The Express. — London, England, 1851-04-11 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1851. money. Sir W. MOLESWORTH—No; sot at all. Mr. HAWES did not wish to misrepresent, but he eve taily thought the hon. baronet seemed to anticipate a con tingency in which we could not shake off our connexiim with the colonies, in which we could not separate our com mercial interest., and the interests of British subjects here from British subjects in the colonies, and that if we pursued the course he recommend el. the time would come when we should have to answer the question—whether we would assist them or not in the difficulties in which they were placed ? and he believed that in such a ease the house would be inclined to assist them. (Hear, hear.) Now, supposing for a moment that the course recommended by the hon. baronet were adopted, what would result? Of course, it was assumed that then our intercourse with the colonies would be as large and as beneficial as it was at present ; but, in assuming that, the hon. baronet had altogether entered the region of speculation and conjecture. and had thrown over the light of experience. For, what was our experience of colonies which were once under the British crown and were now free? Take the Coiled States of America. Every British merchant going there had to pass Areas* a tariff of 25 per cent., whereas in ev ry friendly port we had a tariff based on free principles. Now, thus was a very important consideration, because, in an altered state of circumstances, our trade with many of the colonies might, to some extent, be interfered with. We should either hare a diminished trade with them, or there would be increased taxation on the commerce of this country, even though we might get rid oh' the expenditure which it was the object of the hon. baronet to reduce. (Hear.) But, it was nut oa these grounds alone that he was induced to oppose the motion. And here be might be per mitted perhaps to notice what bad been said about the Capo of Good Hope. When we took possession of that colony it consisted of several races, and it extended 400 miles inland ; and we took it with the obligation, which we could not shake of, to protect that population. Nor could we shake off from ourselves the obligation to protect the coloured population in our other colonies. We had introduced into them a white population, which bore a small proportion to the coloured, and we mold not withdraw imperial control from them consistently with our obligations. As it wm at the Cape, so it was in every other colony where there we • coloured native race, and a white population ; and thefts was as instance in which we could not wholly throw dr the claims we had contracted when we took pronniOn. Now, he +Mahal to know what the Inn. lama wneerst hid ood the frontier policy at the Cape to be? Os that point hon. fri• nd had been sienifieently silent • and, as it was one of great difficulty, his hon. friend had pursued a very discreet course in saying nothing about it. Now, it was im portant to know what had been the recommendations of preceding governors at the Cape. He (Mr. Hawes) did not know a single governor of eminence who ruled that country who had not recommended a continuance of the policy hitherto pursued there. It was a policy recommended by Sir B. LE Urban. He (Mr. 'Lewes) admitted that the sudden outburst of a war might be considered as proof of the failure of that policy, but he denied that that would be a just conclusion. In 1820 there was voteil a large sum of money to send out emigrants and plant them on the frontier of the Cape. When the Dutch had the colony the system of frontier policy was this—to allow the Dutch on the frontier to create a militia, to declare war on any tribe at their pleasure, and to exercise all the arts of war, ' however bloody , but that policy England rejected, and would permit no longer. lt was determined that a military force should take the place of these volunteers, that the frontier should be extended from the Great Fish Riverinland, and that it should be ceded as a neutral colony. Robberies ' and animosities then went on, and they ended in a Kaffir war. Then Sir Henry Pottinger, Sir Harry Smith, and several other emineet governors concurred in the policy re ' sammended by Sir B. D'Urban, namely , that British Ilaffraria should be placed under British rule, not impugn any powers or tot shake the prerogatives ' a the native population, but, by mean, of an armed power e. the spot, to preserve peace and prevent that invasion of tlas colony which had previously led to devastation and bloodshed. True, there had been that invasion now which bad marked every previous Kaffir war. Ile did not deny that Sir Harry Smith and Colonel Maekinnnn bad been deceived, but that was owing to their not being aware that the Kaffim were collecting arms and ammunition, and meditating a fierce encounter. But that the past policy pursued had not been unsuccessful was proved, as lie had stated before, in the result, which was the prevention of those great irruptions into the colony, with the consequent great loss of life, which had hitherto attended every difficulty and disturbance at the Cape. His hon. friend had referred to a despatch of Sir 11. Smith to Lord Grey, dated the 20th December; but he (Sir W. ' Moleswortli) hart omitted, in making that reference, to call the attention of the house to one important paragraph in the despatch in question. Ile (Mr. Hawes) did not accuse his hon. friend of intentionally misleading the house ; but it certainly was surprising, considering the inferences which he attempted to draw from the whole despatch. that so particular a portion of it, the effect of which was eatirely to contradict the general assertions of his bon. friend, should have been overb o oked. Writing just before the outbreak, Sir H. Smith observes in this paragraph, "Notwithstanding, however, these pacific demonstrations and professions. I shall retain the troops for a time in their present position, in order that 1 may institute the must searching inquiries as to the agitators, and until I am perfectly satisfied that their removal may be consistent with the general security." Sunay . this paragraph was ineeoneileable with the representation of the bun. harocet that Sir 11. Smith rested in the belief, at this period, that tranquillity hail been absolutely re-established ? (Hear, bear.) Ile (Mr. Herres) would not follow his honourable Mead in bus references to Sir If. Smith's interview. with I the Kaffir. This, however, he would say, that he did tot think the time was altogether well chosen - fur the attack. His hen. friend had proceeded after this in his address to spook of Natal. lye st ited that we there came into dangerous contact with fierce and bloody tribes ; and he drew an alarming picture of the possible eimsequ enrol to this country. Well, no doubt they were a bold and warlike tribe in and about that colony ; and at present—this was the re sult—that colony was warmly is favour of Sir 11. Smith. (Ilear, hear.) The colony of Natal, indeed, with its 100,000 natives under British jurisdiction presented a remarkable instance- of what might he done by wise and judicions mast:toe:llene Already the natives of that colony were affording the best possible demonstrution of their ap preciation of the arts of civilisation; they paid their tales readily, in fact, and he celled the attention of his. hon. friend behind him to the circumstance, they were in favour of direct taxation, and paid a house tax, and they promised in time a handsome little revenue. (A laugh.) His hon. Ifrieud had also diluted upon the dangers which attended es at the Orange river settlements; and he stated that the Boers were constantly being oppressed and persecuted by the Colnuial-office. (Sir W. Mode worth—" No, no.") His hon. friend had, at any rate, represented these people as being the victims of oppression. This meant the oppret %ion of the colonial authorities; and, of course. therefore, was a charge indirectly against the Colonial-office. For once he (Mr. Hawes) would take the whole blame on the Colonial office. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The representation was that these Boer, were constantly being driven from place to place ; and that they had no stoner settled down in one spot than the English government arrived and drove them still farther into the country. Now, the Bate. : or Dutch farmers of the Cape, were a very remarkable body of ne n ; and very peculiar circumstances had first alienated thou from British jurisdiction. Originally they had the lower iu their own hands of organising the militia. That wit, put an end to, and that gave rise to great clioatisfac tion. Another of their complaints was with regard to the abolition of slavery. They contended that the compensa tion made to them had not ben adequate, and that, gene rally, it was impossible for them to carry on agriculture without slaves. With the ditetfeetion of the Boers, there fore, the Colonial-ottiee had nothing whatever to do. Ile considered that all the arguments of his honourable friend as to the inexpediency of extending our terri tory, at Orange River and else ehere, were based upon a totally mistaken view of our actual position. Sir Benjamin Wl:than hail mule a remarkable prediction. lie advised the extension of our territorial possessions at the Cape as the very best security for peace, the object being to enlarge the frontier line, taking every military precaution; mud he predicted that the reversal of his policy would lead inevita bly to the renewal of a Kaffir war. Having gone through the points adverted to in the speech of his lion. friend, and looking at his proposition as a whole he could only consider it as amounting to this, that, fur the sake of saving 1,200,0001. a year, we should surrender our great euluniel empire. His lion. friend would repudiate that idea; but he would foreire hint (Mr. Hawes) for in sisting that there was no other legitimate conclusion to his arguments. 'the question plainly put by his honourable friend was whether or nut this colonial empire , was worth the 1,200,0001. a year. His honour able friend referred the house to our exports, amounting annually to 60,000,000 f., and. on a former mea ds., his hon. friend had estimated that we had to pay nine lanais" to the colonies out of every pound sterling of our ' °sports of British and Irish produce and manufactures. But this was altogether unfair. Our exports merely slid not represeat our entire colonial trade . The hon. baronet had not taken into account the shipping, rind had altogether leg out of his calculation the accumulated profit and capital involved in the retention of our colonies. Still more strangely mud unfairly the hon. baronet had omitted to estimate the value of the intereolonial trade. This fallacy of his hon. friend might be illustrated by supposing a per ms when eale Witting the total expenditure of the Great Western or North Western Railway to take the results only between terminus and terminus, leaving out altogether from his eetintate the amino:es contributed by the inter mediate at:items. He (Mr. Ilawto) thought that the house was nut ',tapered to fallow his hon. friend in the policy ex pounded that night. In many of his hon. friend's °Memo tisane he quite concurred. to what his hon. friend urged In respect to economy, no objection whatever could be token. The present government, perfectly alive to the im port:we of this point, had reduced the colonial expenditure is the utmost possible extent, and this would be clearly made out by an examinatione of the papers recently in the bands of hon. member.. Ile thanked his honourable friend fur the tone and spirit in which he had introduced the discussion- toac and spirit differing widely from those is which formerly it was usual to approach the topic; and, astaitese to meet his hon. friend with equal courtesy, he felt It his duty to move the "previous question." The hon. gentleman concluded by moving as an amendment the "previews question." Mr. ADDEItLEY had been astonished at hearing the teem in which the hon. gentleman alluded to the agito des im tronuesion with the proposed convict establishments stthe Cape. instead of throwing the blame of recent dis affection upon the right shoulders—upon thou! who had attempted to force the convict establishments upon the 'deny —the hon. gentleman had not hesitated to attribute the results to the course taken by those who properly and from the justeet motives had resisted that attempt. Anything more unfounded than this imputation he (Mr. Athlerley) had never heard, and he indignantly repudiated it. This question as to the Cape would, however, probably be raised by the noble lord (Lord John Russell) later in the evening, and he would not now deal with it. The proposi tion of the hon. baronet was certainly illustrated by the present circumstances occurring at the Cape ; but it was no doubt the wish of the house that discussion nn that particu lar point should be reserved. Mr. Adderley then combatted many of the assumptions of danger or loss which Mr. Howes had deduced from the resolutions before them. Ile reminded Mr. Hawes that Lord Orey had himself recognised the principle, that wherever local self-government was con ceded to a colony, that the whole of the civil and the greater portion of the military expenditure of that colony must some to he borne by this country. He could not see what use there was in Mr. Hume endeavouring to save pence in the expenditure at home while we had on the confines of I Our empire quicksands absorbing every surplus of revenue springing from the industry of the people. lie did not, how ever, support the motion merely on financial grounds ; he sap- ported it because of the disastrous results flowing from the policy . which our colonial military expenditure was intended to maintain. lie contended that the connexion between self government and self-defence had been long since admitted is an axiom of colonial policy. Upon economical principles he advocated a change which would clear away the quicksands where our resources were so perpetually swallowed up. And upon social consideration:, he dwelt at much kngth upon the deterioration and corruption produced in the colonies by a system where the chief stimulus to im provement and activity was wholly withdrawn from the in habitants. Mr. STANLEY limited his argument to the point spe cially raised by the resolution proposed to them, namely, the amount and condition of the colonial military expentli ture. Sir W. Molesworth, he remarked, had himsel f made an exception in favour of the strictly military settlements, and he submitted that the settlement did not lose that title merely by the circumstance of possessing a high value in a productive or commercial sense. Thus Ca nada was a military province, because it possessed a long frontier bordered by the United States ; and Jamaica, as forming u fortress in the highway between Europe and the Isthmus of Pasama. Referring to the amount of force employed, he:contrasted the 2,000,000 inhabitants and vast extent of di versified territory in North America, whose defence was minuted to about eigbt or nine thousand troops is all. From the records of recent parliamentary debates, he proved that the colonies could not complain of want of attention is the imperial legislature. Their interests had formed sub jeete for frequent discussion, and bad been debated long and deliberately. Alluding to the special reason, the conflict of I parties and dissonance of rages, which rendered the govern , anent of many colonies a difficult problem, he added a few facts to prove the rapid development of their population and production which had occurred coincidently with the existing policy of administration. Among the ditticulVes resulting Ileum the principle now laid down for adoption would be that of distinguishing between local and imperial objects; while the transference of all military charge to the colonists would, in fact, give them the power of declaring peace or war, and be equivalent to an abandonment of our whole colonial empire. Mr. COBDEN commented upon the absurdity of treating colonies as military . stations, because they had extensive frontiers to defend in case of war, which, should that con tingency occur, could not be defensible for a moment. The prosperity existing in the dependencies was no result 'Me military expenditure incurred on their account. It MY asked whether we ought to give up the colonies for twelve hundred thousand pounds. Ile inquired, in reply, I Whether the colonists would give up the mother country for so much money. A just view of the colonial spirit and character led to the conclusion that they would accept the alternative offered them, and consent to provide for their I own defence, if they received is return the freedom of self-government, raising them to the dignity of ci- Usenship. The existence of a surplus on this ,year's revenue ought not to make the houses less ' ammo for retrenchment. The surplus was an accident ; it lad perhaps already melted away, or might collapse at ay moment through a confluents' intetde or a currency panic. Nothing would make its safe but a reduction of ex penditure. Wu had repudiated the commercial monopoly once enforced between the colonies and this coustry ; their trade had been thrown open to other nation, and in some of them not an acre of ground remained at the disposal of the public. There was no visible service which the soldiers hail to perform in provinces like Canada, and the continu ance of the expenditure left a suspicion of jobbing and pa tronage. Looking upon the question as altogether 'wea -1 Mary, he suggested to all parties, especially the agrieultu lists, that no relief from taxation was practicable, if the did not enforce a proposition which would reduce the bulk a the national outlay. Ile had a very strong impression that if they reduced the expenditure en the colonies as they might do, with the growing surplus that might spring from that, bringing in increased receipts in other directions, the agricultural interest might get all the remission of taxation which properly interfered with their industry. Such bad been the increase of the revenue, and so little had the ea pencliture been reduced, that he could see his way to an abolition of the malt duty, if hon. gentlemen would take a rational course on this colonial question. (Hear, hear.) But, moot certainly, if they voted for keepiug up the whole of this espeutliture, there was nu possibility of getting rid of ouch an amount of taxation as that; and hon. gentlemen ought to maks up their minds either to vote for the reduc tion in the only practicable way in which it could be made, or to cease grumbling about their peculiar burdens. (Hear, hear.) It was childish, cowardly, and disgraceful, to be con tinually crying out about the heavy weight of taxation, and to refuse, when questions of this kind were brought furward, to take the only possible way of reducing the burden. lion. gentlemen opposite would be on their trial on this occasion. If they wished to see any reduction of taxation let them join the hon. banmet who brought this motion forward, who was one of themselves, interested like the m in agricultural pursuits, and who brought the question for ward on independent grounds, for it had not come from the ""Mancheder schwa.' (Hear, hear.) If ever there was a , fair opportunity afforded hon. gentlemen opposite for giving an honest straightforward vote this important question was 1 the occasion. and he hoped they would embrace et. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—l quite agree with the hon. gentleman who has just sat down that this is a most im portant question. It is not a question of saving 1,200,0001., or 1,590,000/., or even 2,000,00)1. a year. It is not even a question of the repeal of the malt tax, which the hon. gen tleman seemed to think was the mist captivating form in which he could represent it. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) But it is in fact • question whether the tendency of our policy should be towards the maintenance or the dissolution of the empire. That is the mode in which I think the lion. gentleman should have put it. With regard to Canada, if you say you will have no military expenditure on sconmt of Canada, that you will nut defend Canada in time of war —there is a country of the same race bordering on Canada to which 1 think, in such a ease, they may natu rally recur fur protection. (Hear, hear.) But it may be said that Canada is of sufficient strength and importance, and has sufficient possessions, to fraud 3 separate and in dependent state of her own. But that is not the tare with regard to many of the colonies—Jamaica, fur instance. Jamaica will never expect to exist asseparate state. But the other day a publication by an American gentleman, who hail visited Jamaica, predicted that in some 20 years Jamaica must belong to the United States. But, if you were to adopt a policy of this kind, that change would take place, not in 20 years, but within two years. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible to believe that the people of Jamaica, if they see all the garrisons taken away, and if you deny them protection, would not recur to some strong state which would give them that protection ; and that state would naturally be the United States. (Hear.) It is the same thing with regard to other colonies which in the course of former wars you have taken from other powers. (Hear, hear.) The Cape of Good Hope, for in stance, which is in great part inhabited by the Dutch. If you abandon the inhabitants of that colony, and leave them to Imbued to the incursions, the dangers, the desolations, the inroads, and the massacres that might follow, what would be fairer than that they should apply to the Nes theilande, and seek again to attach themselves to Holland, accepting that protection which a colony has a right to ask in return for their fidelity? (Hear, hear.) Trini dad, in the same way, might seek to attach itself to Spain, and the Mauritius to France ; so that in a few years you would have dis solved that colonial empire, which has cost the wisdom of our greatest statesmen, as well as the valour of our most gallant sailors and soldier. to build up in former wars. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend who made this motion, as well as other gentlemen who take a similar view, speak as if there was to be a perpetual peace, ad, and, as if by the calamity of war the existing order of t hings was not to be interrupted. But we must never lose sight of that danger. (Hear, hear.) We must recollect that by some unforeseen turn of events, hostilities might be brought in view, by which perhaps, we may be engaged in hostilities with some other power of Europe. (hear, hear.) What would he the effect with regard to trade? It might be all very well in time of peace ; but war once commenced these colonies would afford excellent situations for hostile ships and privateers ; and you would find your trade and commerce quickly cut up and destroyed by means of those colonies, at present loyal and attached, but then certain to be the resort of your most inveterate and implacable enemies. Sir, I confess lam at times much discouraged and disheartened by the language held in this house by hon. , gentlemen of various parties, and perhaps similar language is indulged in outside doors. (Hear, hear.) It seems to one that after the cost to which we have gone in the course s( centuries, from the time when the fleet of Oliver Crom well took Jamaica, down to the close of the last war, to meet this great empire, that there really are persons, who —timing the extent of our possessions, as well as the force of our fleets and armies, together with our revenue le maintain them—still decry this extent of possessions as an evil and a calamity. (I eier, hear.) Sir, it is clear, it Is evident, if these plans were carried into effect in the manner proposed—it is evident, I repeat, it would not be many years that you could retain your position or reputa tion in the world. (Hear, hear.) For, no sooner was it known that you were ready to give up your colonies, than you would find that foreign powers, with little cause of uarrel, would not be lung in finding sufficient causes. (Hear, hear.) You must not conceal from yourselves that —although we entertain kindly feelings towards all foreign nations—the great space which we occupy in the world, and which we have attained to by our conquests and achievements, is an object of envy to other states ; and immediately they saw you disposed to shrink from your limits of empire, sad narrow your space, thsugh not narrowed in the spirit that maintains them, or checked in that expansion of soul that animates this mighty empire, you would see that envy spring up into a war of aggression, and perhaps of incalcu lable duration. (Hear, hear.) In what state would you And yourselves then with regard to these colonies ? You would posse: we neither the assistance nor the sympathy of the colonies; whilst, as regards the debt incurred on their behalf you would still have to pay the interest—and thus, with a diminished empire, you would have to con tinue to pay aby no means diminished debt. (Hear, hear.) Now I must ray there would result a loss of reputation, which, even if this house were disposed to suffer, the people of England would not hear with. (Hear, hear.) Because you must recollect in former times colonies were formed in North America, for instance, which, whilst infant settle ments, were sometimes subject to hostile incursions. (Hear, hear.) Whole villages were destroyed, and the people were murdered, yet in a short time the settlements were rapidly restored and the villages rebuilt. But, in these times the sews of these calamities did not arrive here, perhaps, until two or three years after their occurrence, so un frequent and dilatory was the mole of CUMMUIIiGh don and then, when the news did arrive, after such a lapse of time, it caused little or no sensation. (Hear, hear.) But if you heard now that a number of English settlers whom we had sent in 1619 to the Cape, had been attacked, and the greater part murdered; that the villages they inha bited and the farms they cultivated were in the possession of murderous savages, what would be your feelings. (Hear, hear.) If you purpose to abandon your settlements on the coasa of Africa, and to withdraw your squadron, and if you were told that again the inhumanities of the slave trade were becoming rife and general—if all these things were heard I believe the intelligence would fire with indignation the people of this empire, and that they would cry out "whatever be tee coat, whetner one or two millions, or twice as much, let not , our countrymen be destroyed in those colonies, whi ther they went on the promise of your protec tion." (Hear, hear.) Therefore, sir, putting aside the question of empire and power, the honour and reputation of this country would so greatly suffer that you would mot be able to maintain it. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the motion of the hon. baronet as to the return fur the if.s of military protection that would follow on the be stowed of a free constitution—l think the argument used by my hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. Hawes) is unanswerable. (Hear, hear.) In Jamaica you have a free represeatative constitution. The assembly in Jamaica takes to itself more power than does this House of Commons; therefore, it would be impossible to give them to equivalent in free constitutions, because a more popular assembly than they now porsese you cannot give them. (Hear, hear.) In Trinidad you have 400 men ; but if you were to give them representative iratitutions—as I said last year, in quoting the opinion of the governor of Trinidad, Lord Harris, there is such a number of races composing the population—there would follow a war of races ; and, in stead of the 400 men being diminished, you would require that they should be augmented. (Hear, hear.) This ques tion of difference of races in our colonies is one of great im portance that never should be lost eight of. We have, in these colonies, French, Spanish, German, Butch, to say nothing of the aboriginal and savage tribes of New Zealand and Kaffrarie. (Hear, hear.) There is learel) a race of man that we have not in our dominions; and, therefore, the taking away of military protection in many cases would be to give to one of those races a preponderanee by which would be introduced fatal and lasting dissensions. (Hear, hear.) There is even in Canada one danger which he overlooked. The hon. baronet said "he would in the ease. of all colonies leave them to provide for their own internal tranquillity, occasionally sending to them a subsidy to maintain their power and preserve that tranquillity." I am sure the honourable baronet must have observed that the danger in Canada arose from the colony being divided between the British and French races. The latter, having a majority in the Assembly of two thirds or three-fourths, were bent on separating from this country and establishing a French Canadian republic; but the English resisted that attempt, and en insurrection took place. Now, when that insurrection took plate by means of your military force, you were enabled, under the direction of Sir W. Cobham, to crush it and maintain your authority. (Bear, hear.) But ieeinstead of being able to face that insurrection with a few regiments of military, you had to rely on an English militia, 1 believe the contention would have been longer, and the animosity far greater. (Hear, hear.) Whilst, therefore, I cannot assent to this motion, I cannot but admire the able speech of the hon. baronet who introduced it ;—(cries of " hear, hear") — because it proved that he had well studied the subject, and brought it forward in an able and excellent manner. (Hear, hear.) I could agree with him it lie said that, instead of altogether withdrawieg our mili tary forces from a certain elms of our colonies, he had said there were some of them in which our military garri sons were too great, and in which the people themselves might furnish a eutticient militia to maintain internal tran quillity. (Hear, hear.) Most hon. members had seen the despatches of Earl Grey, in reference to New South Wales, as well as others referring to the government of Canada. Both despatches go on the principle that the colonies ought to contribute in • great part to their military defence, and that the amount of force kept up some years since need not now be continued to the same extent. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that, by making these reductions—very proper reductions—the object of economy will in the end be largely attained. But, sir, that must be done with great caution. (Hear, hear.) It must be done gradually, and from time to time, accord iug to the circumstances of the colony to which you apply the rule. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, one of the main faults of the resolution of the lion. baronet is that, having from 3:1 to 40 colonies, inhabited by different raves, and diffe rently circumstanced, it pro awes , nevertheless, to apply the same rule to the whole, and without making this obvious difference—(hear, hear)—that. with regard to Canada, that which you can do now it would have been madness to do 10 years ago—(hear, hear)—whilst with re gard to other colonies, that which you cannot do now you may be able to do some 10 years hence. (Hear, hear.) Sir, these are questions in which the house had better not lay down any general rule. (Hear, hear.) They must be de cided from time to time, but always under the supervision and control of this house. (Hear, hear.) I trust, sir, when I say under the supervision and control of this house, that that supervision and control will be always exercised with a view to maintain and defend the possessions of the crown, to defend the integrity of this mighty empire, and not with any view merely to diminish expenditure. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) On the motion of Mr. Hine, the debate was adjourned to Tuesday next. SCOTCII UNIVERSITIES. Mr. COWAN moved for leave to bring in a bill to regu late admission to the lay or secular chairs of the Universities of Scotland. The hon. member said his object was simply to have the bill printed, in order that it might be considered by the general :issenibly at its approaching session. Sir 0. CLERK opposed the motion, on the ground that ib adoption would he au affirmation of the principle of the After a few words from Sir R. Isotts, Lord J. Ressr.T.L, and Mr. F. Maffe, the motion was postponed till May. On the motion of Mr. MELLisus, the following return was ordered :—Return of the nature and amount of each fee authorised to be received by the several officers of the Court of Chancery, and paid by them into the Bank of England to the credit of the Suitors' Fee Fund ; distin guishing, so far as may be possible, the amount paid into the fee fund in respect of each fee, from the 21th day of November, 1849, to the 24th clay of November, Its)0. PROPERTY TAX BILL. The second reading of the Property Tax Bill was post poned until Monday next. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at fire minutes past one o'clock. Sir E. N. Buxton paired in favour of the removal of S m ithfield-market with Mr. M'Cullagh against. Colonel Lloyd Watkins has paired off with Mr, James Farm from the Bth of April till after the Easter recess. ne Cottrt. Her Majesty the Queen and Prince Albert, ac companied by their royal highnesses the Princess Royal and the Princess Alice, visited the British Museum yester day afternoon. ller Majesty and his Royal Highness were attended by the Marchioness of Douro, Colonel Buckley, and Lieut.- Colonel lion. Alexander Gordon. The Duchess of Kent visited the Queen yesterday. Prince Albert, attended by Lieut.-Culonel Hon. A. Gor don, rude out on horseback yesterday morning. The Prince of Wales. Prince Alfre t, and the younger members of the Royal Family, took their usual pony and walking exercise yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace' The Royal dinner party yesterday at Buckingham Palace included the Duchess of Kent , the Marquis and Marchioness of Breadalbane, Lady Funny Howard, Baroness de Speth, the Earl of Aberdeen, Viscount Itawarden, Lord and Lady Colborne, and Lord Edward 'toward. A deputation in the case of liarwood and Jones, under sentence of death in llorsemonger-lane Gaul, had an inter view with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home'-attire. The deputation consisted of Mr. William Ewart, M.l'., Mr. Charles Gilpin, Mt. A. Dymond, and Mr. Thomas Beggs. The Rev. Charles Bering, Mr. Samuel Gregson, and the Rev. E. Scobell had an interview with Lord Seymour yesterday at the office of her Majesty's commmissioners of woods and forests in Whitehall-place. The Lord Chancellor will receive the judges. Queen's counsel, and other law officers at his residence in Eaton square, at 12 o'clock on Tuesday next, the first day of Easter Term. His lordship will afterwards proceed to his court at Westminrer. The °trued University Commission met yesterday, at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, in Downing-street. There were present, the Bishop of Nor wich, the Bean of Carlisle, the Master of l'embroke, the Rev. It. G. Liddell, J. L. Dampier, Esq., the Rev. l'rofes sor Powell, the Rev. 0. 11. S. Johnson, and the Rev. A. P. Stanley (secretary). A deputation respecting the Lincolnshire estuary, con sisting of Mr. Childers, M. P., Messrs. l'ryme and Fryer (directors), Sir John Rennie and Mr. Yates Free body (engineers), and Mr. W. Roy (solicitor), had an in terview yesterday with Lord Seymour. Mr. John Wool, chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Sir Thomas Fremantle, chairman of the Customs, had also an interview with the right hon. baronet yesterday, at his official residence, in Downing street. A deputation of solicitors connected with railways in Ire land, consisting of Sir Mathew Barrington, Bart., Mr. John A. Radcliffe, Mr. P. D. Jeffries, and Mr. Richard D. Kane, had an interview with the railway commissioners yesterday • . at their office in the Board of Trade. Dr. Bentley and Dr. Peacock had an interview yesterday with Lord Seymour at the office of the Woods and Furtsts. His Excellency Mr. Clemson. ex American minigter at Brussels, with his lady and family, arrived here yester day morning by the Antwerpen steamer, Capt. Jackson. EAST INDIA HOLSE.—Yesterday a court of direc tors was held at the East India House, when the new directors elected on Wednesday last, viz., John Cotton, Esq., John Lock, Eso., Charles Mills, Esq., William Henry Clucheley Plowden, 'Esq., M.P., Henry Shank, Esq., and Henry St. George Tucker, Esq., took the oath and their meats John Shepherd, Esq., was chosen chairman, and Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart., M.P., deputy chairman for the year ensuing. ROYAL COLLEGE OP SERGEONS.—At a meeting of the council yesterday arternoon the following members who had passed the necessary examinations on Monday and Wednesday last were admitted Fellows of the College : Mears. J. C. Ottaway,Dover ; J. H. Butler, Bengal Army, W. It. H. Barker, Waatage ; J. Alexander, London ; and W. Adams, Sew Broad-street. LONDON HOSPlTAL,—Yeaterday the anniversary festival in aid of the fends of this admirable institution was held at the London Tavern, Sir E. N. Buxton, Bart., M.P., was announced ix president on the occasion, but in his absence the chair was taken by R. Hanbury, Esq., one of the vice-presidents. He was supported by several of the governors of the charity, and about one hundred and thirty gentlemen sat down tZ dinner. The customary leading toasts having been duly honoured, the chairman, in proposing the toast of the eveniag, eloquently set forth the claims open public support possessed by the institution which they ' had,pssembled to sustain. He pointed out the necessity which existed for such an establishment in the locality where it was placed. H' appealed to the returns of the medical officers, for the purpose of showing that the compe -1 nitre mortality in its wards was less than in those of other hospitals, and he referred to the rules by which the admission of patients is governed for the purpose of proving that it is in reality a free hospital. The total Inumber of patients relieved during the past year was 20:297, and in the year previously 211,906. Ile also called ' attention to the fact, that, although the number of cases dealt with is the institution had gone on increasing pro gressively since the year 1840, the amount of funds derived trim public sympathy bad remained nearly stationary, and he concluded with an earnest appeal to the patrons of the charity to make up by liberal contributions the deficiency which existed in the funds. This appeal was promptly responded to, and the secretary in the course of the evening I mounted a goodly list of subscriptions. rest of the colony was as barren a desert as any on the our- e ( Ai -, of the globe. With free institutions the inhabitants of • the rape of Gaol llope would be fully capable of defend ing themselves against savages. They had bid defiance to the might of Great Britain, and threatened by force of arms to resist any attempt to transport couviets to thoir sh o res. (lb or, lieur.) Let them display a similar energy and self-reliance in a war with Kaffir', and they would ho more than a snatch for :sundial and all his followers. (Bear.) ronelitiled his observations with regard to the mili tary est..nehmen of the United Kingdoms on amount of the. col.ones, which were neither military stations nor assovict settli isnot, Iladueing his propositions to figures, • -•- • - o s the North AM,TiC4II the us*, r .stioate d that w so. , colonies we might retrench fsitl,o4;ol., and in South Africa 6511,01.101. ' • and by adding the economies possible in other qsartera,and for the non-effective services, the aggregate of saving which be contemplated reached • total of 1,600,0001. rpm the civil service of the colonies only about 500,0001. per moues was now capended ; but, wh is the local charges were properly Inlaid...mai to the local revenues, • consider able ...rim; might be effected out of this branch of outlay. The hon. baronet concluded by denouncing the immoralities of the existing system, in which the colonial virtue wits undermined by a vast imperial expenditure, and a corrupt profit held out to the colonists from the disasters that might betel the coinneunity. Ile moved these resolutions, in nu hostile spirit to the government, but on the contrary to encourage them to pursue boldly and vigorously the policy which they had commenced in the continent of Aus tralia. Ile asked them to assent to this motion, he asked ill MM. members to support it who wished to educe the national expenditure ; for if there were any portion of that expentiatur , in which a considerable reduction could be made without injury to the empire, that portion was our colonial a xpenditure ; and that eapcniliture could only he rtaluctil by acting in conformity with the principles con tained in the reaulution which he begged leave to move. (Cheers.) Mr. who seconded the motion, added sorne instances of oar's:wants to those adduced by . Sir W. Iliolesworth, and remarked with surprise upon the singular neglect of colonial retrenchments and reform by a govern ment who had made reform in other direetiens the guiding principle of their policy. Ile maintained that the incon sistent:it-sof the existing system were becoming intolerable, and thnatened to destroy or to separate every colony now belonging to our empire. Mr. IiAWES admitted the truth of most of the facts and the validity of many arguments urged by the member for Southwark. lie was yet apprehensive that the adoption of the change he recommended would be fraught with danger and ruin to the colonial system By removiug our ',Albers (non all hut the strictly military settlements we should prat th ally abandon our liolil over a vast extent of territory abounding in materiel resources, and pro mining the development of enormous wealth here after. Ili. hon. friend the member fur North ampton had laid un the table a return of the gross military expenditure of our colonies for floe year., un dividing which it would be found that the annual expense was 1,915,1711. Well, following the course of the hon. baronet. he might deduct from that the coat of our military stations, breaus• the hou, barouet clld not propose now to reduce our expenditure at those stations. Ile wished to guard hint self from being suppooal to defend our present cans blishni. uts, or to say that they were incapable eir being redtiecil. It was sufficient for him to aseents at present Bed the present military expenditure was necessary for the pre...creation of our empire at large. It might Ise capable of reduction. Ile hoped it might ; and, therefore, he legged again not to he understood as saying that it was incapable of reduction. In fact, the papers he bad laid upon the table of the house the day before showed that a very esinsiderible reduction might probably he eff.a-ted in the whines of North America. (Hear.) Our military stations cost 50J,1101.11., and our convict establish ments t 1,001. ; and now lie arrived at the sum over which the MT. Islrall. t proposed to exercise control. The hon. baronet had inslieuted the decisive course of policy which he wished to MY' adopted us speedily as possible ; and if his motion were carried, the government would feel themselves bound at puce to commence making reductions. (Hear.) Now, let him volt the attention 4.1 the house for a n.oment to those colonies which, not Ischia military or convict sta tion., would unaoulowilly, according to the proposal of his hon. friend, have to be altogether abandoued by this country. The weeds of the motion were very clear and cajole:it, as follow.: "That it is the opinion of this house that stria should be akin to relieve this country, as speedily as possible, from its present civil and military ex penditure on areouut of the colonies, with the exception of its expenditure on account of military stations or convict aettlenu.nts. That it is expedient at the same time to give to the inhabitants of the colonies, which are neither militarystations nor convict se ttlement., ample powers for their local self-government, and to free them from that imperial interference with their affairs which is inse parable fremt their present military occupation." Then it followed, he thought, that all those colonies, which were not convict or military stations, and which now bail any portion of the Iberia of the empire within their boundaries wooded have to be abandoned by this country. (Hear, hear.) het the house contemplate that proposal. Ile thought his lion. friend had been led, in the course of his small', to dwell too much on details, and that he hall been presented from giving a due appreciation to the policy he had reesentueuded to the consideration of the house. It wan his (Mr. Hawes: s) duty to endeavour to show that the couoapienew of the hon. baron..Cs motion would be such, as he thought, would almost appal the country. (Hear. bear.) What were the culonii-s we should have to aban don? lie must call it alcindonment, because, if they were to have local self-government, and to be freed front imperial iiiterfe ream., it would amount to sepa ration from the mother country. Another power might then bid for them, we not thinking it expealient to pay the nice.- nary price ; and, therefore, the result of the hon. gentle man's policy would undoubtedly be—and it was no exag geration to say SO —the abandonment of by far the greater portion of our colonial empire. (Hear, hear.) Ile believed that neither the statesmen nue the merchants or traders of this country were prepared to take such a step as that. (Hear , hear) Why, it was only that very day that the noble lord at the head of the government had presented a petition from {reorient. n connected with the Cape of (beet Hope, praying Inc aid in the war in which the military there were engaged with the Kaffir+, and uo doubt that would be the case in every instance in which the mace everyuther British colony was disturbed. (Hear.) Must we surrender our West India colonies?— Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados's. Must we surrender Australia and New Zealand ? Were all these colonies to be left to float th world, for any strong power to take them? And there ware powers possessing the pecuniary means that would covet them, and no lung period would elapse before they passed into pimicsaion of some other em . But the hon. baronet went on to say—and to this be(Mr. Hewes) wished to call the special att .ntion of the hotrio—that if we granted the colonies local self-govern ment, and freed them from imperial control, we might then safely withdraw our military forces, for that then the colonies would thonselria undertake their own defence. Now, he (Mr. Ilawia) altogether dissented from that view. (Ilene, bear.) Ile dill not see the eonnetion between local self-government, freedom from imperial con trol. and the distribution of our military force. Its could point to instances in which the largest powers of self government were pusairmed by • colony, and yet in which then, was a large forte, and he could also point to a colony governed by the colonial office, and which there was a small force. lot him take the cam of Jamaica. Jamaica en joyed the fullest powers of seslf.government, and yet it had • tom- of 1,400 rare. Trinidad had no such powers and yet it had a force of only 400 men. Now, if local self government conatituted a ground for withdrawing military force, Jamaica ought to have no force at all. But, the fact was. there was no cunuetion between local self-government amt freasloni frown oar military force, for any hon. member might run through the colonies and ere at once that in colonies possessing full powers of local self-government there was a large fume. and in others possessing no powers of self-government whatever there was a small one. • Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were instances in point. Let New Zealand he compared with South Australia. In the former there was a force of only 1,500 men; in South Australia there were 11,40.1). The hiference, therefore, was, that the presence of au armed force in a colony was alto gether distinct mid separate from any amount of self government. (Hear.) Ile questioned, then, whether the mother country would Save much by adopting the course bin hon. friend hal suggested. For, what slid the hon. baronet propose? Ile said—" 'Take the ewe of the Cape; runt them heal self government ; do not interfere with them; and if • war break out give them • large sum of OFFICIAL EXHISITION CATALOGUES.— and leaving them to provide fur their own defence in Ancssurisemestis sill continue to be received for in•ertles time of peace. The reduction that might thus be la the (Metal Cambrume" during the whole tune the Ezhibition re. .. effected in our national expenditure has been one ()b -ossing open; but as the CenirJetors are bound to pav a primly 14 EJI ~ • day if they do not ,'Nicer the erg edition to the Royal CommPelos jeer we have had in view; but the obviating of many siritating discussions, which, while the present system & sr : he se lasnuthvo.fimApreinl,dtvhA4tlLdertioelionnszLiatt.eiugue.nded •ur . L tiss .4 ll. l : . ll . ve t aeries of 2 , 4.0 $ rash of the emelt C.it;sl,gu . and for the trot editions • ls lA.CseVered in, must be constantly . arising between to the Contrsetors by the 14th of April. the mother country and the colonies, has had far SPICER KKOTIIERN, Whoke.ileStasunerr, 1 Joint Contractors to the more weight with us. As to the military stations, W. CLOWES AND lONS. Printers, i Royal CArrinlil.6oo. °BIWA Caustaus onto, a New Milne-street, Meelanels• the disadvantage of encutniwring ourselves with the costly and useless appendage of the lonian Islands has snore titan once been insisted on in these co lumns. Abstractedly taken, the policy recommended by. Sir WILLIAM MOLESwOnTII appears to us 1111ah ..0 : it is for the executive government to devise Runs of realising it with the least possible Zite v rantZli. TO CORRESPONDENTS. drertlressestmlatende: l tor •• The Express," Iwndon Evening paper, willAt be .t the OltiCe. 10, Boarerie•street, by Two o'clock is the the dela: HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tan Dar—Morning, %Alm Anti...eon, In. en. Timmeauw—llomisg. 10h. the. Aftersooa, lib. Elm. it was certainly not from any tenderness to butchers, that we expressed doubts of the expediency of removing the market for the sale, and of course for the slaughter, of cattle, to one extremity of this vast metropolis. There is no department of national economy in which it is so important to bring con sumers and producers into close contact, and to ob viate the necessity of middlemen and their exorbi tant charges and expenses, as in the case of the first necessaries of life, bread and meat. There is nothing so mortifying as to perceive daily the badness and dearness of these two articles off` con sumption in a country and at a time when the prime cost of the material, corn and cattle, has been so much diminished. But with respect to bread, meat, beer, and coffee, the object of the legislature in cheapening and facilitating the procuring these com modities for the people, hasbeen completely neutralised by the dealers. We fear much that the removal of the cattle and meat markets beyond the reach of any citizen will add to this evil, unless considerable taro be taken to obviate the too natural results of such a measure. - . . LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 11. THE remarks with which Sir WILLIAM MOLES WORTH prefaced his motion last night, for the reduc tion of our colonial military expenditure, placed the whole question in a very clear point of view. Most important is the distinction which he drew be tween our colonies proper and our military stations. The colonies are permanent settlements of indus trious Englishmen. By their very nature they re quire elbow-room for their inhabitants ; the more extensive the land in and near them available for settlement the better; and they must go on to extend their frontier indefinitely as their population in creases. The military stations, on the contrary, are mere garrisons, points dappui, for our fleets engaged in maintaining the police of the high seas. Their requisites are eligible locality and adaptation to de fence. The more limited in extent, the more com pletely isolated from populous mainlands they are, the better. The latter require and admit of military garrisons; the former do not admit of being defended from aggression, except by large armies, and with proper management will seldom require such pro tection. These considerations establish the first broad distinction between the two classes of territories in reference to the cost of their defensive esta blishments. The relation in which they stand to the central kingdoms or mother country establishes another dis tinction. The military stations, as has been already observed, are points dappui for our fleets : it may be added harbours of refuge for our commercial as well as our military marine, and nothing more. We would require as many of them, possibly more, if we had not a single colony. We do not need to add one to their number, let our colonies increase as I they may. Their maintenance is an aftiiir of impe ' rial policy ; and by the central empire the expense ' of maintaining them ought in equity to be borne. The colonies, on the other Ladd, are corn munities of British origin who seek to better their condition in foreign lands. Their settlers wish to retain their character and privileges of British subjects ; they wish to rank them selves in the trying and calamitous periods of war under the British banner. From these relations arises a reciprocal duty ; the duty of mutual support according to the means of each in the hour of danger. But in time of peace the connexion between the parent state and its colonial offsets may be main tained with a considerable latitude or mutual inde pendence and non-intertinenee. It has been found that as the prosperity of the mother country has in a great measure been owing to the sturdy, self-rely ing character produced by the large extent of self government exercised by its citizens, so those colo nies have prospered most in which the settlers were left most free to manage their own local of airs. This consideration dictates the policy of leaving the colo nists to govern themselves by municipal and legislative Institutions analogous to those of the mother country. And such an arrange ment would liberate the mother country from any responsibility fur their defence, in times of peace. They have a claim upon the assistance of her fleets and armies in time of war; they are in duty bound to aid her in proportion to their means when engaged in war; but in time of peace the police force and garrisons required by either mother country or colonies should be supported by the inhabitants of the localities for whose special use they arc established and maintained. 'this is a general principle applicable at all times, alike favour able to the liberties and property of the parent state and its colonies. It 1,1 one to which the present de mand for economy in the public expenditure invites attention with peculiar urgency. In 1846-7 (the last year for which we are in posses sion of the necessary information) the sum expended upon the colonies and military stations was 3,500,000/. Of this only 500,0001. was incurred for purposes of civil government; the remaining 3,000,0001. for was military expenditure. This sum, however, ro. presents very . inadequately what our defensive establishments m the colonies and military stations cost us. It embraces only the expense of the maintenanea and clothing of the soldiers, engineers, and artillery men, actually in the dependencies. It has been cal- • culated that for the purpose of reliefs one regiment must be kept on foot at home for every two regi ments iu the colonies. The half-pay and pensions earned by service in the colonies ought also to be set down to the colonial account. The reduction effected in our annual expenditure by the diminution of nor military establishments in the out-settlements would therefore be greater than appears from the financial returns. This reduction Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH pro• poses to effect by two different processes. Looking first to the military stations, it appears to him that they are more in number than the imperial policy requires. I Ile deems Malta and Gibraltar sufficient for the Mediterranean; Halifax and Bermuda and Barbadoes for the Atlantic ; the Peninsula at the south-west extremity of Africa, Mauritius, Singa pore, and perhaps Hung Kong, for the rest of the ocean. lly concentrating our force upon these points a very material reduction might be effected in the expense of the military stations, which stands to the expense of our military establishments in the (ado vies proper in the proportion of nearly three It is impossible to deny that there existed a great many cogent reasons for removing the market ; al though whether it was preeisely these reasons which weighed with the country gentlemen, who curried the bill, may be doubted. • They evidently pictured withdrawing the meat market of London altogether from the control of the citizens or the corporation of London. and deemed the glowing and feeding in terest of the English counties safer in the hands of government commissioners and of a new eompony. Whether Mr. Cu RISTOPIImi and the squires are right in the adoption of such policy may also be doubted. County magnates, in our days, are quite as much menaced by the progress oi centralisation as city authorities are. And should the country malig nantly contribute to pull down the towns, whilst tho towns aid in the destruction of the influence of the country, government will eventually gain ut the ex pense of both; and, in gaining, will acquire a power of which it is incapable of making good use. There is not a capital city in the world, no, not even St. Petersburgh, so completely at the mercy of government, and so utterly mismanaged by it, as London. For want of any municipal organisation except within the narrow limits of - llie city, the several districts of the metropolis have been left almost in a state of nature, not only fur behind Paris and every continental city, but even behind second and third rate towns in England. The way in which Parliament has thought fit to re medy this, is to fling all the cares nod duties into the hands of government. Government having already too much on its hands forthwith delegate-3 these tEdilie powers. To whom ?--to men the most remote in their habits and experience from the ways and wants of citizens. The posts of influence have been tilled with lords, with scientific men, with govern ment functionaries; and whilst the course of' these men has been to delay all improvement, their every act has been in antagonism with civic inte rests and civic ideas. Let us consider 'eh:it has been done with regard to water-supply, to sewerage, to inter ments, and what do we see but the atter in capacity and dilatoriness of government boards ? It will be the same with Smithfield. Parliament in a fit of must rational disgust may abolish Smith field, but it is not a bit the nearer line that to an effi cient, well-regulated, cheap, and satisfactory market. As to the proposal of the government, which has just been referred to a committee, it gets rid of a very few indeed of the evils of Smithfield, by substituting for them evils quite as bad of its own. A market at Islington, with the cattle from the south of the Thames driven to and fro across the bridges,---this is the worst evil of Smithfield mar ket exaggerated, exaggerated too at the expense of the farmers of the south and of the imputation of Southwark. It is impossible not to revur to the idea of another market on another day of the week at the south-western extremity of the town. To to sure, markets are things that a legislature cannot compel or create, nor a corporation either. Farringdem and Islington markets um there as proofs. But as no legislative measure on the subject can be complete or effective, unless cattle are forbidden to pass the bridges, such a market seems indispensable. Whether it might not be obviated by the completion of the circular railroad all round London, and the establishment of at least abattoirs south of the Thames, remains to be considered. But most certainly at present the inhabitants of the south of London have the prospect of being compelled to buy their meat a penny per pound dearer than their fellow townsmen north of the river. Government commissioners will take two years to pother over such questions as these. Nor is the cor poration of London alone competent to decide matters so immediately affecting the whole popula tion of thu metropolis. The market commissioners will be less restricted in their decrees and their expenditure, by the consciousness that they can raise what sums they please, through tolls upon the people of the metropolis, instead of striking rates and coming before the respective parishes. Parliament may generally decide between a government job and a corporation job ; but who is to protect the public against jobbery in general and in particular ? Thu citizens of the metropolis want municipal organi.sa tion, and they ought to come to an understanding to demand this first, as the only - guarantee against eying fleeced eternally, either under the pretext of old I vested rights or of new liberal improvements. itt to one. With respect to the colonies proper Sir WILLIAI would relieve the mother country from all outlay for their defence in times of peace, with the exception of those colonies which we use as receptacles for our convicts, and those to which we do not concede local self-government. This would impose upon us the cost of maintaining troops in Van l)icman's Land (as long as we keep convicts there), and at Swan River. It would also impose upon us the necessity of providing for the defence of the so-called Crown colonies, at least until we shall have placed them upon a footing of equality with those which have obtained locallegislaturesand responsible goveniment. It is to the principle of Sir WILLIAM'S recom mendations that we wish to direct attention, and therefore wo abstain from entering into the details of his estimates of expenditure. Taking, however, the accounts for the year 1846-7 as our guide, the saving effected by the withdrawal of troops from the colonies proper would amount to between 700,0001. and 800,000 f. per annum; the relinquishment of the lonian Islands, the transkrence of Ceylon to the East India Company, the confinement of our military expenditure at the Cape to the defence of the peninsula strictly so-called, the concentration of our establishments in the Straits at the entry to the Indian Archipelago, and the abandon ment of the West African forts as military stations, would render a considerable economy easy. And the obvious and palpable reduction of expense would I draw after it a corresponding reduction in our outlay for . pensions and half-pay, for barracks and other engineering works. This financial reform, it is obvious, cannot be accomplished immediately. As the concession of local self-government to some colonies which do not at present enjoy it, ought to precede the change, some time must be allowed for the preparatory arrange ments. The curtailment of our military stations, too, could not be effected all at once. What wo under stand Sir WILLIAM to urge is, that the alteration in our colonial and military station policy should be resolved upon at once, and carried into execution as speedily as aveumstances permit. We need scarcely add that the outline of the po licy sketched by Sir WILLIAM ltioutswoarli harmo nises in the main with what we have more than once advocated. We have lately drawn attention to the deleterious effect produced upon the discipline of oar regiments by colonial service ' wo have, again and again, urged the expediency of conferring upon all our colonies the boon of local self-government, MANCHESTER BOILER ExrwstoN.—The inquest on the bodies of the niue persons by the explosion of a boiler at Messrs. Hardman and T ric e's buildings 2 Riga street, Manchester, was CUUCIUded on Wednesday. Further evidence was taken, and the jury retired, at C o'clock, to eon eider their verdict, and were absent hours. They returned with a verdict in the following words : let. The jury aro of opinion that the boiler was efficient, and perfectly com petent to perform all the duties required from it. 2nd. They are, also, of opinion that gross negligence has been exercised in the management and attendance of this boiler, and great want of ordinary care. 3rall The jury are unani mously of op i nion that the deaths of the parties visited by the jury, arose from culpable negligence on the part of Thomas Egerbin (the engine-tenter), and Thomas William son (his employer)." Under these circumstances, the fore man added, twelve of the jury returned a verdict of man slaughter against the said Thomas Egerton, uud Thomas Williamson. Williamson and Egeetun, under these circum stances, will be y=1114[4.41 upon the coroner's warrant, to Kirkdale gaol, for trial at the next Liverpool assizes. LEGAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ClLtNtlin IN ScOT LANII.—Mr. Rutherford has accepted the vacant seat on the bench, and the stolicitor-f/eneral, Mr. Moncrciff, suc ceeds him as Lord Advocate. This, of course, creates a vacancy in the parliamentary representation of the Leith district of burghs; and the new Lord Advocate has pre sented himself to the constituency. In Mr. Rutherlurd, the bench has gained one of the greatest lawyers Stutlund ever produced, but the crown and the country have lost a valuable public officer. Mr. Rutherfurd's address to his late constituents is of course confined chiefly to local and personal matters; but his parliamentary and official career is enduringly recorded in those reforms in and out of the Court of Session which he devised and carried through, and not less perhaps in those other reforms in which his efilfrts were thwarted by prejudice and interest. The elettion ad dress of his successor in office, Mr. Munerciff, is in the right I spirit, especially as to the distinctuess and emphasis with which he denten% himself on the subject of free-trade. It I, is not likely, we understand, that there will be unv opposi tion. The election is fixed for Monday next. Although I the point is not entirely or formally settled, we believe wo y are almost quite safe in saying that Mr. John Cowan will be the new Solicitor-General.—Neolsmen. GREAT NORTHERNRAILWAY.—I'he committee on this company's bill (No. 1) report that the additional capital to be raised by the Great 'Northern railway for the execu tion of the works already authorised by the bill they now seek to amend, amounts to 750,000 L, and the amount of I loan which they aro empowered to raise is 250,0001., when y the whole of their capital excepting that created by the ; Great Northern Railway Acts Amendment and Isle of As ;holme Extension Act, 1848, is subscribed for and one-half I paid up. The amount of shares subscribed for the execu tion of the new works is 56,250 L, and the deposits paid thereon, 5,6251.; the estimated aost for completion of the Iwork proved, is and 75, that theyoool. The committee report the preamble I are setielied with the bonojt4ics of the subscription coat:act. X , ,- 4't • 411 t.: iLIT`k ;g • I