The Express. — London, England, 1848-07-24 00:00:00

i Tbe arrivals this week are; Wheat, wise,coast 1,638 ; foreign, 2,336 ; Rye, coastwise, 20: foreign, Barley, pattwin, 20 • foreign, 1,235 • Malt, coastwise, 235; Oats, coastwise, 358'; Peas, foreign , Flour, 2,350 sacks, NIWPOUT, ISLE OF WIGHT, July 22.-Our market was well supplied with all kinds of Corn thn day. week's Wheat sold at an advance of Is. to 2. . per qr. over last prices. Barley Is. cheaper. Oats, Is. dearer. NORWICH, July 22.-Our market toalay wu well supplied with Wheat from the formats, and prices were tier', at prices above last week's. The potato disease seems to be s rrea•h_ log (not rapidly) in the. local it y ; but we think that much of hat is d disease is not disease, but maturity of th i e . plant, which in former y ears would have excited no stop non whatever, and the cry is s ailed more for the sake o f m i sc ue prices than for an adhe rence to truth. Flour, f.0.b.., households, mule le. per sack more mono!, in.; this chiefly in eonseq uence of tne ihe"rnese of power. In Barley nothing is done save the i erinding torts, and they co rem mm sin and from 102. to Is. per none. Oats, Beans, and Peas without alters:km in value. Wheat, white. 485. to 525. per qr. ; red, 14s. to 475. sa. Beans, 36e. to 40e. Peso, 345. to 3 4 5. Fine household Flour, f.0.b., say 3.30. Oil. per sack of Whs., purchneers finding sacks and claiming one month's credit ; retail, ls. 10d. per stone. Noprientilie. July 22.-The advance on Wheat in our market to-day is fully Is. to 2.. per quarter ; and although we have a fen supple, having had a deal of rain ' fallen in Spring Corn the neighbourhood, holders do not press sales : is short, both in supply and demand, and prices toreunen altered. White Wheat, 525. t 545.; red. 501._Sts., tae best samples; 465. to 50.. inferior. Barley, 2. 3s. to 14/. to 3 c a., Oat., 225. to 265. 13 ens, 38.. to 40.. 191 11 , 1 !. Flour, superfine, 405.; tine, 365.; seconds, 335. PETEROOKOVOH, July 2 2 . - The supply of Wheateat e i was s large today, but that of Spring g rain is very small. in demand at fully 2s. per qr. over last week's rates. Oats and Beans maintained late rates. No Barley offering. Currency to the growers : Wheat, new, 40s. to 44,..; fine, 48s. to 505.; old, 481. to 50,.. Barley, 30s. to t.; fine. 34.. Oats, new, 18s. to t.; fine, 225. to 245. ; old, 225. ; fine, 299. Beans, new, 38s • to 401. PETWORTH, July 22.-At our market to-day there was a good supply of Wheat; firmer rates be , og generally de manded, somewhat can iced business ; there was, however, a fair srsde et our quotations. But little on offer of other gra in. Wheat, white, 12/. to 131. per load ; red, 111. s. le to 121. 'lathy, 32%. to 335. per qr. Oats, '22s. to 235. Beans, 421. to 44.. Peas, 40s. to 425. KBADINO, July 22 -At this day's market we had a large a t ten dance of farmers and dealers , and a good supply of Wheat, which nearly all changed hands at an improvement of Is. to 2s. per qr., in a great measure provoked by the tad reports of the Potato blight. Barley, P. as, Beans, and Oats still remain without any quotable variation is value. SAFFRON WALDEN, July 22 -Wheat to. day was fully Is. per qr dearer. Barley continues the same. Oats a trifle cheaper. Beans and Peas unaltered. SOKOL/MANI), July 22.-,he weather during the week has been very changeable, with baisterous wines and heavy ra ns. It is still unsetti' 4, but very favourable fur the crops, though hey-making is retarded. Tht re are some slight re. ports of the appearance of the Potato diaeasz but we have no reason to credit them. The farmers are busy with bay. making, and brought only a small supply of Wheat to market. The arrivals enastwiee during the week have been, 520 qrs. of Wheat, 1,150 qrs. Oats, and 390 sacks of Flour. The demand for Wheat was rather brisk, and prices ruled about Is. a quarter more than last week. The best Wheats are worth 50.• t • 541. ; average parcels, 48.. to 505. ; and in ferior samphs, 445. to 465. per qr. There is a demand for very fresh south country Whens, at the highest quotations. All other kinds of grain are only in retail demand. Oats are dull Bale, and Is. per ginner lower. Grinding Barley better sale, at 275. to 2 8 s. ; and Malt better demand at 62%. to 56•. Beans and Pets dull sale. Flour in good demand, and steady, at late prices. Weentesrea, July 22. - The attendance at to-day's market was very good, and the supply of Wheat large. A good amount of business, at an advance of 2s. to 3e. per qr. Other grain was hut little inquired for, and remained at last week's prices. Wheat, 42.. to 63,. Barley, 32.. to 3.50. Oats, 21s. to 255. Beans, 403. to 50s. WARWICK, July 22.-The crops are Fogy, ssing rapidl y in this locality. The attendance and supplies by sample to day were not large, but seasonably good. In the transac tions for Wheat, bee white realised 171. to 18a. 6d. per tag; red, 17s. to 18s. No foreign Wheat in supply. Old Beans made 16.. to 16s. per bag; new, 14s. 64 to 15s. 6,1. Grey Peas, 14s to 15s. Onnding Barley sold from 275. to 31s. p:r qr. Oid Oats, 275. to 30s ; new, beat, 28s. ; secondary, 23.. The beet samples of Malt made 645. per qr. ; in ferior, 62a. WINCHESTER, July 22.-There was an average supply cf Wheat, which was sold at from ls. to 2a. per qr, above lest week. Barley and Oats hut little inquirtl alter, find the laver receded Is. per qr. Other grain no alteration. Wheat, IfIL 15.. to 131. per load. Oats, 20s. to 251. per qr. WISRECII, July 22.-With a change of weather, which has much beaten down the crops, we have a very firm Wheat trade, and a good fair supply today is taken freely at Is. to 2s. per qr. advance on last week's prices. Oats and Beaus unaltered. Wheat, fine, white, 61Ibs. to 621b5.. 480. to 50e. per qr. • red, 4.55. to 47 1. ; good runt, 6011 m. to 611h5., white, 4.1%. to ies. ; red, 43.. to 4.55. ; common, 6711,1. to 591b5., white, 42a. to 4.55. red, 41s. toOats, fine new meeting, per stone, 11d. ; good, new, feed, 102. to Mid. Beans, new, 345. to 365. per qr. YORK, July 22.-We have had a very smell show of Wheat at market to-day, farmers being uawillia,e sellers a t press: n rates, and rather more mosey was paid by newly buyers. Nothing doing in other articles. The weseher during the week has been changeaele, with oecesional showers. Price.: Wheat, white, 50s. to 53.. per imp. qr. •, red, 48s. to 50%. Beans, 335. to 361. Rye, 325. to 31.. Malt, 60... to 625. Oats, 91d. to tole. per stone of 141bs. Flour, 355. to 391. per sack of 2801 be Dueete, July '21.-Our supply of Wheat to this day's market has been limited, and we must note an improve ment of Is. per barrel on our quatati os since this day wennight. Oats were likewise 3d. to 64. dearer, and Indian Cora, of which the supply has been small, realised au ad vance of 3s. to 4s. per qr. on Tuesday's currency; but this imprensment was barely supported on to-day', market. Other articles are without alteration. The following is the general currency : Wheat, white, 28s. to 33e. ; red, 265. to its. per 280111 . Oats, 10s. 3d. to 12a. 6d. per 196 lbs. Barley, 14+. to 16.. 64. tier 2'241b. Oatmeal,ll%. to 13s. per cwt. Flour, seconds, IGe. to 17s. 6d. per cwt. Indian Cora, 360. to 42.. per 48011 w. Coax, July 21.-Notwithsending the existence, in some isolated eases, of disease in tke Potato crop, we are happy to be able to report most favourably on the general appearance and prospects of this valnahle plant. Up to the present time there is nothing to cause uneasiness or apprehension. The slight aymptums of a suspicious character on the leaves, and, in some few eases, on the stalks of the plant, serve, is our opinion, but to prove the gradual dying out of the disease, and should not, wa think, be viewed with that alarm which mein, naturally perhaps, are disposed to feel. We incline to the opinion that the crop will prove generally plentiful and sound. The trade during the week kaa been quiet; and if we exc pt an advance on Indian Corn, caused by !hornless of stocks in merchants' heads, we have so feature of interest to allude to. The arrivals of foreign grain have been fee, and the receipts of home grain very small. Wheat, notwithstanding the decline at the English ide, is little changed in value. In seemedred Wheat we have little doing, but holden do ` not pose.' to alter their terms. Barley rennin.. a+ at ovielaet. Ode have varied but little invitee. In prepared Oata we nave ne improve me on aia• el. 1 i traa•acenas tee. h lute oecarred re on the most limited scale. The consumption of Flour has fallen off, and this, al led to the fast that our bakers had supplied themselves rather more freely than their wants required during the last fortniehe has produc -d • duffles* in the market Prices however are firmly mentained. Indian Corn, in the absence of foreign mar plies, and owing to small stock., has advanced on the week to the extent of 104. to 15s. per ton. Indian Corn Meal and other mean meet little inquiry. Werearoen, July 22.-The weather :his week has been very ungenial, and our supplies of grain have fallen far ',lnlet of our demand; hut in c niequenee et the disturbance'. in the country and the uncut state of the saiblic mind, little straiten has been paid to business, and our prices of grain and Flour remain much the same as they were at the close of last week. Some parcels of granary Corn are offering this morning ; and holders of Oats are willing to submit to a 41` ....seee.snae ge. to ad. per bane); but Wheat is held wi:h great firmness. The supply of Flour is about equal to the demand, and no change can be noted in it. value. Our stock of Indian Cora being now nearly cleared out, the few 100 on hand are held for an advance of 2s. to 3s. per barr 1. Up to the preeent time there is not the slightest appearance of the peat. disease in this district. Present quotations ;-- Undried Wriest. millers', per 20 stone, 275. 6d. to 295. ' shipping, 25 , .. 6d to 265. Barley, per 16 stein, gniid ing, Ida. to 13+. 61. Oats, white, per 11 .tone, 10.'. 6.1. to Ile. ; black, 11.. Prepared Wheat, mitten', per 20 stone, 295. to 295. 6d.; shipping, 275. to 275. Gd. Barley, grinding, per 16 stone, 14s. 9d. to 15s. Oats, white, per 14 stone, 111. 64, to lls. 9d. ; black, to 111. 6d. Flour, superfine, per sack, 38.. to 395. ; *stench, 345. to 355. ; thirds, 31s. to 32a.; fourths, 21s. to, 2.55. Indian Corn, Danube, per 20 stone, 245. to 255. American, yellow an d red, '23s. to 235. 6d, ; white, 225. 6d. to 23e.; Indian Corn Meal, per cwt., es. 6d. to 10s. Oatmeal, pet cwt., 12s. to I3s. Bran, per 6 at., 3s. to 3e. 6d. KIRKCALDY, July 22.-The weather, during the early part of the week, was dry and fine; latterly showers have been very frequent; nevertheless, we cannot say it it unfa vourable for the growing crops. Within the past few weeks the Wheat and Barley crops have improved in appearance; the Oat crop, on the contrary, does not look to well as it pro mised some weeks ago. Beans, though 'hotter la the straw than usual, are extremely well podded. At oor country markets this week we had moderate .uppliet of Wheat and Oats, which met a good local denten& at prices, in come in- stance.• , Is. per quarter over last week's rates. Very fittle other grain offering. Here today we had a fair supply of Wheat, at Is, per qr. advance. Small supplies of Barley and Oats, which sold at last day's rates. Wheat, 475. to yes. per qr. Barley, 26e. to 33a. 6d. Oats, 20s. to 24e. Oatmeal, per bag of 9801ba., 31s. to 32e. DANTZIC, Juls 18.-The Vistula water being a little increased, ofatten hope the supplies hitherto detained will strive next week. There was a fine lot of Volhymian When on show yesterday, bat was not to be had under 42a.; this Wheat is much more difficult to purchase than the lower Polish, the owners being here personally following their own often absurd ideas ; game of them are still looking for 4es. • even more . he..buu,„_ fa delay , and charges seem no object c to a _, Rye is beginning in the country, and en-lity ...Item teem to be satisfactory. F° 3 °ftrelele l markets see last rage. ------- IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF L()RDS.—SATuaDAT, JULY 22. TM Loan Catsont.Lon took his seat at 4 o'elook. PRIVATE BUSINESS. SECOND RE ADlNGS.—Marquis of Londondierrs's Estate (Na. I sod 2); CromforeLbsidge and Manchester-road ; U. THIRD READINGS. —London and Illackwall Railway (connecting • a nd Edinburgh and Northern y (Roscobis, Kettybead, and Gleneraig branches) ; Monkland land akintilloch, liallochnoy, and Stamannsn Railways (amaigamadon, or asle,or lease, and amend ment or repeal of ants) Bills. PUBLIC BUSINESS. REPORT.—Egebange of Emlealastical Patronage between her Majesty and the Earl of telemeter 8111. ROYAL ASSENT. The royal anent win Siren, by commission, to the follow• sus bills. The commiastonen stele the Earls of Shaftesbury and Lord Campbell: Conoolidat Fund; aINOV ReninVni ; eninnt;la 1nd..1.1711; Gains Certificate for liallWg Harm; Certificate (or Killing liana (Scotland) ; Imprisonment for Debt (Inland); County Cers ( Ireland) • Appeal in COSI Carr (Dublin); Truro Turnpike-roads ; Dundee and Perth Rail. way (Dundee junction); Drumpellar Railway; AtbrOntl and Forfar Railway (additional capital) ; York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (deviation and abandonment of part of thech Th r irsk and Ma Gon branch) ; Leticia and Think Hallway (bran fom Melmerby to Northallertme, and junction with the York and Newcastle Railway) ; Leeds and Think Railway (alteration of level of Leeds tiend Hartlepool Railway on Eastroliffe, Stockton, and Preston); ?dachester South Junction and Altrincharn Railway; Oxford, Worm-ter, aud Wolver hampton Railway (toenail° of eapital—No. sway Whltehen Junc Railway ; Waterford and Kilkenny Ra Act A mendm ents Manchester, Sheffield, and Lim' Railway (junction with the Midland Hannay, v as Barnsley', and bran(hes% therefrom) ; Illannhes ter, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (station approach at Man chester); South Yorknhire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment (eatension to PC01141066 and alteration Wellington); dworth branch); North Staffordshire Railway (deviation st Aberdeen ItallwaySlitional capital); Leeds and Thlrsit Railway (Harrogate and Pate branch); Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnakire Rail way (c nie of SheMeldonset in Mancluater); Estiesburgh and Glasgow Railway Una;N—me of acts and branshes) ; Lode Central Railway Sta Scottish Midland Junction Railway (amend ment aod braaches to Be ; Caledonian Railway (branches con. °ming the Clydesdale Junction and Wlshaw and Li' il ) ) ; Great Western Railway (extension of the Serbs and Manta Railway from Itungerforil to Westbury, with branch to Devises); Windsor and Stators and South-Western Railway Act (No. I, VW —deviations); Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (deviationson the line from Mullingar tn Athlone); Bristol and Exeter Railway (branch from titration to Wilts, eitalitiinbury, and Street); Glasgow, ridgeS, lend Greenock Railway (amendment and branches); Londonderry and • Enniskillen Railway (reliimulahment of hoe between Omagh and Enniskillen); Whitchasen Junction Railway (eatemion, alteration. and branches); York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Great North of England, Clarence, and Hartlepool Junction)) ; Bristol and Exeter Railway (Taunton and Castle (hey branch); North Staffordshire nail vray (Ashbourne branch) ; (amigo's Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway (revision of maximum of tolls); Exeter. Yeovil, and Dor. cheater Railway and branches; Manchester, Shettleld, and Lincoln shire Railway (Ashton canal purchase); salisbury and Yeovil Railway, Midland Railway (branch to Ripley); london and South Wmtcrei Railway Company, anti SOUtnloll4olllinti Dorchester Railway Conipsny Amalgamation; London and litackwall Railway (improvements and branches lathe St. Katharine and London dock') ; Chester an a l Holy head /Lailway (power to purchase); Manchester, Shetheld, n colnse Railway; I lumber Ferries Improvement at Ilall and New Holland ; Manchester, ShOtteld, and Lincolnahirc Railway (station at she Meld and branches to shettclil moil) ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Sheffield canal purchase); Plymouth Great Western Dock Act Amendment; Mersey N• vigation (amendment of eta); Dover Harbour; Burntisland Harbour Improvement; Ili nun ital.:, Little Ferry and Leek Solite Harbour ; Chests,. Cemetery; Man chester Water Vorks Amendment ; I Ards Improvm amen Actm Aend ment ; Patent Galvaniacel Iron Company; Middle Level Manage Act Amendment; Lowe's Patent; Sco.tiah Prorident Institution: Dublin and Mullinsor Turnpike Road; Tadcaster and Halton Dad Enid; Philanthropic Hockey Marne Estate; Exclaile Orphan W beano;gCharity , East Lincolnshire Railway; and Rawlin's Estate and Her rick's Estate ; Bills. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COAIIONS.—SATURDAY, JULY 22. The Britairas took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. TRIAD READINGS.—ExeuT and Exmouth Railway Acts Amend ment ; Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (amendment of acts and regulation of capitol); Bills. LORDS' AMENDMENTS CONSIDERED.—Payne's Patents (fm provements in preserving vegetable matters) Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. FIRST READING.—Runt Duties Bill. ALL ITS STAGES.—Suspension of the habeas Corpus Act (Ireland) Bill. PETITIONS. --By sn LION. MEMBER, from Tyrone, praying for laws against the licentious abuses of liberty perpetrated by o rtsin parties in Ireland.—Mr. M.OIBSON, from the guardians of the Man chtster Union, against any superannuation allowance to poor-law Ziiiteere. (An outline of part of the following debate appeared in the Erpreu of Saturday.] SUSPENSION OF (IRELAN HABE4S CORPUS ACT D). Lord J. RUSSELL rose, and amid the meet profou nd attention proceeded to address the bowie as tollowe g Speakes, I never felt so deep a concern in anybringir question before this house as that which I now feel in pro poeing to the house to suspend for a limited time the consti tutional liberties of Irishmen. I feel, however, at the same time, that the measure which I am shout to propoee is ne cessary for the preservation of life and property in Intend— ( hear, hear,)—that it is necessary for tee purpose of prevent ing bloodshed—(hear, hear)—that it is necessary to step in cipient insurreettos, and that it is eminently called for by I regard to the 'safety of the British empire. (Loud cheers.) With this conviction on my mind, therefore, and without any further preface or apology, I propose to state to the holm the grounds upon which I rest the proposition I am now about to make. It appears to me, sir, that it is abso lutely necessary that I should prove three things as grounds for the measure I shall propose. The first is, that the present state of things in Ireland is fraught with evil, that it threatens danger, and that, as a consequence of it, we are on the eve of an outbreak it not prevented by measures prompt, timely, and decisive. (Hear, hear.) The se cond is, that there are means at present in action sufficient to produce great injury, great confusion, and great danger, unless some measure be adopted to frustrate them. Tne third is that the measure which I shall have the honour to propose is, as it appears to me to be, the remedy most appro.- priete tor the present calamitous state of affairs in Ireland. With respect to the fi rst of these propositions, with regard to the present state of Ireland, I do not propose to rest my case on any secret information, or grounds known only to the government of this country or of Ireland, or on information which may rest on the doubtful or uncertain evidence of accomplices in the proposed rebellion. I propose to rest it on facts patent, notorious, and glaring. (Hear, hear.) This hhile , " is aware that a good number of years ago, after the paseieg of the Emancipation Act of 1829,thero were formed in Ireland various associations succeeding one to another under the direction of the late Mr. O'Connell, for the purpose of carrying the proposition of a repeal of the legislative union. The house is likewise well aware that, in theme ruiso.iations, and at the meetings—mat numerously att- nded—which took place for the porpoise of promoting that repeal, while the most exciting Linguaee was used, while there was every appearance that that language would lead to insurrection, there was still on the part of the leader of the movement a frequent and emphatic declaration that no political gain was worth a eingle ilrop of blood— . ht.:rel.—and that it was by the force of demonstration, by the force of great collections of the people, by uniting all th people of Ireland in one unanimous sentiment and feeling, that the object of repeal was to be a complished. (Hear, hear.) I sin not making any comments on those proceed. ings so to wneth o• they were lawful or truly patriotic; I am merely recording what the house kno s to be the fact. (Hear, hear.) Towards the end of that course of action, as it was likewise towards the end of the toe of Mr. O'Connell, there broke away from the Repeal Association a new piety, different both in its objects aad the means by which it pro posed to effect those objects. The object which Mr. O'Con nell and the Repeal Association had held out to the people of Ireland was that the Act or Union might be repealed, the a parliament might sit in Ireland, c , neisting of Lords and Com mon., and the , as it parliament bed it in Ireland from 1784 to 1800, so lila.wiee by a repeal et the ueieu finale r do. in , slit parliament might be revived, which would legielste for that country. As I said before, Mr. O'Connell always declared that this object was to be effected by peaceful means on.y. The new confederate's, or by whatever names they might be called, held forth as their object, et first somewhat covertly and ambiguously, but more openly as they pro ceeded, and as I think quite evidently to any one who had examined their language from the beginning, the total s's paration of Ireland from the dominion' of the Mated Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) They held forh with certain lax conditions of allegiance to the irivereiga of this country ' that Ireland was to be tota:ly independent,and that no coun cils of the sovereign of this country wen- at all to affect the course of Irish legislation or administration. They pointed really—as I think—to the separation of the two nations, and to the independ !nee of Ireland under some other form of government. Now, whatever might he thought, and whatever I, as an individual, might thiek of the proposal foe a rep of the legislative union, as tending t a the element berment of the empire, yet that was a matter of ressoning, of argument, and of proof ; but the separation which this party contended for was obvious, and was on the tare of all their speeches and proposals. (Hear, hear.) Likewise, as the means by which they prope.eo to effect their object. I The s e mean s were, from the liegiunier, tliettegui,,lted by the appellation physical force," as opposed to " moral force," wt ich was the designation aseutned fur their mode of opera tions by the old repeelere; that is to say, by the term phy sical force, they intended no less than rebellion against the crown of this kingdom—(hear, hear)—and they hoped by means of that rebellion, if successful, to establish that sepa rate government which they sought. Sir, whatever might be thought at other none of the thin disguises assumed as to these ajects, or as to the want of power tocarry them into effect, a pest change has been produced by events which have taken place within the last two years. The mis fortune falling upon Ireland in the blight of the potato crop, the want of food of millions of her people, and the imperfection which naturally belongs to any plan for supporting by artificial means those who had been deprived of their subsistence, afforded to those who were looking for the separation of Ireland from England a means of further ing their objects and of exciting the passions of the people against this country. (Hear, hear.) But it is to be observed that, as far se I know, they never did anything to assuage this calamity. (Load misled " Hear, hear.") While eight millions were lavishly poured into Ireland by votes of this house, while about four - hundred thoneend pounds were con tributed by the voluntary assistance of these in this country and in Scotland who could not bear to see their fellow. subjects in ealeery—(heer,hear)—all that was contributed on the part of this party was seditious harangue a inflammatory ap peals to the procris, and endeavours to misrepresent the motives and the amount of the contributions of this country. (Hear, hear.) But when Ireland was in some degree, and but very slowly, recovering from that great calamity—while the evils consequent on it, though still very severe, were somewhat mitigated—there occurred an event in a neigh bouring country which has been productive of encourage ment to all who wish to overthrow institutions, to all who wish to promote rebellion, to all who believe that the force and authority of empire may be overthrown by revolt. I allude to the events which took place in Yana in the month of February of the present year. We cannot forget that immediately en the thenrrence of that event a depute. THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1848. a lion was sent to Paris, ooraprising :wig its member member of this house—ellear,y w hear)— a view of eating smelteries from a ceentrhich had jolle eat the example of re volution, and of obtaining id and assistance against the authorities here. The attempt was fortunately unsu ofccesrevo sful. Th e government of France, althoueh springing out lution, felt its duty towards • neighbouring country to be paramount, and refused to lend its aid to this object. (Loud cheers.) However, although this attempt tailed, the projects went on, and there was little or no disguise any further at tempted as to what was intended. We may all remember that a newspaper was set up called the United Irishman, to where articles I will not call the attention of this house, be cause the writer is now suffering the penalty of the offence which he has committed; but I call the attention of this house the fact, because the sympathy that has been shown to by this party proves that they ideutity themselves tette the sentiments e xpre s s ' din articles rerell were (tuna in Ireland to ti ) tending to overthrow tile government of that country, and to the deposition ol tke Queen from her crown and dig nity as sovereign. (Hear, hew •) It i notorious that every kind of sympathy has been shown, and that every sort of in dignation has been expressed, that the pereon who had ex pressed such sentiments hat. been punished. He has been declared to be one of the, beet patriot. of Ireland, and that, instead of punishment, he was deserving of co ward. Others have followed is his steps, and I now hold in my hand a newspaper called the Irish Felon, so called lan auto the person to whom I have alluded was convicted under the Treason ar.d Felony Act; and I wish to read from it •peerage from the writings of one person who sign* himself J. F. Later, which I think eon tains in a few words the general spirit ot the sentiments ex pressed. lie says: "Wo hold the present existing govern ment of this island and all existing rights of property in the soil to be mere usurpation and tyranny, and to be null and void as of moral e ff ect, and o ur purpose is to abolish them utterly or lose our lives inehe attempt. The rights founded on conquest we regard as nu other than the rights ot the robber. We owe no obedience to the laws of another nation, enacted without our consent. We bs lei's that the present salvation and security of this country require that the English government in this country should be at once abolished, and the English landlords instantly expelled." Ile goes on to state the means by which this is to he effected "We advise the people to organise and arm in their own defence, and we mean to &welt and set the example by organising snit arming oerselves." Now, this passage contains, in a few worsts, the übjecte of the conspiracy and the means by which they are to be effected. I, It is declared at once--dent, that the imperial government, not the English government but the government which represents England, Scotland, and Ireland, is to be utterly abolished. It proposes to take away from the Queen all authority over Ireland, and at the same time to abolish at' once all the rights of property. (Ilear, hear.) Some, indeed, have made a sort of menaciug salvo w ith respect to these who should break their oath of allegiance and join in the rebel lion. (lieu:, hear.) But with respect t o th, great body of those who hold property in Ireland, however acquired. or held, the threat is that they will be deprived of it, and the rights of property be for ever abolished. (Hear, hear.) It is proposed that the mums of effecting these objects should lee by the people arming themselves, and heing thus able to en counter any foree which the authorities might Veva at their disposal. There is another article written more lately; it is from the Nation, of July 3, which I will not read to the hoar*, but state its general purpodos. It is called "The Value of the Irish Harvest," and it states that there is growing on the Irish soil eighty millions worth of produce, and that it will be for the Irish government, con sisting of the council of 300, or such other as may be ap pointed, to consider in what manner that produce shall be apportioned, what portion is to be given as an indemnity is to those who now hold the rights of property, what portiere to be given to promote industry and Menulactures in Irne land, and what may be necemary for the purpose ot govr ment. But it is evidently intended that none of the existing rights of property shall be acknowledge'', but that the whole of the produce of the Irish soil shall by one sweeping confis cation be held to be at the disposal of those masters of what the French call the Red Republic, men who have as regard whatever for any existing rule of our social state, or any purpose for which society has been founded and is kept together, hut who will give to the minds and eppetiti sof those who are in want the vision that their whole produce, h which has been the fruit of r e g ular industry, whic has been the fruit of the institutions :1 y, which has been the fruit of priteerty guarded and co d e nta enforce should, by one desolating measure, be distributed according to the wishes of the rulers of that republic. (Loud cries ot "liar, hear.") Sir, I will alle ie to ono passage more with regard to the objicts of these confederates, bee-use these objects are stated in a resolution puled evidently for the purpose of quieting alarm. It has been telt in Ireland, and by none more then the Roman eethol.c clergy, that it such a confederation as has been formed should succeed in its object, there would be an end of all respect for religion, of all regard tor what men have hitherto heel sacred, and that the rule of mere brute force would be establisned. Ir. order to prevent the MINIM which the doctrines heel by these confederates hid naturally occasioned. tt:ere was a meeting of what were called the Office Officers of the Dublin Clubs, when the fol lowing resolution was moved by Mr. S. O'Brien and seconded by Mr. R. O'Gornien, president ot the Oliver Bond Club. After alluding to the tenets that the clues had been organised for purposes of pillage and massacre, the resiilution el , claws it expedient !hat the real objects of the clubs should lie de fined, and proceeds— " Be it therefore re so.ved, that our purpose and coustitueon is for the overthrow of British legis lature in this country. That while firmly resolved to abstain from matters of a religious or sectarian character, we are net less desirous that religion should he upheld, and its in fluence and ministers sustained." 'They then eat., that so far from wisbiug to overthrow order and to establish anar chy, their wish is to establish the independence of the coun try without injury to its inhabitants. The how,e will see, that in this disclaimer of pillage or hostility to religion, they do not disguise that their object is, not repeal of the legisla tive union, but to overthrow altogethi r tt.e sway of that government which they are bound to obey; that nothing in fact less than the dernembermeht of the empire would satisfy their wishes and apirations. (Hear, hear.) So much, I think, may be taken from their own confessions. You may not believe with me that the accomplishment of these objects would necessarily overthrow the sway of religion and the existence of property as now held in Ire land; but this you must believe—that it is a traitorous con spiracy intended to overthrow the government of the United Kirelorn, and te put some new nationel au: berity, r, pub hear, or otherwise, is its place, which is here after to rule Ireland es a separate country. (Hear, hear.) That, I say, is the least, that is the smallest object to which you can be lieve them to aspire. I come now to that which I stated would be the weend proposition which I should have to prove to the house, namely, that there ore formidable means preparing intended ti produce rebellion, and only too likely to end in rebellion against the authority which now rules. Becesue, althoegh there may be projects moat i. juriouo mat alarming, yet, if these projects were entertained by only a few persons, by some obscure clue or imegnificant association, such is the free constitution and government of this country which permits every kind of opinion, that we should bar we were sacrificing the greater Ito the less, if we interfered by n:oans of any extiaor dinary laws to crush en evil which was initself f small In amount, and which was not to he compared to the general advantage arising from the perseital liberty of every man in the United Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) But, although l hoped for a time, and have continued to hope, that such might be the case, I am sorry to say that all the accounts we have received from Ireland have tended to the conches on that the organisaeon prepared by these confederates is for midable, that it is rapidly extending, and tnat in perm of the country the adherents of this association or confederacy are already ripe tier insurrection. (Hoar, hear.) After the I law which was preeed this summer tabour the end of April, and w Ilieft gave toe power ot brier; ieg tieture a court et justice for felony persons who were conspiring to depo.e the sovereign or levy ear against her, a greet check was placed on the derians ot conspirators in Ireland It is true that a confederation wax firmed with the orgenieation of elute ; and it wan determined to send missions into the country with the view of persuading persons in the great towns, and even in the small towns and villages, to adopt a similar organisation. But for a time these aerie did not succeed. The accounts we received from the lord lieutenant tended to induce us to believe that tee organisation would not become immediately powerful, but very seen these ac counts ehanged their character, and boili the lord lieutenant and the lard chimer nor of Ireland f iunien their opinienson wnat they saw in Dublin and the account , they received from the country, pronounced that the conteeeracy of clubs wa • bc coming organised, numerous, and dangerous. It is, however, chiefly wheel the last month that these proceeding' have assumed the character wnich I am about to detail to the house. In the first place I wiU read an ex• riot et • privets letter of Lord Clarendon's, directed to my right hoe. friend (the Secretary fur the Home Department) et the beginning of the month with respect to the then state of things. He 'eye, " A dwell n need not be i umed:a.ely come to, sat I em afraid before pa:liament is up froverienciat will have to determine wheeler it will seek fie fresh posers, or permit en organisation tor civil war el, cu ea unmolested." The accounte we have received from the country are of the following character. From Tipperary the constabulary report five clubs at Clonmel containing 600 members. No person but members are admitted, and their object seems to be to ascertain their strength in case of ineurrection. From Meath we learn that on the sth July there was a meeting at Trim, Messrs. Duffy and Dillon were present, and addressed the people, sowing them to provide arms, and telling them that they might expect to see the constabulary in the front ranks of the national gnard. In Louth, the United Irish Club met at Dundalk on the 29th, fifty persons were present, and the usual speeches were made, one person saying that he would put the government down, or if he fail , d they might put him down. In Wexford • meeting wee held on the 23rd July, presided over by • Mr. Whitley, violent resolu tions were passed, and none bat men of known character, and no policemen, would be admitted. One person proposed a cheap pattern of a pike, end suggested modes of attack. I should say here that the method of these confederates was in general to summon • meeting for some political object, to harangue the meeting with violent speeches, but immediately afterward' to form an association or club which was to meet secretly. There has been in nearly all them instances in the fine place a meeting where violent speeches were made, but other Meetings have followed week after week at which Sue Person was admitted except these w h o w eeps ', to t h e e afederatlien, lend any person who went for the purpose of giving eoforreation to government, such se a policeman, or a loyal subject who went to observe the proceedings, wan carefully and sedulously excluded. From Cork we learn, that, on the 17th July, fifteen clubs were formed, or in course of Terms ion, in which 2,000 ' names were enrolled. There are few respectable persons among them : the police have visited them, but admission was refused. At Wexford, so the Bth of July, • meeting was held at Eanimorthy, at which a Mr , i Dwyer attended bearing a pike. The constabulary were refused admission, the sentinel at the door saying that no one should enter except over his dead body, , s I r tended leedrieath..thiglelLati*pCo:lit:cects'innttiCtiar :ehth;lioseelbblatltiguislit,'"llbpurweetherindastoit: b a h ey : e ase s vt rebellion were no : e,l re 1.7t5" Oafca d theTe :on i a il i: c os s jw e y h g t e t:, , i n a and eb in ten t ionr"e r n s a o h m i : j e e. is nam e s 94 t n ga t b d o to complete the organisation of members t . pikes were sold at Is 3d each,but in consequence f the reign of terror little • • information could be had, Oa 3th July a meeting was held in the oonnty of Cork, and adsputation attended frons Cork city, to advise the people to arm and demand their rights with theirsrms in stated ands. There were about 160 persona r.p.rresueon.ty. (alst we unlerittott)onadtdhremeal4thhisJ u r l n T , the__ etvonelv to rtion urglag them ... ~ ,e clued. • • I a magistrate, also urge them to were, ing that he would not do so if it net legal, and that each club should consist of three h u ndred fighting men, all communicating with Dublin. Not more than twenty persons enrolled their nemes on this ores- I lion. I wish now to state the occurreoces which have taken place at Cork and Watertord since the beginning of the present month. At Curt there has taken place a meeting, which O ' attended by all the clubs, who marched, or as Mr. S. I O'Brien termed it, " walked" in regular order, and who attended what he afterwards called a review. There is a sketch of the meeting in the Cor;ConWitutior , and Brienit says, Tues d a y evening was appointed Mr. W. Smith O' for his inipeCtiOß of the enntedende clubs of this city, and the place tap pa we t as ilte review 'tele was that piece of ground behind the Corn market and mgoining the city-park known by the name el the " Me rmen Month." At 7 o'clock the clubs began to arrive at the end of South Semis, paired by tickets into the salt and lme.worke yard of J. J. O'Connor, and were drown up according to precedence. They moved up in scetioes of two deep, each sec numbering from forty to one hundred, flunked by protons apparently in sammand, and , who.. orders were gives by signs. Eadi portion, so it arrived at a certain I T on the road, pawed In review In front of ite superior dew, T MCI iOllll, which euntinued to march up in quick sue:colon, had all arrived before o'clock. Shortly aMr that hour a land came up, playing a twittery quick step, followed lam, J. She, in a Lawlor w , and which ere Mr. W. :smith O'Brien,aed Menne. Denny It shim. Woe Dunne &emitted, they went into the yard for u few 011111.1WN wlun Mr. O'Brien ordered them to march to the Monere Manh, unit draw up cu d n The order being obeyed, they all drew up in military line, he peeled along with hie elate each man WI he eased putting the index linger ot d p i debt band to bis hut or cap in salute. Mr. O'Brin then took up a protein ea position, and the elute marched I• 70 die t) in re view befure beaded by their president's 'tanked by the secretaries, teal closed by the vice-preeidents. As ugh club estate the president announced its name, and all gave the valute. Mr. O'Brien watced cautiously to ere that each re in gave the salute, and whenever a lt party forgot to do ear he rebuke.' Itin., oe etudonally saying, "Jut) touch your hats as you walk along." The t. lettrickes Club having halted and in fronou meet thet ot hha leroth a m er club turn oment he cried out, " lei move along, when y to the vest, so I want to FCC what kind of men the patriots of Ireland are." on one of the clubs pewits he remarked lin the number of young boys in it, to which 'fown.Councillor M WWI replied, " We are part molar to enrol none r years of ago, and all these will be found to come up to that." Mr. O'Brien lowing disapproved of the order in which one club m - arched, ono of the members said, " We want • little die:Spline yet, sir; but we are wiling to learn. ' To which Mr. O'Brien said, in an authoritative tone, "Keep up your Oiliest and be silent." A woman here nulled forward snd exclaimed, "Three cheers for the King of Munster," to which Mr. O'Brien re plied, "Not yet —not yet; no ..hbuting —so shouting." The clubs were cemitmol of trademneii, with one exception, that of the Mercan tile Ateastants' Club, ilk niopirity of whose members were the thop clerks in the drapers' establishments in this city. Now it is to be remembered tht,t there were afterwards meetings of clubs at Drogheda and Dublin, and at both those meetings Mr. o . l3risn adverted in his speech to what he said hod been called his review in Cork, slating that the num bers were very considerable, and that they were ready to arm and appear when called on. The other event took place at Waterford. Mr. bleacher, who is well known from having frequently addressed the potpie is exciting language, was arrested in Waterford un o charge of sedition, and im mediately there were collected several thousand k.ersons wh o wishea ie rogue him. Bet them, doflate that it would bo wasting the bliexl of the Irish people if they attempted a premature insurrection. The Roman 1 , catholic clergymen used all their efforts to keep the peace, and Mr. Meagher was conveyed without resistance out of Waterford. Soon after a meeting was held on a mountain, known to those acquainted with the loca'ity an Slievenamon, which, according to the testimony of some, was attended by ten thousand p. op',e, while, according to that of otters, there were iii teen thousand 'resent. From that meeting Mr. Meagher return, d to Waterford. lie was waited for upon ' the bridge by several thousands of persons who had collected for tne purp 40 of welcomi..g him track. I have received an account of what paned there from a gentleman with whom I have ouly a slight acquaintance, but one who is well known by reputation, and wheats opinions respect ing the Claiia of persons who wee there assembled to celebrate Mr. Mengher's return, I r believe to be perfectly trustworthy. He says : "It being dark, and near 10 o'clock, I resolved to proceed to the brie* , te e nabto me to form an opinion as to the class of persons there as , einbled, and the objects which they appeared to Lava in view. :•'.3 politics were talked. All were ready and determined to bring down the govern cent for the mere pope es of plui_iler. One amongst them denied that it would be plunder, inasmuch as all the property had originally been their own— a devieite of the spoil would only be a resumption of their own on the part of the people. They are danger sus." I can user r for the character of the gentemen who writes this letter ; he is • man of experience, as well in the civil stvice as in the foreign wars of the country, and one possesing as much courage and firmness as any man who is in the service of her Naivety. The state of Waterford has been described to me by several other persons; an.. I have seen many other letters from p cons who were in the neigh bourhood at the time, or who went immediately alter—some of them e persons connected with the place by the ties of pvspery mail of faintly, well acquainted with is inbabitaies and politics, and posses:ing a knowlodge of what is most likely to be the disposition, of the different classes of the people there. Of all those persons the evidence is to one and the same eftect, six., that although persons of property a d respectability, togeteier with the clergy, both protestant end 8,0111111 catholic, aro decidedly against any outbreak, yet no influence that is used hos any etivet wh.t. ever in deterring many thousands of the young men of every close, but more especially of the ferrate and the peasant chose., who are determined to rise in insurrection against her Majesty's authority. That, sir, is the evidence I have received, supported as being true by all the public accounts, and entirely believed by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, who bait himself seen and conversed with some of the p nous who have given this evidence. Then, sir, we have had accounts of rec -nt cv, sits at Carrick an Muir. There toe carted there an event which, although happily not end ing in bloodshed, had a most menacing aspect, and afforded a melancholy warning fur the future. Three persona were arredcd fur, as it happened, a bailable offence ; they were nut arrested under the recent act for the better security of the crown ono government, but fir the use of seditious language. [An hon. member : And for drilling.] Yes. I believe they were also charged with the offence of drilling. Having been retested, they were lodged in the bridewell of the town. Immediately alter the fact became knows., an immense collection of persons from the neigh bouring country assembled near the town, various reports were spread about—some that a Homan catholic clergyman had been arrested—some even went so tar as to say the in surrection had been begun. Some of the peasantry so ennobled were armed with muskets, but a great portion ot them were armed with scythe', pikes, and esti er formidable weapons , . They marched into the town, and up to she bridewell, d, daring that the persons who were there in custody should be instantly liberated. The offences with which those persons were charged being bailable, and such being the state of things, it was not a matter of wonder that the bail tendered for them should have been accepted. The parties we re liberated as perfecting the bail, a- d the town, hich had been in the hands of t e people for a cioixiderable time, again etwarse peaceable. But ter, i don't hesitate to s —nsy. ii is evi-lest, that title re hod 'oven eau., to re taut tL as p sweats iu casody —if t e offence with which they were charged had been such that they could not have been baled, or front any other cause the authorities had thought it their c uty t i retain them in custody, and to refuse compliance with the demand oh this armed multitude, much bloodseed, and probably, the begin ning of an insurrection must have been the const quince. (Loud cries of " Hear. hear.") There was not wanting the design, the wit', nor the intention, to rebel. (Cheers) All that was wanting was tee particular Iscasior.; but those who were there and who meant to rise in insurrection, being satis fied with what had been done—their object being completed —no rising teak place; but no man can douet for one moment that if the case had been otherwise, a commence ment of the insurrection would then and there have been made. (Cheers.) Sir, the accounts from those various places are, that now, and for some time past, the Confederate clubs have been making great progress ii, feminine associa tions, which are, in point of met, secret societies. Ni per.on is admitted to tisem who is nut a member of the club. The general objects held out o the members are to overturn the government—to procure arms for that purpose, and new nothing is wanting but the day and the hour to be fixed by their leaders, in order to carry into effect that fatal atilt dreadful resolution. Is the begiehing of a letter wnich I have received 'row the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to-day, he says, " I have nothing satisfactory to send you to-day The accounts from the country are as bin as they can he short of open rebellion, and every one concurs in saying that the change which has come over the feelings of the people, within the last week or ten days is most alarming, and has been more ' rapid than any ever 'been seen before, even in Ireland." I Sir, it is, certainly. to be stated that that which a few months ! ago was not formidable, has now become so—has now be come formidable for the purposes of insurrection As the gentleman an ,i whom I quoted as writing Cram Waterford, there cannot be a doubt that any such attempt would in the end be pet down, although not without much bloodshed, and the sacrifice of many lives. I think, therefore, that we would have to reproach ourselves if we did not adopt tome measures is order, if possible, to prevent that outbreak from taking place end to prevent the leaders of it from biking means to oppose the authorities of the country. (Hear, hear.) I come now, sir, to the measure which I shale think it my duty to propose, in order to meet this state of things. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in concert with the Lord Chancellor of that country, has pointed out the dangerous character of theseconfederate clubs. We may yet think it necessary te intro duce a measure to meet and prevent the organisation of these eluls. (Cheers.) But it is to be remarked that they are got up, directed, and managed, RS, indeed, all their promedings have been, by men well acquainted with the law, and even were we to obtain a new law from the legislature, those persona might show them ' Pelves as skilful in evading it as they have done in evading the provisions of those now on the statute book. We have received a. further opinion from the Lord Chancellor of Ire land with respect to thamode and manner in which the law hee been hitherto evaded, and I have no hesitation in saying that there can be no doubt that, constituted as these clubs are , they are in themselves unlawful. Clubs formed fer the wpme of procuring arms, and raising resistance against the crown and the law, are utterly illegal; but when the law officers of the crown in Ireland came to advise the Lord Lieutenant of that conOtry as to the means of nutting them down, it was fnund thst, although the general nutting with which they were formed is publicly known—known to every member of this house, and known to every reader of a newspaper in these kingdoms—yet the means of pro curing evidence of what passes in them, t heir pro ceedings being secret, is not such as enables doe govern ment go vernment to put them down with any cill say, sir, with any facility; because if a new law were peened, however stringent, some fresh evasion, some new form of law might be raked up to defeat the object of the ac —the clubs might be cont inued in as great numhers, with as much force upon public opinion, and with as powerful an organisation as ever. So, likewise, in respect to the march.- Mg of these clubs. From the accounts of '"' what passheedlaw in Cork and elsewheee many would i rlt f againstten:et:gig—a very stri nge nt law—would reach the , parties so engaged — that it would be applicable to such ! k elt ' cases ; but with respect to these cases spin there is very con siderable difficulty. All military terms are avoided. Every thing expressly . forbidden by the letter of the law is care_ tully eluded, in order that the object which those con spirators have in view may be attained wthout piscine them selves at the same time within the powei of the law. But, sir, after what I have stated, and the information which the house has otherwise, and indeed the open notoriety of the fact, there can be n o doubt that there are associations in Ireland, formed with the aw inten and tion of subverting the authority of the l of the crown of this country, and which mean to effect that object by farce of arms. (Cheers.) II such be the case, air, then I know no remedy so straightforward, so direct in its object, so immediate in its purpose, as securing the persons of those who am at the head of the movement, without in any manner endangering the persons or even putting to any inconvenience the innocent, by that mode of acting which is commonly known as the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. (Loud cheers.) Whatever meaaures we may frame, or whatever may he necessary to meet particular evils in the special shape whichble they m ay ay I assu me, there is now a necessity for a bill to ena the L Lieutenant of Ireland to secure the persons of those who are su spected of being guilty o f high treason. (Cheers.) forward, then, to ask this house of parliament to grant to the executive government this power. (Cheers.) I ask it now. I feel I might have been justified in asking it at an earlier leveed. (Leudcheering from the coneervative hf lichee.) But, sir, in weighing the question, which I have done with much anxiety during months past, it has seemed to u e that any extraordinary law suspending the liberties of a part of the United Kingdom prieseel by a mere majority of this house—passed without a very general, if not an almost unani moan, concurrence on the part of this house—passed amidet conflicting debate—pass , d when many honourable lovers of peace in the house might have doubted its necessity—would have lost more than half its efficiency. (Hear, hear.) On opiniors of that majority onl y , while in the minority there reaching Ireland it would be treated as the expression of the aught have been counted mm of undoubted integrity, and lovers of peace and order in society, but a hoy uld not be persuaded that the necessity existed and hat such a law passed under these circumstances would lose a great part of its efficacy, and not tend, as I should wish it to teed, to the complete pacification of that coentry. (Ileac, hear.) I have, therefore, sir, waited until in my mind and that of my colleagues the evidence was se clear, so notorious, se glaring, that I am satisfied the consictiore the almost uniser sal conviction, of beth houses of parliament must be, that what we ask is absolutely necessary and ought to be granted. (Cheers.) But, sir, 1 wish likewise to say, that it it is th e full conviction of the house that such a me - sure should be pruned, I trust that no time will be lost—(cheers) —in arm ing the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with the powers I now ask for him, and which he declares it is necessary he should possess, if he is to pow se any means of stopping in eurreetem in that country. (Corers.) When I tale this I ask that which I think is in the interest, not merely of those who would uphold the constitution of this eenntry, o: those who would defend the throne and maintain the in tegrity of the empire, but I ask it on behalf of those who would be sure to be the sufferers in case of an unsuccessful outbreak in Ireland. (Loud cheirs ) A protracted debate upon such a sebjeet can do no good; smile it may do harm by giving time for an incipient incur. rection to spring up ; and with this measure, which is sure to pm, and with the means which the government of a great country like this always has at its disoosal to put down ail attempts at insurrection, there can be no doubt whatever that the attempt would be put down. But we should put it down at a vast loss of life—at ti , e hazard of the pence, it the hazard of the means of livelihood of many of her Ma jesty's subjects in Ireland. We should put it down after an outbreak and convulsion ; but we should not be able to pre vent the outbreak from taking place. 'Cheers.) I say, then, that it is fur the interest of all that such a measure as I now propo'e should be paned. (Hear, hear.) If there are gentlemen—and there may be many—who, although they think this measure necessary, are yet of opinion that the whole duty of the government has not been pertormed—(much cheering)—that we bare not in this session produced and carried into effect those measures, whatever they may he, which are useful, and perhaps, as they think, necessary for the well-being of Ireland, I put forward only this. An hon. gentleman has given not:ce of his intention to bring forward the whole question of tbe state of Ireland. I shall be most reedy after this bill shall have passed this holm to give every facility toe such a debate—to meet any such charge, and to submit, if the house thinks tit, to any censure which they think the conduct of the government has deserved—(hear, hear) ; but I do beg of this house and those who are of that opinion to reserve till that time the expression of those views —(hear)—and not let a deb.te which should be con fined to this one senject—whether this measure is necessary or no—he extended into various matters of opinion that cannot but lead to a conflicting and prolonged debate, and thereby delay that which is essential to the peace of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I ask, then fore, that the house will per mit me to introduce this bill ; and I ask likewise that, if they do sanction it, they will have that sanction speedily carried into effect. (Hear, hear.) No man can say what may be the consequence of the want of those powers for a short time ; and I ask those who are of opinion that this measure should be passed—who are of opinion that those powers are necevsery—not to render themselves responsible for the delay of that which may be the saving of life in Ireland. (Cheers.) I believe, in my conscience that this measure it calculated to prevent insurrection, to preserve internal peace, to preserve the unity of this empire, and o secure the throne of these realms, and the free institetions of this country. If there are other questions, let th. mbe brought forward and con.id-red upon another occasion. For my part, I stand here responsible for propos ing this measure. I sand here responsible for not proposing it earlier. I stand here responsible for rot delaying it now. (Hear, hear.) I and my colleagues are sensible of it. We accept that responsibility, and however painful, however odious, the powers may be which we ask, having accepted our reeponsibilityll confidently ask the house to accept theirs, and to be mindful of the blessings which they will confer by doing so, and of the risks which ny any other course they will incur. (The noble lord resumed his sea. amidst general cheering, which was particularly enthusiatic on the censer vasitivre aide F of O'CONNOR thehou se.) said that the noble lord had been on this occasion true to the principle which had invariably die• tinguished the conduct of the Whigs towards Ireland, ramely that of demanding coercion first, promising that it shetild he followed by remedial measures, and failing to fulfil that premise. When the noble Cord first brought leeward his Crown and Government Protection Bill, he (Mr. O'Con nor) told him that by thus stopping the free expression of public opinion he would only give rise to the establishing o: secret clubs; and that he would, in pursuance of the same poky, come to that house again before long. for still greater powers of coercion. He admitted with the noble lord that the people who produced a revolution were the greatest sufferers, and if revolution there Amite he he accused the nob) , '-ird im I hi. , colleagues with being tile cause of it, by fl-st suppteseing pahueal agitation, and promising social improvement, and then giving nothing but coercion. It wee his firm belief that the measure now proposed, instead of preventinv, would only hasten sedition and insurrection. Every word spoken by the noble lord only provedthat as he had hitherto so he intended henceforth , to govern Ireland by means of patronaee. But it WAS not so much the noble lord and his government that be blamed, as the Irish landlords and the Irish members sitting upon the benches behind him, who as long as they were benefited by his patronage or were honoured by invitations to his table eared little for the real interests of their country. He (Mr. O'Connor) had always proclaimed his horror of bloodshed, seal invariably told the people that no benefit could accrue to them front a revolution ; but the noble lord was mach mistaken if he supposed that a starving p epic could Ilse deterrent from attempting it by the suspension of the habeas corpus. The real object of this bill was to other leaders of the repeal movement. He (Mr. O'Connor) ' apprehend at once Messrs. O'Brien and Meagher , and those we. not fora repeal of the union, he was for total separation. Yen, his hopes, wishes, and aspirations were, that Ireland I would one day rid herself of the yoke and dominion of England. Lord J. RUSSELL h. re significantly called the h I gentleman's attention to the oath of aileeiance, whic't he at the same time, and amidst the meat vocif sous chtering, flung across the table. Mr. F. O'CONNOR considered that he would be a traitor and • rebel to his country it he did not wish to see it re lieved from such dominion, and believed that he best dis charged his duty to his sovereign under that oath by en deavouring to preserve to her her dominions. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) If those timely concessions were not made to Ireland, so vauntingly boasted of by the noble lord at Edinburgh, he now foretold that this last resource of whig government—the suspension of the habeas corpus, would re duce to pauperism first the Irish, and afterwards the English landlords. As far as Ireland was concerned, the whole question was one of catholic and pro testant, and until they did justice to the catholic population they could expect neither peace nor contentment. Was it to be expected that the Irish people were to be satis• fied with the noble lord and return him thanks for sending over 8,000,0001. to stop the existing excitement against the poor law ? (Cries of " Oh," and a laugh.) He hoped the Irish members would not allow this bill to pass without de sibteples.tih,:tntolitiseeoen c c r re f ed ir or thpo u n e r wa m e n r o th . r r e e othis m fa f y tha ti m gi rs t eu v h aet o ur u thu se e pe ; th w an ime h ir i d ch th gi all , v o a vis e t al th hh l ep e th y mm e w inPe o e isn p . : . as faithful to their political creed as the protectionists, they might hope to oppose euccessfully. (Laughter.) The right hen, baronet the member for Tamworth would he kne w, acting with more courtesy than was shown him by the noble lord when he introduced• measure of much less 'secu rity, support this bill; and yet, he believed, tee moneyed classes and the people of Ireland looked upon him as the only man likely to save the country from revolution. It would be impossible I. go to war with Ireland, and re main at peace at home. Take away the rents from the land lords and they would soon become chartists. (Laughter.) lie had no doubt this bill would pass both houses eptly, if ministers wished it. He understood the Irish better than the noble lord ; and he was certain that the effect of this bill would be to muse an immediate revolution. If, instead of arming Lord Clarendon with these powers, he had hese lelt to carry nut his agricultural improvem- eta. is would here done much more good. It was impowthic much longer be keep a starving people in subjection. Si' It. PEEL—Sir, by one of the c .mplimenis paid why the hon. gentleman who has just spoken 1 am griddled. I am gratin d by his anticipation that I should wive * the measures proposed by the goverame. t a decisive wad sera/ support—(cheers)--e support not qualified by the reinieb. cruces of put contention—a support at qu dified by pee* recrimincions.(Cheers.) I look at the nate Irelea4; to at the combination which exists ; I lads at the aymal du o part es who feed that combination. (Hear j I give theft for vi rarity ; and, doing so, I twee teat thee exists in Irelana at it:: moment a wick , el cieepireey to ilia privo the Queen of her dominions. ; WV teeny my inaaession, and trusting to the avowal 01 too. earl es tacit .rtsee, I take my part with the crown ii tins Uniied Kine. dont against the conspirators who sc. k (ownn..) I won't qualify the value at toy support by a long speech. (Hear.) I don't blame the g .verounnt even for their delay in introducing these ineesuies. Heir hear.) think the government ought to be very tialteuri , bears pr.,posing to impose great restrictions like these. I due say that, at an earlier period, a cue might hove hto-TI suede old tor placing the liberty of individual+ at the el , Cfl^ll.l a the gust rn neat; but I agree with the nithLe lord that, whoa proposals of that nature are mode, there °ugh , to te a t i me and eecieive in:pressiou on the miss) of this house, :red diet public al-o, thot there is no opportunity tor tort r delay, and that the necessity has arisen whien juiditi, the measure l and which will ensure for it a genteel eupport. Re iter ,. I believe the question at issue iu Ireland is n e a question whether the union shall be repealed or rot. I believe that it you did nothing tioss , too would have, during the recess, a deselati ag 7 coevirtom is that the authority of the erner• souk) b s uitimat :ly successful, after great deem:at:on of property, :deer great loss of life, after the loss at ten lie, s .f mazy innoceet persons, and the loss of the lives ef many who km join:rt in the rebellion from a doubt a. te this st fi ieneyee t h e power, possessed by government ir sup:o.ll=g it. (fitter, hear) But this I believe, if the n shauld hM, in reestablishing its authority, you will thi n hove subeti , toted ler the government under which jos. ray far the must true', the bunt, the most sanguine. y dcooosism that ever curs. d any age or people. (Linei cheers l Ii we needed any assurance of tbs. we have it ee the ndiuy doctrines promulgated by those by whom tide new p is tO be established. (Hear, hear.) Have eot ise• e a refer ee's made to the value of the crops now standing pude?? Hasa 1 i.ot seen distinct encouragement 5.0,•n t the muses, to the physical strength of the country, h. lomhtse with the nn h who are superior in intelligence ; net ri.it they tr.ay effectually undermine the impend authority, not that they may take measures for ultimately repealing the u n, but that they may at once resort to pillege, for the per_ plit of dividing smougst themselves the spoile of 'h e ir surreys ? (Loud cheers.) Tn.r. Is t: e mede by which the designs and the power tee men who are coeducting this combination are T.i b, rein iced. I will not now go into any other question meetied with general gov ernment. I believe that the ileiorei imminent; I 13:lieve that it there hex been too inoce eelay, that of itself vinstitutes a reason for now proceadee wet the more (C errs). I, fur one, am perk , . tl‘ pr.. lima t e this endure, d (C ul hee be n insist oft no ordinary forms. (CM en.) I think the govern. meat are justified ir. epking for tbis mmaure b eve that the measure , the powfir to apprehend upon a bate and keep in confinement, is fully warranted b. the en-tonguing —considering that the conspiracy is not spranan time, that It is o p n os t s h i possible • w it: y e: , : m ee t s:: it is not a conspiracy of the people, but r (-admiral., of delay traitors--(cheers)- and it is a case in skim* I thtnis the pre. traces and declar-,a,'„ot, o t the ~o.t,e, j us se • no may be necessary, to which the goverment have declared the it intention of asking the authority lit piriiement ; and l as h k o itkg Pe t f h o e r re those measures, wheth r they he oirentel against the club., or against those shooting nailenes of which we have heard, where the hat of the Lord Lieutenant is made the butt at which they shoot. (Hear.) Who c doubt what is the intention of &eat proceedings ? (Cheer.) And if the governmect should require additional posers for main taining the authority of the crown, I hope that no delay will be interposed to their stating what thine additional powers are. (Cheers.) I should think t• unbecoming, on the part of any member of the house, to urge additional measures on the government. The responsinitity rests upon them (hear, hear); and I never will ur:e tio m to take measures ot greater responsibility than the eccasion may ppear to them to demand. In this case the question os simple ; nothing but the strongest necessity Clll justify a demand for the suspension of the Hab-as Corpus Act. That makes immediate action the more desirable ; and I for one will consent to the suspension of any foim tor :he sake of providing a remedy for the impending evil (Cheers.) With r. spect to the speech which the hon. member for Nottingham has now made, I will tell the hon. gentleman that I will defend the crown of E. gland agrivat thee mock " Kings of Munster "to whom he has r leered. (Cheers.) ell says they do not sh out for the King of Slunieer— not yet. mHear, hear.) I for one am V not prepared to exchange the ild supremacy of Queen Victoria for this new King of Munster. (Cheers.) I did give the hon. gentleman credit for being bold, manly, wad straightforward ; hat in that part of his speech in which he drew a contrest betseen him self and other agitator, he add that he eir u..e was the friend o: separation. Well, the noble lord showed hie the oath by which he had sworn to bear true allegiance to her Majesty, on which the hon, gentleman said : " Am I fee fulfilling the oath of allegiance when I am trying to secure to her Ma jesty the allegiance of her faithful subjects in Ireland ?" That is whst the late Mr. O'C ,nnell might have said, who was the enemy of separation, and who wished to maintain the golden link of the crown. It might have been Foible for him to say, " I am for a separate legislature, and for the supremacy of the crown in England." But I did think the hon. gentleman in his boldness and marlines- meant to declare that he was for a separation of Ireland tram England, and if by that he meant that Ireland should still remaia con nected with the United Kingdom, mid fulfil its eegageraents u such, then why was he scared by the oath ? U on seeing and being reminded of the oath, he said : " Ain I not faith fully discharging the obligations of that oath in trying to reserve to her Majesty the supremacy in her Engiish domi nions ?" That the oath was taken without equivocation I have no reason to doubt. (Applause.) That cee allegiance promised was an allegiance in respect to Ireland ea fully and as completely as in respect to England I must also assume, unless the hon. gentleman refill/ took the oath with a remit reservation that he would bee faithful and loyal iubject in this part of the United Kingdom. but reserved to himself a perfect fatted. , of acting, in Ir land, and the perfect right. f severing Ireland from ha Majesty's dominiens,-1 latitude of construction which would certeinly render the oath valueless. (Hear, near.) He asks whether we think it possible to maintain a limited monarchy, after the example we have had of what has occurred in France, Italy, Germany, and other European states. Sir, I will say not a word with respect to the internal administra tion of the affairs of oth. r countries. I have done all I could, since the commencement of these disturbances, humbly le discourage any re Sections on what war naming in Paris re elsewhere. But when the hon. gentleman holds out the ezample of what has taken place in other countries as a reason why we should distrust the advantage,—or the diffi culty, if he will have it so,—the difficulty or the advantage, be it which it may, of maintaining the monarchy in thin country,—then I have a right to state that, looking at what has taken plays in the chief arena of theft Voll.ll6ollltry power, —taking Paris and France as my example,—lookicg at the government which existed before February, the securities for • public liberty, the state of the revenue, the condition of the menu tact urine classes, the principles that were arty' upon with respect t the reward of labour—lookWag at what weed ia Fawnary. •na at •• bat rms.!, itter an in:cre d of t':: e or f earn mouths, i.. J une, when the new government. tuuuded upon the Mutinies of February, was «epos el to the most violent cesicuseion from those whose hopes had been deep pointed;—looking at all this, avoiding reflection upon it, and only drawing from it an example for the guidalicsof the people of this country. I say that, so fa from what has paused inducing me to distrust the advantage of a limited monarchy—to believe that its Lunn :adonis are less wenn, that there is less of affeetionate devotedness towards the person of ha sovereign• or less of rational convicion is favour of the advantages of &limited monarchy—l look at the experience of the last six months, and I retain an increased conviction that the monarchy ot this county. - is FCCIIIM and is endeared by ne.es consideratioas to the affecti mate support and devotion of oho people. (Loud ,hers.) Mr. R. OSBORNE said it was not his intention to •ollow the example of the hon. member for Nottingham, though no one would suspect him of having any undue preerence or liking for her Majesty's minister.; but he would make no : attack on them now, nor on the Irish party, whom the hon. meinhir for Nottingham hod described as the slaves of the Treasury, and whom he believed to be honourable and highs minded men. He trusted thi y would take hi. advice, and not become the hacks of the hon. member for Nottingham. (Hear.) The speech cc that has. gentli min wan perfectly advocate of nothing less than separation ; and it his the...tines I consistent with his position: he had decl ared •imself the were carried out, they would lead to that result. lie had heard with great pain the noble lord's announcement of the preceding night. His first impression was, to take the pusillanimous course of absenting himself from the division; I but on reflection, he hal thought it would not be worthy of his position, aa a member of the house, if he did not take , his full share of the responsibility, and come down sod give I his reasons for supporting the noble lord in the first instance, and his views on the prevent position of affairs. If this we' merely a cry Co; the repeal of the union--a party got up to repeal the union by means in accordance with the constitu• . tion—he should be very glow to support arbitrary measures. But, believing in his heart and conscience that the cry Ea repeal of the union was merely a pretext wi th these inee ad for murder and pillage—(hear, hear) — should be restrained, by having voted against a former coercion bill, from speaking his mind boldly in ths face of the country. The noble lord had rather under : stated what had happened at ' one of the meeting, te I which he referred. A man distrusted by the country 1, 1 1 by the prints, and having no moral or personal weight, Ina d the crowds to the top of a mountain, and said to then , almost in the words of Scripture: " All these will I give you, if you will fall down (he might have added), and wet ship me." (Hear.) While boldly speaking the sentiments of liberty, he (Mr. Osborne) would never be a party to tear ing asunder the ties that connected Ireland with this country. (Cheers.) He looked upon himself as the bee friend of liberty and order, by arming her Majesty's govern ment with this power, the slightest that could be given theta at this juncture. It was a measure of mercy to lock up these men, that they might not be the means of deluging Ireland with blood. (Cheers.) But he could not give his rote for continuing the measure till March, 1849. In the event of its being passed, it would be much more proper fos the house not to be prorogued, but to continue sitting from month to month, until they had passed, not only this Mat" sure, but laeere remedial measures for Ireland. (Heat ) He had been chae ‘ e,ed with advocating vague and insiefients • 7! L Fo Io in 1 Mu un loi Cr Br dis