The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-04 00:00:00

WIMME I PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. Mr. CARDWELL wiehed to ask a question revealing a bill which stood in the orders for that day—the Public Health Bill. Copies of the amended bill bad been received that morning. It was a bill in which all ulous communities took a great interest, and it was very desirable that it should not go into committee till these parties had bad an opportunity of Wing it in its corrected shape. Perhaps the noble lord opposite (Lord Morpeth) could give the house a general idea as to the time when the bill might go Into committee. L or d MORPETH said it was quite fair that the parties referred to s h ou ld have the opportunity of ma the the am ended bill. He had n o intention of moving the com mittee this week; and in the absence of the noble lord at the head of the government he did not like to pledge himself ; but he hoped the government might assign Monday next for the committee. EQUITY EXCHEQUER—IRELAND. In answer to Mr. O.IIOUNS, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that in the present state of the public business, it a as impossible tor him to say when the bill for regulating the Court of Equity Exchequer in Ireland would be i A ntrod M. uoed. HORSH In answer to the Earl of Mantis, Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was his intention to move for leave to bring in a bill to-morrow (this day), for the pur pose of instituting inquiries into the corrupt practices al leged to have taken place in this borough. OATHS OF MEMBERS. On the motion of Mr. GOULBURN, the following members were nominated as the committee on the oaths ot members: Goulburn, Sir R. Peel, Mr. Anon ey.General, Sir F. Thesiger, Lord Set mew. Sir O Clerk, Mr. Bernal, Mr. Henly, M . O'Connell Mr. Cardwell, Sir W. Heath cote the J r udge Advocate, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Th or n y , ' e Mr. Ord. NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. LABOUCHERE, in reply to Mr. BAILLIE, stated that he could hold out no hope that it would be in his power to bring forward the subject of the navijation laws, or to lay the bill on that subject on the table of the house, before IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY, APRIL 3. The LORD CHANCELLOR hook his seat at 5 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. COMMlTTEE.—Henesee's Mien. I". PUBLIC BUSINESS. THIRD READlNO.—Borough Police Superannuation Fund MIL NOTICE OF MOTION.—Ooo FILLLOWS SOCI Societies TTIM—Lord Base user, to-morrow {MB day), to present a bin legalising the el Odd renews. AFFAIRS OF ITALY. The Earl of ABERDEEN eras desirous of putting • q uestion to the noble marquis opposite, r elative to insporuut events which had recently taken place in the north of Italy, and as he had given his noble frieud notice of his intention, he would, with their lordships* permission, proceed to put the question. (Hear, hear.) It would be in their lordships' remembrance that some weeks ago the noble marquis laid on the table of the house, although without any explanation, or without any motion having been made on the subject, a correspondence that had taken place with the Austrian sa vernment, as to the possibility of any interference in all affairs of Italy. He did not apprehend the precise objeet of this communication, hut the correspondence concluded with the declaration. " Any aggreesion on the territories or rights of the King or Sardinia would not be viewed by the government of Great Britain with indifference. mean a This expression in diplomat ic lan g uage might great deal or very little, but, at all events, it would enable the party making it to act afterwards according to what might appear expedient and just. Whether a similar re presentation was made at the same time to the court of Sardinia, nautst is mutant:Gs, ho did not know , but such un doubtedly ought to have been the case. It appeared to him that such a decieration to the Austrian government was alto gether needless, as there was no apprehension of egression on the part of Austria, whilst there was some reason to sup. se that aggressive. would proceed from the other side. This probability might be increased in every mind when it was recollected what had been the ancient and constant policy of the house of Savoy. It was a maxim of one of the princes of that home that Lombardy ought to be considered sr au artichoke, to h e eat. n leaf by leaf. (" Hear," d a laugh.) Perhaps King Charles Albert might have thought his appetite would be able to devour the whole plant; but be that as it might, it was to be observed that, amidst the oonvulsious which they had witnessed around—convul sions of an unexampled, alarming, and portentous charac ter—the King of Sardinia had been the first c rawpowr o bear. had di r ectly violated the public la w of Europe. (Hr. ) I He had commanded hie troops to enter the territory of a neighbouring, friendly, and allied power, without the slightest pretext of a grievance, without any . provocation, without any complaint or reason whatever assigned, and in direct violation of engagements by which be, as well in as this country, was bound. (Hear, hear.) He had nothing to say s% to the endeavours of the people of Lombardy to shake off the Austrian yoke ; if it was their wish, he ouly hoped they would Had themselves as happy and prosperous here after as they had been under that yoke. But their lord. ships were not to euppose that this endeavou b r was made ad against un usurping power, because Lombardy h been under the dominion of the family of Aus tria for three centuries, and since the treaty of Utrecht had been positively sesigned to the Emperor and his tamely. He had no opinion to give; be had only toresu offe or the people of Lombardy hi e good wies for the lt any effort which they might make. It wan the violation of treaties and public law alone that he wished to notice ; and the question wt ich lie would put to the noble marquis was, whether, considering what took place with the Austrian government on this subject, her Majesty's government had , 1 at any time expr. seed to the Sardinian government that any aggression of the description he had alluded to, and violation et those engag , meats by which the King of Sardinia, as well at this country, was bound, would not be viewed by Great Britain with indifference ? (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWN el felt the importance of the question, and had no objection to answer it ; but at the same time he hoped the noble earl would excuse bins from following him into any general observations—(hear, hear) — be they more or less wise or politic. (liege, hear.) Ihe words of the notice which he had received were '• respecting the course pursued by the British poverament in conse quence of any interference in Lombardy of the Pied montese troops." He was not prepared to state at that moment any particular course which it was the in. tention of the government to pursue. He could, however, state—and he was glad to have an opp Reunify of stating to the noble earl—that although it was quite impossible that the British government could have received any application from Austria on the subject—and as the noble earl knew this country was not bound by any treaty to assist the Austrian prover—yet, unbound as they were by any engage ment, her Mei sty's government did think it right and expe dient to desire their minister to express their hope and con fidence, that in the M ajes t y tate of all the countrii in that part of Europe, his the King of Sardinia might be advised to °heave a perfect neutrality. (Hear, hear). That was the advice given by her Majesty's minister again and again, and it was not far him (the Marquis of Lansdowne) to say how far that advice might have had any influence in retarding any operations on the part et the King of Sardinia. This advice having been given over and over again, and he hoped for some time with succe.s, there could be no doubt that in the state of the Milanese territory, his Majeaty the King of Sardinia thought he was justified in taking the course whi h he had subsequently adopted. He could, however, confidently say, that the move ment of the King of Sardinia had been made not only without the concurrence of the British government, but against their advice—(hear, hear) —and the instructions were submitted to the representative of Austria in this country before they were transmitted, and he was satisfied with their terms. Lard STANLEY thought, while it was advisable to say as little as ponaihle on the subject, it was necessary to take the earli,st opportunity of marking the first occasion in which an example had been set which, if followed up, would be moat dangerous to the peace of Europe. He fully recog nised the doctrine laid down by her Majesty's government, of the right of ad nations to introduce any internal reform and modification of their itistituttons—(hear, hear)—which they might conceive for their own advantage, and that there was nothing which could justify any other nation interfering with their internal allies by an armed force; and if, in de ference to an opinio.i, not over courteously expressed, Austria had abstained from interfering with the internal affairs of Naples, Italy, and Sardinia, be thought she had set an example which might have armored her against the armed invasion of the King of Sardinia. It was a dangerous doctrine to admit the right of any individual nation, from sympathy the supposed grievances of another country, to interfere in the internal affairs of that country—(hear, Lear)—and Great Britain, with all her outlying possessions, ought to he the first to protest against any such step. This was the first instance of an interference of that character, and if it was 110 t put down by Europe and the civilised world, the best efforts of the British government to prevent a general and eanguin ay war would be unavailing. EMIGRANTS TO CANADA. Lord STANLEY compleined of a bill which had been brought into the Canadian legislature, imposing a tax of 10s, without .distincton' of age, on all emigrants to Canada, and containing other vexatious clauses, and raked whether it was the intention of the government to ask her Majesty to give it her royal assent ? Earl GREY thought some of the provisions could not pose 'ably be carried out, particularly the s t h and 6th, im p osin g on masters of vessels, under a penalty of 51. in each sue, a duty which they could not possibly perform. It was very natural that the Canadians should feel strongly on the sub ject, as the net revenue which the colonists had incurred last season from sick emigrants, forwarding others, and so on, amounted t,44,0011.; in addition to which the unlit frightful calamity had been entailed on the province, by sick emigraute having introduced ftv, r and other diseases among the tithe. bitanto. (Hear, hear.) It was a delicate thing to give any advice to her Majesty with a view to annul an act of the Canadian legislature. Ile should, however, address a de spatch to the governor general strongly recommending the amendment of some of the most objectionable clauses, and he hoped it would reach him he fore the bill had passed both I houses of the legislature. It would not be well to interfere with the acts of the colonists, especially on a question, the merits of which they were peculiarly able is judge, and I when it was no evidently the inte rest of the Canadians to encourage emigration. (Hear.) After a few inaudible words from Lord MONTEAOLB and the Marquis of LANSDOW NE, the subject dropped. RACING SWEEPS. Lord LYTTELTON tanked, pursuant to notice, whether the government intended to take any steps to prevent the lotteries called " racing sweeps " being held in public- houses ? The Earl of EGLINTON understood that these lotteries were conducted at licensed public.houses only, and on the fairest principles. Ile therefore thought it would be unjust to put down the practice in public-houses, when they could not interfere with the hotting whisk took place in clubs. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied that the govern ment were not prepared et pr, sent to take any steps in the matter. Their lordships then, at a quarter before seven o'clock, Easter. Mr. BRIGHT said it would be a great advantage to the manufacturers of Lancashire if, in the present state of the supply in e otton market, the government alwd cotton at p present the in c Havre to be brought over, even in e English ships. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that it was impossible , in the present statd of the law that cotton could be brought from Havre in any ships. The government would not be justified in setting aside those laws for the purpose of allowing cotton to be introduced. EMIGRATION. In reply to Mr. bloesezz, Mr. HAWES said that the Canadian legislature hail passed an act raising the tax on all emigrants landing in Canada to 10s. per head. The act, he believed, contained other and very severe and stringent provisions. It had not, however. been received in this country as yet, and until it was it would be impossible to say how far it would affect emigration. He could hold out no hope of its being possible to diSILHOM that act, which had been passed in consequence of what occurred last year. COLLIERY EXPLOSION AT NEATII. In answer to Dr. Bowthrro, Sir G. GREY said he hail received no official information respecting the explosion which had taken place at Neath. if, on receiving information, it would justify an inquiry, he would institute one. SURVEY OF TilE METROPOLIS. In reply to the Earl of Lienfozw, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the government had expended 1,0001. upon this subject up to the 31st of March but they were not prepared to sanc tion any furtive. expenditure. The Earl of LINCOLN said he understood the survey had been suspended and then renewed. lie was to consider therefore that it was not to be paid for at the public expense. In answer to Sir B. IIALL, Lord MORPETH said that the commissioners of sewers hail come to the .li:inclusion, unless the house and the govern. ment should otherwise determine, that the requisite feet should be drawn from the sewer rates of the metropolis. It was estimated that the whole expenditure, including the triangulation and the block plan would not exceed 26,0001. But the whole cost for which the commissioners of sewers had made themselves lieble related to the triangulation, and that would not exceed 5,0001. THE BISHOP OF EX E l'Eft AM AND TILE REV. MR. GORH. Mr. CHILDERS wished to put a question to the At torney-General, relating to the conduct of the Bishop of Exeter, in refusing to induct the Rev. Mr. Gorham. Mr. Gorham was for 20 years in the church, but as soon as he was appointed to a living the Bishop of Exeter sent for hint and put him under au examination. as to his relieieus principle s, for several days—one day for 11l hours. (Laughter.) The bishop, at last, derided that Mr. Gorham'a views were not in accordance with the church of England, and refused to induct him. He wished to know whether the government had taken any steps to prevent their patronage from being set aside by the Bishop of Exeter ? The ATTOHNEY.GENERAL said he would not make any reference to the conduct of the Bishop of Exeter. It would he sufficient for him to mention what had taken place within hie own knowledge. No quare impeelit could be in. stituted without the consent of the patron ; and the crown being the patron in the present instance, the Lord Chancellor spoke to him on the subject, and was desirous of giving Mr. Gorham an opportunity of showing the correctness of his doctrines. The subject was now under serious consideration with a view of adopting the best course under the circum stances. (Hear.) REVIEW OF TAXATION. In answer to Mr. EWART, Lord J. RUSSELL said that the government were ready to give the subject t consideration.heir careful GALWAY GAOL. Mr. SCROPE wished to draw the attention of the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of the Hume Department to the state of Galway gaol. It appeared that there were 775 prisoners in it, although it was only built to hold 156. Out of that number 108 had died since their confinement began, and 1.1 bad died within 24 hours after the opening of the assizes. In a space of 16 feet square 300 persons had been HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY, APRIL 3. The SPELYER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. REPORTS CONSIDEBEIL—Kettering Small Tenements Rating ; Leicester Cemetery ; BUM BIREIL'OtELD DOCIA.—Sir P. IEGFATOK MOTed, that the evidence taken before the committee+ of this house In 1444, 45, and 17, on the Birkenhead Commissioner. Dock Bill and the Birkenhead Company's Dock Bill, be referred to the committee on Group 10 of private bills. —Agreed to. PUBLIC BUSINESS. Dirsibilities ; Distilling from Sugar ; 888. REPoßT.—Lessee of Mines (Ireland) BBL TIDED READlNG.—Election Recognisance. BBL NOTICE OP MOTION.—Wass LAND. rx DORN; CM itoaday, to mors ice a select committee on thmanage. meat of 'nate knits in Ireland, sad on thc receivership of t he Court of Chancery. NEW MEMBER. Capt. Sommelier, the newt -ele cted member for the county of Monmouth in lien et Lad (1. Somemet, doctored, took the oaths and his mat. NON-ATTENDANCE ON A COMMITTEE. Lord C. DOUGLAS reported that Mr. Chaplin had not attended as a member of the select committee on group No. 4of railway bal.. It was ordered that the hon. member do attend in his place to morrow (this day). STATE OF THE INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES. Mr. RINVLET, in answer to Mr. Rousseau, said that at the reqaeet of ileveral bon. isembars he should postpone his motion on this subject until After lamer. This motion had ?Merolla' to the improvement of the medal and industrial condition of the working classes, and had nothing to do with their political condition. lie might take that opportunity of expressing his tense of the admirable mode in which the working classes had conducted themselves daring their very peat privations. (Haar.) THE • ease in favour of the bill was that a Jew had been returned WOODS AND FORESTS AND LAND REVINU — CB for the City of London ; but that was in bas mind no NA- On the motion of Viscount DUNCLN a select , nten ,.• cient ground for passing this measure. Of all constituencies was nominated on woods forests and land rem 7 none was perhaps more amenable to the influence of wealth Viscount Duncan, Viscount Morpeth, Mr. Puser r, ;- than that of London, and it might easily be conceived that H. Inglis, Sir B. Hall, Mr. Langston, Viscount: 'J to that influence the return which bad occasioned the intro- Mr. Trelawny, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Drummottd,the ge2 duction of the bill was in some degree oaring. He hoped of Lincoln, Mr. Gibson Craig, Mr. J. Wilson, Mr. tei nnag, the house would reject the measure, because he feared that end Mr. J. Lo;ke. ELECTION OATHS. its passing would give rise to a feeling in the country that in these changes they were influenced rather by an indifference Mr. BERESFORD moved, " That it be referred to the to religion than by &spirit of impartiality. (Hear.) committee on election oaths to inquire into the legality., Mr. GORING would not trouble the house to divide on oaths, otherwise than those authorised in such cases wttieh his amendment, which was withdrawn, and the house went have been sworn to by protestant members of this houae into committee on the bill.—Clauses 1 to 5 were agreed to. taking their oaths;" observing that the member for d: On clause 6, (Mr. E. B. Roche), who was a protestant, had taken the Sir H. WILLOUGHBY proposed to add words which oath prescribed for Roman catholic". should prevent Jews being appoint( d to" any office in the gift Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought the notion heel, or appointment of ter Majesty, her heirs or saccemors, to worded and almost inexplicab.e, and hoped that in the which the appointment or recommendation to any office or absence of the hon. member Cork it would not he pre f erm ent whatever in the united church of England and p ressed. Ireland, or in the church of Scotland, may belong." He did After a few words from Sir G. Garr, objectin g tote notobject to some offices in the Mate being filled by Jews, but vagueness of the motion, it was withdrawn. it would be a most anomalous thing that a Jew should have The house adjourned at one o'clock. any power over the established church. And, as the bill '.stood, there was nothing to prevent Baron Rothschild becoming prime minister, and thus having in his hands the appointment of the bishops, and the whole control of the chursh of England. Sir J. WALSH seconded the amendment, and hoped his hon. friend would take the sense of the committee against it. Under the bill as it stood, a Jew would not be eligible to hold the office of Lord Chancellor, and, onthe same prin ciple, he should be ineligible to the otitis of prime minister — an office to which pertained a fee greater amount of cede eiestical patronage than that of the Lord Chancellor. The ATTORNEY.GENERAL said that all the argu ments which were urged in support of this amendment bad been urged against the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. It was a mistake to suppose that. a Jew could not, as the law stood, hold ecclesiastical patronage; he was fully competent to do so, and there was no occasion whatever for introducing further legislation on the subject. He hoped the amend m. nt would not he pressed. Mr. BANKES argued that, if the great seal could not be held by a Jew, on account of the patronage of ecclesiastical benefices, the same exclusion ought to apply to t he Chancel lor of the Duchy of Lancaster, the President of the Board of Control (who had large ecclesiastical patronaite in India), and the Colonial Secretary, who were all on the same foot- ing. It was no answer to him to quote the 10 George IV. (the Roman Catholic Relief Act), because he did not concur in that measure, and would not consent to its being made a precedent for other innovations. Mr. REYNOLDS asked why the Jcw was excluded from the lord chancellorship of Ireland ? If this was done be cause the Roman catholic' were excluded from this office he , would observe that the Lord Chancellor of Ireland had not the patronage of a single living. An injustice having been committed towards the Roman Catholics in this re sped, why should the injustice be indorsed on the back of ' the Jew ? (Laughter.) lie would support the omission of the word " Ireland" from the clause, otherwise it would be a justification of the exclusion of the Roman catholics for ever from that office. On the bringing up of the report he would move this amendment. After a few words from Mr. ANSTEY, ?dr. GARDNER contended that the private patronage of the church of England was a great disgrace to it. ELECTION CONINIITTEES.—YESTERDAY. BODMIN.—The case against Mr. Wyld being deem, the committee commenced their inquiry into the charges against Mr. Lacy, and exam:ned several witnesses relative Is the issue of treating tickers. Ithe erproo. MAILS, The mails for the Brazils, the hirer Elate, Monte Vid eo, rim.. Moo, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will ne made up sh evening of the 4th ApriL The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gambit will be made up on the morning of the 7th Apnt. Tim overland eluted moils, Ma Marseilles, to the Mtdilerruwaat Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, hlls, Hong-Kong, Sic., will he made up on tin evening of the 7th Apnl. The mails fur British North America, and the United States, will be mae up an the evening of the 7th April. The West bailie Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, Mane eL Madura.% New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Rico, ea including those for Madeira, Jamul, Grthagena, Santa Martha, alums, Panama, West Coast of dos* America, and nt. Nicaragua, will be made up on the eesolog of the 17th Aprii. The overland mails lot Gibmltar, Malta, Oreeee, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, liong-Kong, and China, Pia noutbazqs ton, will be made up on the morning 01 the 20th April. The mails fur New South Wales, Via 1:11121101'. Land, and Neff Zealand will be made up at the evenhigittibe 30th April. The mails for the West C,,aet of Africa and Madeira wiil be made op on the evening of the 30th April. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number or STAMPS issued by the authorities date Stamp-office, during 1b47, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, esed Morning! Post, ALL TUT TOGETHER. In • dition to the above, uaied to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued far the Evening Edition THE EXPRESS 778,714 Which was more, we Relieve, than were issued either% the Globe or .Slandard, Evening Papers. (" Question.") Lord J. RUSSELL said he understood the object of the amendment to be to take away, not the power of appoint ment, but of recommendation to an benefice. In the Roman Catholic Relief Bill there was y act such restriction ; and, in fact, there was no office to which the power of re commending positively belonged. The highest recommen tion, that of the ministry, had frequently been exercised by secretaries of state and the lords privy seal ; but there was no one to whom it belonged of right. Therefore it appeared to him that the amendment was unnecessary. Sir 11. WILLOUGHBY said it was a fact, and a great fact, that the prime minister did appoint all the bisnops, whatever might be the right to do so. The committee divided.—For the amendment 99 Against it Sir R. 11. INGLIS proposed at the end of section ti, page 4, to add these words, " Or judge of any of Her Majest y's courts of law, or member of Her Majesty's most honourable' privy council." He objected to any measure which would place in the privy council persons who could not give her Majesty sound advice in her double capacity as head of the state and head of the church. He also objected to giving the Jew power to decide Christian causes between Christian TO CORRESPONDENTS. Iverttaeloeate latea4•ll Sae .. Tbe Ewan: Loalna melee per= be at theolliee, la, Neaverle•YON. by Twee afelece ea the day al py 01011 WATER AT LOR DON BRIDGE. T.. D•T —Mosaic& e... past . •11e.aosa,= =Ls past To wousow—Morasog. 4, taw. past tj aiss pus 3. men. SIBTHORP seconded the amendment. Under this bill a Jew might become speaker of the house, and, in that case, haw could he join in the usual prayer with which busi ness was eimmenved. The committee divided.—For the amendment 109 Against it The clause was then agreed to, ax were the remiining clauses. Mr. C. ANSTEY moved the following clause : And whereas no alteration aright can or ought to be made in any matter belonging to the doctrines or dtseipline of any religion. com munion save with the full and free conocut and concurrence of the proper ecclesiastical authority, and according to the laws and usages of ouch communion t be it therefore enacted, that from and after the mooting of thia act, it shall not be lawful for poliament to make any enactment for changing or altering any matter belonging to the doc trine or diociptine of the United Church of England and Ireland, or to the duettine or discipline of the Church of Scotland, sane with the full Lad free consent and concurrence of the and churches reopm lively, such consent and concurrence to be 'Melded in the cane of the said united Church of England anal Ireland by vote of the convocation or eunvocationo of the mid united church, and in the case of the mid Church ot ?Scotland by vote of the General Assembly of the mid church and not otherwise. Mr. 111LDYARD asked if it were competent to move hi: clause ? The CHAIRMAN replied in the negative, and the amend ment consequently fell to the ground. Ti.e preamble was then agreed to, and The CHAIRMAN put the question, that " I report this bill without amendme lILS to the house." Mr. LAW said he should move, as an amendment, that the chairman leave the chair on Friday. (Great laughter.) Mr. LAW (angrily)—l mean that this hill be not now re ported. (Renewed laughter.) The CHAIRMAN —The question is, that " I report this bill without amendments to the house." Do you divide Mr. LAW—Yes. The CHAIRMAN —Strangers must withdraw. Sir It. H. INGLIS hoped that the right hou. gentleman would not divide. Mr. LAW said, all he desired was to insure that this bill should receive full consideration at a period when the termi nation of thy assizes and sessions enabled all the members of the house to be present at the discuss.on. If he could have the assurance that this meusure,.which he felt assured would hereafter be execrated by the people—C oh!";—which he felt would be the first step to the extinction of the Christian character of this country—(" oh ; oh !")—if he could have the assurance that the measure would have a fair considera tion hereafter he would now withdraw his amendment. (Loud Mrs of " Divide," "Oh !" and laughter.) Those cries were nut consistent with peaceful measures, and he would not be put down by clamour. (Groans.) Lord J. RUSSELL understood from the hon. member for the University of Oxford that he wished the third read ing not to take place until Monday next. He had had some oitficulty in agreeing to that arrangement, but, considering that his hon. friend always united the most consciehtious Re ar , opposion to the most courteous bearing—loud cries of (" a hear,")—he had cam.. to the resolution of agree ing to that proposal. With respect to the argument of the right bon. gentleman opposite that the third reading ought to be postponed in order that members might have an opportunity of remai.hig in the country —Gimghter, —he could wily say, that if the right hon. gentleman considered it necessary fur the interests of the church to force the house to a divisisn, he should only regret that the care of the in terests of the church had devolved upon such hands. (Loud and reiterated cheers.) Mr. F. MACKENZIE, as a consistent opponent of the bill, thought it would not be aonsistent with usage to divide the house on this occasion. Mr. LAW, under such cir amendment. (Hear, hear.) would withdraw hie On the house resuming, Lord J. RUSSELL wiahcd to say that although be had not considered the course pursued by the right hon. gentle man very discreet or wise, he had not, in what he had said, intended any personal reflection. (Rear, hear.) The bill was then reported. ORDER OF BUSINESS. Lord J. RUSSELL said that on Friday next it was hi s intention to move the second reading of the Landlord and Tenant Bill, for the purpose of referring it to a select com mittee. In the event of that bill net being opposed, he should on that day move the further proceeding with the Health of Towns Bill, instead of taking it on Monday next. Mr. CARDWELL had understood it to have been ar ranged in the ea• ly part of the evening, that the Health of Towns Bill should not be takers until the large towns had had an opportunity of eonsh-ering its provisions. I,rd MOIII'ETH said his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) had not been in the house when that arrangement was made, but he entirely concurred in it, and the bill would accord ingly not be taken on Friday next—probably not until Friday week. (Hear, hear.) DISTILLING FROM SUGAR BILL. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the house went into committee upon this bill. Mr. P. MILES took some objection to the bill, but The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER deprecated discussion on this stage, and recommended the opposition should be reserved ler the third reading. Mr. KERSHAW complained that members could not un derstand what was going on. (Laughter.) There was a sort of conversation across the table, and suspicions were begotten that all was not quite straightforward. (Renewed laughter.) The bill passed through committee and was ordered to be reported. - The house resumed. ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. Mr. S. WORTLEY moved the third reading of this bill. Mr. ELLIOTT—I move as an amendment that it be read a third time this day six months. The house divided—Ayes llB Non 74---44 On our return to the house, Mr. WAWN was speaking. He said he opNeed the bill upon this principle, that members petitioned against had canvassed other members to vote upon this bill. (Laughter.) It was a fact that could not be disputed, aad as en indepen dent member he must enter a strong protest against a bill carried by such means. The bill was then read a third time and passed. SOUTH SHIELDS PETITION. Mr. WAWN moved that the petition of the inhabitants of South Shields on the subject of customhouse facilities, die. (presented 31st March) be printed with the votes ; but the motion having been opposed by Mr. TuoRNELY on the ground that the committee on public petitions had ordered it to be printed, wea put and negatived. LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 4. IT was impossible for a country to d6play more moderation and reserve than has been sheen by all classes of the English people, in presence of the tre mendous revolution, which, like an earthquake, bee rolled from one end of Europe to the other, shaking and rending, if not overthrowing, thrones and em pires. Our middle classes have remained literally mute with circumspection and wonder. The labouring population has not been carried away by such tidings or such example. A very small body of agitators have here and there gathered and perorated, and collected a crowd of idlers; but, in England, and even in Ire. land, too, there is a reluctance to kindle native torches at foreign bonfiras. And, indeed, e hat is • passing abroad has more a tendency to distract resolve, than to attract imitation. Nor have our upper classes broken through the fitting barriers of reserve. The journals, ndeed, which here are catering to their prejudices and fan ning their fears, have no doubt employed every argu ment and every figure of speech to vilipend revela tion and revolutionist. This, however, has not been done in any violent or indecorous way nor, whatever M. LAMENNAIS may say, could it be expected that a republic should find admirers amongst our tories ; or that a provisional government of plebeians should not be quizzed at least for their awk ward and uneourteous attempts at carrying on or re• placing the old machinery of monarchical government. Such contempt or such attacks from English writers the French republicans may very well put up with, especially when convinced that their arrows of ridicule can be pointed by nothing harder than a jest, and that it is quite impossible either to tip them with steel or give them impetus with gunpowder. Our aristocracy are, in fact, bound over by the heaviest recognisances to keep the peace; and however our Foreign-office might rave of war, or meditate remonstrances which smell of it, a very brief communication between the two sides of Dowu ing-street,between the FOREIGN SEcarr.tev and the CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, would soon convince the former that war is a contingeni y which not even parliament, much less any party or ministry of it, durst contemplate, unless under provocations which are not in the rank of possibilities. Anti-Gallicanism is, therefore, a harmless humour. And, no doubt feeling it to be such, those very 'writers who used to infuse most rancour into the sentiment, now think it necessary to soften it down. The Quarterly Review, that organ on French affairs, of the very oldest shade of toryism, has just published its account and view of the recent French revolution. It is as mistaken in facts, as inveterate in spirit, and as wrong in its recommendations as ever, but the tone is much more moderate, the rancour mitigated at least in expression; and even the old Quarterly has felt the progress of the age. Still, with however mitigated a spirit, the QUdr terly Reriew gives currency to a great many fatal errors. It upholds that M. GUIZOT and Louts PittLIPPE were not imprudeutly illiberal in their policy ; on the contrary, that they enjoyed the sup port and approbation of all good and true men ; and that if they failed, they did so from want of resolve, from lack of hardihood and obstinacy, and from not having been sufficiently determined and severe in the work and in the orders of repression. All this is a great mistake, and is supportd by state ments of facts and circumstances, utterly incorrect and calculated to mislead. The Quarterly Reriewer begins to describe the state of things antecedent to the revolution by enumerating the series of poli tical parties. First of these he places the cooseres tives, with M. GUIZOT at their head. But the comer vatives, or Right of the Chamber, were notoriously divided into two sections, one of which disavowed and disliked M. Guizor, and had declared on many occa sions that he did not sufficiently consult the national spirit and liberal wants of the French people. It was with a knowledge of this, that the King dismissed M. Guizor and sent for Count MOLE. Those who fling the blame of vacillation on the King ought ;fully to state the circumstances of the case. M. Gulzor's adminhe tration did not in fact satisfy even the whole of the con servative party. This is mistake the first. Mistake the second is the account given of the national guard as indis posed to the government on account of that govern ment's stability. The fact is, the institution of the national guard had been neglected and purposely thrown into the shade by Louts PHILIPPE and his ministers. Both knew that their government was un popular with the citizens, and instead of trusting them and trying by concessions and liberal measures to recover their confidence, LOOS PHILIPPE and M. GUIZOT thought they might do very well without such adhesion. That policy lost them. We pass over the account of the causes which de popularised the government. The Quarterly Re viewer, true to his principle, scouts the idea of Preach electoral reform; 180,000 electors in a population of 35 millions satisfy him. But it so happens, that not merely the French opposition, but the French con servatives, even M. DUCHATEL himself, admitted the necessity of reform. Why, then, forbid a banquet, in which members of the chamber were to meet to fur ther this came? Government forbade the banquet, End the banquet, in consequence, swelled into a street pro cession. They forbade this, brought the army einuot it, but were afraid to order the army to act. At theesiwghtto its of the m barri ilita e ri d a es nd the KING strife wsa Paris flew frightened, and dismissed M. GuizoT, replacing him by Count MoLE, the chief of the other conservativ! ma tom M. GUIZOT complains that he was dismissed , that he was nut allowed to act. But why did he not act all Tuesday, Tuesday night, and Wednesday morn- is . i EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1848, confined. Sir 0. GREY said there could he no doubt that the ac commodation in the gaol of Golyre) , was very inadequate. lie was not able to state what steps had been taken to re medy the evil, but it rested with the county of Galway as with English counties to proOFvide IRE LA sufficient room. (Hear.) N I). Lord JOCELYN said, in putting the qm iv ion of which he had given notice relative to the state ot I.eland, he felt it was impossible for him to do an without violating the rules and regulations of the house by prefacing it with a few words of explanation. In order, however, that he might be in a situation to crave the indulgence of the house in that respect, he had given notice that he would put the question on taking the order of the day, and he therefore hoped the house would have no difficulty in according to him the in dulgence which he asked. (Hear, hear.) He thought it right to state to the house that, looking to the present state of things in Ireland, he felt it to be his duty, not only es a matter of courtesy but of justice to the govern ment, to enable the noble lord to consider the subject before he was called upon to answer his inquiry, to state to the noble lord the purport of the question which he wished to put to him. Indeed it was impossible that he could have done otherwise than put the noble lord in possession of that information, for he felt that this was not tile time when men could wi-h to embarrass governor - rat, or chi ck the present administration of the attain of Ireland, and he had to thank the noble tort for the permission he had given him to put the question. Ile could assure the house ttrit the answer to the question he was about to put was looked for with great interest by all her Majesty's loyal subjects in Ireland. (Hear.) He believed that the attention of the public, and of every member of that house, must have been directed, within the last few weeks, to the mischh vous and traitorous conduct of certain people in Leland. He believed there was not a single member in that house who had not seen with indignation and disgust the language that certain mischievous and traitorous men had addressed to the people of Ireland avowedly for the purpose of overturning the institutions of the' country and leveing war upon the crown, by inciting the people to overt acts of rebellion. (Hear, hear ) With similar feelings had the public of this country seen that men hail been bound in Ireland so devoid of their own and all national honour as to be at this moment asking from France —a foreign country—the loan of arms to carry nut their ne farious and traitorous objects, and he, as an Irishman, but the representative of an English constituency, felt it to be I his duty, though he did it in sorrow, to call the attention of the English repreaLntatives in that house to the effect of this mischievous language and traitorous' conduct upon certain dissatisfied individuals in this country. The majority of the subjects of this country, he was happy to ssy, were loyal and patriotic; but still, it such language and conduct were allowed to pass unchecked, it would sap the loyal feelings of even the people of this nation. (Hear.) He trusted he had said enough to prove the danger which arose from allowing such things to proceed unchecked. And when he said danger, he did not mean to say there was any real danger to the institutions of the country. No—he be lieved they rested on too firm a bags to be shaken by such langnage,for they did not rest on the bayonets of the soldiery, but on the loyaltf,and affections of the people. (Hear, hear.) lie believed these institutions rested on too large and mound a bte to be so asily shaken. And it was a satis faction to k no w that the e great German nation were only seeking to follow the example which had been set them by the British constitution. The danger which he alluded to was the danger which existed for those men who might be led away by those who were treasonably and mischievously inclined to commit even acts of treason against her Majesty. The Lord Lieutenant had been enabled by his ability, energy, and courage to rally Round, him per sons of all ranks and of all persuasiona—nkolnalffies and catholics—but he had teen unable to pat &in Ws rebel , lions language, or to stop the months of these mischievous men, Feeling as he did, with thouunds of blastula/poet!, that such conduct must lead to bloodshed and horrible colli sion, though he did not fear the result so far as the safety of the institutions of the country was concerned, yet he de plored the consequences which must ensue if this laeguage remained unchecked. They had in their Memories the re collection of the blood that had been shed in civil contest" in Ireland; and wishing to see civil war driven from her'shores in the uame of protestants and Roman catholic' he asked the noble lord whether he thought there was sufficient power atill vested in the executive to crush this rebellious spirit at its birth, or whether he did not think the time bad come that some alteration should be made in the law which al lowed the rebellious instigators to escape, whilst their unfor tunate victims would be doomed to condign punishment ? and, further, whether be thought the time had not come when the executive should be endowed with power to act with more vigour and effect when any emergency might occur ? (Roar, hear.) Lard J. RUMIBLL then rose, and proceeded to address the home smut mamma Miaow Sir, I rise with conside rable anxiety to answer the question of the noble lord. It is quits true that language of the nature that he has de scribed has been used to Ireland—language exciting to re bellion against the crown—Language exciting the people to acts of violence against persona and property, and with the view to establish Ireland as a separate nation, independent et the mown of these realms. Such language may at some periods be passed over as the mere ravings ot a distempered &my, which may have Co dangerous effect. Unfortunately it is not e d at the present moment. (Hear, hear.) I attzi buts th effect produced partly to the excitable nature of those to whom such language is addressed—partly to the very great distress which has been felt by all chases now during three years distress which naturally induces them to listen to any desperate remedy; and thirdly, to the great excitement occasioned by the events which have recently taken place in France and in other parts of the continent. But to whatever cause that language is to be attributed it certainly has been followed by the manufacture of pikes, by the formation of rifle clubs and other preparations, which are openly avowed by a per. tion of the press of that country, with a view to create civil I war . Now, sir, I cannot but agree with the noble lord, that be the setae and instigators of that civil war what they may, it is not so much her Majesty's crown—it is not so much the institutions of the country that are in danger, as the peace of Ireland, as the well-being of all classes, especially those classes engaged in the occupations of trade and commerce; and my belief certainly is, that those who have used the langaage to which I have adverted have done so for the purpose of raising themselves, careless of the bloodshed and Mill they may occasion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is, however, a most diffi cult and most delicate matter for the Lord Lieutenant of Ire land to consider what steps ought to be taken. The noble bred has, I think, paid a just tribute to my noble friend now M the head of the government of Ireland—(hear, hear)—and I hope I need not aasure the house that while he is anxious to put down disaffection and rebellion, it is his earnest wish to listen to and promote, as far as lie can, remedy and ame lioration for any distress or evils which afflict that country. With r, street to the means now at the disposal of the govern ment if Ireland for the purpose of meeting the conspiracy to which I have alluded, he has b. en fo constant communica tion with my right lon. friend the Secretary of State fur the Home Department and with myself. Ile has informed us that while on the one side there were evident pre. partitions for rebellion ; that on the other he has received the moat gratifying assurances of loyalty sad support from the members of all classes—from the members of all creeds—from landlords as well as merchants, from p testants ea well a Roman catholics, and hoall parts of t ro he countly. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord must excuse me, if at the present moment I decline rating what further measures are in:contemplation by the LorkLieutenant and her Majesty's government. 1 trust, therefore, that he will be satisfied with the assurance that we have,hoth in Ireland and in this country, most carefully looked into the law Wetting the case, that we have entered into most constant daily communication with the Lard-Lieutenant of Ireland, and should he bo of opinion that further power, are wee.. sail which have not Oct been obtained, I should then feel it my duty—being convinced that such measures as would be no more than necessary fur the occasion would be granted —I should then fed it my duty to come down to the house and ask the house to entrust the govemmeet of the country with such furt her powers. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Lord Clarendon his to consider in any proposal that he may make, and in any wi-h that he may express, ' that if it should appear, or even bear a semblance, that he was favourin uny one class of religionists, or of one par u- lar clam of th e country above another, that he would thereby lose a great deal of the support which he has hitherto ob- I taineel—(bear, hear)—because, sir, as I have already stated, the landlords and members of the protestant profession, clero men of the protestant profession, priers and members of the catholic persuasion, have all jollied in giving him their best support. But the noble lord may rest assured that it is the full determination of her Majesty's government, having the utmost confidence in Lord Clarendon's admieistration, to do i all in their power to support the loyal people of Ireland to maintain the p ace of that country, and that we shall not I shrink from a:-king for further powers upon the subject which may be necessary. (Hear.) THE NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE sail that it was with extreme regret that lie hail heard the Right lion. the President of the Board of Trade make the statement he had with respect to the navigation laws. This measure had been announced ' with other, in the speech from the throne ; all, with the ex ception of the navigation laws , had been brought under the consideration of the house, and of that they had heard no thing until within the last few days. It was now announced that the act for the amendment of those laws would not be introduce d until after Eaatet. The non-introduction of thi measure until after Easter meant that the question would not he disposed of durin the resnt session. He did not think that the country w o uld b e satisfied with that proceed ing upon the part of her Majesty '. government. A measure ' of such importance introduced in May could not possibly be passed during the present session. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he did not think that the complaints of the right hon. gentleman were well founded,con aidering what were the means which the government had at their disposal for the consideration of public basin. ss. He (Lord J. Russell) certainly could not have allowed the In come-tax Act or the Mutiny Act to expire in order to bring the subject of the navigation lows forward. There might also he other urgent measures required with respect to the state of Ireland, and he did not wish to be precluded by the navigation laws from considering that subject. The go vernment had but a few days at their disposal, and the press of public business was very great. Sir R. 11. INGLIS said that if the government required more days in the week, the house ought t i grant them that indulgence immediately after the Easter recess. Mr. lIUME said that he thought it must important that the question of the navigation laws should be speedily settled. (H ear, h , Mr. RICARDO deprecated the delay that had taken place in bringing forward the measure. Mr. IVAWN did not think it fair to press the measure at the present moment, considering that there was a committee sitting at present en the shipping interest, Mr. ROBINSON was of the same opinion. He thought the government had exercised a wise discretion, in not touch ing the navigation laws at present. Mr. LABOCCHERE tit convinced they would do no good by bringing on the measure before Easter ; but be trusted that shortly after the recess the government would be enabled to bring in a measure on the subject of the navi gation laws which would meet with the approbation of the house, and be productive of great good. Mr. MUDS° trusted whew ver the bill was brought in it would not be allowed to pass into a law in the course of the present session. Mr. BRIGHT asked if it had not been the custom in time of war. &c., to grant licenses to introduce cargoes which, under the navigation laws, could not be introduced at other times ? lie asked this question specially with reference to the cargoes of cotton at Havre. Gentlemen opposite, he was sure, would not oppose the issuing of such licenses, as , they would afford employment for British shipping. Mr. LABOCCHERE knew very well that there war cotton in Havre which was not wanted there, and which could not be brought here under the present law. But, in. asmueli as that law existed, he held that it would be quite impossible, and far from just, to evade its provisions by the I issue of licenses. Mr. CARDWELL said the state of affairs was this: we were in want of cotton ; there was at Havre a consider , able surplus supply. Now, all that was asked was, that our merchants might import that cotton to England in British shirr. British workmen would be employed in its mane facture a hen brought here. Those were the facts. They', also, had before them the Queen's speech, in which a revi sion of the navigation laws was advised; but when her Ma jesty's ministers were asked whether they intended to follow up that recommendation, the tone of their answer was such as to afford great reason for doubt. And yet, in the face of these facts the goverument refused to permit our import of cotton, which wits clearly shown to be so likely to prove be teficial to the country. Mr. BRIGHT said the cotton he referred to had never been unshipped at Havre, in consequence of there being no one thera willing at present to receive it. Lord H. VANE hoped the government would introduce a very short bill suspending the navigatiun laws, so as to per. mit the importation of this cotton. Mr. P. SCROPE said such a measure as the noble lord advised might be properly compared with the measure of last year suspending the navigation laws in respect of the admission of corn. There was a dearth of cotton now, as there was a dearth of corn then. Mr. H. BAILLIE said a great deal of virtuous indigna tion appeared to be expressed about nothing; for if we were to pass such a law as that recommended by the two last speakers' we might depend on it that the Provisional Govern ment of France would prohibit the exportation of the cotton referred to, is order to prevent their own artisans from being thrown out of employment by a want of the raw ma terial. Ald. THOMPSON thought such a bill as that referred to would be a very bad and unsafe precedent. He thought her Majesty's government ought at once to take some decisive step respecting the navigation laws. Either they should give up their intended proposal altogether, or else introduce a bill at one.. Mr. KERSHAW pressed on theilhrnest consideration of the government the desirability of doing something for British cotton-spinners. Mr. EWART thought the government ought to settle the. question one way or another. To leave our colonial interests in a state of doubt was exceedingly unjust. Mr. T. BARING said if the necessity of repealing or re laxing the navigation laws was to be tested by prices, he could only remark that the price of cotton was at present very . low in England. He felt that to admit the Havre cot ton in the mode proposed would only be to get rid of the navigation laws by a side wind. (Hear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL.—I only just get up to say that be fore the house adjourns for the Easter holidays I will either fix a day for introducing a measure on the subject of the navigation laws, or I or my right hon. friend will make some decided statement on the subject. (Hear, hear.) The question that the orders of the day be read was then agreed to. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL. On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, in order to go into committee on this bill, Mr. GORING roe to move, by way of amend ment, that "se long, at least, as the Home of Com- MOUS exercise the authority which it at present does exercise over the established church, no Jew ought to the franchise , much less be allowed to alt us this posses" The hon. member said that at present they were in the position of a man who set fire to his neighbour's house, whilst praying that it would not burn. Christianity was so interwoven with our institutions that it was utterly repug nant to place any but a Christian in a position of authority in this country. Suppose there was a committee of that house on the subject of the ohemb, would they excludes J ew ish member from serv ing on it ? It seemed to him that a Jew in that house would be much in the petition of a Christian in India, rtquired to how the knee bermes heathen age. It was not tear or right that the church, if governed i by that hops, should have among its governors men who were not Christians. But there were other grounds on which hi apposed the admission of Jews. The men whom it was proposed to admit to place and power were the jobbers and gamblers of the Stock Exchange—men whoreaped their rich est harvests in times of political disquietude and panic. Was it for the interests of England to introduce such men as these to the councils of the nation (Oh.) One of the apostles of Christianity inciecated that they " should not receive into their house" a man who did not believe in the words of Christ, and yet they were about to admit the reviler of that Christ into their national legialature. (Oh, oh.) If they did 90. he feared they would in consequence draw down upon themselves tke wrath and vengeance of the Deity. (Renew. ed cries of " oh.") He concluded by moving his resolution. The amendment having been put, Lord J. RUSSELL said the lion. member seemed to think that this was a debate upon the principle of the measure. As that debate had taken place upon the second reading, he :rusted the house would not now rc-open it. (Hear, heer ) Mr. C. BRUCE, despite the noble lord's appeal, must rh h a d occasions be be d had no e v . en pre tu .ed re to thing to induce him to change his views. The h sa i s y o a pi f n e i w on w a o g r a d i s n ' st O th n e tw b o ill i,o a rmnde grounds of his opposition might, indeed, be summed up in one sentence, that the hill tended to un christianise the country. He could conceive that for the possible attainment of some great and practical good, con scientious men might be inclined to support on some occa sions measures of which they could not fully approve. But so far as the attainment of any practical good was cancer. ed he could conceive no measure more absolutely useless than the present. It removed no practical grievance. All he could find in it, in fact, wee a practical renouncement of the highest a llegiance of the nation. Politically, he did not think the Ji ws would do any harm by being ad mitted to that house ; except in so far as they would doubtless d, sire to separate the church from the state. for should ae thouht that the histo of the Jewish race r centurit h e ar and centuries pant would, ry from the blighting influence which the wrath of f heaven had cast upon that rac o e, have afforded a warning against the admission any such principle as that now sought to be introduced. The Scriptures abounded with exhortations to nations, and to the governors of nations, to cleave unto the Son of God, and to reject all association with every race Aloe tenets rejected the Saviour. lie should have thought that the experience of only the last two years might have afforded a proof to the British nation of the immediate punishment attending na tional sin. But two jeers since the whole nation had given Rich up to tie , worship of mammon, to the idolatry of cove tousneas, end he would ask whether the punishment of this national sin had not already been felt throughout the land? (Oh, oh.) Fur the sake of a halfpenny or a farthing saved en the pound of sugar the people of this country had consented to the violation of national faith, to the destruction of the West India interest : the punishment had lung since manifested itself. (Oh, oh.) lie had all due respect fur the Jewish people in their personal characteristics, tad he would give them all due protection and due justice in their personal character, but he would not consent to go beyond this point or to act counter to the will of Clod. He could not support the immediate amendment of his hon. friend, because he did not think it just to deprive the Jews of the el, etive franchise which they now enjoyei ; but to the bill its, 1( he should gi e his decided opposition at every stage. Mr. °ARON ER said that, to suit the views of some hou. gentlemen opposite, it would really Becte:elesirable to appoint a committee up stairs of controverted doctrines as well as a committee of controverted elections. He cordially sup ported the bill as a measure absolutely essential for the due accomplishment of civil and political liberty. Ile denounced the church of England as having, for a mess of pottage, surrendered her birthright to the state. The damage that at the present mom, nt threatened the church, as the church, was not the extension of religious liberty to other creeds, but the rottenness which existed in he r own hesom. For the sake of the church her self he earnestly called upon le r tet withdraw the pretensions she , had so long put forwent and so far carried into effect, en maintaining the imperial parliament, not as a protestant parliament, not as a Christian parliament, but us a church of England parliament. The vindication of our common christianity was not apt:cu./ions of the high church party, or cat the church of England ; it was a matter in which the methodists, the baptists, the unitarians, Roman catholic dissenters and protestant dissenters, were equally inte rested, and as leerily. Where, then, were the petitions which these bodies had found it necessary to send forth against this measure? There were none such, or scorer') any ; and the reason was. that these bodies had not the s and fishes to struggle for—the real rationale of the en thusiasm of the church upon this and similar subjects. He himself was wholly opposed to ail church t stablishments whatever ; he regarded the conncsion between church and sate as vrholly incompatible with the spirit of th e age , and was thoroughly convinced that, sooner or later, it must be abandoned. The lamp of old Noeconformity was not yet burned out. Mr. SIMEON should oppose t he introduction of Jews to' parliament, but he could not consent to withdraw from them the p.ivileges which the wisdom of former parliaments had thought fit to accord to them as British subjects. The hos tility which the hon. member who spoke last manifested to the church of England was an additional argument against the admission to thy house of a fresh race of dissenters. Mr. URQUHART supported the bill. He could not un derstand the extension of the Jews from art assembly to which dissenters of every possible description were admitted. Sir W. VERNER could not lose nt to the areument of the last speaker, which went to prove that, because Roman cotholics had been admitted to parliament, the Jews ought not t he excluded from it. The qualification required for a mefolier of parliament was, that he must be a Christian. The law had formerly excluded some classes of persons, not withstanding they were Christians; it had, however, been relaxed in their case. lie was of opinion that no turther relaxation ought to take place, more particularly in the case of the Jew.. Th proposition to admit Jews into the house was guarded by the declaratisn that they were to take the oaths on the same footing that the Romeo catholtes did namely, that they were to stand engaged to do nattily; to injure the established religion of the country. Now, could it be pretended that, ever since the Roman catholits had le en admitfed into parliament, they had not done a'l in their power to injure the church of England—and would the Jews observe their engagements any better than the Roman catholic: had done ? lie felt it to be his duty strenuously to oppose the bill. Lord la Si CART said that the question before the house was wlieteer they were to pursue those principles of tolera tion which were advocated by an large a proportion of the people, and the universal acknowledgment of which had been so advantageous to the best interests of mankind. To those who stomped their fingers at the expression of popular feeling which had been manifested in favour of the emanci pation of the Jews, he would only tem.,. let them remem ber their own appeal to the same authortty, which they had made on the 9901 e subject before Christmas. They then pointed to the disparity of numbers in favour of and ag..inst the admission of the Jews to parliament, and, certainly, he (Lord la Stuart) admitted that the number of persons wile petitioned parliament before Christmas against the admission of the Jews to parliament was ax 13,700 compared with 6,600 in favour of their admission, or, as nearly as pos•Pale, two to one against the present bill. Bat what had been the result of the appeal that had, since that period, been made to the people on the present question ? There were 56,000 persons signing petitions adverse to the Jews, whilst no fewer than 300,000 had signed petitions since Christmas in favour of the emancipation of the Jews ; and the e •uuter petitions had bee n pot up athele-and-cornermeetings, whereas the trieuds of the Jews had agitated openly in favour of their views. All the important towns in the kingdom had shown decided feelings in favour of the measure. London, Dublin, Manchester. Bristol—all the great constituencies of the em pire—hail publicly avowed their opinions to be for the emancipation of the Jews, and only two places had peti tioned against the measure, namely, Jedburgh and Sudbury. On'- of the arguments against the bill urged by the hon. member for Oxford (Sir 8.. Inglis) was, that though the Jews were few in number, they might by their wealth in fluence many constituencies to return them to parliament. That was a strange argument to hear from the hon. baronet, who lie recollected had always in the unreformed parliament advocated the rights of wealth to influence constituencies in returning membeta to that house to protect . property. He denied that there was any feeling throughout the country gainst complete tuieratmoi ; on the contrary, he bell, ved that the great and growing feeling was in a directly coetrary direction. He should Rive his most earnest and hearty sup poi t to the measure before the house. Mr. HORN BY, in opposing the measure, denied that the recent election for the City of London was to be tak n 101 conclueive test of public opinion on the subject. He believed that never on any occasion of a similar kind had great. r ',Tillery or intimidation been practised. (Hear, hear.) He should not be at all surprised if at the next election four Jews were returned for the City of London. He would up• pose this or any other measure which tended to lucre Ise the number of the enemies of the established church in that house. Sir R. INGLIS, in reviewing the opinions of the speakers who had preceded bins in debate, complained strongly of the hostility which the hon. member for Leicester had displayed towards the established church. The sentiments which that hon. member had expressed gave the house a very fair sample of what they might, expect from him when he got , his new allies into parliament. For his (Sir R. Inglis's) part be would not be a party to giving to a new sect of dis senters power to regulate his church, because he believed that that church was as much an integral part of the constitution as Magna Charts or the Bill of Rights. (Hear.) It was because he believed his church to be an integral part of the constitution that he would not consent to admit into that assembly a set of men to make laws and enact regulations for an establishment with which they had avowedly no sympathy or feeling is common. With reference to the proposition of his hon. friend the member foor Shoreham, he concurred entirely with its principle, but as a question of expediency, he would recommend his hon. friend to withdraw it, and reserve his strength for the division on the main question. Mr. ADDERLEY expressed his regret that the hon. hart. the member for Oxford University had wasted so much good feeling on the spefth of the hon. member for Leicester, a speech which had been listened to by the house with seatimente of unmixed disapprobation. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the measure before the house, he believed that public feeling was entirely against it, and he regretted that that opinion seemed to have so little influence on the deliberations of parliament. He could not understand how • people who everywhere repudiated a common nationality could ever be expected to fuse or amalgamate with the people of this country. The case of the Jews of Damascus would be fresh in the recollection of the house. That body when persecuted applied for assistance, not to any of the Christian princes of Europe, but to the leaders of their own nation—the Rothschild' and Mcastetiores. The only mg• ? If the insurres H h ad utneither M. Guam the military stores at ha Louts PHILIPPE ths contemplate a great repression. Had th have been prepared ore pared. Those who defend ve nting how tnercile have been if left ample time for au to fling i the press ed the nstil U. GuitoT ; 91 is told, in which th Marshal BUOEAUD 1 surrection, it M. TH made him recall the tion, it seems, there able to put down it not been there to pr Now the fact is t authority, that %chi the number of trool ammunition at thei of the parties in declared that thei hand capable of putting down the sequence of this that the troupe wei The Quarterly taken, and in its c dynasty it confers qualities which tl and Lot:y. PHILI , men, though the had felt the pulse use them. Nur Cu would use them. eleventh hour sh could they tolerat at War who was a rmy. Sovereig alienated the nal opirdon. Of win of its fall? From such a m arguments a , cone e xpected. And, a( panacea fur N ran, writer imagines millions will swa a principle both nine-tenths utter might just us Bak ment of Comm RESSIAS. A New theory must be commer rection, and flint or of insolvent , . recently happcnt subject standin ties ; else their p as puzzling as tl ing to them, to be a debtor of s to dissipate sucl your creditors 1 A Mr. pally, was, alio! Whiteehapel Ct to the House of pounds. Wiwi felon class, I bathed, havii oft', and the pri moreover, seNt individuality ti Mr. l'ot.t.E . r t Having been d set to do fele of the companl could muster u was but a nov turned ill, and The case is rei where it was a has made som before the 1 Coen RAN E 11 , 1 was more t free goverha n not only lost yet, so far as All this co see the rewar times that su On Fridc appeared hel Insolvent Cr some of will sentation 01 time of this but he was property wilt in sixteen ye touched the of the case 1 but to be qui contemporat It turned o to the (env& as an officer's where he tool counsel for tl person was n What right h of • friend, s was living, 6 1001. a year s Barrie said le thought it wa Missioner Ha ary clause to mot whether . and 40,0001 . mimeo. My for such 4 pc 1 the insolveni as a prisoner the oppositis had moved i " Cruel • of Mr. Cot actually e pounds in that any o though ce t tive, chanr debts hekt punish hin barbarous tear this E arms of h ticipate it gracefully " But y the Hones LET-" a dare y,,,t who in al, or kept n single gla even of gler in sion than and you fare, whi none. 13 good for are now House o tract pall of all, les It is be ceptions we call f; before-ns really to which al THE a at preae radiant i antiquit3 of Germi German arranges assernblj and self imperial Place Ns the en e roaring