The Express. — London, England, 1848-03-21 00:00:00

o be found in the Mediterranean, and yet a naval force wee ,rationed there, the expense of which was greater than the pronto of the manufactures and the whole amount of the heights of the British ships engaged in trade, put together. (~ Oh, oh. ') So much for the commercial side of the ques tion. With respect to the political reasons advanced for maintaining the naval forces, the house wan constantly told that it was indispensable for England to place herself upon a level with all other foreign powers, in so far as her navy was concerned. Now, the only powers that England could regard as being on the same level with herself in a naval point of view were France and America, and in adverting to this subject he must express his regret at the tone of the speech made by the right hon. baronet the member fur Ripon. lie had examined a tile of the Moniteur, in order to ascertain what had been said in the French Chamber retpt cting the British navy. It might be all very well for members of that house to talk complacently of the nasal supremacy of Great Britain, but was it not to be en pected that in the teeth of such language France and Ame rica should also put forward their claims to be ranked as high as England ? In the reports of the speeches contained in the Moniteur of 1416, on the subject of the proposed in crease of the French navy, when the report of the committee appointed to examine into the question was brought before the chamber, the minister lad 'treacly augmented the original estimate', and even that augmentatien did not equal the demands of the deputies, and 93,000,000 francs was added to the estimate. What were the arguments urged is defense of this augmentation ?—Monsieur 'Titters, in hie speech on the occasion, deliran d on the 15th of April, 1846, said: We pay Eaglets] the compliment of thinking of her, and her only, when we disease the question of our nays • we de not trouble our *cleat about the fleets which sail out of Y Amte or Venice ; we think only of the chips which leave Plymouth or Portsmouth. Now, what are the naval forces of England t It la generally said that, when she has put forth her greats-t strength, they have amounted to 100 ves sels of the line. if you examine the facts you will end that she has never had 100 vessels out of port ; she has had but 60. But on a future occasion I think she would have more-pa rhape 100. •• • • When isms speak of 36 ships in the face of e 0 or 100 it seems to me • farce. It is true the minister has raised the proportion tool ; but even he can hardly be serious. • • • • 10 he had said France will aim at having 60 ships, I should have understood him. I think that, with 60 vessels against a nation with 50 or 100, but with a touch larger space to cover, it would be potable for us to maintda an honourable struggle. One feature of the debate from which he quoted was, that even the most exalted of the French orators never assumed for one moment that France could pretend to be able to pat herself upon an equality with England in so far as her naval power was conceraed. To demonstrate this, he would quote the observation• made by soother of the deputies on the same nay that M. Thiers hid made his speech, namely the 13th of April, 1846. The speaker was Monsieur Ducoe, who said : England, which we may he permitted Vi view, if not as a model, at least as a guide, in spite of the 112 vessels of war of Item 70 to 120 gum which she keeps afloat, in spite of the immense development which she has given to her steam navy, England still continues to construct more vessels of the largest dimensions. At this moment she hoe spun the stocks 13 ships of from to to 120 guns, beside. a cowiderable number of frigate calculated to carry a powerful artil lery. • • • God forbid, gentlemen, that I should so far !Wow myself to be led away as to demand from Prance the sturifices of men and mows neeemary for the creation of a fleet equal in tome to that of England. I know that we are not like Greet Britain, exclusively a maritime power; but I think l act within the limits of a wise ? clic,/ in begging the chamber not to allow itself to be carried away ts which, however pleasing, may be deceptive, and are as st7irrd ° l re very far distant. I entreat it not to reduce the number of our vessels whilst England preserve hers, and even augments the number. And the same sentiments were expressed by Mon:. Bernoux, who, on the pin of the committee, in opposition to the increase of the armsments, said : In the great lottery of force and of cli ince, on which side will the advantige reel?-On the side of the moot numerous. Now, can we pretend to establish a navy as numerous as that of England'. If to.niorr , m, we boil 100 vessels, the day alter, England would have 200. Mons. de Lamartine also spoke during the debate, and he would read an extract from the report contained in the Monitour of that distinguished person's speech : England has not leas than 700 vessels of war, with which she could cover the two oceans, at the command of her admiralty. Everybody knows that as respects those steamers, with which we think ourselves sufficiently armed in adding 39 to our 72, England has 900 merchant steam-boats which she could, in ewe of war, arm and let loose upon the ocean. • • • I confess that today for the fleet time in my life 1 hese thought with susceptibility, I had almost mid with tee lousy, of England. Yes, at the moment when, after three days' de bate, we are coming to this great vote, I say to myeelf, and I say to my colleagues, it is propeeel to diminish the budget of the navy, that budget which in all mew has been deemed to belong to the very tature and des'inies of France-it is proposed not merely to weaken, but to paralyse the only arm with which we might perhaps one day have to encounter England upon the ocean. The hon. gentleman the member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) would perhaps recollect, that a few years ago the admiralty had given orders to cut down some line-of-battle ships, in order to convert them into coast-guard ships. In a report which was made on this subject by the Baron Charles [lupin, he (Mr. Cobden) found the following observation addr. seed • by that gentleman to the French Chamber of Peers on the 15th of June, 1846. After giving a detailed account of a plan determined upon by the British government for Can. vcrting four line-4-battle ships and four frigates int•i steam. ships carrying 312 guns and bombe of th - i largest calibre. the baron concluded with the following observations : It we compare this destructive force with the most formidable Mit, testes ever employed by armies on land to horn fortified towns or hatter down Wahiawa, we shall know what to think of an armament got up under the inoffensive and defensivedesignetion of Meant coast guard meet.. leis for France an iothepresable necessity to complete an armament of the same kind and of equal form, so that we may have nothing to fear for the future, should it eo happen that we have • misunderstanding with England. He would now come to a part of the question more imme diately interesting to the house. On the 26th of February, 1847, the hon. member for Sheffield brought the naval esti mates under the consn!eratiou of the house. Ind, after quot ing from the report of the Minister of Marine in France, made in 1546, recommending the builu dig of new ships, he said : The great object of this increased expenditure was, that France might increase the number of her shipss from i 159, whist, they were in 1016, to 390, which was what 'bey intended to be. Now, he found no fault with France for these things. France did what she thought right and necessary for the maintenance of her position. idle tut us, in many respects, a aoble example. He admired the wise and syste matic liberality with which her great naval works had been carried on from year to year till she had compensated herself for the great natural dieidsantages under which she laboured along the whole coast of the Channel. He then went into particulars of the magnificent works going on at Dunkirk, Havre, Cala;s,lice.,descritied the dock yard at Chernourg containing 231 acres and 16 building slips. and quoted the case of Brest, whose smithy centaiiiid 127 fires, whilst that at Portsmouth had only 48. The hen. member wound up his statement by stating Thew facts, it appeared to him, ought to be alevion to os. They imposed a very heavy responsibility on those who were in power in this country. It behoved them to take care, by the proper develop ment of our resources in times of peace, to prevent the balance of power being changed in time of war. (Hear, hear.) Now if any proof were wanting that England had led the way step by step to the enormous augmentation et the naval forces of France, it would be found in the fact that the English government had subsidised the ship builders in order to get them to construct steamers fur the ostensible purpose of forming a line of communication with America, and these vessels were to be constructed upon such plans and scale as to enable the government to take them and convert them into war steamers in the event of a war. (" Uh " and " hear.") He had the statement of the hon. member for Sheffield as a gusrantee of the assertion which he made. The steamers employed on Cunard's line, and those also engaged in the transmission of the West India mails were all of them coastrueted upon the principles laid down by the honourable member in his for mer statement, and since that plan had been adopted by England, France had followed it, and the President of the United States of America had done the same thing, by ad vancing the gum of 200,000 dollars for the purpose of con structing steam war packets. If the matter wan not so serious in itself, there was enough in what he had stated to make him laugh at the imbecility of foreign nations. He Mild not bat draw the conclusion, from all the facts he had stated, that there was no desire in Hoch quarters to diminish the war expenditure of the nation. (" Oh," and " Hear.") The allusion made by the hon. member for Sheffield to America, was not a fortunate one. The United States had existed as an independent power for the period of 67 years, and during that time they had been engaged for four years in a war. The Amencan naval estimates is 184.5 were 1,200,0001., or 6,000,000 dollars—one-half or two-thirds of the naval estimates of Great Britain. What was the wheie amount of the estituatee of the American cabinet during the years in which tiley were engaged in war 7—only 11,000,0001., and this sum included the military and naval expenditure, the salary of the President, and the allow ances made to all the foreign ambassadors, as well as every other charge. The whole did nut amount to twothirde of the ton of the establishment and civil list of Great Britain during a time of profound peace. The noble lord the mem ber for Stafferdshire had taunted him (Mr. Cobden) with some ob.ervaions which had fallen from him on a former occasion iu ani-ther place. lle must admit that be had been correctly reported on the cecasion referred to. lie did not mean to be offeaaive to any persons when he said thatTaletts was a eltulkirg hole far the navy, and the noble lord would understand that this observation was exclusively meant for the nautical, But he must state that he had visited Malta at two different periods of the year, in March and in Novem ber, and he had on both occasions observed a vast assem blage of ships and sailors, without, at the same time, observ ing any correspondeat advantage which they conferred. He had been told that drunkenness prevailed amongst the sailors. lie had himself seen the Jack Tars galloping round the island upon uses. (Laughter.) The hon. and gallant mem ber for Tarnworth complained that he had misrepresented these crews and their ()Seers, because he had stated that there was a greater amount of idleness and demoralisation exhibited on board ships of war than could be seen in the same space anywhere else on the face of the earth. He re peated his assertion, and contended that you could not have NO or 1,000 men on board a 120-gun ship for any length of time without their becoming demoralised and idle. (Hear, hear.) Suppose you had a factory, with 1,000 hands coming in every morning and going away in the evening, without a wheel being turned or a spindle set in motion, how long would they remain without becoming demoralised ? The occupation of our fleets in the Meditm rano= is really this. They lay up in ordinary in winter, and summer they 1 welt on an excursion round Sicily, sometimes as far as Athens, and sometimes to Smyrna, coming back after a cruise of six months to Valetta to lay up. The officers went to the clubs, or on leave to Sicily, while the lieutenants and men left on board were put to their wits' end to find some thing to do. They hauled up the sails, then pulled them down, and that with scrubbing the decks formed the ordins l y . routine of Mediterranean duty. (Hear, hear.) He bogged hon. members who were discontented with his statement , , not to lose their time taunting him, but to con tradict his facts. Let them disprove what he said, and to enable them to do so, let them look to the. navy list, and see where the ships wen stationed in """goheri JlOOllll7, and February, and where in May, June, and July. Now , with regard to the forte in the Tagus, the rig ht hon. baronet the member for Ripon had de kod.l it by ••••` 4 .--.., si_ Nelson's opinion as to the eligibility of the stttion . )4. was willing to take that opinion for what is was Welki rer bet ereistema lately stationed there been intended the Went 'Miss 1 He had undimmed they were sad there by our focuien minister, to be placed at the disposal of the Queen of Portugal. (Hear, hear.) And there it would be seen, by the roman for which he bad moved, they had lain mouth after month doing nothing. Could anything be more demoralising, in each a climate and close to such a city? (Hear, bear.) Those who had been in Lisbon would admit that it was not the purest of all spots in which to locate five thousand idle men. (Haar, hear.) Su far from there being any exampla tins in his statements, be believed there was a current joke among the sailors, that one of the line of-battle ships had gone reground on the beef bones which had been thrown over her side. (Laughter.) Now, he contended that we had no ' right to tax the artisans and people of this country who con sumed the sugar, and coffee, and tea, for the purpose of sending a fleet larger than the whole o f the American navy, to lie in the Tagus, at the disposal of the Queen of Purtugal, and to do more harm than good. It might have been good to send the fleet there. He took the argument fur whet it was worth ; but if it was worth anything, why had the fleet been eo suddenly withdrawn ? lie sometimes fancied that the 1 broadside he had fired from the free trade hall in Manchester, ' had dispersed them (Laughter.) (An bon. member, " They're in Cork.") Well, he hoped they were better em ployed than they Lad been in Portugal. He now crone to this important question; they were goiug to vote 7,500,0001. He was perfectly prepared for it, he believed that fur that large estimate government was no more to blame than the electors or the conntry. (Hear, hear.) He would be very candid, he had been the first to raise an outcry against it in Novem ber last, and he was censured in all quarters for his conduct. lie would do ministers the justice so my, that he was cen sured on all hands, in the newspapers, among public men, and everywhere he was told that he was wrong in opposing increased armaments. But the very pie ties who had so censurer) him, were the very men, when the ministers brought in their hill to turn share round and call them a profligate ministry. In his opinion ministers bad been exceeding? illused in the matter. He took no bla m e to himself . In 1835, when our navy was at the lowest, lie made his first appearauce in public life by writing pamphlets spinet increased arma ments. But they now came to the quesion—how was the money to be raised? (lieu, hear.) They were ins seri ous dilemma respecting it. It was proposed to do it by an increased income tax, and he would say very frankly to the country, that if the expenditure must be carried au, he ' would vote that it be paid by the men of 1501. a year and upwards, rather than that the working classes should be taxed an ither farthing. (Hear.) He believed that the masses had no fear of invasion. They laughed at it. The p. assist working at his plough, or the weaver et his loom, never felt any alarm. It was the genteel and timid clones of the country who wanted this protection, and he would say, if they would have it, let them pay (or it. (Cheers.) But what a lesson did the present state of Europe read to us as to the result of these vast armaments ? Every post hreught accounts of the march of revolution throughout Europe, and the primary cause of all this was, no doubt, the heavy burdens ' the material suffering and oppressions of the people. (Hear, hear.) It would have been better if a remedy could have been bound other than revolution, but there was no doubt but that the principal cause was the heavy expense, particularly fur army, navy, and ordnance (Hear.) There was in the United States a writer, Mr. Charles Sumner, who had published a work to prove that the stand ing armies of Europe, vet 200,000,0001. a year, together with the withdrawal of 2,000,000 of men is the fleece of manhood from industrial pursuits, involving a loss of 60,000,000/. more. Two millions of people were alleged by this writer to be absorbed by the monastic institutions, but he (Mr. Cobden), wonted to know what difference was there I, between keeping two millions of men idle, in red coats, and keeping them In black ? They had equally to be supported, the result was disaster to the finances, and such a state of things must always lead to revolution. (Hear.) He was anxious that they should take the matter in hand id time. lie believed that greatdisasters threatened this country in financial affairs. They talked of borrowing from the reserve bind. Then they must borrow from the Bank, and then came Bank disaster and a panic. He believed most of the panics had arisen from the illicit intercourse carried on between the Bank and the government. (Hear, hear.) Then they had the danger of a bad harvest, for such an event was always on the cards. He maintained that the danger of invasion was not half so great as the danger to he apprehended from a disordered state of the finances. Our present embarrass inertia did not arise from any falling eft in the revenue, but from our inordinate expenditure. He wished that honourable gentlemen would pluck up courage against foreign foes, but also that they would at the same time have courage to face our financial difficul ties. He had no fear whatever of invasion from without; he did not think diet any one would assault us; but the state of our finances afforded him ground for apprehensi. n. If we could hffireime our strength in that department—it we could only add to the number of prosperous people, at the same time diminishing the number of our paupers and sailors, we should be taking the best means of securing the permanent welfare of the country. Admital DUNDAS said he could not lose a moment in noticing the statements which had been put forward by the hon. member for the West Riding . respecting our squadron in the Mediterranean. He held in his hand a letter from Admiral Parker, in which, after quoting the observation Si the hon. member, to the effete that the American consul had criticised the discipline of our ships, the writer ;proceeded to say, " The Amencan consul writes to say that he has had no sort of intercourse with nor has he seen Mr. Cobden for ten years." (Opposition cheers.) His (Admiral Dundee's) gallant friend was also totally at a loss to know what ship it was which had remained in Malta throughout the whole of the boo. member's cruise to Sicily and back. lie did not think the house would expect him further to defend the elm. recters of Admirals Napier and Parker on the discipline car ried on on board their squadroas. (Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN.—The gallant admiral says what is true — that it is ten years since I was in Malta; but it is also true that I never said anything else. (" Oh, oh," from the opposition.) It would be the last thing which a man so notorious in his movements as I have been would think of. (Interruption, and cries of Oh, oh.") I believe that almost every town I visited was duly chronicled in the newspapers. (Hear.) But I was in Malta in the winter of 1668 and the spring of 1857, and I again repeat what I have said on the subject. Don't tell me of the characters of gal last admirals—we have all got good characters, I hope ; but I ask whether or no my (sets are correct ? (Hear, Lear.) The American consul could not deny that he went in the steamer with me from Malta to Greece, or that we were four ' days together in the same vessel. (Hear, hear.) We have heard a great deal of the character of the two services. I tell them that I look upon them in the mine light as I would on any other profession ; they don't work for nothing, as the seventeen millions in the estimates will testify, and ' their conduct forms as lair a subject for criticism as if they were barristers or physicians. Admiral DUNDAS said that he held in his band an extract from the hon. member's speech in Manchester, and the hon. member's words were: ' I was at Malta at the commencement of the winter, in the month of November. While I was there one of our ships of the line arrived from ecelmouth it had come direct: It had left England with • mew of Mee bands, and as rived in the kerbour of Valetta with 999, ems pews laving died on the panne. It went, ia I say, into the barmier se voltam, and there it remained while I travelled from Melte ft Nark" theme to Egypt and to Greece ; and when I returned to Malta there we the vessel lying in the harbour of Valetta still. Her aidstelltere bed gone on shore to live in the clubs, and the subs see ant et tbe mew found the utmost difficulty is keeping up even the __eon eta peewit*, to useful employment, in howling up the sift rag akin them down again, and in scrubbing the decks. w" . mtentuiTel'o"o it happened, to n t: Likze . r . ie v r e Annorlesne onninner yo be ur navy to be very cluck." ' In answer to this, the consul wrote to say, that he had not ' seen the him. =crater for ten years. (Hear, hear.) Col. TYNTE said that a relation of his, is no was in the navy, had returned on the previous night from Lisbon, and had told him that the strict discipline of the squadron there was the topic of general conversation. Lord PALMERSTON said that he did not rise to defend the British navy,—" the blood of Douglas could protect itself." The high character which our navy had acquired, and the brilliant discipline it had attained, and which was never more remarkable than at the present moment, would secure for it the respect and admiration of all whose know ledge of it was not, like that of the hon, member for the West Riding, confined to a period of ten eerie. (Hear, and cheers.) With regard to the question more immediately under consideration, he should not go over the ground which had been so ably trodden by those who had preceded him on both sides of the house, as to the reasons which had led to that progressive augmentation in the charges of the limey, which was observed and found fault with by those who opposed the present vote. It had been explained that this increase hail arisen partly from toe ne cessary supplies of stoats CODIUMed in the annual services corresponding with the augmentations made from time to time, and partly from the great and extraordinary change which the introduction of steam as a means of propulsion for vessels necessarily made in the character and descriptioa of our vessels. But that increase, whatever it I might be, was not greater than what had taken place in the navy of France during the correeponding 'melee. And when he was told that they were not to look at what other nations did with their naval establishments, the answer was given by the hon. member who bad just spoken. He had repeated the arguments used in the French chamber for the increase of their navy, but the common sense of those arguments was, that the defensive means of a nation even in time of peace must in some degree be proportioned to the preparations of other nations with whom there might be a chance of our coming into collision. There was nothing offensive in that mode of proportioning the defensive means of our nation to the pre parations of another, and it would have been bad policy if we had taken no notice of the naval forms of the United States, of France, and of Russia, the three great maritime powers of the world. He imagined that neither in stores, in sailing ships, or in steamers, had we gone beyond what the necessary service of the coun try required. It had well been observed that in defending the present vote, they should not rest their ar guments on a state of things which had arisen since the esti mates had been prepared. He was willing to admit the force of that assertion ; but when he was Weed why it wafts that our extended commerce required Mermaid an f dence, he must protest against the manner in which the hon. mem ber foe the West Riding had mid that our commerce re quired no protection from our naTy. g oo ier, beat.) mar kets, and Our merchants were every day olsoking everywhere that those were found British residents flocked to the spot. There was hardly a place in the commercial world in which British subjects did not establish themselves, and being established they always )(poked for protection at least from our naval force. There was not a day in whit& he did not receive letters hem various parts of the world, from British subject', complain ing bat they were neglected and exposed to oppres sion Gad ill-treattnent from the local authorities. It was, therefore, not merely on account Ct . the "'ant of our colonial lioepeetiOns, but of oar trade and ocaSaing that THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY additional naval protection was necessary. But the argu ment of the hon. member (Mr. Cobden) would go to show that we might dispense altogether with, not only the nave, but the anny, and even the police. (Cheers.) The hon. member mud, what was the use of our ships of war, they are always lying useless in the harbours, and the men are clean ing the decks, or employed in other equally peaceable and ' ageism occup ations.. (Hear.) He wished the hon gentle man void emcee his ingenuity in describing, in the MN way, the occupations of the soldiers in their barracks. Because, if it were a good argument that because oar sailors were not employed in hostile occupations, that therefore we have no use for them, it would be equally good as against our army that in time of pesos they were only employed in barracks or on parade, and in the same way it would apply to that army of blue coats who we saw walking about the streets with their hands in their buttonholes and staring every person out of coups temence who ventured to look into a shop window. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) He must say that the bon. gentleman, who talked of childish argument and hildish reasoning, had, ia endeavouring to show that our navy should be re duced in time of peace, adduced a line of argument which was net likely to have much weight with the house nor with any reasoning man in the country. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman would refer the question not to a naval man or a statesman, hut to the ploughmen and the weavers. (A laugh.) There is no danger of invasion, said he, for the ploughman ploughs on without dread of a foreign fee, and the weaver has no fear et foreign occupation. (Cheers and laughter.) Now he (Lord Palmerston) could not consent to leave the question to that tribunal—(hear, hear)—nor did he con eider that be cause the ploughman and the weaver did not believe the descent of a foreign enemy possible, that we ought therefore to strip the count, y of its naval defences, and depend for protection altogether on the doctrines of free trade. (Cheers.) Those doctrines he had opted admitted and pressed upon the house as doctrines tending to peace, but he was not prepared to say they could be relied on as au efficient substitute for that more material and physical pro tection which a great nation like this would &lease require. (Hear, hear.) The right bon. gentleman (Sir J. Graham) had said that he trusted no member of the government, in addressing the house on this question, would depart from that reserve which was becoming of the present occasion ; but the lion. member fur the West Riding exhorted them to tell ill fthe.secrets of the Foreign-ottice. (Hear, hear.) He k Lord Palmerston) had no secrets: Heaven knew that what was now passing in other countries was no secret. (Hear.) Those silents were notorious to all mankind; and it any' reasoning or reflecting man in the house could have thought six weeks ago the force proposed was greater than cape. diency or the necessities of the public service re quired, he was sure no man in the present sta e of affairs, and in the face of future events, which he hoped would not be of that character which some expected —but a. ill with a future big with uncertainty—bear, hear) — whatever the wishes and hopes of the government that that future would end in peace might be—and he could assure them that whatever influence the government possessed would be steadily exerted for that object--(hear), and in urgently and impartially endeavouring to inculcate the doctrines of peace to all who might be disposed to listen to their compete—still with a future big with events, the cha racter of which no one could venture to predict, no ease ful man in this country could wish that our naval and military force should be reduced to a lower amount than that rat which it now stood. (Hear, hear.) If they wished the councils of this country to carry any weight, we must be in a condition independent of fear and alarm. A country that was itself powerless could not expect other nations to listen to its appeals. For 'one *annuls to have any weight you must show that you do riot desiie peace out of humility or fear. (Hear, hear.) You most show that you demand it because you think it is consistent with the true advantage of all countries—that you demand it be cause of your love of peace in itself, and not out of fear of the consequences of war in your own case. He could sesure the house that it was not only the desire of the government that this country should continue to enjoy the inestimable blessings of peace, but it would be no fault of theirs—when they ventured to offer counsel to others—it would be no fault of theirs if Europe should be involved in the calamities of war. (lieu.) No one, he thought, in these days would venture to pro phesy what might occur. Events had followed each other el i late with such rapidity that no man would attempt to anti. • ciliate what might be the results of the coming week. t (Hear.) But he trusted they would not think this was a moment when they should direst the government of those means which, at the beginning of the session, they proposed that the house should intrust to the government for the ser vice of the country. ( liear, hear.) Capt HARRIS defended the military and naval ser. ' vices from the imputations of the hon. member for the West Riding, and said that when that hon member spoke slightingly of the Duke of Wellington he did not know the hearts of the people. /dr. BRIGHT (who was fur some moments prevented from proceeding by the calm for a division) said the speech of the n,hle lord (Palmereton) was precisely like the speeches of all the foreign secretaries for the last 60 years. He wished to recall the house to the question under con sideration—viz., whether they were to vote this enormous sum without deduction or not, and in point of fact whetb r the committee should give its sanction, which had been for so many years followed, of perpetually increasing the mili tary expenditure of the country? (Hear.) Ot what was that expenditure now composed ? The interest en the national debt, the navy, the army, and the ordnance, were all expenses which arose from. those warlike propensities which hap; been so extensively gratified by present and past governments. (Hear.) These branches formed almost the whole expenditure of this great empire—(hear)-47,000,0001. a year were paid either for wan that had already token place, or in preparation as it seemed for wars that seer expected. (Hear.) The nohlo lord (Palmerston) asked, " How can you expect to have influence with foreign coun tries unless, when you recommend peace, you are in a powerful position as to your armaments ?" (Hear.) Now there were two answers to that proposition. the noble lord did not consult the interest of this country—he thought it was his duty, for the purpose of upholding the balance of power, to interfere with the ar- rangements of continental states; and the other answer was to to found in reply to the question, was the United I States powerful or not ? Had not the United States obtained tiom France the restoration of rights and payments which France for a long time had refused? Had cot the United States obtained from this country the settlement of the Maine boundary question and the Oregon question? And yet, until the Mexican war, the United States had, as com pared with our own, a ridiculous amount of armaments both military and naval. (Hear, hear.) But there was another question which the noble lord (Palmerston) and the Secretary for the Admiralty seemed to bass lost sight of, that wen, where was the money to come from for these con stantly increasing armaments. (Hear, hear.) They might bring forward documents and are -tie, that because France or some other power had increased its armaments, therefore we must mid to ours. But there was a limit to this, which if they passed they would entail mere mischief en the country than could result from any increase of the armaments of foreign countries. (Hear, hear.) Let them consiel r the discontent which the proposed increased expenditure and in creased taxation had occaaioned throughout the country during the last three months. (Hear, hear.) The people were not, however, sufficiently alive to the extravagance of the government, nor to the necessity of MLA.- ing by all constitutional means these unnecessary additions to our taxation. (Hear, hear.) But it was because 500,0001. more was asked for in the present estimates than in those of last year, and because 2 per cent. had been attempted to be added to the income tax, that an amount of discontent existed against the present government which no previous government or many years past had met with. The industry art the people was paralysed, their means were exhausted, and from the highest to the lowest they were in a state of extreme difficulty aad suffering. It this course was continued, we could scarcely hope to escape some of those troubles which had resulted in other countries from the same cause. (" Oh," and "hear.") The noble lord talked of his desire for peace, but had he sent any ambassador or envoy to any foreign nation with a direct and tangible prorsition to reduce the military expenditure in conjunction with this country? (Hear, hear.) Nothing of the kind had ever been done, and yet there was no doubt that Friesen, Russia, Austri a, and all the continental powers, were sighing for some relief from those all but into lerable burdens. (Hear, hear.) If we had a secretary fur foreign affairs who thought more of the true interests of his weeny than the exaltation of his office (" oh" and cheers) he could imagine him entering into a correspondence 'e fto intelligent ministers of other countries to bring about such a reduction of expenditure as he bad alluded to, and such a re duction as this country would enforce before long. (Divide.) . When he remembered that there were 150 gentlemen in that house connected with the army and navy, be was not surprised that what he was saying now, and what he had said on former occasions ' should be unpalatable ; but if that house really represented the commons of England, and held the purse-strings of that enormous taxation which was ex tracted from the people, he knew of no more solemn duty that could devolve upon its members than to protest against an expense which they believed to be excessive, and which was occasioning discontent through all classes of the indus thou people of the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. H. DRUMMOND—When he heard gentlemen be longing to the military and naval professions charged by the free-trade party with selling the interests of their country, he feared they were on the verge of carrying into the military affairs of the country those tenets which had brought ruin on the country in every other way. (A laugh.) He would not detain the house on that question now, because other occasions would arise, when he was determined to trace in all its ramifications the principles of the tree-trade schools, and to show the injury which had resulted from their adop tion. Sir H. VERNEY said a few words in vindication of the Irish Roman catholic soldiers, than whom (be said) there were none in the British service more reedy to do their duty. Mr. HUME replied, and the committee divided— For Mr. Hume's motion Against it 347-100 The original motion was then put and agreed to, the hone resumed, the Chairman reported the resolution to the home, and obtained leave to sit again. ELECTION RECOONISANCES BILL' Mr. BRIGHT asked the hon. and learned member for Midhunt (Mr. Walpole) whether the second reading of the Election Reeognissnoes Bill would coma on to-night ; if not, whether it would come on at all; and, if at all, when? (Laughter.) Mr. WALPOLE wee willing to take any course which might he agreeable to the bottom As the gi' of_ the select committee appointed on this, subject, he tibiah forward the bill, hut after the division which ha place upon it on Wednesday last, he did not entertain much hope of being able to psis it in its present form. The ball sought to do justice to all parties, both petitioners and sitting mem bers, and it pea for thalami: ie decide whether be hail the- EVENING, MARCH 21, 1848. eteded in accomplishing that object. His right hon. and teemed friend the member for Bute (Mr. Wortley) had shown him some amendments which he thought would meet the objections raised to the bill so framed. His right hon. friend had been obliged to leave town, and therefore he (Mr. Walpole) would propel* now to re ad the bill a second time pro foreto with the intention of enabling his right hon. and learned friend to lay on the table his amendments, and then, when those amendments were printed and in the hands of members, it would be competent to the house to say whether they would go into committee on the bill and embody in it those amende.l clauses. He would, therefore, suggest that the bill be now read a second time pro forma. Mr. CRIPPS said his right hon. and learned friend (Mr. Wortley) had left in hie charge the amendments alluded to, which he was ready at onco to lay on the table, so that they might be printed and in the hands of members to-morrow (this) morning. Sir It. H. INGLIS opposed the second reading of the bill, en the ground that the passing an ex post facto law on such a question was moat objectionable. Sir G. GREY suggested that the proper course would be that before the bill was read a second time the amendments should be printed, with a notice that incase the bill was read a second tone those amendments would be moved in com mittee. Sir B. HALL said this bill seemed to consider the cases of the sitting members only ; but he thought that of the peti tioners'ought to be considered. Mr. REYNOLDS, as one of the sitting members included in the bill, thought that, though petitioners bad rights, the sitting members had tights also. Mr. C. ANSTEY thought it right, atter what had fallen from the bon. and learned member (Sar. Walpole) that the house sheuld content to the b.ll being now read pro forma a second time. _ . Sir It. PEEL thought that nothing could be more becom ing than the course proposed by the hon. and learned mem- 1 ber for Midkurst, who had no other object in view, than ueder circumstances of very great difficulty to take a course which on the whole would be most consistent, if not with the letter of the law, but certainly with substantial equity, and thereby to prevent its being said that the house had closed its doors against inquiry. As the organ of the commitO e, the hon. and l!arnedaentleman had introduced this bid ; but alter what had pas.ed, in might well abandon it. However, u there were other hon. mem era who entertained different views as to the details of the bill, he had moved the second reading for the mere purpose of enabling those hon, mem hers to submit their views to future consideration. There being no interference on the part of the house, all the mea sures would be referred to the several committees. He would suggest that the bill should he allowed to be read a second time, when notice might Fe given of the amend ments to be proposed. Mr. HATTER said, his impression from the beginning, had been that the whole of this proceeding was utterly useless. Let the necessity for further legislation be esta blished, before the bill was read a second time. Mr. GREENE contended, that the necessity for the bill had been sufficiently shown, and the sooner it was pawed into a law the better. Mr. BERNAL, though he had been a member of the committee out of whose recommendation the bi.l had arisen, conceived that the existing law was amply sulficicent. With the multiplicity of business before the house, he saw no chance of the committee getting through the business which this bill would create. Sir G. CLERK said if the house did not come to a speedy decision on this bill, the committee of elections must proceed with the choice of committees, which they had hitherto postponed in expectation that some legislation on the sub ject would be came to. The LORD ADVOCATE thought that b , ..fore the bill was read a second time pro f orma , the house ought to be in possession of the amendments to he proposed. Sir W. IIEATHCOTE thought the house bed made a mistake by interfering in the matter at all. (Hear, hear.) Though he had acquiesced in the introduction of the bill, he would not urge the hon. and learned mover to proceed with it. Mr. SHELL raerred to the Galway case, and observed that the reference by the house of the Cheltenham petition to a committee was an admission that the certificate of the examiner was not conclusive. Mr. NAPIER thought the house ought to consider itself bound by the decision of the examiners. Mr. WALPOLE said that after what had passed in the house he did not mean to press the motion, but out of con sideration to the hon gentleman the member for Bute, he thought it would not be right for him at present to withdraw the biU. . The motion was then withdrawn. FREEMEN OF GREAT YARMOUTH. On the motion of Mr. K. SEYXEk leave wee given to bring in a bill to dietranchi.se the freemen ut the borough of Great Yarmouth. The house then adjourned at a quarter past one. ELECTION COMMITTEES.—YESTERDAY. AYLESBURY.—Mr. Bull, agent to the Marquis of Chandos, was examined on behalf of the sitting member, and proved that be had not insisted in treating the electors. DERBY.— One witness was under examination throughout the entire day. GENERAL COMMITTEE OF ELECTIONS. The committee struck the following committee: Horsham : Lcrd Courtney (chairman), Messrs. J. M. Gar kell, B. Sheridan, G. Baukea, Shafto Adair. Vie Orprtai. MAILS._ The mails for Vign, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 27th March. The West India Mintz, including Bermuda, NAPSIU, Havanna, Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Bloc, and excluding those for Madeira, Jamnel, Carthagena, Santa Martha, Cbagres, Panama, West Coast of South Amens, and lit. Juan-de- N• will be made up on the morning of the 27th March. The maill for New South Wales, Van Dieman's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Slat March. The mails for the W. at Cattet of Africa and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the Pt March. The overland math lot Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Bong-Kong, and China, via Southamp ton, will be made up On the morning of the Srd April. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam bar*, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres., will te made up on the evening of the Ith April. The overland closed mails, fin Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, &c., will be made up on the evening of the 24th April. The mails for Briush North America, Bermuda, and the United States, will be made up an the evening of the 24th April. NOTICE. The number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1847, was: From JAN. I, to Duo. 31 .• .• 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and Morning Post, ALL PUT TOGETHER. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Afontinq Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, THE EXPRESS, From JAN. 1, to Du% 31 Which was more, we believe, t►an were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Eveaing Papers. TO OORREAPONDENTS. •.• Adverttaerues Inleaded foe " Tle Tweet,' London invoice paper. tenet be at tbieolke, 1 0. bouvirrle.street. by Two o'clock on Ott day of publication. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE Tess D33—llaralleL 7 esio. pot 7 , *Stereo., 3..1a. post 3 Toemsaaw—Mereleg, 37 mle pass , Aftaeose,. ado pest 3. LONDONTUESDAY,MARCH2I. THE most astounding of all the events of this event ful period, is certainly a popular and successful in surrection, achieved by the citizens and students of Vienna, in the teeth of the formidable garrison of that capital, and, it would seem, almost without its serious resistance. How wonderful is the epidemic 1 1 influence of revolution ! It gives courage and fury to the most timid population, whilst it paralyses the intellect and unnerves the arm of princes and statesmen the most renowned for sagacity, presence of mind, and resolution. The absolute monarchy of Austria has been overthrown by a band of students and crowd of citizens, with the loss of but twenty slain! This gigantic and leaden despotism, which weigued upon Germany and upon Italy immediately, and upon the councils and pro gress of Europe as effectually, though more indirectly —this tyranny, whose very name inspired dread, and whose might and cunning forbade hope, is foand, after all, to have been resting upon a reed. Its might lay in a stupid spell, which a word has broken. And its destruction is really more like that of a magician, or an ogre in a fairy tale, than a real, credible, chapter in history. Prince Merrcititica had lived and reigned too long. He could not for any efficient purpose take into account the immense infiltration of liberal principles that came in from all sides—from Germany, from - France, and England—and even from Hungary, whose stormy Diet sat and debated almost within sight of the walls of Vienna. By milder government, and more atten tion to material interests, Mrrreunten thought he would retard and obviate revolution. lie did not calculate how futile such demi-prectutions are in the midst of the hurricane of a revolutionary epoch. It was the intelligent classes which rebelled against the leaden despotism of Merresramt. In the ac counts of the Berlin riots we perceive that it was the labouring population which mustered and which fought, crying for a ministry of labour. In Vienna, on the contrary, it was the intelligent classes, especially the students and professors, who petitioned first and then insurged for the liberty of the press. The Austrian government discountenanced the study of literature and philosophy. Scientific educa tion it, however, patronised ; bat the pursuit of science can inspire the love of liberty ; for the study of medi cine and mathematics is not without philosophy. It was the students in these sciences that led the Vien na,. ihaUrrectiun. The Atop:iglu deputies, Shen in resistance to the court, and indignant at the dissolu tion of their Diet, furthered it; the success of the Pa risians gave courage and inspiration, and the deed was done ! It is fortunate for order and for the speedy regula risation of the Austrian liberties that the estates of Lower Austria had just opened their sittings. Ia a former session they had made liberal demands, which Prince MerrERNICH, to do him justice, had held out some faint promises of gratifying. It is aleo fortunate that it is the intelligent classes which rose and which overcame. Fortunate. too, that the military made no determined resistance ; and lastly, it is fortunate that the Austrians retain their hereditary respect for the person of their prince. In Austria, moreover, the peasant class is not so un happy or unprovided. The revolution need not lead to any great social changes, or to extravagant results, at least in Austria Proper. What may be the result in the outlying pro vinces is more uncertain. Bohemia, ripe for re volt, has a lower class of peasants and opera fives who, like the Galician', may be tempted to indulge in the horrors of a servile war. But the most momentous results will affect the political integrity and force of the empire. By the mere fact of the Vienna revolution, the Austrian empire falls asunder, or subsides into a federalism which must paralyse its military power. Hungary of coarse declares its in dependence. Lombardy with equal certainty ceases to be Austrian. Italy will be abandoned to itself. And Austria, or the great provinces of the Austrian empire, must in self-defence re-link themselves to Germany as a state, or as a closer confederation. But the consequences of this stupendous event are too many, too might, too complex to be discerned or compassed at once. Ibere is food for endless specula. lation and conjecture. We must be contented at the first glance with signalising the most important fea tures of the movement, and the most striking results likely to flow from it. IT is the most unlucky of budgets this budget of 1848-9. At all points it is assailable ; its very parents find themselves unable to say a good word for it. They argue that it must be passed because it is there, because there is no time to make another, and because a budget of some kind or other must be voted. Their whole time is taken up in apologising for its defects ; now some substantial error (like the asking toomuch income tax) is confessed ; anon it is to some blunder in point of form that they plead guilty. Last nig ht Mr. WARD asked a vote of 43,000 seamen, boys, and marines. Referring our readers for the present to the debate which ensued upon Mr. 111:ME'S motion to reduce the number to 30,000, we confine our atten tion to the officers and seamen composing the full complements (marines excepted) of her MAJESTY'S ships in commission. And we do this for the purpose of driving in a little further a nail at which we began to hammer yesterday. Character is often said to be beet shown in trifles. This is true of estimates as well as of men. There are some curious minutia about the part of the navy estimates for the year 1846-9, now under review, illustrative of a tendency in the administrative de artments to which we yesterday directed attention. They are not of much importance, in so far as the amounts to which they relate are concerned ; but they show how steadily our government (we embrace under the phrase all ministries of every colour) stick to their paint in sparing the higher ranks—the rela tions or dependents of the politically powerful— whenever an effort is made to keep down the sum total of estimates. In the navy estimates of 1847-8 it was proposed to keep on foot a force of 30,008 seamen; the num ber asked in 1848-9 is 30,037. But 17,634 able and ordinary seamen were thought sufficient in 1847-8, while in 1848-9 less than 18,149 will not suffice. The Admiralty want this year 515 able and ordinary seamen more than they did last year. Yet, by economising in the article, officers, they con trive to ask in all only 29 men additional. When we examine, however, the different classes of officers in detail, we find the number of commissioned offi cers actually increased, though only by a trilling sum. The number asked in 1847-8 was 4,629 ; for 1848-9 it is 4,632. But the sum total of petty offi cers is pared down without reluctance ; last year 7,554 was thought not too much ; but this year, al though both the commissioned officers and the com mon seamen have been increased in number, it is thought that 7,039 petty officers will be sufficient. Looking still more narrowly into the matter, we find that even among the commissioned officers the increase is chiefly, if not solely, among those of the high class. Last year the flag-officers in commission, and their retinue, were estimated at 163 persons ; this year at 189. The number of captains (especially the first class) is increased, and the number of command ers. But when we come as low in the scale as lieu tenants, we find that it is proposed to reduce their number from 699 to 523. Everywhere we find proofs of the pertinacity with which the system is adhered to of pinching and paring at the expense of the lower ranks and smaller salaries, in order to avoid the neccbsity ofiucommoding the higher ranks and larger salaries—in order, it possible, to provide for men of this class by throwing some of the others out of employment. Yet to diminish the number of these junior commissioned officers and petty officers who in the naval hierarchy form the connecting links between the chief in command and the body of the crew, is materially to endanger the discipline and efficiency of a ship's company. it is as if a waggon-maker should by dispensing with the use of a sufficient number of nails, seek to make his waggons more cheaply. (Baring though this inveterate habit of jobbing be, it is scarcely to be expected that it should excite a very lively indignation in the House of Commons. Indeed, notwithstanding the somewhat fretful interest which we, in common with all taxpayers, take in these discussions, it is not easy to be angry with members for bringing listless minds to them. Year after year they are made to feel that ministers having once made up their minds as to the number of men they want, trouble their heads little about a vote of the House of Commons. As stated above, the number of officers and ordinary and able seamen asked in the estimates of 1847-8 was 30,008; the number voted was 27,600. On the let January last, the number of seamen actually borne on the books was 31,77.5, or 4,275 more than had been voted. The same thing occurred in 1846-7 : only 27,500 seamen were voted, bat on the Ist of January, 1847, there were 31,463, or 4,553 more than had been voted, borne on the books. What is the use of con sulting the House of Commons about the matter, if its decision is to be systA matically set at nought? No rational or ever so liberal a person could desire the state of things which prevails in Paris. It is neither more nor less than the complete ascendaney lof the lower orders over all others. But all animad version and censure are suspended on its being made manifest that this ascendancy of the lower orders was not of their eeekiug. The governing power dis gusted the middle classes ; which summoned their in feriors, the operatives, to aid them in flinging off the yoke, and, when it was done, a provisional govern ment was named of men sympathising with the ideas, and determined to act up to the republican spirit, which animates the French masses. If the middle classes, composing the National Guard, wished to have protected the Chamber, to have had a regency, and to have continued the old constitutional system in pre ferenee to the republic, they should have protested on the 25th of February. They did no such thing ; they submitted to the present Provisional Government, knowing who had appointed it, and what was its spirit. It is now too late, and most imprudent, to make, as has been done, a tardy, partial, and ineffi cient protest. Some people in England, and others in France, seem to expect that the Provisional Government, born as it has been, should content itself with putting the great question to the French people of, will you be a monarchy or will you be a republic, and that it should abide tranquilly and impartially by the answer. Such expectations denote very innocents and inexperienced politicians. The immense majority of the French peo ple will be for either a monarchy or a republic, ac cording to the mode, the time, the enthusiaam, the circumstances, under which the question is asked. If a tame and timid bourgeois government ask the ques tion, the electors might vote in reply for monarchy. And then, when salted which monarch , there might be 50011, millions of voters for an Orleans, some mil lions for Henry V., and as many for a Bonaparte. Some of the most monarchically inclined of French dilemma admit, that to proclaim any prince would be gird war. M. DUTEBOIEB D'EstraANNE, a most modsrate, and eminent, and wealthy man, has plainly said so in his address to the electors of his depart ment; the celebrated DI:PIN has said the same. Uuder such circumstances, is it now so unfair, so . . . _ unwise, or unpatriotic of the Provisional Government to determine and declare that it will do its utmost to secure the return of staunch republicans? It ap pears to us that they are warranted in doing so. The Provisional Government cannot pretend to take the place of the constitutional fiction of the monarch who could do no wrong, and who,consequently, could do nothing. They cannot be indifferent to the re sult of an election ; and if they pretended to be so indifferent, who would believe them? It appears to ns, therefore, that there is more honesty iu LEDRI: ROLLIN'S peremptory order to his agents to get republicans returned, by using all the influence of government, than in M. Lawmen:en% pretending that government is to stand neutral. A neutral go vernment in the present state of France is no govern ment. The gentlemen who sit at the Hotel de Ville, and administer the affairs of France, are there by the voice and at the bidding of the mob. The mob is fiercely republican. And LAMARTINE has no busi ness where he is, if he be not frankly, and even vehe mently, republican. Whatever the moderates and M. Lswassixe may d-, the republicans will use their power and their effort to secure a republican constitution. And the best thing that can be done by and for all parties, is to let them make a lair trial of that government. One of the first requisites to a constitution and a government in France, will be to shake off the dicta tion of an armed mob, to send the people back to work, and to give security to property against plunder, and to intelligence and freedom against atinrchy and dictation. Let the republic and the republican govern ment try this. They,and we, may depend upon it that if the republic, when established, cannot satisfy and dis perse the mob, or cannot put it down, the re pablic itself will fail, will vanish into smoke, and give way to a military or other despotism. For no government can exist in our days which is but a permanent anarchy. The republicans have now some excuse for keeping popular bands together, and for being on the alert. The very prin ciple of their creed is questioned, the foundation stone of their edifice threatened with removal. Let such excuse be taken from them. Let them not be opposed or alarmed. Let them have license and leisure to esta blish their system. The country will be very fortu nate if they succeed, and if, under any form, or at any sacrifice, order and good government be restored. If they fail, and fail notwithstanding general acqui escence and support, then, at least, the conclusion will be arrived at that a republican constitution is not fit for the French people. But it they fail without a fair OW, and not from their own evident incapacity, bat from the tricks and machinations of their foes; then nothing whatever will have been learned or gained by so much ruin and revolution, and each class of society will continue hereafter, as before. to pursue its chimaera, and to squabble and plot, one against the other. Without, therefore, setting up ourselves as repub licans, either practical or theoretic, we cannot but think that the best thing for all parties in France would be a frank trial of republican government, the provisional rulers honestly abetting that form,and doing their best, both in the elections and in the Assembly, to make it work and prosper. For the government of the mob, we have as unfeitrned an abhorrence as any ; but to call the mob into political action one day, and to hope to dismiss and allay it the next, is im - possible. For the present, the Provisional Govern ment can do but what they are doing—obey its humour, and sincerely at least, if not successfully, endeavour to realise its dream and perform its behest. GERMANY. INSURRECTION IN VIENNA. We announced exclusively yesterday, in the whole of our impression, the overthrow of Prince Metternich and the riot at Vienna which led to his resignation. Our accounts then reached to the evening of the 13th. They now extend to the 15th. As, however, we were only enabled to give a short account of the man ner in which the desired reforms were obtained, we will recapitulate a little. On the 13th, the day of the opening of the legisla ture at Vienna, a large number of students, headed by their professors, proceeded to the chamber, in order to present a petition in favour of various reforms. Immense crowds soon collected ; the military were called out ; their muskets were loaded in presence of the people, and extraordinary measures were taken to prevent disturbances. Soon after the opening of the Diet, Prince Monte cuoli and several of the deputies, accompanied by an immense crowd, proceeded to the palace with the address. The crush of spectators at the opening o the Diet was enormous. A great number of well dressed people thronged the hall, exclaiming that the petition of the estates did not go far enough. The peasantry were crowding the streets, anxious to learn " whether the constitution was ready." Towards evening affairs became alarming; all the shops were closed, the palace of the states was en tered and ransacked, and the arsenals were literally besieged by the people. In the nick of time, how ever, the Emperor expressed his readiness to make popular concessions, not, however, before numerous persons were killed and wounded. The intelligence that Metternich had resigned; that the two unpopular archdukes, Lewis and Albert, had been disgraced—in other words, deprived of their functions ; that the ConntsKolowrath and Montecuoli had been entrusted with the formation of a new ministry; that film , y of the press bad been conceded, and that a nati,nal guard had been ordered to be organised—spread like wildfire amongst the population (no longer the popu lace), and called forth the most extravagant demon , strations of joy. On the night of the 13th and 14th sienna was brilliantly illuminated. This peaceful revolution may be placed to the credit of the Hungarian Diet and the students in- Vienna. The resolution expressed by the former, to separate from Austria if certain demands for reform were not complied with, caused intense excitement in Vienna, and gave rise to a similarly energetic demon stration. The Emperor has given permission to the students to take arms, with the view of preserving public tranquillity, and has, moreover, appointed a committee, composed of the mt mbers of the states and of the class of citizens, fur the purpose of deliberating on the measures necessary to be taken under existing circumstances. Prince . etternich has taken to his heels. It is said that his residence on the Rennweg has been demolished. According to some accounts during the insurrection 19 persons were killed and 14. wounded. According to others the number slain on the 13th amounted to nearly 300 persons. On the 14th all the troops (says the Zeitunyshalle of Berlin), received orders to quit the city. The " disgraced " Duke Albert was commander-in-chief of the army. Ten students were killed by the military. On the 14th perfect order prevailed in Vienna. No pillage. Business was wholly suspended on the Bourse on the 14th. me following proclamations have been issued in the course of the day : Cabinet Order of his Imperial Royal Majesty the Lord High Chaneeller.—We have sanctioned the establishment of a national guard for the maintenance of the legal peace and order of the capital, and for the protection of persoLs and property, under the guarantees which property . and intelh,gence offer to the state, and have, at the same time, appointed Ernest Count Von Hoyoe • chief ranger and Lieut. Field Marshal, a commander of the national guard, for the organisation of which the necessary prelinnuaries will be adopted. We expect that from. the devotedness of our subjects that the confidence which we have displayed by this act will be fully responded to by them.—Vienna, March 14, FZILDINLND." The Wiener Zeilung of March 15, the official organ, has the following : His Imperial Royal Majesty has been pleased to theree the abolition of the essaorship, sad the speedy promulgation at a law on the prem.—JOHANN TALATIICO, Baron vox OUTIETICL, Royal Imp. Government, President of Lower Austria.—Vienna, March 14,1 i I . The Austrian %server of the 14th states that the following rescripts were issued : I. The present events affect the weal of the state, as well as that of the city of Vienna. They demand • deliberate development, and hence it is of the utmost importance to the interest of the community and of individuals, that quiet, order, and security be maintained. The public good calls for this, and the how= of the gal lant and patriotic inhabitants of Timms sismend iR To this end his Majesty has been ruinously *sped to grant the arming of the students, and has expensed his espectation that all the burgher corps will strengthen It as much as pos sible, and co-operate energetically for the maintenance of peace. These ma'am, these wholesome endeavours of the students and burghsn, must, however, be actively supported by all the other inhabitant' of Vienna. Therefore, every Ina 4 of a family sad muter of a heatelield, all proptio9o