The Express. — London, England, 1848-03-29 00:00:00

0 011111.1 .0 - • THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1848, the point, which could only have the effect of mistingpetition the petitioner in his own estimation. (Hear.) If the were rejected, the communes would be that number of I similar petitions would be sent in. Whateve would r evil mig teaht I I result from receiving the petition, the evil be times greeter by refuting to receive the prayers of the Mr. O'CONNOR begge d to remind the hon. memLe:Prer M on trose, when he spoke of " ignorant chartists," that he I himself was one of the *even wise men whose he name was a ttached to toe original document, called " T People's I Charter." It was desirable that the bon. member should , express the same sentiments in the home as he did out rat doom. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HUMS said this was a glees misrepresentation. He was not one who adapted his language to the occasion, se did many others. (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said there was no cwt to pre vent any hon. member from expressing en opini hat the Hone of Lord' ought to be abolished ; but not so with the monarchy,end the expression of an opinion that the monarchy ought to be abeished would be treasonable. If there was any doubt as to the propriety of receiving this petition, they ought to decide in its favour. The only true conservative c ourse was to court public o p inion of all shad, evet most extreme. _Cline, hear). Dr. BO WRING said that nothing could be more perilous in days lake these than to reject the petitions of the people. Mr. N EWDEGATE oppond the reception of the petition. Mr. WAKLEY complained that the right hon. baronet (Sir R. H. Inglis) had imputed to him an agreement in every sentiment of the petition. He agreed in a greet measure with its prayer, but not in that part w hich related to House of Lords, curving that under our form of goverment more liberty might be enjoyed than under any othe r . (Cheers.) lie felt it due to himself and his constituents to make this de claration boldly. Under our form of government li be ber t believed that British subjects mig ht enjoy every desirable y. He I should be glad if no more petitions were sent to him ; for he was convinced their presentation was utterly useless. He was unacquainted with the petitioner in this case, bet the petition being respectfully worded he thought it kit duty to present it. In general, the subject of any of the petitions presented to this house was nut known to ten members. Mr. AGLIONBY protested against the statement that the petitions of the people were not respectfully treated in that I house. (Hear, hear.) It was out titio of o h rder for any hon. m ember to state, on presenting a pen, whether or not he agreed in its prayer. Ia the vo e he should give he was only determined by a wish not to abridge the right of peti tion ; and he thought this petition sternly within that right Mr. LABOUCHERE hoped that the question would net I be forced to a division, otherwise their votes might be is. understood. He was confident that all were determined le maintain and uphold the great fundamental principles et the constitutioa—Queen,Lords, and COMloollll—under which more liberty and right had been enjoyed than undo, any other form of government. (Hear, hear.) He meant to vete for the petition being received, however widely he I might differ from its prayer : the petition being respectfully worded, he should not oppose its reception on account of its prayer. (Hear, hear.) No one would oppose a petition praying for the abolition of the established church. 'f o ask for the abolition of the monarchy was a eery different thing; but in this case the public interest would beet be c - ..nsulted by receiving the petition. (Hear, bear.) Mr. R. PALMER said the house had on several occasions received petitions fur the repeal of the legislative union the with Ireland—a matter less within its competency than one now before the house. He hoped the question would not be pressed to a division. If it was, he should support the peti tion being received. Sir R. INGLIS said he ha d heard with no common plea sure, from all sides of the house, a repudiation of the elm trines contained in the petition, as far as the House of Lords was concerned; and his object being thus substantially gained, in eliciting Iron the house an expression of its unanimous opinion that such a course would bed estructierial t" No, No, no," from se veral members on th minist tenches). Sir R. Inoue here sat down, intimating that he should divide the house ; but on the Sl•Ellint putting the me scion, no division was called for, and the petition was ordered to lie on the table. THE EVICTIONS IN GALWAY. Sir G. GREY said he mig ht p erha p • be permitted to refer to a case which had been mentioned ea a former evening, by the hon. member for Stroud (Mr. I'. Scrope). He had that morning received a private letter from his noble blend the Lord-Lieutenent of Ireland,stisting that he had seen the notice taken of that case in the house ! and expressing sti e, rpri in which he (Sir G. Grey) participated, that his right hod. friend (Sir W. Somerville) and himself should hare been ignorant that menures in reference to this ewe had actually been taken by the Irish government; for it was the noble lord's firm conviction th.t information of the proceedings taken by the government had been addressed to the Home ottlest some time ago. That letter must have lit en accidentally lust, for it had certainly never reached him (Sir G. Grey); and his right hon. friend (Sir W. S ,merville) had assured t inn that, uutil the preceding night, he had n-t received any answer to the communication he had addressed to Mr. Redington on the subject. He felt it due to the Lord- Lieutenant, after the reproach that had been can on the Irish government, to state the steps that had been taken in the matter, whereby the noble lord would be acquitted of any neglect, or any indifference to the outrage. At the moment he heard of the case, which was before the statements appeared in the newspapers, for it was first brought to the knowledge of the poor-law commissioens,—he determined to take those measures which it was competent to him to adopt for a thorough investigation of the facts, and for the punishment, if possible, of the parties who had been guilty of the cruelties alleged. Considerable but unavoidable dolly took place, owing to the circumstance of Capt. Mud, who was deputed to make the requisite inquiries, being seized with typhus fever, which unfortunately terminated in his death. Major bl'iiie was appointed to succeed him ; an inquiry was di rected to be teken upon oath ; and the result was before the house. Immediately after that report had been brought un der the notice of the Lord-Lieutenant he had submitted the whole ease to the law OffiOtill j and they were of opinion that the government could nut legally institute a criminal prose cution against the parties. The next step which the lord Lieutenant took was to intimate his opinion to the Lord- Chase:eller—Mr. Blake being a magistrate—that his name should - be removed from the commission of the peace. (Hear, hear.) The Lord Chancellor had not immediately acted on that suggestion, but, adopting his invariable practice, had transmitted a statement of the case to Mr. Blake, thus affording him the opportunity of explenation. (Hear.) For a length of time no explanation had been received from Mr. Blake, and when it did arrive at last it was considered un satisfactory, and Mr. Blake's name had been struck off the commission. Another person also implicated in the transac tion, Mr. St. George, a member of that house, but who was now abroad, had been called upon for an explanation, but no answer bad yet been received. This would convince the house that the cue had not escaped the observation of the Irish government, and that the noble lord had taken all the measures which it was competent to take in order to ex press his tense of the promediug. (Hear, hear.) ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. Mr. S. WORTLEY rose to move the second reading a 'h a bill, but Mr. Hume and Mr. Bank's, who bad nodal, on the paper, baying refused to resign their right to prece dence, the bill was postponea. EXPENSES OF THE RAILWAY COMMISSION. Mr. BANKES then rose to move, "Tint in the opinion of this house the powers, rights, and authority now vested by the act 9 and 10 Vic. c. 105, in the commissionersof railways, may be so regulated as to secure th,ir efficient execution at a greatly . diminished rate of charge . erne the public." He complained that the railway oommiesion had I no duties to perform, because the act of parliament which I Was to regulate their proceedings had not been proposed to the house after the bill of the right hon. President of the', Railway Rend had been withdrawn. Under these circum stances ha thought the sooner the commission was donew aay with the better. The authority proposed to be given to them was most arbitrary and vexatious. He thought they had sufficient experience of the railway commission to justify them in coming to the conclusion that I it was more an evil than an ything else. Its con- I stitution was most expensive. The expenses of the railway department when it was connected with the Board of Trade did not exceed 1,9721. But in the first year of the present commission it cost the country no less than 17,0001. That was an amount quits disproportionate, to any benefit derived from the Railway Board. He thaugnt they could easily save the country this expense in a great measure by transferring back the railway department to the Board of Trade. The right hon. gentlem an who was appointed to I the head of the raiieay commission was not a member of that house, and he believed that it was essential for the head of that department that he should have a seat in that house. There woes president and vice-president of the Board of Trade, both of whom had seats in the house, and he believed they hat sufficient time at their disposal, in consequence of the free trade measures, to attend to the railvety department. But if they bed not, a small increase might be made in that de partment, which would enable them to do the business to the satisfaction of the public. He thought the government would do well to adopt his motion, because matters could not re as they were. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was desirable that the utmost practical economy should be serried out in this department. (Hear, hear.) With re gard to the origin of the board, the hon. gentleman seemed to.forget that tbere were three reports recommending the constitution of such a body , and the bill for this purpose had the almost unanimous support of that house. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the expenses, the hon. gentleman was in error in saying that they amounted to 17,0001. The actual expenses were only 12,0001; He regretted that his tight hon. friend (Mr. Strutt) was net then in the house, as he would be able to give the hon. gentleman a MOM detailed account of the expenditure. The hon. gentleman seemed to forget the great services performed by the Railway Board in preparing reports for the guidance of committees. The business of that board was greatly on the increase. At the present time the business transacted amounted to more than one-third the whole business done in the course of list year. His right hon. friend (Mr. Strutt) had been appointed to the bead of the board from his acquaintance with the pri va business end standing orders of the house. As soon as the report of the Derby Macedon Committee had been made, he placed his resignation in the hands of his noble friend, feeling that it was essential for the had of the railway department to have a seat in the house. His noble friend being of the same opinion accepted that resignation, however reluctantly. The government then had to determine whether they would fill up that place, and they came to the conclu sion not to fill up the place v acated by Mr. Street. It was not their intention, therefore, at present to appoint any suc cessor to that gentleman. (Hear, hear.) They would ap point a member of the Booed of Trade se an unpaid com missioner to the office; and they would then see, by expel reset, how the business of the railway department coul4 be conducted in that way. If the committee that wet them sit ting reported aa advisable that it would be expedient still further to reduce the expenses of that department, the go vernment would readily unite. The government wen reedy to rodeos the ; but he did not see thee ▪ Sir J. GRAHA it thouiht his hon. friend opposite (Sir R. H. Inglis) had unintentionally placed the Speaker in an in ✓idious position, in se. king from him a decision as to whe e ther or not the house ou ght to entertain this petit ion. h ea r.) The Speaker ought to be relieved from being c died upon to decide h.tily a question of this kind, which it was the province of the house itself to determine. At this stelae of the discussion, Sir Augustus Clifford, G e ntleman Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the table the , and summoned the house to attend in the House of Peers, to hear the royal assent given by commission to several bithe lls. Th e SPEAKER having returned, end announced bills which had received the royal assent (for a list of which see the Lords' report), the dismission on the petition was resumed. Mr. W AKLEY said h• believed it was the pleasure of tbe I house that he should r ead the p etition. (" No, no noth ," " eb The prayer.")• So far as he could judge, there WAS ing jectioaable ie the manlier in which the petitioner had ex pressed his views, though the prayer of the petition might be very objectionable to many members of that house. Mr. HUME mid he would move that the petition should be brought up and read at the table, and then, if it con tained any objectionable matter, it would be competent for any hon. member to object to it. The SPEAKER mid it was for the house to decide whe ther the petition was regular, and whether it ought to be brought up. It could not be brought up if it contained any thing against the privileges, or contrary to the forms of the house. Sir R. H. INGLIS said he objected to the petition being received. The hon member for Finsbury had read a passage which the house certainly ought not to receive. He moved that the petitioe should be rejected, and he would not shrink from airy consequence which might follow from pur. ruing that course. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said the petition ought to be formally before the house, to enable them to decide on its reception or rejection. Mr. WAKLEY, with the permission of the house, would read the passage. (Hear, hear). The words were—" the abolition of the House of Lords—your petitioner considering one assembly of ropy sentatives, duly elected, sufficient for national purposes." There could be no mistake in the ex pression here u•ed. The petition also contained the folio* - mg prayer : " Your petitioner is extremely desirous o on f seeing all these measure* carried out, believing the positi of the country to he such that, unless they are, a convulsion must ensue that would bury in one common ruin all the institu tions wh eh are now the envy of foreigners, but a conti er nual source of evil to the people of this nation." (Laueht.l The hon. member then handed in the petition, and moved that it should he received. Sir ft. H INGLIS said that, in his judgment, the petition ought not ti he r. crived. Mr. HUME would move that the whole of the petition should be read—(No, no)—otherwise the house could not fairly judge of its eff , ct. Sir 0. GREY said as there was only one 'mune which he understood VI be objected to, he thought it would be taking up time reelessly to read the whole. lie understood the passage to be that, in the opinion of the petitioner, it was desirable the It use of Lords should be abolished, and that object, along with the others he mentioned, he thought ought to he carried into effect. Many petitions were pre sented expressing opinions in which, perhaps, no individual member of the house concurredby receiving a peti tion, no member was pledged to the opinions it contained. (Hear, hear.) He understood the practice was that a peti tion should be received, if it contained nothing contrary to the privileges or forms of the house. This petition certainly did not; and his impree ion, without having had the oppor tanity of referring to precedents, was, that petitions of the same nature had been received. It would be attaching too great importance to it to reject it. (Hear.) Therefore he hoped the right hon. baronet would not divide the house on the question. (Hear, hear.) =Sir R H INGLIS said if a similar and analogous petition Wad been presented to the. Housed Lore* praying for the abo lition of the House of Commons, it would not have been re ceived; and neither house would receive a petition praying for the abolition of the monarchy. Why, then, should this house be content to receive a petition like this, opposed, as he believed it to he, to the all hut unanimous feeling, prim• ciple, and opinion of the house? (Hear, hear.) He would have been content to let Leis petition expire with the effer vescence of the moment, believing that the bubble would have burst as soon es it had been blown, had not the hon. member for Finsbury, by his tone and manner, and by a running commentary upon the petition, invited' to it the attention of those who had the advantage of hearing what passed in that house. And as the hon. member had not dis• owned the sentiments of the petition, but had in a certain MUM identified himself with them (Mr. Wakley t "No, no !")—at all events he thought it desirable that mem bers on both sides should express their opinion whether it was consistent with the public interest to encourage this species of petition. Mr. HUMS said the house would surely not refuse a peti tion because the petitioner differed with them in opinion. Instead of that, they ought to open the door as widely as possible far the reception of sentiments differing from their own. They did not want petitions expressing the same opinions as their own, but those that differed from them. In this case the petition was not signed by any isrnorant chartist—(great laughter)—as some might expect, but by a gentleman w watho had been educated at the university, and who new a clergyman of the church of England. If once they commenced reiusing the petitions of the people, when was the line to be drawn ? It was a dangerous pre cedent to set; and if any one was afraid of the establish ment of a republic, they ought above all things to advocate this petition being received. Sit J. GRAHAM was es anxious as anyone to offer no obstruction to the presentation of petitions. He did not go the full lee gth of the hon. member for Montrose; nor did he think it would be consistent with loyalty or respect for the privileges of the house to receive a petition asking for a change in the form of government. (Hey.) He thought that no petition ought to be received asking for a change in that form of government, which consisted of queen, lends, and commons ; nor ought they to sanction such a proceeding by allowing the petition to be laid on the table of the house. Mr. BRIGHT asked whether it had not been the custom for the house to receive petitions praying for the removal of the bishops from the House of Lords ? And, as the House Of Lords was composed of temporal and spiritual peers, why might they not revive a petition for the abolition of the whilst ? He had no sympathy with the object of the petition, and did set think it Worth while to rams any dimension on then would be any advantage in condo( to the moieties reseed t he bon. geetkmen, in the spirit of which, how ever, they concurred. M. MII N congraelated the house on the apeeeh of the right leo. gimtleman. It was not his desire to take away the supervision of the government, or to weaken the power which they passaged over different railway wimple was, but he thought that more economy instance way he which unnecessary clanse was incurred, be would meadow to the house that an anonymens letter having' appeared id the Times, stating that Mr. Hudson bed detained the train at Derby, and that en accident had occurred, the commis sioners actually cut out the letter, and sent it to the 'secretary of the company to know what explanation could be given. Now the fact alleged was perfectly untrue; but when per sons were sent about on such slight grounds it was no wonder that the expenses should be great. There was an old adage that when persons bad nothing to do, they were sure to do mischief, and that was the case with regard mo to the railway board. He believed that one man of comn s ense and ex. peeience would be more efficient than shoat of intelligent and spectable men with salaries of 1,0001.• year each. (Hear.) It had been his good fortune to be on the best terms with the Board of Trade, and it was his bounden duty to say that that bard exicuted,the business of railways far better than the existing coaunission. He was sure that • large and • very important Sevin might be effected by the abolition of the board. Mr. V. SMITH said the tendency of the hon. member's speech was to get rid of en supervision and control. (No, no.) For hi. part he thought supervision absolutely neces sary for the sake and safety of the public. lie cared not whether ft was in the Board of Trade, or any other autho rity; but control, he felt assured, was the one thing wanting.. Mr. GLADSTONE thought it necessary that, before all things, they should remember that the question now was not whether there should be some sort of control, but whe ther the present description of control should had continud, e., He sincerel y . wished, after what he hear he could desire the withdrawal of this motion. But he thought there was something primarily wrong in the ex isting system. The act proceeded on the supposition that government woe to exercise s very great control ; but the limits of that control were not &flied before the commission was appointed. The consequence wee a failure. Powets were demanded which the house refused to give; and it was clear that, at this time, thou powers would not be conceded. Then, if parliament was not prepared to give those powers, they were not justified ditto maintaining the authority which was originally deeigne carry them into effect. For his own part he could not at all understand why the Board of Trade should not undertake all this business. That depart ment was by no means overcharged with hairier. This very year it had happened that the President of the Begird of Trade had conducted all the parliamentary badmen et the Colonial-office in the absence of the member for Kim* and surely, if he had time fur that, he could find time fee the business of railways. The duties now divided be tween the President and the Via-President of the Board of Trade, the Master of the Mint, and the Chief Commissioner of lisilways we re all at one time per formed by his right hon. friend the member for Dover. There was every prospect that the business would be • still easier than it was wont to be, and that it might be executed with perfect cue and satisfaction in one or two apartment. of the Board of 'lade. Mr. HUME said it was quite refreshing to hoar such ad vocacy of economy. lie hoped they should hav h. e man had y re petitions of the right hon. g entleman's speec lie weed to the appointment of the commission under the strong impression that further powers were requisite and ought to be given ; but he had now arrived t tes conclu d - sion that the deportment mig ht properly merge in the Boar of Trade. After what had pained he hoped the commission would be broken up as a matter of course. Mr. F. T. BARING quite concurred in the statement that 1 this board had been constituted with th e expectation t hat a greater control over railways should be vested in it; and if those powers were not to he given, certainly the machinery of the board was much too intricate and costly for existing purposes. But his impression wu, that a time e might come be w hen en extension of the powers of this board t demanded. His impression certainly was, that it was in judicious to vest railway business in the Board of it Trade. By having the business in one office be thought c.iuld be much more satisfactorily tran-acted than by vesting it in a variety of elite-rent authorities. Sir J. GRAHAM did not think that this was the fit opportunity for considering whether a new office should be created. The time had come when all needless expenditure ought to be checked. (lieu, hear.) It was quite clear that two years ago they had created a new office without delegating to it the performance of any duties whatever. This was not the fault of parliament or of the government ; but the error had now been detected, and it was time that they should correct it. washTe hon. member for Montrose, every one would agree, one of the most honourable and honest men in the house. During his long parliamentary carevr no one could say that the hon. member ever sought for himself any situation of honour, place, or profit, whatso ever. But the hon member had his hobbies, and the Railroad Board WWI one of them. Mr. LABOUCHERE said it was almost a matter of 101- possibility to please the house on the subject f of r th roil e way legislation. Whateve r plan was proposed o improvement of the system, some other plan was sure to be suggested. His great objection to the motion of the bon. member for Dorsetshire was that it prejudged a question upon which the fullest information would ere long be pre- I rented to parliament, it being the intention of the Railway Board before or immediately after Easter to lay a detailed report before parliament, exhibiting what the board had steady done—and he thought its duties would be found to I have been more arduous than mu imagined—and to make the suggestions which, upon mature consideration, it was prepared with as to future leg e l a tion upon the subject. He I doubted very mch the advantage of merging the duties of this b commission u altogether in the Board o f Trade. lie did not shrink from any additional labour which might beans be thrown upon himself—he believed he might say it had never manifested any disposition to avoid labour in the public service, any desire to secure an easy pen for himself—(hear, hear) —hut he thought that such an al teration would not work well. The house might rely upon it that the class of duties in question were not to be properly performed by a few extra clerks at low salaries ; they re. I quired men of great skill and of high and established reputa tion. He would rot meet the hon. gentleman with a direct negative, for the motion was a fit one to be considered re upon the full information which would shortly be placed befo the house ; but he would call upon the house to proceed to the previous question. Sir H. VEIINEY urged the necessity of long notice in legislating upon this important subject. The house divided—For 6 the previous question 75 Against it 5-19 PRINTING OF PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. Mr.IIUME moved" That it be referred to the Speaker and the committee for printing of papers, to consider and to report Ito the house whether any and what improvement can be ' made in the printing and the ingroesing of bills." Lord MAHON, as a member of the printing committee, had no objection to the inquiry sought • but as to the suppo sition that any economy would be effected by printing the parliamentary papers in 4to instead of in folio, the expense on the contrary would be enhanced. Sir 0. GREY regarded the motion as calculated to lead to very beneficial results. The motion was then agreed to. ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. Mr. J. B. WORTLEY moved the second reading of this bill. lie urged the necessity of no longer delaying to with draw from that house the discretion as regarded legal paints, which now so often lead to collisions with the courts of law. It was admitted on all bands that some legislation on the subject wouldy Doubtless whatever course might be taken be surrounded with di ffi culties, but no diffi culties would be so great as those which pervaded the pre sent system. The act of 7 & 8 Vict. had been in owe respect found defective ; the case of recognisance' was altogether a camas 'minus there, so that no parties proceed ing in election committees, whether the petitioners or the petitioned, went upon any clear or certain principle. Recogni sances were not idle forms, but were provided as securities for the prosecution of any petition entered against any member. The 7 & 8 Vic. did not neglect the subject of reeoguisances, but, going further than 28 Geo. 111., provided that petitions should not even be received, unless' recognisance' were pre- 1 viously entered into ; but the defect of this act, which he ' now sought to remedy, was, that it provided no practical means of trying the validity of the recognisance , so given. His proposal, differing in this respect from that of the hon. member for Midkurst, was to give the committee to whom the petitions were referred power to amend the recogni sance., in cases which they deemed fitting. What he had to propose sou, that the first clause and the schedule referred to in it be altogether omitted, inserting a clause making the bill universal instead of temporary. His second proposition was, that instead of sending beck the petitioners to enter into fresh recognisance., the bill would give power to the committee to entertain the preliminary objections to the recognisance., and else to decide upon their legality • an other, that it the recognisance' were found invalid end that by the lathes of the petitioners, then that no Slither pro ceedings be gone into. But that if the rthognisances were invalid owing a the fault of the examiner, then that the petitioners should have power to make them good. There would also be granted a power to the committee to proceed to make the recognisance' good forthwith. Under the present system the officer of the h .Go o .. usii car passid had intimated, aTtedhcete, the rigs uheth otheral hon.n gobarohlt„awyntheletrothpwprieitedpropipsro-oir, salons were rejected by the committee unanimously. Now, the committee was not unanimous, for his hon. friend the member for Abingdon was absent when the division was come to. The reason alleged for rejecting the propositions was, that, if adopted, they might lead to conflicting d sions. That was a difficulty to which all judi cial bodies were liable ; but an election commit tee was the only form of judicial proceeding which the house was I possessed of, and moreov.r their deci sions could not be conflicting, because the circumstances of no two petitions were the same. If the bill which he sure mitted was agreed to, the hope would hereafter avoid coming into conflict with the courts of law, and under these —.tenets he begged to move that it be read a second gilt erpreo. MAILS. The mails for New South Wales, VIM Diet:lllll'6 Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Slat March. The mina for the West Coast of Mika and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the 31st March. The West India Mails, incl u ding Bermuda, Neiman, Cayenne, Condor., New (Meow, Vera Cruz, Tampico, end Porto Ri Marthaco, snd, exc l u ding those for Madeira, Jame', Carthagena, or Charts, Punama, West Coast of South Amenes, and St. luau-de- Nicaragua, will he made up on the evening of the Ist Aprb. The overland mails lot Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, lions -Kong, and China, era Southamp ton, will be made up on the mo rnin g of the 3rd April. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Cerium buso, Bahia, Medtira, and Buenos Ayres, will on made up on the evening of the 4th April. The mails for Viten, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira,. Cadiz, and Gibraltar will by made up on the morning of the 7th April. The overland ciceed malls, tin Marseilles, to the Mediterranean , Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, Imha, lioag-Kong, lee., will be made up on the evening of the 7th ApriL The malls for Brinsh North America, and the United States, will be made up en the evening of the 7th Aprll. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1847, was: From Jew. 1, to Dec. 31 .... 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eigla pew cent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning chronicle, and Morning Post, ALL POT TOOETHRIL In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, TIRE EXPRESS, From JAN. 1, to Dec. 31 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers. TO CORRESPONDENTS. • ..di... tots tatraded for "The Zapata: L oaando. ttealny mast • Ad. 'be at tleollett PI, 16011.118.11.. by Two lm We of pub lumen. 111011 WATER LT LONDON BRIDGE. Tan DAT—XII4.ISg, 5 951. put 9, Muume,,4s l. past 5 To-soi9ow—llong99,3lmba.p.o 9, Attlf•0011. I: 11. pan lu . LONDON,WEDNESDAY,MAR. 29. Diu any dangerous or unquiet symptoms continue to agitate the public mind, we should still defer, as we have hitherto done, the proposal or discussion of plans of innovation or reform. Bat it is sufficiently proved, that England for the present has no politi cal effervescence likely to break forth in any other way of manifestation, than that of speech and of the press. Indeed, the contrast which this try count now o ffers with others, su ffi ces to prove that it is a system of compression or repression by govern ment, which produces that fearful unanimity of discontent in all classes, which renders revolution at once awful and irresistible. Wherever thought is developed, and the full freedom of its ex pression allowed, there springs up such a variety of sentiment, that, whilst discussion is ever so lively, and even distress and discontent general, such a thing as revolution is neither desired nor dreamt ot time. Mr. BERNAL said the committee manifested gre at unanimity on the propositions of his right hon. friend. Whea he (Mr. J. 8. Wortley) asserted that no conflicting deci sions could in future arise, he might be right, but he ought to recollect that every decision became a precedent, and was followed as such. He would never consent to give such a power as was contained in the proposed bill to a committee of five gentlemen up stairs. The questions which would have to be decided by them were of net importance, and as little as possible of law ought to be submitted to election committees. He was ready to admit that the last statute of 7 & 8 Vict. was deficient in some respects, but general declaratory act would cure that evil, sad NAN to roman it mom stnagoat respect to rocog- o t e encos. Rather, therefore, thaa pug snek • arniritre as Amidst allthis,however, it is impossible not to that recommended by his right boa. friend, he was disposed discern that the tolerance and the division of opinion ear that • gensval explanatory bill ought to be brought in amongst the middle classes are much greater than by which the duties of the examiner of recogniaanees would amongst the lower. And it is notorious that there exist be more dearly donned. Lord MIX ON up of the tight hon. gentleman, the member for Bu ,ts for it in a common sentiment --that a portion of this senu reseed his intention to rapport the Mill large masses of the latter who have become united . • f middle classes—and that it m ember tor Illidharst, which he had opposed. What the ' quite a different one from that of the hon. and learned entertains the purpose, though that purpose yet exists ment is, distrust o the P" mat bill proposed to effect wee ' t° g ive the honest P but as a theory, to do what the Finesse—and have done, viz., found a govern an d this was • (good said • proper object to effect. The with . ideas,government and a constitution, imbued Honer an oppormn_, for rendering his recognisance , veld, hon. member for Rochester objected to granting power the and exclusively devoted to the interests, that obioctioo applied to the whole system of election cum- of the operative classes. The existence of such a to election committees to decide upon !eget questions, but least sect is natural and fair. Nor is there the mittees, and he for one bad never approved o u t the b tweient use in either slighting it, or in seeking to crush system. If the hon. member for Rochester would hi r s ing i neutralising it, and absorbing the poison that such a bill es be had described, he should have ( Lo rd it by anathemas. The only way of meeting it, Mahon's) hearty _support. Sir G. GREY said that though he was quite indifferent lurks in it, is, for the middle classes to as to what decision the house might come to, he still mutt say • few words on the motion of the right hon. and learnedd c :me forward themselves, to unite, if necessary, or, d at least, to have a common understanding, and to show to the other classes, above and below 'hem, that he and buses and alter ceiling the whole of its enactive clauses, they have a keen sense o f e errors a , comemmber o f f er adßuoitettingwho. hawdstftokeonr. th st e ray unpr b e i eed ll, en au . alteraiedof the bad parts of the existing system, the chief erf m br e o t u i Lht , i ) t i which certainly is, the want of care evinced by the the house. Hooch a course of legislation was to be per- employer ler the employed. I ardineeanitid°greceontatimreetyndedfreihit o fo n r ", the haa per muted, could not foresee the results. The coons recom °mended would, if adopted, odultify their former proceeding , . In fine and in fact, the middle cl a ss of Englishmen' Why did net the right hon. and learned gentlemen conform should put forward their Charkr, if, at some critical to the rules of the house , and bring in a new bill ?,Be begged period, they wish to avoid being altogether set against the to say that he should vote motion . the aside and trodden down, as the middle class Sir R . INGLIS said that on a recent occasion e house was W iled on to divide on tne word " that," but on of Frenchmen have been in the late revo p nt occasion they were called on to vote on a sheet of laden. It is for the middle c lass to bethink blank paper, for, with the exception of the preamble (which them, what they would have, what they would was not an enacting part of the bill), and the clause giving do, what remedies they would apply to the conetitu power to amend in future, the whole clauses of the bill which . • lion in order to its better working, and in order to 'he mired the house to read a second time were struck out. . financial orpopular catastrophe, which at He objected, therefore, to the second reading or • bill or preient any . which all but five or six lines had been struck out. Be least, and for very securit sake, should be admitted mow, das an amendment that the bill be read a second time to be amooget the possibi li ties of things. that day iix months. Sir F. Tab:SWIM found a difficulty in dealing with the We would not take gloomy . a too or alarming view 'question, seeing that his right boo. and teamed friend the of the state of political affairs. Bet still we cannot member for Butt had told tie house that his object in intro- but perceive, that in its financial affairs, to clueing the bill was that • totally different measure might be speak of no other, England under its parliament and framed on it. He (Sir F. Thesiger) was of opinion that constitution his reached in 1848 the same embarras- some legi•lation on the subject we- absolutely necessary. On . n • former oocasion the house had decided that the best mode g sin and dangerous full stop that the monarchy of of proceeding was to refer the matter to • select comMttee. LOUlS mrlement 1 XVI. reached in 1787. The , lie believed that that was • proper course, but that the o f Paris at that time refused to register a t new tax. house had erred in not giving the committee greater powers. The parliament of 1848 has made the same declare it appeared to him that there were only three courses open lion. And Lord JOHN RUSSELL has withdrawn his to the house with reference to tin suhject. (A. laugh.) The • ht either do noth'ng, or leave the house to act on each demandwith a resignation and an embarrassment m ease, or they might legislate finally on the subject. To do which very much resemble those of CALONSE, or of nothing would he feared be highly dangerous, and very likely the Archbishop of Toulouse. to bring the house into collision with the courts u of t lar on We are amongst those who entertain no doubt that qtastions of . privilege. The next mune we ld b e e h eave Louts those question! , to be decided by the house. But th oust • XVI., by choosing and supporting a wise had already decided that it was itself a moat improper tri- minister, and by sacrificing the prejudices and priei bunal for their decision. It then became obvious that legis- Icges of his court and aristocracy, could have pre tenon was the only and necessary course. They had before vented a revolution. But we are much more certain them the bill of the hon. member tor Midhurst. Its author that the ministers of Queen VICTORIA must be pre had abandoned his offspring, and the right hon. and learned , , member for Bute h t them to give it a second reading in ifice of nvi parea to make very considerable sacr a p order that he might give it en entirely new deem He (Sir lege and prejudice on the part of the higher classes, F. Thesiger) thought the how* was placed in a difficulty by if this country is to be permanently secured against the course which ha Men adopted by his right hon. and the results and the example of what is now passing learned friend ; but he earnestly entreated them to give the upon the continent, joined to the greater difficulties bill a second reading, witch would be some step towards practicai and immediate legislation on the subject. and embarrassments which peculiarly beset our own Mr. HATTER contended the:. the house had no right to financial and social exiatence. election recognitances except in The government of constitutiona l En g land, how inquire into the validity of one or two eases. The bill proposed to introduce a third case, and to provide that when the reeognisances were defer- ever, . was never able to do much for itself. It his tire the house might interfere to remedy that detect. The always been driven, and moat now be driven. And right hon. baronet (Sir It. Feel) had on a former occasion if the active mind and intelligence of the middle class ' laid it down that all questions relating to recogni , ances do not arise to give force and guidance to the should be bit to the examiner of recognisance+, and the governing powers, the lower classes may take the merits of the petition to the select committee, and that the decisions of those two tribunals should be final. That prin- initiative themselves. And this, we do think, would ciple the house had atfitmed, and lie thought now to change be the most deplorable of human events. that decision would lead to greater incouventence and in- To obviate such a catastrophe, and to preserve to I • t j jus ce thin was now complained of. the middle class that fair and salutary prominence I Mr. R. PALMER was in favour of legislation on the ' and influence, without enjoying which they will be I subject. When the house interfered to protect bitting 1 members, it was not to be endured that because or a flaw in trodden down, and without demanding which they I the recoguisances the petition should fall to the ground. lie will never enjoy it, what should the middle clausal I kre wot nothing more destructive. The parties ought to be seek ? We answer, first of all, the completion of the placed by a short enactment in the same position as they great measure of 1831, the reform of the legislature, ' would have been in bad the recognisances been in the form and the bringing that legislature into accordance with prescribed by the act, according to the original intention of the s irit of the age, with the revolutions that have the petitioners. That would meet every case except the P Walesil cue, which might be t he subject of special en act taken place in our social frame, and with the working meet. The examiner of recognisance& had been led into the necessities of government. error by depending too closely on the forms of the act, at.d The helieving his decision was final, and also by being iu a great electoral franchise should be extended, small ii. !tree dependent sin suburdinatee. constituencies done away with, the ballot adopted, Mr. SHEIL referred to high legal authorities in favour and the principle of population admitted far more of the opinion that the certificate of the examiner was hue], than at present into the law of representation, and contended that a tribunal must be appointed to decide • without excluding the paramount claims of property paint of law which had arisen, and which at present there was no tribunal to decide upon. Therefore it was that in his and intelligence. opinion legislation was fleeting. But we do not hesitate to say, that it is not After a few words from MT. kLATTEIL and Mr. NArtEn, so much the lower house of p arliament which :be ATTORNEY-GENERAL agreed with his right demands reform as the upper house. The House of hon. friend the member for Oxford that it would be altog*- ther contrary to the usage of parliament to read the bill a Lords, as at presented constau , thetrue ince us - ' ted is second time, in order to alter itfrom beginning to sod; and upon the country ; not the less an incubus or dead amongst those who were in favour of tlie bill no less than four weight, because it takes itself off from time to time, in distinct courses were recommended. The bill as it stood order not to stifle outright the nation, which it over would do nothing. The anticipated conflict with the courts lies. The evil of the House of Lords consists, not in cf law could not arise ; for the certificate of the Speaker, if c oats were given, would be fina l . With regard to the its acts so much as its characte r. It is not the good certau, of the examiner, M. Serjeant iuglake, laws which it rejects that rise in judgment against it, Mr. ific Forjent Wranghatn, and Mr. Cowl King, no but the good laws which it prevents from ever seeing mean authority, had decided that it was tin .1. the light. He considered that the amendments proposed would only create delay and impose upon the petitioners the as pi s sit When any one political measure is to be contem . . keeping witnesses in town while the matter was pi utling• plated or desired, what is the first thought? Will it Re must he re oppose the bill. be accepted by the House of Lords ? Whenever a Mr. BANKES did net agree with the hon. and learned ministry i s to b e formed, or a party constituted in order gentleman that because there was great difficulty in the case, to its one day forming a ministry, the spectre that a,.d because four remed:es hod been proposed, none ought to bc granted. (Hear, hear.) lie had voted again 2 t tile pro. appears on the very threshold, and peremptorily for either be position of the hen. and learned member for blidhurst be- bi ds •th to genuinely and sincerely liberal, is e cause he had felt it to be ineufficent, but would now vote for House of Lorde. Why have we at this moment in the bill, as amended, because he believed it would a ff ord a the Horse of Commons no liberal pasty capable of remedy. taking the reins of government with the force, the ta- Sir J. GRAHAM felt disposed to follow the attractive ad- lent , an d the confidence that a gover nment of this - ✓im of the Judge Advocate and the Attorney General, and do nothing. (A laugh .) Us wall for staying where they country ag o ht to have ? The House of Lor ds is the were, fearless altogether of the threat which had been held cause. out, that, by proceeding in that legialation, novelty, in the Why have the whigs the monopoly of p ower with way of a prohibition, might come upon them from the courts of law. lie should deeply regret aco iision 1.• • between out the capacity to exercise it ? Why are they on that house and the courts et law, but be did not hesitate to theirknees to EtL, anPEEL onhisknees to era P ' d say, if such a prohibition were to be inued, the Speaker And why, if they want to pass a semi-liberal mea would dieregard it. (Hear, hear.) lie must therefore vote sure, are they obliged to sneak aud dissemble, and play like bays at pneon bars , one at either side of the for the amendment of the Secretary of State . Mr. ANSTEY would vote for the second reading of the bill, reserving to himself the right of opposing the amend- table? Because the House of Lords with a rod stands mints in committee. over both, and can unbreech and flog either of the Mr. S. WORTLEY said a few words in reply, and premiers in a moment. Why is there no popblar The house divided—For the second reading ll2 „ party, no radical party, in parliament ? Why is it Against it BO- 3' that the moment a new or clever man gets elected The bill was then read a second time. adjou se rned at minutes 2t) to 12 o 'clock. on the strength of radical o r p o p ular o p inions — The hou - why is it that he deserts them the moment he gets into the house? Because the House of Lords forbids power to fall in'o other than aristocratic hands • and such a man as JAMES WILSON mi g ht lin g er on r adical beaches all his life without satisfying that very na tural desire of office and occupation which a clever man may entertain without any base motives. We to 11 the middle classes of England that they never will have a party in the House of Commons as long as the House of Lords remains what it is. The first step, then, for the middle class and for the popular tv is, to d e mand the reform of the House of Mils. And if we point out and recommend such a re form, we do not do it in envy of an upper class, or denial of, or hostility to, their many great and salu tary claims. But we are confident that the only way to preserve an upper class in possession of its fair privileges is to curtail it at once of its impure and invidious advantages, and to give its political influence a new basis, more in accord with the spirit and reason of the time. The present position of the House of Lords we I cannot bat look urn as mast dangerous to itself and to the country. there it stands, a dam across the great current of popular opinion, which is forced to rise to the volume of almost an ocean ere it can get a single drop to overflow the aristocratic barrier. When, however, the popular waters do reach their level, when they do sarmount the obstruction led overcome ' the resistance of the upper house, then, indeed, po pular opinion rushes over it in a torrent, bearing everything before it with the violence of a revolution. The next day, however, the dam is rebuilt, and the popular current, spent, and run off, is left to collect and fill its reservoir again. Thus do the Lords timidly pass all great measures of liberalism and reform, whilst they totally exclude la others, no matter of what vital importance, I unless public agitation and effervescence swell 1 these questions to a certain magnitude. There thus 1 meta in the conatry a continued prime on agitation, Iwe might almost say a premium on revolution. All moderate and gradual and requisite reforms are I meshed, extingwahed as aortic)r s in the statesmen's mind. So that the only way or hope of bringing a reform about is by aggravating the abuse, or letting it aggravate itself until it is too abominable for tolerance, and then it has a chance of being mended. Some portion of the blame of this is left on the House of Commons, and much upon ministers, who are eter- I welly accused of laziness, timidity, of trimming, of being neither fish nor flesh, wanting alike in firmness and in principle. All these vices in all our ministers and ministries are, we repeat, not the fault of the men, but of the system, and of the head and front of that system, the Idotuie of Lords. How, and in what shape, a reform of our aristocratic chamber should be proposed, shall form the subject of future consideration. 'ERIAL VARLIAMEA HOUSE OF LORDS.—Tossosi, MARCH 28. The LOAD CHANCIII.I.OI4,Ok his seat at 6 o'clock. PRIVATE BININE BB . .onnvn RicADlNO.—Elemaree D"°"' Bin" SECOND Rithut - ROYAL ASSENT. The royal assent was given by commission to the Queen's Prison and the Passengers Billa. The commissionen were the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and Lord Campbell. Their lordships adjourned at 20 m i n utes past the o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Tur.BDAY, Mama 28. The Srnexen took the chair at 4 o'clock. PUISLIC BUSINESS. SECOND READINGS —Administration of Oaths (Conn of Chin ese?): Election Reeogniaancea; Rills. R EPORTS. - slam Duties' Apshallation ; Property m —Mr. Tax ; BalaM. J. . NOTICES OT MOTlON.—ltsrao. or sal Pal O'Cossau to give notice, on behalf of W. W. S. O'Brurn„l Tor t the he w ould nom, on the 11 th of April, for lease to bring in a W repeal ce the legislative union between England and Ireland. Mmisza OATIM—Mr. GOCIAUKS move (this day) fur the ap pointment of a select committee to inquire whether the oaths pre scribed to be taken by members at the table of that house had been duly taken by all the members returned. BODMIN ELECTION. The following members were called to the table end sworn as the select committee to try the merits of the petitions corn plaiuing of an undue election and return for the Ooroughetts of Bodmin : —Mr. G. A. Hamilton ( c hairman). Mr. liodg Foley, Mr. F. French, Mr. It. Trevor, and Sir E. Filmer, Bart. RIGHT OF PETITION. Mr. WARLEY presented a petition from an individual named James Beale, stating that he considered this country in a mad critical state, and that the events which were going forward in other countries were calculated to rouse the masses of this country into action and to induce them to make a de termined stand in favour of those measures which they con sidered would be productive of benefit to them. The peti tioner further stated, that he believed the great poverty and wretchedness which affected large portions of the indus trious ewes of this country was owing to the defective c a ncter ot the repreaentation of the people in this house; and lie prayed for universal suffrage, vote by ballot, the appro. priation of church property, and the sale of the crown lands for the liquidation of the national debt, the abolition of all Manure places and pensions, the reduction of the standing army, the abolition of indirect taxation, and the substitution he lowa of a g eneral system of direct taxation, the repeal of t of entail and promogeniture, the reform of the system of cur rency, and the abolition of the House of Lords. The peti tioner prayed they the house would take into its consideration all these reasonable requests. (Laughter.) Sir R. H. INGLIS nee to order. lie objected to this petition being received. Mr. WAKLEY said the hon. baronet was premature, so he (Mr. \Vokley) had other petitions to present. Sir R. H. INGLIS said that when a petition was objected to the course was that it should at once be brought u in order that the souse of t:.e house might at once be taken upon it. Mr. HUME rose to order. No member could, under the rules of the house , ob j ect to a petition being brought up. His course was to objet to its reception when the question that it do lie on the table was pot. The SPEAKER said that by the rules of the house every petition was brought up without the necessity of a motion to that effect, unless it was informal in its character or at v..ri ante with the r alit. or contrary to the rights and priviloges of the house. He apprehended the objection of tie hon. baronet reined on one of these grounds. Sir R. H. INGLIS was aware the election petitions were brought up without motion, but ho thought no others were so. The SPEAKER.—The hor. baronet is mistaken in that respect. Sir R. H. INGLIS said he should be contest to leave the petition subject to the derisive laughter with which it had been received, but he contended that no individual had a right to petition this house to abolish the House of Lords. II the right hon. gentleman in the chair told him that this was not a sufficient objection to this petition, he (Sir R. W weird at once desist in his opposition. At present, however, he apprehended that the house could no more receive such a petition than it could receive &petition for the abolition of the monarchy. Capt. PECHELL sugaested that the petition should he read b the clerk at the table, and then the h ouse would le y arn accurately its contents. (Loud cries of " No, AT a time when the interference of the F Provisional pm G iox o y v hm e o r ei n inrs m t e w n an t asa wi ta th hvrrw t o h st e ildia h ; hours t u aothm rs ei o aogin f vniit ie ruhaweigortidao:kaciin m a s t and the wages of labourers, is exciting so much indie. rant comment ors this side of the channel, it 'nay be amiss to take a glance at the working of our not legislation on these beads. It is good to poll rs, beam out of our own eye before setting ourselves to extract the mote from the eye of our neighbour. p i t Loughborough, as our readers will have seen from a report published in our yesterday's impression, th e justices, on the application of the sub-inspector 0 f factories, have fined a hosiery manufacturing firm, i i , ten cases, for employing children thirteen hours d a half in one day. The truth was, and it was a s - ,, mitted by the sub-inspector, that none of the chil dren employed in the establishment had worked named in the information. The thirteen and a halt in ho o ll re ne th e a : The Act 7 & 8 Viet., c. 15, sec. 26, enacts that no child I shall be employed more than six hour s and thirty minutes in any one day, and that " the hour,. of the work of children and young persons in every factory s hall be reckoned from the time when any child or yo ung pe swz.h ra°n fac e t hal ory l ." first Th b : g e in hil th dre w n i thirteen and a half hours in the Loughborough came had begun to work at 1 p.m., and they worked for six hours and three quarters ; hat as other children had been at work six hours and three quarters before that time, in the eye et the law the relays had worked thirteen hour and a half. And for each of the ten cases in which the children i were by a legal fiction assumed to !•:ace worked I thirteen hours and a hal, their employers were sentenced to pay a fine of 3/ f . and costs. The la* will not allow the owners of factories to employ hale adult males for the number of hours that they are willing and glad to be employed, and couple with them relays of children, each relay working only half the time the men do. It only allows the em. ployment of children during six hours and a half every week day, or during ten hours of every ak is a - nate day. It as the masters choose to take it, a six and a half hours act or a ten hours act. 'his masters cannot afford to pay the lame wages for short hours as for longer hours ; they are not able to make the same machinery keep the same number of persons at work ; they cannot pro. duce the same quantity of goods, and of course cannot employ the same number of persons in finishing them. The act 7& 8 Victoria, c. 13, is an act for arbitrarily reducing profits on the maste r s' capital, and throwing labourers out of employment The mischief will not stop here. America poem. " water privileges " and beds of coal more exteadvs than those of Britain. In America the employer may keep his machinery going twelve or cvi n more hours in the day ; he may employ America the factory owner te nearer the place of growth of cotton. la it then to be expected that men of capital, men of mechanical talent, will remain in this country trammelled, pars. lyeed by vexatious and impoverishing legislation, when in America their enterprise and energy are allowed to reap their due reward? These are considerations which we would implore the operatives of this country to reflect upon while it is yet time. We speak withourbias i we are neither masters nor workmen, though we have mingled largely with both. We see, as lookers-on are pro-a verbially said to see most of the game, that the Fero- thrice Act has a necessary tendency to diminish em ployment and ultimately to drive manufactures out d the country. This will be a severe infliction oa capi talists, and the head-workers who invent machinery and organise factories ; but it will be a sentence of starvation to the labourers who have not the same means of shifting their scene of action. Our dense population have been kept alive but not brought into existence, by manufactures. When the silk mills at herby were first set at work a redundant population besieged their doors begging to be taken in on far harder terms than any factory operative would listen to now. At a much later date, when DAVID DALE established his cotton-mills at New Lanark, similar scenes were witnessed in Scotland. There is still suffering enough, Clod knows, in Greet Britain, but it is as nothing compared to the suffering in Ireland. And that the poorer classes in Great Britain are not exactly in the same condition as them of Ireland, is owing 'solely to our manufactures. Now the condition upon which the manufacturer is able to give employment, that is, food and clothing to the poor, is, that he shall be able to turn his capital or his ingenuity, or both, to account. If he did net possess them, he could not find the poor in work; it he did not gain by employing them he would not — any more than the poor man would work without wages. The labourer has as deep an interest in the manufacturer's making good profits as the menders turer himself. But so soon as a uniform, inevitable law is passed and enforced, declaring either that the manufacturer shall give such and such wages, or the w orkman so many hours of work, profits become pre carious, even when they are not cut off. 'f ne wages an employer can afford, the number of hours he may require his machinery to be kept at work, de pend upon circumstances over which ham= power has no control, the shifting of which human foresight cannot discover beforehand. A law fixing the quantity and remuneration of labour inevitably checks the free play of manufactures, di minishes profit and renders it precarious, and throes workmen out of employment. We will assume, for the sake of argumeet, that all masters are exacting and penurious, and anxious to drive hard bargains awyiatthemthegiriveviasnkpraomenf that . Theat m history af of ti t i h e e m fac i r a rl i been so. But of late years the evil has lea I admittedly abated. The growth of intelligence a a sense of self-respect among the operatives, the progress of education, with its refining influence, among the masters, have brought this abont.ce- These influences, amid a good deal of casional squabbling and mutual misapprehes sions, will carry the good work still further. This may be a comparatively slow method of bring ing about a more humane and equitable . state of society than any the world has yet witnessed ; but it is the only safe one. When men and masters drive their own bargains for themselves, for the time being, all circumstances can be taken into account and allow. & nee made ; but when a deaf, unalterable law, steps ia, it must be obeyed to the letter, at whatever cost. We observe that the partner of the Loughboroagh firm, who appeared in court, threw out a rugger as relative to an arrangement which he thought be made to work better than the only one under the existing Factories Act. "He had 101 told by an eminent cotton spinner, a Ili in the habit of making close calcalatialle that if he might be allowed to eta#l two seta of hands, each working eight hours a dap he could afford to give for these eight hours of wore as much as he could for ten hours' work of one sat only ; for this reason—that in the former case the capital employed in the construction of the ame chinery would in the first instance bear interest iv teen hours in the day, and in the latter only tea hours." But this has to us the appearance d a calculation made in despair of justice —an attempt to reduce an inevitable evil to its minimum. For the interest of employers, and far more for the interests of workmen, we feel that all legislative interference, either with wages or the hours of work, is to be deprecated. Winter the citizens of Madrid and the peopled Spain are astonishingly tranquil, the small knot of cou rtiers and statesmen calling themselves modersde are in a desperate state of indignation and excitement Some days back, on the first receipt of the intelligence from Paris, and the abandonment of the Duchess MoNTPENSIER in the Tuileries, the dons of CHRISTINA'S coterie meditated nothing less than declaration of war against France, and a restoration of Lotis PHILIPPE by the arms of Nsfirai• This heroic fit soon passed away but it has now been succeeded by another, equal choleric and valorous, in which the Christinaine threaten to do no less than levy war upon Englao , and to send a new armada to dethrone Uueen TORIA. The cause of this resentment lies in the fact that the Duke and Duchess of MONTTENsIER called at Buckingham Palace to see the QUEEN, and the they certainly went away without seeing her. The Spaniards say the QUEEN was willing to receive the Infanta, but not the French Duke and Dacha* We understand, on the contrary, that her Majesty did not contemplate the vexing of the r . oynl . exiles by such distinction, but that being within a day or two of her confinement, and not porn Portant!? t o receive any visitors, the preparation for receiving the Duke and Duchesa reqMred a greaten length of time than the patience of the viaitore sup Port• And, L uff- This, we belie so, Our °pinto been as severe saws i n the r dign punuibmen And whoever be of MONTER:I6IEI said to have anti Lord PALI!ERS natural desire el Duke and but, c Du oi h to Spain, We see no maw desires and prac the present stab prince succeeds sideration excle h s d just reason for interfering importance -13 e restored in Spa full possn!sion should decide t should aiquies( great moment quiescing, it I desire of inter] we deprecated of Lord PALM Independent its policy, shot and rancour, b tween the Hot If Louts XIL him, when Du °online° with pitality by Lo coronsly neat of Louis tilt and " avenge: should but ig usurp a char or the presen the FRENCH, to the inferni PR' PRUSSI) the 26th, t ceived. On time from Pray lush i, of that duel Grand Du( would quit prouctiou urged that committee whom cold of which v The King granted wi I)nehy of time ea pot the forma men of hot deliberate - nation; all tion, he But this o u the legs the Grand Count 1 goner at i Nameri the subjet and resole iambic ti, gether, ceeded wt The Ki was :ecei monstrati were pr carriage , General the infat The Prussia in that Ibis N 1 our prop represent reputed n States-G4 the wide of elect" jourf took asses for 1 Geri they him befc Col( esta and