The Express. — London, England, 1848-07-12 00:00:00

I I some sort to do so by the observations of the bon. member who had just addressed the house. He had understood that hon. member to say that he approved of the bill as it had come down from the House of Lords but that subsequent alterations had very much changed his opinion. Now, qu his (Sir J. Graham's) observations had led him to a conclusion almost the converse of that of the hon. member. (Hear, hear.) As the bill had come down from the Lords it had not satisfied him, while the alterations of the Solicitor- General had filled him with hope as to its ultimate success. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member had spoken rather dis parseingly of the speech of the hon. and learned Soli citor-General. On that point be was also at issue with the hon. member, his opinion of the bill being that it should not be framed in obedieece to the technical scruples of conveyancers. He had heard with the greatest pleasure from a gentleman bear ing the name of the solicitor-general a speech worthy at once of the lawyer and the statesman, not exclusively legal in its character, but also taking that large political view which was alone worthy of the subject, (Cheers ) He was not prepared on that occasion to go at length into the juris prudence of Ireland, in the manes of which the hon. mem. ber for Carlow seemed so much to delight. That hon. mem ber had told them some extranrdinary facts as to the pos.sessian of Irish estates. He (Sir J. Graham) lived on the Scottish border, where it was possible for a man to be mar ried without his knowing it, but that it appeared was our pained by many things whi ch ha pp ened in Ireland. (A laugh.) 'The various other matters to which the hon. mem ber had shaded were, no doubt, very important, but they were certainly not germane to the matter they had in hand. The objection which he had to the bill as it had come down from the Lords was in immediate connexion with the expenses of the Court of Chancery. (Hear, hear ) As the bill came down from the Lords, it offered only three modes of , Ifs cling the sale of incumbered estates; and it should be re membered that in the bill as it had come down from the Lords everything remained untouched. No thing hail been withdrawn by the honoureble and learned Solicitor.Geneml. The bill, then, as left by the Lords, provided for three modes of operation. First, the tenant for life might make an arrangement for sale with the incumbraucer a and having effected his bargain might appeal to the Court of Chancery to give it ratillaition the second mode allowed him to sell without a bargain with the incur's hewer, and a simile:. appeal ; and by the third mode, the first ineumbrencer might appeal to the court far leave to sell. Now, with respect to the first mode, he saw great objection to the delay and expense attendant upon confining to the Court of Chancery the sole machinery of sale. (Hear.) With regard to the two Isst modes he did not see the same objec time ; hut still the objection with respect to delay and expense seemed to apply with considerable torte. (Hear, hear.) And if the bill still stood as it had come down from the Lords, he should have very much doubted its producing much frac • tical effect. (Hear, hear.) Ile now came with great seta faction to such portion of the hill as, since its arrival in that house, hail been engrafted on it by the lion. anti learned Solicitor-General, and he must say that, in his opinion, these alterations were an immense improvement on the original measure. (Cneers.) They avoided altogether the expense and delay of applications to court, a point on which be had beard with great pleasure the observations of the hon. member for Limerick (Mr. Monsen), who seemed to him to have taken • soused and intelligent view of U e subject. (Hear, hear.) He was as tithed that if the re-adjustment of property in Ireland were left to the Court of Chancery and the lawyers, no practical good would be effected. He was convinced that every twi litv must be given for the conversion of land at its full value into money. (Laud cries cf " hear.") Care must be arisen to pay all creditors, leaving the residue to the inhe ritance; but, at the same time, every possible facility should be given for sale. He must say that is that view were sound the S &case-General had gone very far in effecting his ob. ject. Every' encsuragement ought also to be given to the sub division of land. (Hear, hear.) He was most anxious to re-unite to the soil of Ireland the Roman catholic capital of that country, which he thought would be one of the great. est securities tor its trarquil'ity. (Hear, hear.) Ile believed that the Irish Roman catholic', throug h their industry, to gether with their long exclusion from rights as to land, had accumulated capital, and that they were not unwilling to invest it in the land. (Hear. hear.) Unfortunately the large (-Maus held through confiscations by protestants were for the meat part heavily incumbered, and those incum brances prevent, el the nominal holders from doing th it duty as landlords. (Hear, hear.) He would relieve them from this painful position, and provide for the payment of their creditors, but above all would give facilities for bringing the land to market in such lots as would attract the investmer,ts of small capitalists. (Hear, hear.) lie must say that he looked at the government measure with great faith. He considered it to be sound in principle, as violating no principle, and one from which, if successful, great results both political and social must necessarily follow. (Hear, hear.) He should go into committee with an earnest dmire to make the bill as efficient as possible. All rights should be protected, and care should be taken that the value of land was not depreciated by precipitate sales. (Hear, hear.) It was also ia.portant that a mortgagee panic should not be created, and therefore every step must be taken with cau tion. But, in the present circumstances of Ireland (said the right hon. baronet in conclusion), you must not be guided by caution only. you must not take your steps timidly. tHear, hear.) The time has arrived when some thing decisive respecting this measure must be done. For it as a whole I feel highly grateful to government ; I cor dially support it, and shall give my humble assistance in committee towards rendering it as efficieut as passible. (Loud cheers.) Mr. D. BROWN supported the bill as being calculated to release the landed proprietors of Ireland from very painful embarrassments, and to enable them to do their duty to wards their tenantry in a mare efficient manner than at present. Sir J. WALSH opposed the hill and observed that the house, though it was not indisposed to enter into a considera tem of the means by which the law of En 'land and Ireland, in respect to mortgage., transfers, ant other matters con nected with real property, might be assimilated, he hoped it was not prepared to cut the Gordian knot of the difficulty by invading the rights of private pro erty, or, by a side wind, sweeping away that law of succession which was recognised by the soundest principles of political co esomy, as well as by all and constitutional practice, and on which the pees perite of this country mainly rested. If they dealt with Ire land by • measure which would confiscate the property or Ireland and sacrifice the rights of individuals as certainly as the most violent and sudden revolution, instead of laying the foundations of permanent improvem , set, they would add to the feeling of insecurity, prevent the investment of capital, and altogether destroy dime springs of industry it was their object to revive. Mr. B. OSBORNE believed the government had been in fluenced by the purest motives in bringing forward this mea dssure. (Hear, hear.) But what he complained of was the lay which was allowed to interpne in respect to all m, s etae' really calculated to improve the condition of Ireland. On three distinct occasions had such a bill been recommended to thew in Queen's speeches, bat because the moneyed inte rest of this toiletry was supposed to have a direct interest in preventing the passing of such • measure, the people of Ire land had been sacrificed. He gave great credit to the Soli citor-0e aeral for the improvements which had been made in the bill since it came down from the House of Lords. As it came from that house it was a complete nullity; and his only fear now was, that it was brought forward in its im proved form so late, that the amendments were not likely to pass the other house before the and of the session. lie believe 1 that the only way to carry nut the measure effec tively was by a commissian appointed for the purpose; it would be useless if left to the Master's-office of the Court of Chancery. If the bill was worth anything, it was to enable incumbered estates to be sold, not merely in gross, but in portiere+, and to make it operative for that object they must make tae transfer of property cheap. Upon this point he had consulted two eminent solicitors —one being a con veyancer —and t fil m out o hope that the transfer of land woul d y be de n cheaper by this bilL If they desired the measure to be really bsneficial to Ireland, they must discard the views of solicitors, attorneys, receivers, and nee those parties whose inter.st lay in the law's delay. I (Hear, hear.) And he we uld say further, with regard totM l landlonls, that 'Mane was now in that state when it was necessary to commit some injustice to do a great public good. Again, if they desired the bill to do goad, and it they wiehed to create a class of small proprietors in Irland, they must reconsider the stamp duties, which now bore must dispropor tionately on emelt transfers. He was aware that some Eng lish members looked with alarm on this measure, as an arbi trary interference with the rights of private property ; and, were In land in the same state as England, nobody, he be lieved, would recommend or support such a bill. But it was not so. The whole state of society in Ireland was diseased ; and the taws relating to Wei we re at the bottom of it. (Hoar, hear.) Of the Irish landed aristocracy those only resided in that country whose property was encumbered ; and t' eas e from the pressure et their embarrassment", were often driven to hard and selfish acts against their tenants. The greatest boon that could be conferred on these proprietors would bs. a measure allowing them to sell portions of their estates to pay oft tho incumbrances on the remainder. The system of receivers under the Court of Chancery in Ire land was monstrous—the persons appointed fur the most part knowing nothing of land, and caring nothing about the perm:tient interest of the proprietor or the welfare of the tenant?, their only object being to drain from the estates as much money as possible. Of upwards of a million sterling, received by the Court of Chancery on account of the estates in their hands, it appeared that only ss. 4d. per cent. was spent in improvements. The mismanagement of property in Ireland by the Court of Chancery had been denounced by the present Master of the Rolls ; and the Right Hon. A. Blake, the late Chief Remembrancer, had recently stated that a measure for sweeping out that court was even more necessary than sanitsry reform. It was only in December, 1817, that a receiver applied to Master Murphy for some portion of the proceeds of a certain estate to improve the property, repair the boos , s and buildings, which were failing to decay, and so give employment to the tenants, and though the receiver stated that a large number of the tenantry had died of starvation, and GOO had been buried in two holes dug on the property, the application was refused. Such was the state of things in Ireland that unless some stringent measure were puled, they would soon have a state of anarchy there which must end in universal ruin and destruction. The proxi mate cause of the murde r of Major Mahon, at Strokesto wn, was that his property had been for a long time previously to his coming into possession under the control of the court of chancery, end the tenants left to themselves; and in the me of Mr. Roe it was said that there was a meeting of Lis tenants to decide whether it would not be better to shoot him, as in that case the estate would be pieced in chancery, and they would not be called oa to pay their rent. The hon. member for Carlow bad a measure which would have the effect of throwing more property into the market, and had added that there were 4,000,000/. worth of land now for sale in Ireland. But that was because under present cite eumstances capitalists would not invest in that country. But the statemen's of lawyers and thou who were Interested in Maintaining the law as it stood with its uncertainties THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 12, 1848, little fortune in that ooantry. He (Mr. 0. Thompson) i pledged himself to prove tht se charges before a committee. The next ckarge he had to bring against Col. Ovens related to the imprisonment of Govind Row, at Ahmednugger, for the parpme of extorting evidence from him calculated to criminate the RAjah of Setters; and the statements of Mr. Hutt, made seven years after the transaction, proved that such was the case. Having read various documents conneded with this transac tion, the hon. member stated that the mother of Govind Row had petitioned the Bombay government on his behalf, but that Col. Ovens neglected to forward the petition for a considerable time. The hon. member then quoted at great length extract' from correspondence passing between Mr. Hutt, Mr. Wapping, end others, relative to a confession attributed to Grind Row, and much relied on by the op , ponents of the rajah, hut which the hon. member contended had been extorted by fraud, and was not to be taken in any sense as a trustworthy document. It was obtained by subornation, was in contradiction to his previous statements, and was not made until he had been for fourteen doy , subject to the arts of an influential and unprincipled relation. An Hon. MEMBER here moved that the house be counted, but forty members being present, Mr. THOMPSON resumed, contending that, for the sake of Col. Ovens himself, for the sake of his profession, and for the sake of jueticc, the house should grant the inquiry fur which he asked. Mr. HUtIE seconded the motion. Mr. ELLIOT complained that the hon, member asked for an inquiry which he himself knew could not be carried out, because there was no possible way of getting the greater por tion of the necessary evidence. The principal charge was against Col. Ovans, but that gentleman's character stood too high to fur any assault. (Hear, hear.) The inquiry proposed was simply impossible. They were called on to try two governors-general of India who had gone to a better world, and a gentleman who, acting under the govern ment of India, had received repeated tokens of the approba tion of that ezovernment. Before the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets persevered in demanding this inquiry, he should prove himself tree from pecuniary inferest or personal iinimmity in the matter. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member ' attacked the characters of men whose names would live long after his own had been forgotten. (Order.) Ho (Mr. Elliot) I charged the hon. member with being, or having been, a paid agent of the late Rajah of Sahara, and he asked whether that was a fit position for a member of that house. (Hear, hear.) At all events, it gave him a pecuniary interest in the matter, and rendered it necessary that his statements should be received with caution. (Hear, hear.) The hon. meinner proceeded, on the authority of a letter, to charge the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets with being a sort of travelling philanthropic agent for the native princes of India. The letter, amongst other things, charged Mr. Thompson with having agreed with the King of Delhi, to come to England as his raker' to advocate his claims. That for this service he received 5001. for his expenses to Delhi, and a salary of 1,2001. a year. That pending his negotia tions with the King of Delhi, Mr. Thompson lived in state at the royal palace, to the great dissatisfaction of the royal family, who had each to contribute his or her quota to supply what was called the "Thompson purse." The letter also charged Mr. Thompson with sending a . repart of his speech at the Inaliallouse to Delhi, which, it was stated, made a great impression on the meeting. This pro. duced so much joy that guns were ordered to he fired on the occasion ; but when the rajah was informed that the version of the report sent out was one that appeared in the Indian Advocate, which wss supposed to be edited by Mr. Thomp son himself, and that it was given differently in the usual London papers, the order was cou ntermanded, and not a gun was find. (Laughter.) The ra j ah also said that Mr. Thompson should not pocket another rupee. Mr. THOMPSON.—By whom was that letter written? Mr. ELLIOT.—It was a statement by Capt. Angelo, who was commandant of the Palace guard at the time these occurrences took place, and he was ready to verify it before the committee. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Thompson.) The rajah was hound by agreement to act in subordination to the British government, cud to consult the resident on all occa sions. fhe rajah had violated those stipulations. The hen. gentleman said that the rajah was not guilty, but he did nut say that the evideuee was not etrong enough to convict him. The hon. gentleman Lad recourse to an old Indian expe dient, well knawn to those who were acquainted with that country—namely, of charging the witnesses in the case with perjury and forgery. The hon. gentleman had accused re spf etable and honourable men of being suborners of perjury, aunt in taking that course he followed the example of the lowest vakeels. The hon. gentleman mid that Mr. Shake speare did not think the rajah was guilty, but he f wget to add that Mr. Shakespeare died three veers before the inquiry was brought to a chase. ''he hon ourable gentleman next appealed to Col. Lodwick, who was the resident at SALVOS, an 1 said that it he had been examined, he would Lave borne out his statements. W. -11, what did Col. Loolwick say? lie says. "Since 18Sii, when I remonstrated with the rajah on the impropriety of his sending commissioners to England to represent his case without consulting me, as he was bound to do by treaty, ho acts as if he was independent of the treaty, and ahave all control." (Hear, hear.) lie adds, "that the rajah con sidered himself an injured prince." (Hear, hear.) But the injury consisted in the government not attending to his claims as speedily as he wished. The rajah evidently was not a person of very shame mind, for on one occasion a ghost was introduced to him, with whom he conversed for three hours. The rajah believed Al this, and said he should , ask the ghost to dinner. (Laughter.) The whole case had been investigated by the persons the most competent to inquire into it, and they were never more convinced of the truth of any case than of the facts alleged against the rajah. Mr. Robertaon and Mr. Bled investigated the ease with every disposition to find the rajah innocent, hut they found the facts too strong. The hon. gentleman mil that the rajah had I no trial. Did not the hon. gentleman know that it would be the greatest indignity to the rajah to bring him into a court of justice as a witness ? (Hear.) This was a political case, and the rajah had that description of trial whicu arm peans in the service Mite government of India had. (" No, no," from Mr. Thompson.) lie could tell the hon. gentle. man that the fact was so, and he could give numerous in rances in proof of what he advanced. The hon. gentleman said that Col. Lodwick regretted that he signed the report made by the commissioners who infra stigated the case of the rajah. Would Col. Lodwick say that the report was not true, and that the evidence which lie gone himself before the commission was net true ? If Col. L olwick was so lust to all sense of feeling as to say that the report was not true, and that the evidence was not true, and that the rajah am an innocent man, why he could only say then that he would place him (Mr. Elliot) in that posi tion that he must rather believe Col. Lodwick on his oath, than in making a different statement before a committee, after he had been dismissed the service. The honourable gentleman, in a speech made at the India House on the 18th of March, 1846, charged the government with making overtures to the rajah through Major Carpen ter. The government called on Major Carpenter, in con sequence of that a atement, to explain the facts ; and Major Carpenter in his reply said that a gra at part of the conversa tion stated to have passed between them !the rajah and himself) was purely imaginary—that nothing had passed to warrant the conclusion that he had made any offer of com promise directly or indirectly to the rajah; but still, that there was much truth blended with what had been stated (s' hear, hear," from Mr. Thompson), and that he did not desire to impeach the Tamil. of the rajah, or of his friends in England. (Hear, hear.) The rajah had been from the be ginning the dime of de.igning men, and the greatest of all misfortunes that cold befall a native prince was to fall into the hands of European agents. (Hear, hear.) That wee not only his opinion; it was also the opinion of Sir J. Malcolm and others, who were well acquainted with India. What was said to this very prince on his being placed upon the throne ? Mr. Elphinstone urged h.m to discard the low intriguing agents from his councils ; and Sir Carnac en forced this olinion. Col. Ovens, in still further impressing the same views, had no doubt given offence to the interested advocates of the rajah at Bombay and elsewhere. To those agents the rajah had paid up to 1836 no less than 36,3001. Why this fact might of itself account for the distresses which the rajah was reported to have suffered. In feet nothing could be stronger than the proofs of the dreadful effectsof this system of European agencies. Some of these European agents had been known to give private information of a dangerous nae , ture to the rajah, and to powers hostile toßritish supremacy. ' Such facts proved the danger of going into inquiries of the sort now moved for. The hon. member, in one of his news- 1 papers, had given them a taste of what he expected if he could succeed in this and similar motions. Mr. O. THOMPSON.—I deny all you say, and I chal lenge you to the proof. (Order.) Mr. ELLIOT.—The hon. member may have forgotten it. He may have a short memory. It is were likely he has; but my authority is good, and I can prove that the hoot: member asked for remuneration from the King of Delhi. Mr. G. THOMPSON (emphatically).-1 deny it. I deny it. It is not true. (Order.) Mr. ELLIOT.-1 repeat, the hon. member may have forgotten it. Scm' time has passed, and his memory may be short. But what I say is this,—if the ban, member carries this committee, ho may, if ho pleases, go out to Delhi. and he may, also, it he pleases, come back with 100,0001. in his pocket. All the dissatisfied would rally round him. He would have as many constituents in India as he pleased. Once let his success be known there, and all the people in the country who have any complaints to make will resort to him. And not only will he enrich himself, but I say emphatically he will do more than any one has ever done to ruin the British rower in India. He conjured, then, upon these grounds, the refusal of the committee. Mr. HUME said his experience in India did not warrant him in giving such a character of the government as that given by the last speaker. He believed the natives were grossly aggrieved. But what he wanted was to bring back the house to the motion now before them. The hon. mem ber had endeavoured to evade the question. He had draw* a red herring acrstis the scent with the view to draw off the hounds. But the trick would not succeed. He accused his hon. friend with being an hired agent. Why, what was the hon. member himself? (Hear, hear.) He was nothing but an haired agont. (Hear, bear.) He meat nit think to blacken the character of an individual by such insinuations instead of dealing with the facts. :The hon. member was very fond of this sort of attack. lie had once assailed the hen, member for Finsbury in the same way, and his attack had retailed upon himself, Nothing could be more unjust or unfair than his reference to Delhi • and his insinuations were as groundless as they were hide: feasible. The charges against Col. Ovens were twelve in number. An inquiry into them was asked. What did they think of an officer, a man of honour, forsooth, trying to pre vent that investigation ? (Hear.) One of the charges was for intercepting correspondence. Wu it in bia former capacity of a postmaster that the hon. gentleman declined to grant a com mittee as to that charge ? (Laughter.) Another charge was, that Col. Ovens suppressed the most material evidence ' • that he gave the government information that was wholly false and suppressed all that which he knew to be true. Why , was that s fact or not ? Let it be inquired into. It was as a last resource they came to that house. But he did not ask pegarglfroidriay.comifmtihteteey didof nthoattihtokuse..o.lll iaattiLedthfoarprt gper tribunal, let them appoint a commission. (Hear, bear.) Let their commiuion consist of an men they pleased ; he did not care who they were. (Hear, hear.) It they did this he should be satisfied. But without inquiry neither he nor the country would be satisfied, and certainly Col. Ovens and his friends, and his fellow soldiere ought not to be satis fied with less. Sir J. W. HOGG stood before the h3llO to vindicate the cha racters of men as honourable as any who ever served in India, men with whom, if they were guilty, he himself was pa rficeps crinsinis. He disapproved of the way in which this motion had been brought forward. It had now been upon the paper ever since December. The discussion had been from time to time postponed to impoesible days. The motion had been allowed to lapse. It had not been brought forward when it might; and yet the hon. member had allowed c alumnies of the basest kind to hang for months not only over Colonel Ovens' head, but over some of the most honourable men in India. (Hear, hear.) One of his calumnies was against Sir James Carnac, one of the most honourable men who ever served in India. Ile said that Sir James Carnac was threatened in council with disclosures personally disgraceful to himself, if he did not throw overboard the Rajah of Setters. Did be attempt to substantiate that charge tonight t D.d he venture to repeat it? Not a bit. He did not even allude is it: he did no attempt to apologise for it, which he ought to have done t . Such a charge had, of course, given the greatest pain and suffering. Fortunately the only two mem bers of council at the time, Mr. Anderson and Mr. Parish, were at this moment in this country, and he would read a letter from Mr. Anderson, enclosing a letter from Sir J. Carnac's son, requ sting him to solicit Sir J. llobhouse or Sir J. liogg to retute in the House of Commons the calum nies cast upon his father's memory by Mr. G. Thempsom and that he would state all he knew of the transaction. Mr. An. demon in his letter denied in the most positive manner that any such threats had been uttered as were alleged by the hon. member to have been made to Sir J. Carnac by his council, or either of them, so far as he was aware , and added that such threats could not have barn made without his know ledge. Mr. Anderson concluded by stating that a man of higher honour or more strict integrity had lever lived. He had also received a letter from the only other member of the council, Mr. Principe, to the same effect. Mr. Anderson, who accompanied Sir J. Cainac in his interviews with the ex rejah, also distinctly denied that there was any truth in the statement of the hon. member for Moat rcse that the ex rajah bad objected to the preamble of the treaty. lied he done so, Sir J. Carne would have been nestled with the signing of the stipula tions. Upon these matters they had the statement of Sir .1. Carnac in the blue book, and of Mr. Anderson now, and if they had 100 committees, they could obtain no more infor.oation. In the debate in April last, the hon. gentle man (Mr. G. Thompson) said there was no generosity in re storing the ex-rajah—that he held an influential and inde pendent pesition at the time. Had that been the case, Mr. Elphinstone could never have entered into negotiation' with the Peshawar, who was the real representetive of the sovereignty. The hon. gentleman had at the India-house, previews to the debate in the House of Commons, referred to Mr. l'rinceps' book, to show that the'. xmajah was in an influential station, and that Mr. Elphinstone had entered into private negotiation with him; and though on that occa sion Mr. Princeps got up end denied that the statements in his book bore any such construction or were intended to do so, the hon. member again referred to them in the House of Commons. (War, hear.) He did not deny that the ex• rajah had managed his country well. Phis had been acknowledged both by the Court of Directors reel the Bom• bay goverment; and it was et the r. coalmen:laden of that government that the address and complimentary sword Is .d been sent to the rejeh, which arrived at the very period of the Jugadah squabble. When the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets brought for ward his charges against Col. Ovens Defer° the court of director', both the mover and seconder being only holden of stock to the extent of NU (which entitled to speak but not to vote), were obliged to walk out of the house before the division, and every one of those charges were negatived. stern. con. (Hear, hear.) His " raw head and bloody bones" stories did very we.l for old ladies and tea parties, hut they would not go down with the intelligent h..ilt rs of East India Stock. As for the hon. member for Montrose, he hail never been seen at the E tat India House but once, notwithstanding all he had said of gross outrage and injus tice to the liejah of Setters. A letter appeared from him, of thri e columns in lenteh, in the Tunes newspaper, which Was full of the most false conclusions, misstatements, and perversions—he had had that letter published as well, in the form of a pamphlet, and sent one of them to every pro prietor, and then he did come to the East India Howe and reiterated the charges contained in it. But what good did the letter do him, and what was its elf, et? Why that, although unaccompanied by any antidote except what it c.n- Mined within itself, and after ringing the bell and sounding the trumpet, he got 19 supporters to his ameication out of 2,100 —( near ar.d a laugh)—while, out of 30 directors only four had sign ed ' a dissent from an acquiescence in the guilt of the rajah. Although the question bad never been one session ell the vote paper, the hon. member for Montrose always satisfied himself by making his speech, but never went to a division but once. In his letter he stated, and this was the gravamen of the whole case, that the rajah hail been condemned unheard and without even knowing the charges against him ; and he (Sir J. Hoeg) was willing to place the whole ease up) a that Single issue. What said the resident at Batten, who caused the commission to be issued ? —that attempts were made to seduce our sepoys. This infermation had been given by General Lodwick himself, end it was impoesible for the government to reluse an in quiry into the ch urge. That inquiry had been conducted by a commesion impartially chosen. At its herd had been Ge neral Lodwick, the resident at the court of Sattara, Mr. Willoughby, the chief secretary at Bombay, and the ap pointment of the third commissioner showed how anxious Sir It. Grant had been that the inquiry should be impar tially conducted. He applied to Lord sae, then the commander of the forces, to name an officer who was ac quainted with the language and habits of the people, and Lord Keane appointed Colonel Ovens, who was then quar ter-master-general of the forces, who km w no one at Sat ' Ws, had never been there, and consequently could have no bias. The instructions issued to the commission hail been to conduct the inquiry in such a manner as iu their judgment would be best calculated to arrive at the troth. On the first inquiry they were not setistielwith the statements of the two native officers, upon whose testimony the charge of seducing the Sepoye rested, and they required ieformatien as to the character of those two witnesses, and from Major Wilson and others they ascertained their characters to be good. The assistance of an agent, or vakme was offered to the rajah on the inquiry, but declined. As Boon as a prima facie case had been established, the rajah was called in—the whole of the evidence read over to him, and an offer made to recall the witnesses. in order that they might Im re-examined in his presence. This the rajah declined, observing that they would only say the same thing over aza n. He attended the inquiry four or live times—he gave in written memoranda and statements, called witnesses, and examined thee, sod yet it was said he had beer kept in ianotance of the charges which had been made aeainst and that he had been afforded no opportunity of repudiating them. The report made by the commissioners declared the 70.01 to be gull y. No doubt Gen. Lodwick had si es changed his o inion, and stated that thou-;h he had settled the report, yet be had ineuciel the other c mmiesione rs to make such changes and alterations in it as to enable him to reconcile it to his conscience to sign it under protest. This was denied be Mr. Willoughby and Cal. Ovens, who de clared that they had never heard from the lips of Gen. Lad. wick one word of dissent; and the original draft of the report exhibited no such chances or alterations es had been sug- Rested. The whole proem. dings of the commission had beeu submitted to Sir Hebert Grant and Lord Auckland, both of whom concurred in the opinion that the rajah had been proved to be guilty, not only of attempting to seduce the wpm , from their allegiance, but of traitorous intercourse both with the authorities at Goa and with the ex-rajah of Nagpore. One member of the court, Sir James Cantu, had taken a very favourable opinion of the rajah's cam before he went to Setters; when there, he remonstrated with the rajah, and used every possible ar,eumenteo induce hjm to sign an ad herence te the original treaty, which he doubtless would have done but for the interference of agents, who taught the nteives to believe that they might disregard the local au thority, having the court of directors, the board of centrol, end parliament to refer to. If this system were allowed to be persevered in there would he an end of oar Indian em pire. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. Ceram only sought from the rajah a declaration of adherence to the original treaty ; but being unable to obtain this the man was necessarily con demned. The (+lry which had been brought forwent was no charge against Col. Ovens,' but a mere attempt to rip up the whole case of the rai ere It was a common course in India, in order to re-open a ease, to charge all the witnesses wit h perjury, and say that all the documents wen forged ; and this was precisely the course Pursued here. (Hear, he. r.) He denied that Cul. Ovans had entered into cemmunieetion and treaty for procuring Was :a t : a e t n i t c d h e e i h t d c h u y e t wereywit wit n es ses : h a ' h t c o: d r procure voluntarilyfo, treasonable w t r o ed m papers.t themse lves, t lepers to be produced ? r Most undoubtedly ; for there would beno security against treason even in this country if the officers of government were not to act on such information when they received it. It was trao the s tine fellow who bed offered to produce these treasonable p spars had also gone to the rajah, and endeavoured to obtain money from him for o m f e c e t e i n ot:1 11 0 e v c s h at r g h e e ,• se a nnelt Informationw en h es o m f e the to whol e the k n u o p w t l o e (I t g h e e government. no t ad discharged his duty fully and honour aely, and ough to have been selected by the hon. mem ber for the Tower Hamlets for this attack, which would more properly have been directed against the Indian government, or the court of directors, or the board of control. (Hear, hear.) The second charge, of obtaining copies of the rajah's letters, was true, but it was perfectly justified by the suspicions entertained against him. Even his agent, Runge Bapojee, had written several treasonable letter ,--one of which, written at the time of the Affghan war, gave information of all the intended movements of our troops, and expressed a confidence that the English would seen be expellee from the country. (Hear, hear.) The next charge was the removal of Govind Row. He had been found guilty of treason at the Caine time as the rajah. After he was sent to Poonah he continued his treasonable tricks, and had to be removed again. It was said. he had been used to extort a confession from his mother, which was actually made eight or 10 months before Govind Row was sent to the implicated, hear.) Li this charge Mr. Hutt had been ; but as soon as the charge reached India Mr. Hutt at once rebutted it, ar.d solemnly declared that the confession of Govind Row was perfectly voluntary, and that Col. Ovans was IA miles distant from the place at the time. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Hutt also denied tout the man had been imprisoned in a dungeon, er that any coercion bad beenused. There vid was one charge more to which he would allude, namely, to the suppression, so it was called, of eence. -------------- Now there was a summary of all the evidence in the case u nder the hand of Col 01SIM and the weight of the charge aga inst Col.Ovans was tee suppression from the summary of a petition. Now, the petition itself was of . no consequ r e e n a ce r , but it implicated a Isrge number of parties who .we who - rested, and it therefore became important to consider and ee e? tparticularsthree yearsand ha! published because they implicated third parties, but the go vernment knew all about It. Why, was there ever . an thfwo be fore evidence te the t rajah Inquiries w wreassenwdteisurmepiamtaddte.l4 The particular' were not stance of a public man in the discharge of his . duty attempted to be hunted down upon such false maw:options? (Hear, hear.) But what had become of the charge of cor ruption urged three years airoagainstCol.Oviths? Not sword was said upon the subject tomight. They did not dare on this to say a word upon the subject. C• I. Ovens' honour point was impeached on the evidence of one of the basest and most infamous of the natives, and so reckless and groundless was the accusation that rn,mbers of the colonel's family were absolutely charged with participating in the corruption who had never been in India in their lives. But the hon. members were certainly complaining of the suppression of a document several years old, which was commonly known as Major Cartwright's docu ment. " Where is the document," was the universal cry— and echo answered "Where:" The house would be surprised when they heard what this document was. It was nothing me re than a statement of the rajah's case in the English language prepared by his agents in England and sent out to India, where the rajah put his seal to it. Why, was such preposterous humbug ever heard ? He did not regret the discussion also, because it would tend to show that there was a public spirit and an honourable feeling in that house which would protect public servants against charges like that which had been brought forward that evosing. (Cheers.) Mr. ANSTEY admitted that the character of Col. Ovens had been completely vindicad—(hear, heir) —at the same time that he believed the case of the Rajah of t me re maied whe it was. The speech of the hon. baronet who had n just sat down was in itself a proof that a mature and calm inquiry was necessary, beeausc that speech contsieed many inarcuracies, not of conclusions merely, but of state ment. (Cries of " Divide.") As he understood that it was the object of the motion to obtain such an inquiry, he would vote for it. Mr. H. BERKELEY said that on a former occssinn he presented a petition from Bristol. signed by 1,500 persons, in favour of inquiring into the rajah's case. This be thought to b • a large number on such a subject, and on inquiry he found that all the signatures were in the hand-writing of two persons. (Hear, hear.) Oue person said that the rajah was no friend of his—(laughter)—and another said that if the rajah was the Rajah of Sarawak, he had many eriends in Bristol. (Loud laughter.) He saw by a return of the Europeans who received salaries for services in India the name of O. Thompson, for 1,000 rupees a month. It was generally believed teat the hon. gentleman was in the rajah's pay. (Hear, bear.) Sir E. COLEBROOK E defended the conduct of the Bombay government in respect to this case. He had voted for investigation when the rajah was alive, but now that the rajah was dead he thought that this long agitated question should be allowed to rest. (Hear.) He would therefore vote against the motion. Ur. URQUHART said that as the dignity and honour of England were concerned in the result of this matter, he did not think that the death of the rajah altered the question. He did not understand that he should be cried duwn be cause he was anxious to do his duty to India. (Divide.) The hoe. member for Bristol had jeer. d at the petitions pre sented on this subject; but this case was not to be demoted of in this way. A more solemn ease never came before them, and the fair fame of England was tarnished by the proceeding. (Oh.) The charges against the Rajsh of Sat tara would be ridiculous, if they were not atrozious. Col. Ovens ho was ready to acquit upon the evidence in the papers before them ; but he did so only upon that evidence ; and to acquit that officer was only to baiug home the accusa tions to higher authorities. Sie H. WILLOUGHBY said that in the autumn of 1842 Sir J. Carnac sought en interview with him, and told him why he had deposed the Rajah of Sefton, and charged him if ever the question occurred to vindicate his character. His reason was that the rajah refused to accept the basis of the treaty made with him in 1819. (Hear, hear.) But whether the charge; against the Rajah of Satter' were true or false, Col. Ovens had nothing to do with the originating of them. A more honourable man than Cul. Ovens never existed. Mr. G. TIIOMI'SON rose to reply. Before ho proceeded to vindicate his motives, he begged to say one word on the speech of the hon. member for Roxburghshire. If that hon. member had given him notice of his intention to refer to the transaction concerning the King of D. 116, he would only have acted with the ordinary courtesy of members of the house. But for the satisfacti cof her Msieaty's go ys rnment he would make a clear breast of it. He had been conferreil:with by two eminent mussulmen in Calcutta on the affairs of the King of Delhi. He had consulted on those affairs with Dwarganath Tagore, the sea of Ramohun Roy, and persons eminent in the British service in India. Ile had advised upon the case. The deputies were no doubt authorised to make to him large offers, which, however, he was sufficiently experienced to know would never lie redeemed. He, however, went to Delhi, and whet ever he did there he did in entire communication with the officers of the British government in Calcutta. He asked for nothing; he stipulated far nothing; he never demanded a penny remuneration from the king; and when the king offered to pay him he refused to receive a farthing. Ile did nothing except consent to act as the king's ageet in Eng land for one year; and he never since his return asked for or received a single farthing iu any shape from the King of Delhi. (Hear, hear.) Then as regarded the Rajah of Set ters, members did him too much honour when they attn. buted to him personally the getting up of this agitation. With respect to the Rajah of Sattara, he had never had any intercourse with that prince save through the medium of Major Carpenter, and he had never applied to him for any agency or received from him any stipend. He had been ac tuated solely by a desire to see the rajah righted. But he would tell the hon. member for Bristol that he (Mr. G. Thompson) bad stated to the rajah that if he devoted his time to his affairs instead of applying it to the purpose of gaming his own livelihood he expected to be held harmless, es he depended entirely on his own exertions for his live lihood ; aid if an inquiry were gone into, the house would be astonished at the small sums remitted to him by the rajah, considering the vast efforts that had been made on his behalf. To advert to the ease of the rajah he thought it would be more satisfactory to enter iuto a regular investi gation instead of relying upon the statements of individuals with respect to the facts. lie stood upon the contents of the blue books, and he was prepared to implore the house to grant him a committee, in which case he would undertake to prove the statements he had made respecting Col. Ovens. The house had been told that the inquiry was to be of six years' duration, but it would be no such thing. There were twelve distinct charges against Col. Ovens, and he was prepared to sustain them, and to prove 300 distinct cases of suppres sion of corer apondence by him. With respect to the state ment he had made as to the conduct of Sir James Carnac, ho was prepared to maintain their truth before a secret com mittee, it such was granted. The house then divided.—For the motion 8 Against it 77-69 BANKRUPTCY LAWS. Mr. BOUVERIE obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the bankruptcy and insolvency laws. TRUSTEES RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. This bill went through committee, and was reported to the house. The house adjourned at a quar'er-past two. and delays must be taken CIA/11 gran salis—for what they were worth. (Hear.) What was wanted in Ireland was a parliamentary title, and so far ho went with the hon. baronet the member for Clare, that it would be a great improvement in the law to give such a title in la d. After referring to the many disadviuttages of the law of entail, the hon. meta -1 ber contended that all artificial stil.ulants in the shape of loans or grants to create a demand for labour would be of no avail so long as the present law of real property remained. If they would eradicate crime they must so alter the law as to create • race of small proprietors. This was what was recommended by the Irish land commission, and they had added that if the necessary facilities were given, there were numbers of persons in Ireland who would be glad to avail themselves of them, and to invest their capital in small landed properties. So far, therefore, front this bill having a ten dency to reduce, he was justified in saying that its effect would be to inerease the value of property by et couraging competition. He thought Ireland owed a deep debt of gra titude to the English Solicitor-General, who had taken a step in the right direction in respect to this measure, to which, without at present criticising its details, which were in many respects still capable of improvement, be should give his support. (Hear.) Mr. HERBERT, though be did not look Upon the bill as a panacea for all the evils of Ireland, believed it wool : tend to augment the capital of the country, increase employ meat, equalise capital and labour, and improve the condition of the labourer, and he should therefore give it his hearty support. (Ikar, hear.) All the reasonable rights of the landlords were protected I.y the measure, and unless that class were prepared to make some sacrih es of their extreme rights, ere long those rights would altogether cease to exist. Mr. F. O'CONNOR thought the measure a useful one, as releasing Ireland from the dominion of the attorneys and solicitors, and as enabling the landlords to relieve themselves and their tenants without prejudice to the rights of the mortgagees. He thanked the government for this measure —the only one introduced by them for Ireland to which he could give his entire and hearty assent, Mr. S. CRAWFORD opposed the am nrlment, and cor dially supported the bill. The cause of Ireland's distress was want of employment and wages, which want was greatly aggravated by the emlarrassed state of landlord and tenant. (Hear hear.) It was impossible to remedy . the evils arising out of charges upon land, unless by improving the laws by wl.ich that land was held. Ile therefore hoped the house would pan this measure. (Cries of " Divide.") Sir G. GREY said that if the house would now terminate the discussion on the minciple of the bill, he would fix Thursday for the consideration of its details. Mr. CALLAGHAN opposed the bill, believing it would cause more injury than relief to Irish proprietors. He would much rather see the government engaged in an endeavour to improve the law of parl:amentary elections, by a gistration bill, and a bill for the better reguleion opolling places. Col. DUNNE likewise opposed the bill, and expressed his regret that it bad been brought forward with. out having first received the sanction of the law officers of the crown either in Ireland or England. The Attorney-General for this country had not even made his appearance during the discussion of the measure, so re• luctant was he to Rive it his countenance. Mr. F. O'CONNOR.—Iie is prosecuting the chartists. Col. DUNNE (continuing) —lt might be so; but that could have been obviated by fixing a day for the discus sion when that learned functionary eJuld have been prerient. Regarding the bill itself, he believed it would precipitate the transfer of property, instead of gradually faci.itating it, and would therefore detest the object in view. It was surrounded with embarrassing technicalities, which would only aggravate the existing evils, and have the effect hesiika of throwing a quantity of land into the market at a time when a remune rating price could not be had. Ile was not opposed to a in &ions measure for regulating the transfer of estates in Ireland, but he saw as many objection to the details of this that when they went into committee he should feel it his duty to oppose it. The amendment was then withdrawn. The house went into committee pro jiff ma and having resumed, the chair- Tan reported progreto, and obtair.ed leave to sit again on Thum*. Sir 0. GREY hoped to go into committee on the bill soon after 5 o'clock on that day. CORN MARKETS (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee, after a short conver sation, originated by Mr. OSBORNE, who declared it to be a most useful measure, as regulating the Irish corn markets, and imposing penalties for certain offences connected with obstructing them. Bill to be reparted to morrow (this day). 5 The house then adjourned tillo'clock. The house resumed at that hear accordingly. CASE OF LIEUT.-COL. OVANS. Mr. G. THOMPSON rose to move, pursuant to notice, for a select committee to inquire into the coiffiuct of L'eut.- Col. Charles Ovens (of the Bombay army),while British politi cal resident at the court of Sattara ; and into the proceedings of the Bombay government and the Court of Directors of the East India Company, in relation to certain charges pre. ferrcd against that officer. Ile admitted at the outset that this motion involved a personal charge; but it was against an individual of whom he (Mr. Thompson) had no know ledge, and could therefore have no personal motive in briuging forward this charge. lie only dii so because Col. Ovens was a public servant; and on the same grounds he was bound to impeach the conduct of those under whom that officer bad acted, and by whom his acts had been sanctioned and approved. He did not regard Col. Ovals as the exclusive, or even the principal, offender, but merely as • link connecting those acts with the Indian go vernment. This question was inseparaaly connected with the fate of the Imo illustrious prince, the Rajah of Sattara, with the disposal of his now vacant throne, and with the destiny of the people now without a prince. lie had long indulged the hope ef seeing this question fairly investigated, and with that view had frequently but unsuccessfully brought it before the court of directors of the East India Company. The charges he had; now to prefer against Col. Ovens had been preferred there ; copies of the charges were furnished to him and of the documents by which those charges were sup ported, but to this day not a tittle of counter-evidence had been adduced by the directors. He had still Tepid that the directors would do justice, and that hope had been revived on the death of the individual who hal been placed on the de posed rajah's throne, which gave the Indian government the , onportunity of placing on that throne the ad o pt ed child of ' the deposed rajah as a species of justice to his memory and [ compensation to his family. He had waited for this till the eleventh hour, but the applications to the right hon. genth man tie President of the Board of Con trol had not led to any result, nor had the court of directors taken any desisive step. At length they had adopted a re m durion on Wednesday last, which comoelleet him (Mr. Thompson) to adopt the course he now took, denying that the late rajah was competent, owing his being guilty of treason, to adopt a son to succeed him in his dominion. He should now show that there were abundant grounds for doubting the guilt of the late prince, and if his innocence could be established by an in quiry into all the facts, it was the duty of the house to grant such inquiry. Col. Ovens had put forth an elaborate defence of the charges brought against him, which he declared to be false and groundless. lie (Mr. G. Thompson) could only express • deep conviction that he was able to prove them, and he would do so if he had a committee granted him. Colonel Ovens complained of the vindictiveness of the charges, and , urged that he was relieved of responsibility by virtue of the orders under which ho acted; but he could never be relieved of the responsiffilil of telling the truth. He contended that Col. Ovens did, on his arrival in Sattara, in his eapaeity as resident, give his aide-decamp money to procure documents from a native servant called !Show Lely, in order to incul pate the rajah, whom it was his duty to protect. He had not lightly brought these charges against Cot. Ovens, and should not lightly abandon them. If any ono would read Sir J. alalenlin's instructions to residents, he ,oul.l fi of that Cal. Ovens had directly violated every one of them. That officer was sent to act as a friend to the Rajah of Sattara, But how did he act ? The papers proved that whilst Colonel Lodwick was yet resident at Sattara a conspiracy was got up between • Lieut. Horne and a cer tain native called Paudurang Hari, in order to procure trea sonable documents against tha nine; and these were con cealed from Col. Ladwick until Col. Ovens arrived, when they were communicated to him. The duty of that officer was to institute inquiries as to the persons who had aced in this matter ; but instead of that, he authorised Capt. Durant to give Bhow Lely 200 rupees, in ori:er to get these docu meets, and promised more money if the rajah should ulti mately be criminated. This native servant of the rajah, however, repented, and warned his prince Col. Ovans never informed the government of Bombay of his proceedings ; nor did they come out until some time alter. It was only in the September following that Col. Ovens confessed, under cons- I pulsinn, what he bad done. The man, Bhow Lely, who had been suborned, returned the money, and confessed all; on which the rajah wrote a statement of tho whole transaction to his friend Dr. Mile, of Bom bay. The c - rresoondence was sent to the Go. vernor-General of India, who transmitted it to Col. Grans, with directions to him to make any remarks upon it that he deemed necessary. Col. Ovans confessed, and his agent also (Capt. Duran.) confessed, that they had suboxped witne‘sea against the rajah ; hut Col. Ovens said that fur the present he would nut act on the evidence he had procured, but would give the rajah another trial. Now, was this con duct worthy of a British officer, who, whilst he professed to be on • friendly footing with the prince at whose court he was placed as a protector, was acting in this treacherous man ner? That was the .fir.t charge against Col. Ovens. The former resident (Col. Lodwick)-had been removed in conse quence of his not enjoying the confidence of the rajah. Col. Ovens was seat to endeavour to win back this con fidence; and the result he had stated. When the rajah was apprised of the intrigues which had taken place, he summoned Col. Ovens to his presence, and then placed in his hands • letter addressed to the Bombay government, praying to he relieved from his government, since he found that covert attacks continued to be made upon his character. This letter, Cal. Ovans, as in duty bound, delivered to the Bombay government. The rajah'e touching appeal for justice was met by the Bombay council with a minute signed by the government, intimating that the application indicated • sense of guilt, and that no notice ought to be taken of the rajah's letter, so that he, a sovereign prince, never received any answer to hie letter. It must be recollected also, that from June to Sept., during which Col. Ovens had bribed and suborned the rajah's native servant, Bhow Lely, and procured the letters already referred to, no mention was made by that officer of the corre spondence having taken place. The whole papers had under gone inspection by an English barrister, who pronounced that they exhibited a con inuous desire on the part of Col. Ovens to procure evidence in every possible way tending to inculpate the rajah ; and . yet, notwith standing all this, Col. Ovens did not hesitate to make affidavit that he had never bribed any one to procure evidence against the rajah. The defence which C ol . Ovalle would set up was that the 200 rupees were given to the native in order to defray the charges of his journey to procure the papers; but whoever knew the value of money in India would at once see that Otte wan a futile pretext, for 200 rupees was a The Orpreiso. MAILS. The mails for British North America, and the United States, will be made up on the evening of the 14th July. The Weal India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Havanna, Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Ceuz, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and inelteang those for Madeira, Jaemel, Carthagen Banta Martha, Chagres Panama, We}t. Coast of South America, and St. Juan-dc- Nicaragua, will be made up on the evening of the 17th July. The melte for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, aladeire, Cadia, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 17th July. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malts Greece, the lonian Islands Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, (long-Kong. and China, rio Southamp ton. will be made up on the morning of the Muth July. The overland cloned naiad.. eio Marseille., to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon. India, Ilong-Kong, kg., will be made up on the evening of the 24th July. The mule for New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, aid New Zealand will be made up ou the evening of the 31st July. The mails for the West axed of Africa and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the 31st July. The mails for the Brazils the diver Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco. Bahia, )la , leira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the evening of the 4th August. NOTICE TO ADVE ZaTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued b., the authorities: of tits Stamp-office, during 1847, to toe DAILY NEWS was 3.447.000 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Berea, Morning Chronicle, anA Morning Pat, ILL PUT TOOETItER, In addition M the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Doming Paper, there were issued for the Eynon?' Edition, THE EXPRESS 778.714 Which was more, we believe, than were Lotted either to the Globe or Standard, Evening Patters. TO COMMPONDLNIL T. D. ti.—Tee . •.• atetyrtioyetenta latterly& fee "The Taperer Ittedatt a"eale We. tat. Ift .t olltee. te r Vaasereyetreet, by Tare debt... the &ea etteatatal a 0100 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. TAI• Paylloeslag, IA Ws. put 10; Lftwes" AAA ANA IL To-Amor —Mania& o inia.post 0 Moosooa a oon.ooot o. LONDON.TVEDNESDAY.JUL Yl2. THE good people of Dublin are doomed, it would appear, to a disappointment. It had been very gene rally rumoured and believed for several weeks or months back, that the court would visit Ireland this autumn. Without any formal announcement of such an intention, intimations in various quarters had been I given that such would be the case. And the wish that it should was as general as the expectation. But, if we may credit the awkward and offensive exposition of the royal movements which has recently appeared in a morning contemporary, the QUEEN is not to see her ancient realm of Ireland during the present year. Had the reason assigned for this change of plans been in any degree connected with the personal de- sire or convenience of the sovereign, we should lad think of making any commentary thereon. we je cline to the belief that royalty , like m any h umble stations,oftentimes requires relaxation and repose; sail slightest reason to suppose that heel% the last indulgence which her subjects would thik of grudging their QUEEN, would be that of a brief to any particular scene or e/i retirement from the publicity of state sash goadls r ecu r r ence i men and true would wish to see it; as her Majesty has, ore more than one co. casion, sought in the most northern province of her dominions. And it is wholly needless to add, that enjoyed as soon and as long as they required b w mea e n re teeti, t tel e might be deemed salutary. But, happily for her Majesty. Do considerations this kind need be thought of; end, unhappily for her Irish subjects, other cop, aiderations of a very different description ho e been and must be contemplated. We see given authoritatively to understand, that r eeve re asons of state have changed the royal route ° from Dublin to Edinburgh ; that not the will of the monarch, but that of her ministers, has influencedtha ungracious decision; and, most strange of all, thee these constitutional advisers desire that it should be known that they have been coerced into offering the unwelcome eouneeL Coerced by whom? The peaceable and lova] of all classes of the community in Ireland may well ask the question. What wretched squad of despe. redoes have stolen by night within th e precincts of the palace, and there be en telerated while they muttered insolent menaces or in. coherent threatening.? Can it be possible that at this time of day the persons who surround the throne arc capable of being duped by the empty vapouring of a handful of literary incendiaries into the absoed mistake of supposing that the QUEEN would not be received with =vily reepea and heap table homage by every class and sect among the Irish people? Bravoes and braggarts there have be en and will be in every community, so long as notoriety is to be won by escape*, or money made by pandering to the evil passions of the ignorant and credulous. But really ti concede to such persons the dignity of being a dangerous rate lority of a whole people, and to tell the wotdering world that before the power of Messrs. DoIiENT, 011Eles, and M'GHEE—(for all the others we believe arc already in gaol)—the QUEEN is to desist from her intention of visiting Ireland, does, we must con fess, appear to us either the most ineffable libel on the sense and judgment of the govern= nt, or the mod wanton triumph that was ever given to bullying end insolence. We verily believe there is not an Irishman of any spirit or condition who will not feel himself humi liated by the imputation thus cast upon his race end country. lfepealers, as such, have never had much flattery from us. We think them in error, and we have never ceased to remonstrate with them w er e. ingly on the folly of their theories of parliamentary change. But to say or to insinuate that 99 oat of every 100 Irishmen who profess repeal opinions would not rally as loyally as any other men Toed the person of their sovereign, would not hail ha coming amongst them as a proof of the abiding confidence which ought ever to subsist bAween rulers and ruled in a free laud, or that they would need orders to trample in the dust any cowardly or caitiff attempt to offer her offence, is, we firmly be lieve, as gloss a misapprehension as ever entered into the mind of man. It was only the other day, however, that we took occasion to notice the sinister suggestions upon other subjects of importance which had bee offered to the cabinet by certain worthies of the obsolete orange school. " Evil communica tions corrupt good manners" among politicians as well as other folks ; and we should not feel WO nished if the announcement of the interreptionce indefinite postponement of the contemplated visit of the court to Dublin were received with open stir faction by the party, whose chiefs have lately beset the Home Secretary with their complaints and de mends for new coercion. That from such a quarto any suggestion or advice has been actually taken by the government we cannot bring ourselves to believe, bat we earnestly admonish ministers to consider what the end of a course of policy must sooner or later be, which wins the fatal confidence of the hereditary an tagonists of freedom, just in proportion as it alienates the trust and love of the great bulk of the community. A mare needless or more impolitic misgiving we believe was never harboured than that to which we have adverted. We dislike evade and prodigality in high places as much as need be; and we shoal! be sorry to see a royal progress through I r eland candied on a scale of wasteful and extravagant expense, either on the part of QUEEN or people. But that the QUEEN of the United Kingdom should not be at liberty to visit that which forms one-third part t/ erect n hen ever she desires to do so, seems to us to be either strangely unmeaning, or to mean much more than the world understands, or than it is either safe, env, or ermanently practicable to hide from view. --- Tire "free and independent" electors of Great Yarmouth, having been afforded an opportunity of sending two members to represent their political opinions in the House of Commons, have indepen dently resolved not to avail themselves of it. They could not indeed refuse to retain two members, but they have sent two whose votes, if there is faith in professions or consistency in conduct, will neutralise each other. The electors of Great Yarmouth have coupled a tory with a whig member, in order that the rresentation of Great Yarmouth may neither tell fo r nor a gai nst any of the great measures upon which these parties profess to be divided. And they have done this altiaoagla there were two liberal candi dates in the field. But we must put the s.ddle on the right home. The whole of the electors of Great Yarmouth are not to be blamed for this absurd reult of the election. Nor has the conduct of the parties to whom it is owing been simply absurd. A stronger epithet of condemnation must be applied to it. Mr. RT:3IBOLD, the whig candidate, is one of your old and moderate whip, who aro always warning men to distr ust e adth beyo nd the the stabi of li icians who go even a hair- br eadth in liberality; he is a Lord Join Itessett man. Mr. Ilaesnsws, the other liberal candidate, is a supporter of extended suffrage, short parliaments, and vote by ballet; and, though " proffering a general support to I liberal administration," he considers it his duty " te regard the in'erent value of measures prw,iosed rather than the men," and ri serves to himse lf " the right of acting . as an independent and anbiassed member d the legislature." The third candidate, Mr. Saenos, calls himself a liberal conservative, but came formud under the auspices of Sir E. K. ae, the dictator of the old red tory party. Mr. BAGSHAWE was invited to stand for Great Yet mouth at the general election in 1817 by some of the most influential of the liberal parts-, and was warmly r eceive i by the independent and liberal elector& Oa the late occasion lie was induced to offer himself again, by the expression of an earnest desire that he would do soon the part of a num' rous and rapt ctable body of the liberal electors. It would perhaps have been too much to expect that a whig of the old school, like Mr. RI:MR(1LO, should endanger his return by allying himself with an independent liberal; but it cart anly was not too much to expect that he would re far regard common decency as not to coalesce with de tories to ensure the rejection of the libe ral. Yet tin, Mr. RUMBOLD and along with him some of than identical local leaders of the liberal party who first invited Mr. RAGSOAWE to offer himself to the COD btituency, have done. There can be no doubt as to this shameless coali tion: the avowals of the parties, the analysis of the poll, prove it beyond dispute. Mr. Iteunoto, with unparalleled meanness, thanked the tories on the hustings at the nomination for allowing him to get in. " I owe many acknowledgments to that party tor not having . brought forward a second candidate." An analysis of the poll shows, that while Mr. BAGSO the independent, received 186 plumpers from liberals disgusted with the unprincipled coalition between wing and tory, 88 tories and 22 wings hid sufficient self-respect to stand aloof from it, and plump for their respective candidates. The day was carried for the allied whig and to r y by 238 votes split between RUMBOLD and SANDARS• 71 "ig a having the courage to give their second votes to BaGsitaWa, and 40 tories expressing their zontempt for the shabby policy of their party by also cotin3 for him in the second place. Lord Joint RUSSELL and the 131 members Out sneaked out along with him in the wake of the 221 tories who rejected Mr. liCmitte motion, ought to receive Mr. RCMBOLD, when he presents himself in the House of Commons, with an ovation. lie hie