The Express. — London, England, 1847-03-20 00:00:00

.b• as to assimilate the gronr.!aw for Inland with the English poor-law, there would be a continuance of the influx of Lilt pauperA into this eountrc, in order to obtain a more liberal relief than was afforded to them in their own country. Sir If. W. BARRON said the sympathy of the hon. member. for Stroud in ruspect to the Irish poor wro confined to the relief of the English pockets. After such a plain unvarnished exposition of motives which had just been made, he hoped the Irish people would not be gulled by the sympathy ex premed by same hon. members. (Oh, oh.) Mr. S. O'BRIEN thought it most desirable to avoid the introduction of topics calculated to lead to feelings of exaspe ration. (Hear, hear.) Ile concurred in the proposition made by the hon. member for Stroud, and he would even go further. He wished to know what would be done under this clause in the cue of a labouring man who met with an accident which might occasion the lose of his leg, for instance ? would the man himself be taken into the workhouse, and his family receive out-door relief, white he was disabled from earning his and their means of support ? Perhaps the noble lord opposite would answer that question. Sir J. GRAHAM attached the greatest possible import ance to this clause, and thought it was safer to provide ape eifically in what cases outdoor relief should be granted, i rather than to leave the motion in vague and general terms. The words " permanently disabled" were not new in legislation, for they were cited in the Poor Removal Act of lasi session, and he (Sir J. Graham) thought they were rightly used in the present bill. He, however, was also of opinion that the clause stopped short, and ought to include, as sug gested by his noble friend below hint (Lord Courtenay), among those entitled to outdoor relief, widows and children, who, though able-bodied, might be leR destitute. Again, he thought the Medical Charities Act of last year, which was only a temporary measure, and would expire this session, might be very advantageously en aon this bill. With the additions he had suggested, t rftd ets a ion Id give the clause his cordial support. Lord J. RUSSELL, in reply to the question put by the hon. member for Limerick (Mr. Smith O'Brien), said that the cue of a labouring mac whose leg had been cut off, would be considered to come under the definition " penile nently disabled," and he would receive out-door relief. With respect to what had just been stated by the right hon. bait. opposite (Sir J. Graham), he would remember that the set of last year, to which he referred, was only a temporary mea sure, and it was now under consideration whether it ought to be renewed or engrafted on this bat. On the other points put, he (Lord J. Atwell) thought there were very great objections to extending out-door relief where only um porary airline* prevailed in a family. Relief of that description had been a source of great abuse in England, and he was sure would be much more abused in Ireland. Indeed, a friend of his, a member of an English board of guardians, told him that they had given out-door relief to a labouring man earning wages, be- WOO he had a child that was sick. He (Lord J. Russell) inquired if the board knew for a fact that the child was sick, and the reply he had received from hie friend was " Oh, we made the child sick for the purpose of gaining outdoor relief." If such an abuse prevailed in England, it would prevail to a much greater extent in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) The words objected to in the clause would not prevent out door relief being afforded in cases of epidemic disease., fever, er instances of that kind. Mr. V. SMITH and Sir W. CLAY supported the amend ment r o mmed by the hon. member for Stroud (Mr. P. Scrape Mr. SS concurred with the views expressed by the noble lord at the head of the government. Lord COURTENAY expressed his intention to support ' the amendment if pressed to a division. Mr. S. CRAWFORD hoped the government would consent to the omission of the words "permanently dis abled." Mr. MUNTZ thought it was of the highest importance to the beneficial working i of this bill th at the words objected to should be expunged from the clause. Mr. Hendee, r. Bateaw, and Sir W. Bannon de clared themselves in favour of the clause as it now stood. Mr. NE WDEGATE called the attention of the govern ment to a statement he had received front the Rev. Mr. Townsend. of Skibliereen, showing the over crowded state of the workhouse of that union, which now contained 1,449 inmates, though only built for the reception of SOO. Half the inmates were now suffering from disease, and he trusted the government would take means to prevent the over crowding of theme receptacles of misery and want. Sir G. GREY observed that express provision was made by the second clause to prevent such a state of things as that to which he alluded. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN thought it would be better, on the whole, to retain the word " permanent ," as the house was now legislating, as he hoped, for the permanent benefit of Ireland. _ . . . Mr. W. V. STUART thought it very &mirth's that pro vision should be made in the way of out-door relief, for fever cases. ' •• . Mr. SHAW said it was impossible, under existing circum stances, to find room in the workhouses for the sick and in digent; and he would implore the noble lord to be cautious how he extended the clue which was thus to be entitled to relief. If the workhouses were not filled to overflowing, they were sere to become so, in consequence of the two first clauses of this bill. Sir R. PEEL was in favour of the word " permanent " being retained. It was easy to conceive caw in which its retention would operate as a great hardship ; for instance, where a man had his leg broken, or suffered other serious accident ; but, upon the whole, it would be better to retain it. The legislature ought to be very careful how they broke down the self-dependence of the Irish poor, a consideration which was much more important than relief to this country. If the Irish poor were demoralized, by ben, taught to rely habitually on parochial relief, the effect would be most serious on this country. He was willing to try the experiment— and it was a very important one—which this bill would make ; but he could not refrain from expressing his convic tion that some very stringent provisions were necessary to guard against the abuse of the right to relief. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said he was not prepared to relin quish the word " permanent." (Hear, hear.) He feared that the omission of this restriction would lead to such an extent of fraud and abuse as would defeat the intentions of the legislature. The hon. member for Waterford had re ferred to the cue of the father of a family being so dis abled as to be unable to earn a livelihood for himself and his family ; bat eases of that kind might be provided for and he was ready to consider whether words could not be introduced so as to exclude abuse, and yet give the right of relief to • man who had been absolutely disabled by an accident from punting his work. (Hear, hear.) Lord 0. BENTINCH said he wss as anxious as any one to guard against abuse but he should like to see the word " permanent" expunged. In the English poor-law, provi sion was made for persons attacked with serous and sudden illness ; and some such provision ought to have been intro duced into this bill, He thought, with the hon. member for Waterford, that the unions in Ireland were too large ; if the number of workhouses had been trebled, it would have been a great advantage. Mr. B. R.scorT was against the restriction. Had such a limitation existed in this country, during the last six months, there would have been numerous cases of starvation. (Hear.) After all, it would be for the guardians to decide whether relief should be granted or not in these cues Mr. P. SCROPE referred to the case of small holden of land, numbers of whom were compelled to apply for parochial relief; and said if these persons were driven into the workhouse, with their female', the landlords would take advantage of that to pull down their houses and take possession of the land; and thus these poor persons would be thrown upon the world. He hoped that some provision would be introduced, authorising boards of guardians to give out-door relief in such cases. After what had fallen from the noble lord at the head of the government, as to the intention of introducing a provision applicable to the eau of accidental disability, he should not press his amendment to a division. Sir R. PEEL said the object of the clause appeared to be to Rive • right of relief to the permanently disabled; the only discretion which the guardians had was as to whether the relief should be in or out of the workhouse. The omission of the word " permanent," therefore, would give a parities right to relief to all disabled persons; and if the workhouses were full, they would have a right to out door-relief. (Hear.) There were dentitions extreme cases of accidents which ought to be provided for. Sr O. GREY said that such provision was contemplated, but it was desirable that the terms of the provision should be well considered before they were introduced. Probably, the cue might be met by an extension of the previsions of the fever bill of last MOOR. (Hear.) Sir W. BARRON said that hon. members appeared to forget that there were such institutions as fever hospitals and dispensaries in Ireland ; and no man who met with an acci dent need fe to the workhouses for relief. MT. WAELEY was Zillions that persons suffering accideats should be relieved at home, and not in wor khouse or hospitals. Let the house give Ireland such a law as had existed in this country, and which he hoped to Iwo restored to the statute-book. It was a fact, that in this country the Irish poor were better cared for than in their own land ; and he wondered that Irish members did not blush to know that suck was the ease. (A laugh.) The retention of the word " t" in this clause would have the effect of mate narrowing the right to relief. This tinkering with the poor-law was sediment to disgust the people of this country. Why should there be three different poor-laws— one for England, another for Scotland, and another for Ireland? They were bound in justice to give to Ireland and Scotland a poor-law similar to the old English poor-law. If the hon. member for Stroud pressed his motion, he would give him his support. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he would object to the in tandustia& of the English poor-law into Ireland, as he would lea indica to oppose it on account of the abases to which it wee coyest. After sem further discussion, in which the CICAPICTLLOR d the ltdowassth, Mr. J. O'Cotnram., and Sr W. LIMNS WIZ th e was withdrawn. Lea O ~_N AY, after a short discussion. withdrew fah amanamend regarding the Relief of Destitute Widows who lied depending on them. The deem we. then *greed to. On the MIMI clause being read, Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN moved certain verbal altera tions in the chess. Sir 0. GRIT said that he would oppose the amendment of the both geaesan, as the insertion of the words which be proposed wild take too much power out of the hands of the poordaw eranziimioners. ARM' a few words from Mr. 0100,1.1 Z, Mr. LABOUCHERE said, the good working of the act would depend, is a treat measure, on the cordial es-opera tion se the beads of guardians, but after the experience of the pith be tit would be unsafe to leave to them the pow at frflt a veto on the order of the poor-law eumukelemsse le rind out-door relief where it might be * M& tow worth thew Mr. B. HZILBIRT, which wen not beard is_thwenlka._ Kr. MAB mid be believed the death would form • dangerous precedent, and he iil.ould therefore sup port the amendments. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it would be mat dangerous to give boards of guardians the power proposed by the amendments, after the conduct of the boar& of guardians of the Cestlebar and other unions, who had so obviously neglected their duties. No abuse could arise from the clauses as they now stood. One of two foga must be proved, either that the workhonee was full, or that fever existed. After a short conversation between Mr. Butzw, Mr. D. BZOWNI, and Mr. LISPROY, Mr. NEWDEGATE mid he thought the hon. gentleman the member for Northampton was not aware of the effect of his proposal—it would create a loophole for the commis sioners, affording them the plea of ignorance in every eau. Captain LAYARD thought more justice would be done by the poor-law comminioners than the boards of guardians. Mr. V. STUART having made a few observations, Mr. S. O'BRIEN withdrew his amendments. Mr. P. SCROPE proposed to add, after the word " afore said" in the fifth line of the second clause, the words "and for any other sufficient cause in the discretion of the guar dians. His object was to enable the boards of guardians to apply the test of outdoor labour to the able-bodied pauper, without compelling him to go into the workhouse. The clause virtually declared that the board of guardians should not have power to give relief by out-door labour until the workhouse was full : and the object of his amendment was, to allow outdoor relit( to be given at the discretion of the board of guardians or commissioners. It was generally un derstood in many parts of Ireland that such a power would exist, and it was impolitic and unfair to the pauper who .4 be willing to work, if he could find employment, to o him to go into a workhouse and live in idleness; he wo d, moreover, be able to pay a large proportion of the cost of his maintenance if he was permitted to work. Such a practice existed in England. In the Chorlton Union, at Man cheater. the guardians employed a great number of paupers in reclaiming and cultivating was. land, and the power of affording such out-door labour was general in this country. It was said that the workhouse test was the best, but ho was of opinion that the indolent would prefer it to a labour test; and here he would observe that it was a calumny to say that the Irishman was not as willing to work in his own country as in Liverpool ter Glasgow, tf he had the same opportunity of doing so. (Hear, hear.) It was a shame that he should not have that opportunity, and it was his object to afford it to him. Mr. LABOUCHERE objected to the proposition of his hon. friend. The present state of Ireland showed how un• oafs it would be to rely on labour as a test—(hear, hear)— for it must be admitted that in many cases the labourers there preferred working on the public works, even at lower wages, to working for private individuals. He believed, that to employ labourers in gangs, under the superintend ence of the hoard, of guardians, would have a demoralising effect on the labouring population of Ireland—(hear)—and he thought it better to frame the law so as to encourage the employment of the labouring population by the property of the country in the cultivation of the soil. They should be cautious how they admitted lath a permanent measure, like the present, a Glee and unsound principle, lest they should thereby retard the improvement of Ireland, and the self supporting powas of the labouring portion of its inhabitants. (Hear.) He therefore trusted the committee would not accede to the prepaid= of his hon. friend, Mr. S. O'BRIEN regretted that his hon. friend raised this question, when they could :not adequately dlieun it, but he was in favourof some such principle as that contained in his proposition. Mr. D. BROWNE said that the people of Ireland were meet unwilling to enter the workhouses: and the conse quence would be, that they would have the same destitu tion in future years, unless they afforded labour out of the workhouse, to be paid for by the state. Sir G. GREY said the question was, whether they should dispense with the workhouse tut, or have perpetual public works? (Hear, hear.) The bon. gentleman made a short speech, but it was clear what he meant. Mr. BELLEW thought that nothing could be more objec tionable than the proposition of the hon. member for Stroud. Mr. ' , ERRAND wished to know how they were to carry oat the workhouse tart ? Was it to be expected that an able bodied person would have recourse to workhouses, in which fever prevailed to such an extent? Mr. LABOUCHERE said it wee evident the hon. member had not read the bill, or even the present clause, which pro vided for giving out-door relief when fever prevailed in the workhouses to a dsogerouo degree. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that was too indiscri minate a censure of public works in Ireland. He knew that in remote districts they were anything but useless. Mr. P. SCROPE did not think, after the government had been employing 700,000 a week in public works in Ire land, that they would have described his proposition as one which was likely to have a demoralising effect. After a short conversation the amendment was withdrawn. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN proposed amendments on clause 2, to the effect that it should be left optional with the boards of guardians to give out-door relief to persons, not per manently disabled when there seine room in the workhouse. Sir G. GREY said there was already a clause in the bill to that effect. Mr. SHAW opposed the clause. He saw no means by ' which out-door relief could be given without to the same ex tent displacing independent lah,ur. All experience was condemnatory of the principle. The noble lord (Lord John Russell) had Naked those who were opposed to granting out relief to my what remedy they had to propose as a sub stitute If the deputation which had waited upon the noble lord, of which he (Mr. Shaw) was a member, had not themselves proposed an effective remedy, they had at least ' shown that the noble lord's not only was Ineffective, but must be disastrous to Ireland. The reasoning of the noble lord on that subject was not more satisfactory than that of a physician who, in a difficult and dangerous case, said to those who were in consultation with him, " If you do not prescribe some medicine which will infallibly cure the pa tient, you cannot object to my administering a dose of poison." (Hear, hear.) The noble lord said a member of the de putation had observed that the principal resource upon which they relied for the relief of Irish destitution was private cha rity. What he (Mr. Shaw) stated was, that, in the present emergency, the deputation would have consented to any temporary measure. But, further, they did not object to grant to all a right to in-door relief, and to the permanently disabled a right to out-door relief. They were willing to add to the present number of workhouses; and the noble lord was told that they would concede the principle that ultimately the property of Ireland should be responsible for the support of the poor. Now, what a gigantic system of out-door relief would that be, which ex tended to the 700,000 - heads of familia, representing 3,000,000 persons now subsisting on public eharity in Ireland. He entreated the committee to consider whether it were possible to carry out such a principle. In Mayo there were 300,000 persons employed en public works, and the rateable value of the property was only 326,0001. Could all these persons be supported by out-door relief ? In six counties of Ireland the rateable value of the property of Inland was 1,700,0001., which was 275 . per head for the population. The noble lord said that the charge for the poor now imposed on Irish pro perty was only about 6d. in the pound, while in nerland the amount was Is. 7d. This dine last year the Irish workhouses contained about 47,000 inmates; they now contained 110,000, and the rate had probably been doubled. In England there was but one labourer, in rela tion to the amount of produce, for four in Ireland. Again, while in this country the wages of the labourers averaged Ss. a week, in Ireland the amount was only about 2s. What standard, then, could they possibly adopt, in order to make the condition of the labourer receiving out-door relief in feriae to that of the independent labourer? (Hear, hear.) After ell, the government proposal uses only suited to a period of famine, and he believed that in making it they were yielding to clamour, instead of acting on their own convie tions. He admitted that Ireland had great resources, but he believed that out-door relief would prevent the de velopment of resources, crush the whole property of the country, demoralise the people, engulph law, property, and population in wide spread pauperism, and inundate this country with the pauper population of Ireland. He should therefore feel it his duty to take the sense of the house agunst the clause. Mr. D. BROWNE said that an opinion prevailed ge nerally in Ireland that'out-door relief was the only system of relief which would be agreeable to the people of that country. (Laughter.) He thought that without adopting the principle of out-door relief, they might as well pees no bill at all. Mr. YOUNG said that the clause under discussion was open to great objection. He was by no means dis posed to dispute the proposition that Irish pro perty should be taxed, and heavily taxed, for the support of Irish poor ; indeed, some rears ago, when the expression of such an opinion was perilous and unpopu tar, he gave Lis support to that Irish poor-law which had now been some time in operation, and which, however much it might require amendment, was no doubt attended by many benefits and great collateral advantages. (Hear, hear.) To the first clause of the present bill, too, he had given his assent, though he felt with others, that its effect must be to double the poor-law rating of impoverished Ireland. But when he approached this second clause, he owned that he drew beck with alarm. It was a clause designed to meet some fearful occident, some terrible emergency, or unprece dented catastrophe. But, looking at the course of human affairs, and trusting to the beneficence of Providenoe, they might hope, that such catastrophes would only occur at very long intervals, and that in ordi nary cues human foresight and vigilant precaution effectually guard against them. The objection to the present clause, therefore, was, that being a clause only suited for an emergency, its insertion in a permanent bill was calculated to mislead and to alarm. He (Mr. Young) bad net had the satisfaction of bearing the speech of the noble lord, but from what was reported to him, he conceived that the noble lord had not contemplated that this clause should be one of constant operation. Now if, that was the case, be must my that a more dangerous provision could not possibly be introduced. In England, the meat energetic country in the world, it had been proved by experience that the tendency of out-door relief was to pauperise the people. Every anthority on the treatment of the poor had declared against the system. Poor-law commissioners had declared it ruinous and impracticable; and yet it was in the face of this deliberate declaration that this principle was now to be applied to Ireland. He could assure the government that the alarm which this provision of the measure had occasioned In Ireland was not easily to be described. Only two days had passed since he (Mr. Young) had returned from the county he represented. It was one of the most unfortunately circumstanced In Ireland. Densely peopled—with resident proprietors; few and far between—with a hilly country, houses small and poor, and no manufactures whatever, the burden uponthe property was very considerable. Some hon. members in that house bad declared that the property of Ireland was only rated to the poor to the extent o f the pound. In the three unions of the county Cavan the rates en as ave rage of the last four years had been, in the first union, 71d., in the wood 91d.., and in the third 101 d. The addition of sashbards" se this clause would throw upon this' would ' the outgoing tenant of that farm I mold not leave the dwelling-house until a fortnight or a lma weeks after the 29th of September. The widow therefore applied to a Mr. WEBB, the land agent of Sir EDWARD SMYTH ; and she soon afterwards received a letter from WEBB, stating that he had written to Surrit, the landlord, who in reply had said, " With respect to &..LL's farm, I regard Mr. CHARLTON as my tenant from Michael mas-day, and he must make what arrangement he thinks fit." Mr. CHARLTON was then seen, who, as might be expected, readily assented to the widow's ' occupation of the farm-house for the ten days or a fortnight which she required. Matters stool thus until the 29th of September last, when SMITH, the bailiff, came and demanded instant possession of the house, and on being told that an arrangement bad been made with the new tenant for a temporary occupation, and notwithstanding WEBB'S letter, which was shown to him, he proceeded with the aid of six or eight labourers, to tarn Mrs. Weareas and her family, with their furniture, into the highway. This was done with much roughness and brutality, and was expressly put upon his positive instructions, saying it was more than his place was worth not to turn her oat, or to give her time to remove her things. They actually tore down and damaged blinds and fixtures, which had been valued to the new tenant, and which, of course, could only fetch a fair price in that way. Probably, there have not been many worse cases of cruelty and oppression upon a helpless woman. Had the act done been legal, it would have been altogether inexcusable ; bat it was absolutely illegal. The Chief Justice, Sir THOMAS WILDE, in his charge to the jury, expressly told them, that, though the widow's term ceased on the 29th of September, she had the whole of that day—that is, till 12 o'clock at night— to remove her furniture, " and that, therefore, neither the landlord or any one else could interrupt her during that day." Sofar, the case seems to have been asbad as it could well be. The widow's counsel justly said that the landlord SMITH, not the bailiff SMITH, was the real defendant, and the evidence proved that to be the case. In fact, such outrages are only committed in England by landlords, and agents of landlords act ing under their authority. Its likely, however, that no direct authority from Sir EDWARD BOWYER SMITH could be proved, and the action seems only to have been brought against SMITH the bailiff. Now what does the reader think was the defence Mr. Serjeant Suax was instructed to make to this action? If anything could deepen the colour of the case, it was the defence. Why, the whole burden of the defence was that the defendant Shirr"( the bailiff was a poor man, and not able to pay heavy damages! Technically, it is true, the poor man Sunni, the bailiff, was the defendant on the record, against whom would, undoubtedly, issue the execution; but who was "charged with oppression ? "—who was the rii=P Does any one suppose that SMITH, at, would have committed such an illegal outrage without the authority of Surrit the master? Yet we cannot help thinking that this sort of argu ment bad some weight with the jury; for i they found a verdict for the plaintiff, they gave 201. as damages. Perhaps a jury of Essex far mers regarded this treatment of an outgoing tenant so much as a matter of course, that they only thought it necessary to compensate the widow for her broken furniture, so overlooked her outraged feelings. The public, however, and the yeomanry of England, will understand this case. While the widow's husband was living, he could vote at elections—could shout by command at protection meetings; he was a vassal as well as a tenant. And it is a remarkable fact that " farmers' friends" have always a strange antipathy to farmers' widows; they have no notion of a loss of voting power because justice to a deceased tenant demands that his widow and children should be allowed to reap where he has sown. We leave this case with the single remark, that it furnishes another instance of the numerous perils and hazards which beset the class of tenant-. farmers, the agricultural capitalists, when they risk their means in the cultivation of land without the security of leases ; and of the high-handed way is which the landowners are accustomed to deal with their tenants. THE announcement of the sale to a large amount of French stock to Russia will probably be more agreeable news to the directors of the Bank of Eng land than to speculators in the French funds. It is pleasant to find our exported gold coming back so soon to Western Europe; and as France would have leant upon the fund at command in London,whatever sacrifioe it might have cost her to make good the deficiency in her own stock, a remittance to Paris under pre sent circumstances is tantamount to a remittance to London. Were the operation repeated, the tendency to panic that our money market has for some time betrayed would be altogether counteracted. Nothing has transpired to whence the propo sition first emanated. The Russian minister is said to have made the first official step at Paris, but it is one that resembles an answer to a question previously put. We do not know whether Russia, threatened with the fate of MID" and fearing that all its corn and tallow might stiffen to gold, looked about for a safety valve, and found a vent for the new flood of wealth in the somewhat straightened circumstances of our neighbour; or whether France, having found it difficult to transact financial operations in secret'' , in England, sought a more diplomatic banker than London holds, at St. Petersburgh. Until history unravels this part of the mystery, it is useless to speculate beyond the mere fact which is given officially, and which, as we have said, has the cheering tendency to lend confidence to our money market. We need no longer fret about the con dition of the Bank of Paris. The hold which Russia by this measure obtains of the French share market, has not escaped notice in the city, and must tend to disincline adventurers to invest in French stock, which is henceforth ob viously at the command of Russia. A more amusing diplomatic coup has not for many years been at tempted by the Russian cabinet. Hitherto its operations were confined to Germany, and all its efforts went to enlist the smaller German powers to league with it against France. The intervention of Russia has been hitherto con fined to political arrangements. When the left bank of the Rhine was ceded to France, Russia drew up a plan for indemnifying the German princes who loot territory, by parcelling oat amongst them the lands of the free cities, and of the church on the right bank of that river. In 1813 she marched her troops in conjunction with those of the German powers, to Paris. With law and with troops the Russian sove reigns were ever ready to interfere in the affairs of the west, but this is their first appearance in the cha racter of money-lenders. What a theme this 'superabundance of cash would have proved to the orators in the recent debate, had the bargain transpired earlier! How lucky the par ties interested were to have escaped the invectives of the hon. member for Finsbury, and the more mis chievous protection of Mr. DISRAELI ! What a pity to have robbed that well-informed applauder of the policy of the eastern powers of the opportunity to else a tribute to the good financial economy of the Russian Czar, by the side of the monument he has founded in praise of the Austrian Emperor's clemency ! We have no apprehension of this step being inter preted as an indication of a desire, on the part of Russia, to contract more intimate political relations with France than it has hitherto entertained. The French nation has committed its leading men of all parties to certain bold lines of policy to which, we fear, Russia will not easily be brought to con sent. On the other hand, the secret penchant of France is one that Russia herself could not safely countenance, and which it would require more effi cient aid than the present remittance to enable France to gratify. Were this step intended as a demonstra tion against Prussia, it would be equally ill ima gined. The Germans disagree on a thousand points. Their governments squabble amongst themselves and with their subjects. On topics connected with their foreign relations generally, no two German states are of one mind. There are, however, two exceptions to this general disunion, and they form points of strongly contrasting unanimity —one is the all-prevailing hostility to Russia. To strike this chord is to bid the Germanic people range themselves under the banners of any leader who pro mises to guide them. The other is the equally wide spread hostility to France, which mused the national feeling, in 1840, from the Oder to the Rhine, and from the Baltic to the Alps. As one result of a con joined demonstration against Germany by Russia and France, we might anticipate the union of the confede tion tinier an emperor or a dictator, While the map of Enrol:wan polities premnts to our view combinations based upon p apAr feeling like those we have enumerat e d , as eannot but repeat our conviction that ti e sale of stock 1 . .71 !tussle is a purely financial op s ration which the Oterests of both governments 14 deeply i nterested in tint seeing magnified into asy. thing more. As such, it eminently adapted to re. lieve the threatened pressure on the English m oo „, market, and, accordingly, we may anticipate a r e. laxation of that strict caution on the part of tap ,. talists that has threatened to enimp our . m o q ue. taring industry. We trust that theexperiment will prove successful, and, in the event of a rapid export,. tion of specie, to pay for corn, we hope both put, may be able to repeat it. All other topics of discussion in Paris on Thiv were lost in the excitement and astonishm en t p. duced by the announcement made in the official era:. ing paper on Wednesday night that the Emperor of Russia had purchased two millions sterling i n t h e French funds. Nothing could exceed the agit h tk e which this news spread through all the financial ho d commercial interests. The Passage de l'Opeeh of Wednesday night swarmed with speculators, and t h e funds, which on Wednesday at the Bourse Were ee low us 711.65 e., rose almost immediately nearly 1; per cent. The following is the account of the circumstances attending this transaction as given by the Vet. , a ( on Thursday : The Emperor of Runia has just bought the greatest po r . tion of the Rentes of the Bank of France for a sum of fifty millions. The agreement was drawn up, discussed, es., eluded, and signed yesterday by the governor of the bray and by M. Kisselef, the Russian Chargé d'Affaires. Th e sanction of the council of the hank was given to-dar at meeting held for that purpose. Half an hour alter dii was known the funds rose !f. 20e._ The following particulars of this transaction may, we believe, be relied upon as exact : On the 11th bdarcb, M. Kimelef, the Russian airtime! at Paris, waited upon M. Ouicet, and communicated to him despatch from M. de Nesselrode, in which the latter, adopt. ing a wtftworded tone of language, expressed in the name of the Emperor a certain sympathy for the difficulties France might have to encounter, obliged, as she was, to provide her. self wi:h corn from Odessa. To facilitate the countered relations between the two countries, and to alleviate the present difficulties of our situation, the Emperor offered to purchase the French rentes deposited at the Bask, to the amount of 60 millions of capital, ►t the average rate of the day en which the despatch reached Peril. M. Guixot sent fir the Minister of Finance, and placed him in communicatitt with M. Kisselef, end afterwards with M. d'Argoot. The latter gentleman refused to take the responsibility 00 himself, and, that the negotiation might remain a secret, it was entrusted to the members of the commission previously appoint. :d to conclude the negotiations with the Bank of Englan 1. The commission consisted of MM. J. Lefevre, Hettinger, and After having discuesed all the conditions of the agreement, they sold, at the current price of the I Ith March, two millions of the five per cent. rents, and 145.000 francs of the three per cent rentes. being Naive ' lent to the capital of fifty millions. lilted been proposed that five millions should be paid down at once, the Emperor was elm to send immediately twenty-five millions in lingots. The re maiming twenty millions were to be paid at short dates. The bank preferred receiving the value in corn from Rains, fee which it would contract. This proposition was accepted. After acquitting her debt of twenty.five millions to England, the bank will, therefore, still have twenty-five millions at he command, to procure provisions of gram and this operatic, being only effected with paper, it will in no wise increase the monetary crisis. . . _ . . The National, however, takes the following view of the possible or probable consequences of this pro. ceeding : • . . . We give a statement, at the present moment, of the actual advantages of this affair, and we point them out ea they us given by its partisans. But we intend returning to the subject, and estimating at their just value the admired' which are so loudly proclaimed. But supposing that they were ten fold what they are asserted to be, we demand, in tee name of common scale, how such an act of blind imprudence could have been committed. How could they, in the mom state of our finances, and the critical situation of Europe in general, place so powerful a means of action on our public funds in the bands of the Emperor of Rani* i Officially to announce that whenever he thinks fit, at a critical moment, the Emperor Nicholas has it in his power to oppress our credit with a weight of fifty millions ! Is it, then, so difficult to forum+ one of those events which may shake the political state of things in France, create dismay an the public miad, and alarm amongst men of capital ? Is this difficult, whet the King is past 74 ? Fancy, at such a moment, the Mfr. ewe the Emperor can bring to bear upon the low state of public securities, and the power he has to increase the evil' It is in favour of such a friend that an establishment like rtes bank has deprived itself of its relates, which it had so care tally preserved. Every one is aware of the hatred he feel' for the revolution, and of the haughty disdain he manifesa for our ideuand for our institutions. His insolence is sad that he does not seek to conceal it. It was but a few months since that he gave us a new proof of it by the confiscation of Cracow. But, at beet, he could but attack us in his own do mains ; he struck at us in our friendship, in our sympathy for Poland ; we were beyond his reach ; he has now boo placed in the very midst of our affairs; he has b..en given footing at the Bourse ; he has been made master of ear money-market ; for, in a critical moment, who can deny Ms power of a man who can at any moment throw a capital of fifty mil:ions on the Paris market ? We avow it frankly ; such culpable want of foresight has struck us dumb. The political state of Europe at the present day is most alarming; Spain is going adrift between contending factions and a fear. fel civil war; anarchy sways in Portugal ; Italy is in a tur bulent state; Switzerland is agitated; Prussia is under the influence of the workings of new ideas rtes most complicated questions have sprung up between Prance and England, in Greece, at Constantinople, in Egypt, at Tunis, and in the Mediterranean ; Austria is advancing her armies towards Piedmont. There is not a single spot in Europe whence war may not issue forth. We witness this spectacle with the cancer of misery in our breast, and art mutated deficits in our finances. Next year a loan will become indispensable; and that necessity will coincide pre cisely with those fearful difficulties which hem us in on every side. And it is at such a moment that Nicholas holds oat his hand to you! It Is at such a moment that he offers yos fifty millions, and you accept them ! Who will believer sudden a transformation? that he loves to.day what ha detested yesterday ? that be has forsworn his principles? that he no longer wishes to re-establish legitimacy any when.. that he shows indifference at the revolution? that ha cares but little whether it triumphs or not in the Peninsula and in Switzerland ? that he leaves Italy to the spirit of ',- form e that he has given up all his plaza on Constantinople? Oh the generous potentate who is suddenly converted be tween night and morning, and is struck all at once with pity for the misery prevailing in France, and comes hastily for ward to offer grain in exchange for' paper! This is sista deed—this is devotion Can you suspect him of scam from interested motives > You would be wrong to de a. He had fifty millions which be did not know what Wes with ; he found that the French funds were a geed ana► ment, aud, instead of proceeding secretly and gad= without noise, which would have demanded time, he negotiated officially, by diplomatic Mai with all the display of a mighty lord, who, it the same time that he makes a good bread ment of his money, wishes to render us a sigal service. What folly to imagine that some political mo tive, some means of future action, lies hidden beneath No, we must be convinced that all is fair and open, and look upon this unexpected alliance with a feeling of perfect security! We must neither be watchful nor suspicious; we must plies our trust in Nicholas, mark our words, as the protector of the rights of nations, and as the zealous defender of that country which calls itself the revolution. Well! Let &ream plices say it and blind men believe it ; but !et men of seem and courage look to it. We who write these harried lies of the first impression it made upon us, we regard this of sir as one of the most serious events that we have witnessed a the last seventeen years. No one can foretell the caws glances; a heavier blow was never aimed at the meal strength of France. Our feelings, perhaps, lead as toe for, but we cannot disguise our horror at the sight of the enemy, and this aversion is increavd two-fold when we behold the Cossack and the Bank simultaneously place their hands in the hand of the man of Oand! The committee of the Chamber to which the But question was referred, has reported upon it. It will be recollected that the object of the present proj ect of law was to enable the Bank of France, which Dos cannot issue notes for less than 500 fr., to put in circulation notes for half that amount, the purrs being thereby to relieve the present =saute for specie. While the measure was under &octagon , it was proposed and advocated by the leading °ege t ' of the government in the press that a still greet! latitude should be given to the paper circulation, lea that the Bank should be authorised to issue notes Is low as 100 fr. It was understood meanwhile that this extension of the paper circulation, so much ds• sired by the commercial classes in Paris, wasopre by a few leading and influential bankers in see among whom were mentioned M. Goain and Hot' finger. The result has been that the comm i ttee have reported in favour of a paper issue as let as 200 fr. The Debats on Thursday devotes its leading article to a severe criticism on this report, and reproduces its arguments in favour of a much lower limit to the bank-notes, and even goes so far as to propos! 0 1 issue of notes not payable on demand, but at wares periods, bearing in the meanwhile interest. There is, in short, a general movement among the financial and commercial classes in favour of some mo dification of the currency which will relieve tbs country from these occasional pressures aud e mbiu , rassmenta which must always attend so ands*** circulating medium as silver coinage. Reports continued to be received from various pule of France, of disturbances proceeding from the dear ness of provisions. In some places, however, Maier THE EXPRESS', SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 20,• 1847. be unsupportable; and the tendency of the measure would be, he feared, to prevent the selereliat.oe to which alone they had now to look for any extrication of Ireland from her troubles. It was, in his opinion, an evil augury fur the future, when they was asked to adopt &system in Ireland which had been tried with such ill e ffects in England ; and he therefore earnestly hoped that the clause would not be agreed Lord J. RUSSELL—The right hon. gentleman who has moved the omission of this clause has, I think, throughout his speech, proceeded on a fallacy. He took it for granted that the present state of Ireland was to be its future state, sad that we were always to experience the same calamity and misery. Now, I admit at once, as indeed I have admitted on several former occaaious this evasion, that I do not think either a permanent poor-law, or any other law, could provide permanently for • state of things so calamitous as that which now exists. When, indeed, I hear the right hon. gentleman say that 300,000 people are now receive g money from the public works in Mayo, I cannot accept that as a description of the usual state of Ireland, nor think that this bill ia to be tried by that test. If we were to try it by such • Met, how completely would all the right hon. gentleman's substitutes fail ! lie says that the party he represents agree Nat the property of Ireland should be bur ened to any extent for the purpose of providing in-door relief. Let us try the working of the bill by that test. Take 700,000 heads of families, new employed upon the public works, to represent 3,000,000 of people, and let me ask him how he would propose to build workhouses for 3,000,000 of people ? (Loud cries of " hear, hear.") But whilst the right hon. gentleman argued to chew bow ineffi cacious this provision might be, the hon. member who has just sat down proceeded on an assumption equally fallacious— namely, that we wish to establish out-door relief as the permanent rule, and in-door relief as the exception in Ire land. Now, in respect, the hon. gentleman has gamin. dentood both the bill itself, and the tenor of my observa tions. I never argued that it was fit or desirable that out door relief should be given as a general rule. I am quite of opinion that it is not a desirable system of relief. I believe, with the Poor-law Commissioners, whose report has been quoted, that no labour-test out of doors can be made a suf ficient test of destitution ; and I agree with them that such system of labour failed as • system, and that it is better to give relief within the walls of some public institution. But the Con which we are endeavouring to provide for is the event of tte institutions being full, and there being a num ber of destitute persons who cannot receive relief within their walls. What, then, is the course to be adopted? You may erect temporary buildings, if you please ; but I can easily conceive, without the occurrence of • ease of such extreme calamity as the present, that periods of dis tress might arise, when the number of persona applying to the guardians fur relief would be greeter than the workhouse could accommodate. That was a case I put to the house on • former occasion, and one to which I asked them to fix their attention, with a view to determine the best mode in which, under such circumstances, relief could be afforded. It is, in this respect, that I think the law otEngland is suffi cient for its purposes ; and it is on that ground that I ask the house to maks the law in Ireland conform to it. (Hear.) Take a cue that occourred in this country not very long after the English poor-law act wad—the distress in Nottingham. As soon as the workhouses became full, and it was bound that then were still many applicants for relief, the course adopted was to give the applicants some task of labour—as a test of their destitution—but with such task of labour to afford them relief in food so long as their condition required it, in order to prevent than fres starving. That is the owns adopted In England. But shall we, in the case of Ireland, deny such relief, without at the same time giving some sufficient resource to the destitute able-bodied ; and are the guardians to be compelled to reply to their demand for assistance, "Our workhouse is full ; we cannot receive you into it. We know you must die for want of food and shelter, but the law is such that we are prevented from affording you any 1" (Hear, hear.) I am much afraid that in the years to which we have now to look forward, though we may not experience anything like the suddenness or the extent of the present calamity ; we may, nevertheless, have periods of serious distress in Ireland to contend with. The hon. gen tleman who has just spoken has said, and said truly, that there are a greater number of labourers as compared with the number of cultivated acres by three times an Ireland than in the best cultivated districts in England, and by four times, if you take the average counties of England. But them must be provided for. (Hear, hear.) They have grown up, owing to the unfortunate confidence that has been placed by all classes, the richest as well as the poorest, in the permanence of the potatoes as the staple of food. You cannot expect that the potato will ever again afford such an abundance of food to the labourers of that country as it Its , hitherto done. The crop, whatever it may be that may take its place, will probably, ere long, though perhaps not at first, supply the same quantity of food which has heretofore teen obtained from the potato ; but, in order that the people should be permanently assisted, and the land better cultivated, you can have no resource so good, or so well proved by experience, as the charging upon the property of Ireland its destitution. (Hear.) Both with respect to the order and peace of the country, and the pu nishment of vagrancy and mendicancy, and the prevention ' of those habits of pilfering and immorality which attach to those professions, I know of no measure so good or so effee ties. (Hear.) I believe, also, that you can adopt no other measure so effectual as • means of inducing the landlord and the farmer to improve the cul tivation of their land ; because, it must be obvious that it will be the interest of all who own or occupy land, instead of employing the poor on toeless works, or leaving them to be relieved by the guardians, that they should be employed on wages in the field. (Cheers.) If Ireland should flourish as I anticipate, we must expect that cultivation will be carried on to a greater extent than at pre sent. Unless • greater quantity of land is cultivated than is now cultivated, and unless that cultivation is carried en in a more a ladifle and profliatio manner, you cannot expect the people to be in • comfortable or happy condition. But this as a vast transition—a transition of great difficulty, and one that must be accompanied by great hasem. I would, how ever, recommend landlords to adopt the principles laid down by Sir R. Kane and others who have well considered this matter. The hon. gent. says the Irish pemant is not skilful,and sot likely to adopt the best modes of cultivation, at least for a long time to come. In that respect, as in others the facilities of procuring , with little labour, the means of lead iag.an indolent and slothful existence—the facilities of pro curing • little food—the total negligence of all beyond a bare sufficiency of food, and the most wretched description of clothing and shelter, are, I believe, the cause of that want of energy and skill that prevails amongst the Irish pea santry. I look at this misfortune, great es it undoubtedly is, as no reason why the Irish farmer and labourer should not so improve in their habits as to bring about • better system of cultivation in future years. I believe there are no labourers who are taxable of being employed to greater advantage than those of Ireland. (Hear.) I have conversed, previous ha the dilatation on Irish railways brought on by the noble lord (G. Bentinck), with those persons who are most conversant with the labour ing cleans of Ireland, and they tell me that, though for the first three or four weeks the Irish labourer employed on railways is not skilful with his tool, and has much to learn, the work of instruction goes on so rapidly with him that at the end of that time he is able to work upon an equality with the other labourers. And when the Irish labourer goes to France to work on the French railways, where it is well known the English labourer receives higher wages than the French labourer, the Irishman em ployed on such works is looked upon as equal to the English labourer, and receives the same wages. If that be the see—if such is the industry and such the power of the Irish labourers—l can see no reason why that power and that industry should not be turned to the cultivation of the land. (Cheers.) What is there to prevent his becoming as good a ploughman, and as skilful an the knowledge of the rotation of crops, le the agricultural labourer of this country? (Cheep.) Believing this, I consider this measure will be the cause of new exertions on the part of both the Irish farmer and the Irish labourer. There is a very great difference in regard to the condition of the various parts of Ireland. There are sonic few districts the condition of which I can con template without feelings of alarm, but in other parts I observe every disposition to make the great exertions which the emergency of the case demands. Those who are beet sequainted with the different parts of Ireland, my that while in some districts the people are struck down with the misfortune that has come upon them, and appear to despair of being able ever to raise themselves from the depth of misery to which they are reduced, there are others where the people are making the greatest exertions, when more land has been sown this year than at any previous time, and where all parties appear to have made up their minds to become used to the new state of existence, and the altered modes of cultivation which they must adopt. (Hear.) If we look to the Weary of the English poor-law, we fin that in the fine instance those destitute persons who would not work were considered as persons who were to be com pelled to work as • sort of punishment, and afterwards badges and marks of disgrace were imposed upon them ; subsequently, however, when the abuses of the old poor-law were exposed, the workhouse was made the test, and all who applied for relief were compelled while there was room in the workhouse to go in and there receive that food and shelter they required, but not in such a manner as to make their life more easy and agreeable than that of the able-bodied labourer who was not receiving :parish re lief. This system, I believe, has contributed much to the prosperity of England so a nation. (Hear.) I firmly be lieve that the existence of the poor-law, by giving a claim to the destitute able-bodied poor to relief , and thereby afford ing the means of repressing vagrancy and mendicancy, and reducing society into order, was one reams why the pur suits of trade, industry, and commerce, had been so mecca • ful in England. (Hear.) I am convinced that at this time it is absolutely necessary to extend the same provisions to Ireland. I believe, that to this bill we may look as one of the means for the future improvement of that country, and nothing I have heard from the right hon. gentleman, or the bon. gentleman the member for Came, has in any way al tered my first impression in this respect. (Cries of " divide.") Mr. LEFROY briefly addressed the house, amidst such impatience for a division, as to render his remarks inaudible. He contended that, in the present circumstances of Ireland, out-door relief was wholly inapplicable, and quoted Dr. Doyle in support of that opinion. He believed that the effect of such a measure would be to double the number of paupers, and to render it impoesible to preserve tranquillity in the country without the presence of a large military force. The noise and interruption became so loud and oontinnom that the hon. members concluding sentences were completely km. Mr. ROSS, amid the loudest interruptions, was understood to say that although about to vote for the clause yet he could not give the government measure his unqualified support. He believed that the experiment about to be tried was a most perilous one, but still the position of the country was critical, and her Majesty's ministers were bound to try every remedy. His fear was that without the potato, not five saes of land but ten, would be required to support a family. In mash • state of things any Scream in the burthens of the people meat be looked upon with the greatest alarm. In many pane of Ireland he feared that the law about Gibe trio,' would be • hopeless 'liniment. (Divi.de, divide.) Sir H. W. BARRON moved tne en,ournrnent of the debate amidst great confusion and cries of " Divide." The hoe. gentleman did not, however, press bt: motion, and proceeded to &Mire , ' the house amidst mach imp:tien , e. The question was, whether Ireland was to be m integral portion of this empire, and, besides, whether she was to be for ever a drag on this country, which she would be if she was reduted to a state of pauperism. This was a fearful and dangerous ex periment, but stilltrosting to the responsibility of government he would not do so ungracious a thing as to sots against it. By • return he held in his hand, it appeared silty-two millions were rated to the poor, out of which five millions were paid for the support of a million and • half of persona. In Ireland there were 2,300,000 paupers, and the coat of supporting them would he .5,600,0001., from • rental of 13,000,0001. If the principle of the bill was carried out it would crush not only the landlords but all the rate-payers of Ireland. (Divide divide.) After a few words from Mr. FITLOERALD and Mr. SHAW, The committee divided. The numbers were—For the clause Against it 36-206 The house then resumed. The chairman reported pro gress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday neat. PRISONS BILL AND CUSTODY OF OFFENDERS BILL. Sir 0. GREY, in moritTg7l; second reading of these bills, stated they would stand for committal on Monday, but on that day he would state when he should proceed with them, in order that hon. members might discuss them en the motion for going into committee. The house adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. T-r - hie epprtggi. (MAILS. The overland closed mails, vie 1617•141103, to the Meditemusese, Pgypt, Aden, Ceylon; India, Hong Keng, Re., will be made up on the eTell/I2g of the 3ith March. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadis, and Gibraltar, willbe made Ira en the morning of the 27th March. The malls for New South Wales, Tan Diensen's Land, and N.. Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31.1 March. The West India mails, including those for Mexico, Honduru, and the Harannah, will be made up on the morning of the 2ed lb malls for British North America, Bermuda, and the United Mates, will be made up on the evening of the 3rd April. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malus,Oreeee, the lonian Wanda, XlAden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, vie Ameba/Won, ; made up on the morning of the 3rd April. The mails for the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Parana. boots Bahia, Slateire, and Buenos Ayres, will be roads ap on the evening of the 3th April. TO CORRESPONDENTS. The Adwrtiming Ofib;eso7ll;• 7 l:o7ll7lslF99' — Sed 1 ' L1P111.86 . have been REMOVED from 90, PLEET-BTREET, to No. 10, BOUVERIE-STREET, FLEET-BMW-19T, contiguous to Martini:ay and Publishing Meat ve Advertisements intended for The &wok London cminlog paper, most be at tbe 011ee by Two o'clock an the day ri pobliastiosu 141011 WATEt AT LONDON-BRIDOE. Tom Der—Morning, II wk. pad 4 ; Afternoon, 40 oda. pelt 4 To-Monson —Moaning, I Mill- pest S; Afternoon, 22 mobs. root 5. LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 20. WE are extremely sorry to see the plan, introduced for the furtherance of something like popular education in England, laid hold of, and made a bone of conten tion, by parties which really and truly have compa ratively little concern in the matter. Education, the teaching of A, B, C, the knowledge . of reading and writing, with an elementary acquaintance with the first principles and plain facts of a religion common to us all, is laid hold of by contending sects, as some thing which concerns only them, and by which they alone are to be prejudiced or benefited.. For our part, we consider elementary education as something very different. Instead of interesting par ticular sects, we should say that the great results of such a measure affected the people themselves—the great mass of the people—and not so much in their religious as in their worldly and intellectual prospects. The older religions have always held that education made but a small part of religion, and that the less of general education was infused into a traditional and authoritative religion, the better. The ignorantin monks deprecated education we are sorry to see large classes of dissenters, those whose religion lives and breathes by reasoning, so fully agree with their monkish predecessors, who ruled 'and stifled intellect by a contrary principle. But we repeat, education is not merely a religions interest. The great revolution or reform to be attained in our social organisation—that revolution or reform which is most for the interest of the lower and popular classes—is, that superior intelligence should have the power of rising even from the lowest depths and stratuof society. This is the true principle of demo- cracy and equality ;—not to make any Jacobin levelling of wealth and rank, but allow the lowest to start up to the highest grade, if his intelligence and mental power be of that transcendant nature that will rise where there be no artificial impediments. The grand mode of effecting this is to place the elements of edu cation in the power of all, rich and poor, high and low, and then leave them—their parents to superadd re ligious creed,—themselves to make use of their few opportunities, and each to aim at that end for which nature destined him and rendered him most fit. Thefiret, and last, and only step to this, is to render popular education universal;and for cur part we care little who take upon them to effect that great pur pose, whether it is the state, or the church, or dissent. We are ready to accept the most likely or the most feasible. And we do so, not from indifference to re ligious creeds, but from a perfect confidence, that, when the elements and means of knowledge are extended to all people, most people will make a good use of such an instru ment in reaching towards religions truth, as towards intellectual and worldly truth. We should scorn to be of a religion that would fear and shrink from that alternative. The speeches, then, that we want to hear on the subject of education are not the words of Dr. This, or the Rev. That. We want an unbiassed, unclerical, representative of the lower and working classes ; and we would say to him, and to those in whose name he speaks and listens, to consider that this is not a clerical, but a popular question—not a thing of dogma, but of right—not a consideration of what sect a man shall belong to, but whether he alkali enjoy an intellect sufficiently instructed and awakened to be worthy of having a judgment of its own, and belong ing to any sect. We support popular education, and the only feasible plan for it, as a great democratic move ment, and of the more value, because it is democratic without being subversive. We in sist for the present on the immediate results of such a measure as the present government plan, in opening to the lower class those upward vistas and avenues through life hitherto closed to them. But such openings cannot be made for the lower classes without the middle classes profiting in a still higher degree. Those people who would now stifle and stop the facilities which government offers to education, lest it might militate against some probably unintel ligible dogma, commit a crime, very like the system of infanticide, common amongst the Polynesians, who throw a wet cloth over the eyes and nostrils of a new born female infant, declaring that it is mach better for it to die, than live to see the light and go through the temptations, which the light brings at the same time with knowledge. A CAUSE was tried at the Essex Assizes a few days since, which strongly illustrates the precarious nature of yearly holdings, and the practical serfdom of tenant farmers. The facts, as stated and proved on the trial, were these : the action was brought by Mrs. WORTZRS—the widow of a farmer, who had, for sixteen years immediately before his death, occupied a farm in Essex, as tenant to Sir EDWARD BOWYER SMTTII, a landed proprietor of that county, and a high-professing " farmers' friend "—against SMITH, Sir EDWARD'S bailiff. The cause of action was, that SMITH, the bailiff, had expelled the plaintiff from her dwelling-house, throwing out and damaging her goods and furniture. The farm was situated at Stapleford Tawney—the public should know the locality of acts like this—and was left by Mr. WORTERS at his decease, to be carried on by his widow, for the support of herself and her children. He was a man of great personal respect ability, and left some property at hie death, which occurred in 1838. The widow continued to occupy the farm as tenant from year to year; she paid her rent regularly, and managed the farm. There was no known or avowed ground of complaint against her. Yet, at Michaelmas, 1845, she was surprised to receive a notice to quit the farm at Michaelmas, 1840. This notice was served on her late husband's executors, one of whom was her own brother. As was observed by her counsel on the trial, "it did not appear that she had done anything offensive to the landlord ' • he (the counsel) challenged him to prove that she had done anything of the kind; she could not, as a lady, hare rated against the feeling of her landlord. But it was his fancy that she should leave." Against that "fancy" Mrs. WORTERs knew too well there was no appeal, and she accordingly sought and engaged another farm; but it no happened that TaiiWk mid h. who'd the dean would desietlitTliaTaiewoVidthi;; apOa — th7m — Weiti I - pe7pfe iii - o;ti.WLea — Zpon -7 ,:itir tLaii;«;:t;i7ailii. Is I and engaged another farm; but it go happened that I tion under an emperor or a dictator. nem or provunons. In some places, k ;~