afterwards, at a quarter put one, adjourned. FOREIGN AGENTS IN INDIA.—We hear that the Austrian government, imitating that of Francs, is about to send a consul to Calcutta, and that the Austrian Lloyd Com pany has named agents for the three presidencies of Cal cutta, Madras, end Bombay, for the enterprise of the steam packets, which will begin their service in the mouth of August neat, direct from Alexandria to Trieste. ...- IP Vie epprog. The overland Mooed main, Me Manelbis, to the Mediterranean. egypt, Aden. Ceylon, India, Hong Hoeg, De., will be made op on the evening of the 7tb July. A mail for the United State., Britoil ?girth America. Me., wW be made up oa the morotelof 10th July, for trannaimine by the summer markedWaatungtON from Weibla lattereandpepes Mat be speually ben. The Weft leis midi. biles Ow ieitimfp Meederiu, mad the ueeembli. ell be Erie +a the saseibrellbe 17th July. The mate ter Win Ow% Lim. Meet" WM and Gibraltar erW be awls op ea lie minisi attar lft Jely. lle, kr MOM lbobbli leme *Mr, win leseamp ea On T i= the ll k hdand the Meted y. eredebel mike CO, Offelle. ths leant* Wept, Arbsa. Cleyien. lala.li M vitc h l Mr, floo lonian thm.pton. will be immi• up ea =lna; July. The main Mr Mew DM* Wales, Van Diemen'. Land, and New ZeMendwiD le maw int the meeting Mlles Slot July. The =Mb ke Jar leamol, the Dim Plate, Monte Video, Paws =re. Meentre w mil Buenos Ante, will be made op the cline Aait TO 001111ZIPONDLPITS. Weraemaaata Werke tee re. Lamm. Lemke magas' paper, mut la she Oallee by Tao edemas& Ur 1•7 et palibeatien HIGH WATIII AT LONDOM.BILIDON. Ti,. Da a—Mends& 47 s. pcsl Altersom& &la pm 9. Tar.ll —Macula& Ws. mot 10; Mammas& 41 W. pre 10. LONDO.V, W EDNESDA y, JUL Y 7. IN the House of Lords yesterday the business was limited to the presentation of petitions. In the House of Commons, a resolution was agreed to in committee, authorising the Treasury to make ad vances for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of the Health of Towns Bill, after which, the bill itself was committed, little progress however being effected, as, after a short discussion, the committee was ad journed to Thursday (to-morrow), at 12 o'clock.— Lord G. BENTINCE, m anexplanatory speech, moved an address to the crown, praying her Majesty to take steps to secure redress for the British bondholders of unpaid Spanish bonds from the Spanish government. Lord PALMERSTON, in a powerful speech, reviewed the monetary condition of Spain and her colonies, contending that with one or two exceptions they could at least have paid off a portion of their debts thus contracted, but that they squandered away their resources on illegitimate objects not connected with the interests of their country. The question was one of expediency, not of power, the noble lord added, and he cautioned other states to remember, who might be disposed to neglect their pecuniary obliga tions, or do this country wrong, that the British nation or parliament would not for ever remain in passive acquiescence, or that, when the government was called upon to enforce the rights of the people of England, it would not have ample means to do them justice. After some further observations from several honourable members, Lori oEor-cie 13EsrnicK withdrew his motion.--The adjourned debate on Mr. I Hume's motion for a committee to inquire into the case of the ex-Rajah of Sattara was then resumed, Sir J. C. HORHOUSE affording a full explanation of all the cir cumstances which led to the deposition of the rajah in question. On a division, the motion for the com mittee of inquiry was negatived by a majority of 21. IT must be exceedingly flattering to the pride, and beneficial to the interests, of this country to find that the Portuguese liberal insurrection has met with final extinction, and that the Queen of that country is once more erect upon her throne—all this achieved not by the admirals or envoys of England, who utterly failed in bringing about such a result, but by a Spanish general at the head of a Spanish army. The feelings displayed by the population of the first city of the kingdom in commercial respects, are, horror of England, hatred to their Queen, and welcome of a Spanish general, known for his fervent attachment to France, and his devotion to that mili tary party amongst his countrymen, who look to the conquest and absorption of Portugal as one of their early and necessary duties. By surrendering to the English naval force, the people of Oporto would have had themselves instantly handed over to the resentment of SALDANHA and the Queen's police;who are now busied in recapturing and fettering the poor soldiers whom the British ships captured. But the Spanish flag covers the liberties of the Oporto people for two months, and saves them from the brutal retaliation of SALDANHA. Could Col. WYLDE have favoured them so much, it is probable that they would have submitted to him long since. Bat the Colonel had it not in his bond. If we could even say that this Spanish interven tion, so universally welcomed in Portugal, was partly of our doing, there might be some pride and consola tion in it. Bat no ; Lord PALMERSTON, and his Times, and his Chronicle, keep assuring the world each morning that England has no control whatever over Spain ; that Spain does what it likes, threatens what it likes, intervenes when it likes, and can inter vene in Portugal without England, helpless infant, being at all able to gainsay or prevent it. CONCHA'S march is thus an act of the Spanish cabinet and general; and a well-managed act it certainly is, giving strength and credit to the Spanish ministry at home, and affording it, at the same time, great claims to the gra titude both of the Portuguese liberals and the Portu guese court. All people continue to play the gene rous part, and to enact the hero in the Portuguese business, but ourselves. We play the gaoler, and the policeman, and the dupe, and the clown, who lets everybody do as he likes, and is kicked at by every passer, but who puts on a smiling face, and affects to be most egregiously honoured and delighted. Astothefamouaconditions signed by Donna MARIA, her consent to which had the effect of turning our arms and vengeance against that party befriending and trusting us, and against the men whom the acts of our own diplomatists led into their pre sent scrape—as to those conditions, which of them has a chance of being fulfilled ? Of the am nesty we have a sample in the soldiers of St. Julians, hunted through the streets and sent in handcuffs to SALDANHA. A vessel will now bear an order for the Angola prisoners to return, on condition of their absolute submission to the abso lute Queen. As to the Cortes, the elections will take place under the influence of CONCHA north of the Douro, andthe intimidation of SALDANHA south of it, whilst perhaps a few British guns may be brought to bear upon the election of St. Allies, to force them to choose a Cabralist and an enemy of England. Such an absurdity would be bat of a piece with the entire conduct of Sir HAMILTON Semmes. As to the restoration of grades, the recall from exile, what liberal Portuguese will henceforth trust SALDANHA or the CABRALS, who must remain in power, either they or their creatures, for no other men could carry on the government in the spirit of arbitrary rule, which the navy of England and the army of Spain have caused to be predominant? Even now, Lord PALMERSTON backs out d England's enforcing these condition, by anything more than the exertion of England's " proper in nuance" in the onanoile of Portugal. Thin mains, that although we employed our guns and cut lasses, and were ready with bomb-shells to put down theliberals, we can use nothing save diplomatic remonstrance with the Queen. If she choose to con tinue her present reign of absolutism, what can England do ? We have allowed and established the rule, that she may apply for Spanish succour, nay, that she may receive it. She has a Spanish army in possession of the Portuguese fortresses; the Spanish general and officers are the same who drove ESPARTERO and English influence out of Spain. These are quite enough for Queen Donna MARIA. She does not want Lord PALMERSTON any longer. After having duped him into the employment of a British fleet for most disgraceful and illiberal services, her Majesty can henceforth confine England's influence to its " proper " sphere, that of empty remonstrance ; and with this oar Foreign Secretary declares he will rest contented. IN Lord MELGUND, Greenock appears to have got hold of a candidate such as the pen of its own lamented JOHN GALT could alone do justice to. This young nobleman was engaged in a canvass of the Haddington burghs, with every prospect of success, as he himself tells us, and as the progress of the liberal candidate who has stepped forward to defend his deserted post amply con firm s. But • triumph over a tory was not remarkable enough to gratify Lord 1 1 MED:WHO'S ambition ; he panted for the honour of a victory over a liberal. He may have fancied that his return, when opposed by • tory, might in part be attributed to the electors' attachment to the cense, but that his return when opposed by • liberal, must be attributed solely to his own personal powers of fascination. Accordingly, no sooner was the Greenock requisition presented to him than he left Haddington to the mercy of its tory suitor, and set off to seduce Greenock, the bride of the libera. Mr. DUNLOP. In taking this, at the \ ..