The Express. — London, England, 1851-02-21 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF I.OIU/S.—Tstvammy F. 20. T►e IA XII ell %MC Y.L11.4.11 took WI seat at b o'clock. EXTENSION OF THE COUNTY COURT ACT. Lord ItIIOUG HAM said that it having gone forth, by some nii.take, that hr was going to-morrow (this day) to move the second reading of this bill, for giving the county court judo(., jurisdiction in cases of bankruptcy, be begged to say that it war not his intention to do so ; and that he had (rammed the measure to a future day in order to give time for ascertaining the opinion of county court jading In the country. Ile intended, however, to-morrow, to call the attention of their lordships to a further exten.ion of the county court jurisdiction in reference to other matters, sad present a hill on the snhket. BUSINESS IN THE EQUITY COURTS. Lord Ilitt)CuillitM called the attention of the house to the arrears of bonne*. in the Court of Chancery, and asked the Lord Chancellor if the government intended to fill up the third vice-chancellorship. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the indispensable ne cessity of milting the evil which had been pointed out by the noble and learned lord had been much pressed on the attention of the government. Some very important alters tams in the establishment of the Court Chancery, and in the loran of proceeding, were in contemplation ; and in tie coarse of nest week a hill on the subject would come under the consideration of parliament, which would alai ..111131701) the appointment of a new Vice-Chancellor. That bill, how ever-, must occupy conaderahle attention in its progress through parliament, and the state of Maine.s in the equity courts war such as to require relit f fur the benefit of the suitor. I s .pore that bill could be passed. There was in reality no greater amount of bovine. in Chancery, hut by a new I.iw ionic matters were now brought summarily to a ft.-Orion which could only before be tattled by a suit in Chrtieery. There war sla. a law by which many petitions could lie derided riamm.irily which formerly would have been the mince tof a suit. Between four and five hundred rarer hail been set down and added to the Viee-Chancellor's paper an, Michaelnias term last ; and if their lordships knew the number of tares which had been dirposed of, they would not think there war any delay in the Mainers of the court; oi. v. rthelea, this accumulation took place. Ile thought, under these eireuntaint. a, that the government nimbi le- °Wilted to appoint another Vire-Chancellor IllittrC their harm r measure of Chancery reform could be pawed Ws a law. Lord (LEANN ftltTlf bore testimony to the absolute ne cessity of tilling up the vacant otticeoand could not we that the appointment would in the slightest degree interfere with any arrangers,. ut which might be ronteniplated by the governiu. nt with reference generally to the Court of 0 . 1.13.• net ry. 1.0r.11 STANLEY ailed whether the propnced tnetourn would be introduced in Unit or the loner wow•. The Wild VIiANCELIAiIt euuld nut answer that gut-stow. Aft. r a few weds frees Lord BIIOI3IIIAIII the subject drupiad. LAW OF MARRIAGE. Tho Earl of ST. fiEHMANS raja M ohoolol, on Mon. day, mart For a whine of S. numb. r •ignaturos to po meow. on favour of a bill fur an alt. rat iu the Law of Marriage. 1 la is lurtl,laiw then, at a grater to 6 o'clock, adjou rut tl. IH)USI nF (I)SlMONS.—Thruso.ty, FEB. 20. !11•r.Ac►M t..& OM• d ur .tt I o'closih. PRIVATE BUSINEsS. Sr. tINI. lir 41.144..-17ttovicr to stoke-neu-Stone and from Mil'wick to Swine Turnpike Rawl. Bill. MEAT NO1011E10: RAILWAY (Nrs 3) BILL ...... • . . VI,. H. ItENISI)N mono il the second n'inlingof thin bill. land i A 1.W.%1* Novo. .1 tha raoli•ow. The line wan, he mini, a deviation of On loop lino. authorineol by parliament, who!. only n.ittainnl a ight to ronspl, te it to fiainn lawmisth, wtorran thin toil' primal...l for nittetn. The bill hail In •• reterteol twin. below, awl a roininittre hnl ele r lan II tb. propel to he meet unju.tlhalde. (Ilear, hear.) 11. twlii,••l tho re wan no intention on the part of the din torn to make the loop line, ctrl MI that point tw atopt.alial to the ell...roman (Mr. It. lb•nison) for .• distinct waiertain. f, It N ., dould a. to th. tato atthe twll I. fon. a o.llllllittril., 1,,,, It. 11..111.4• 4. prenrast p late partio from la ..,g put to the • spew... of further oopponition. Ihe noble Lrcd l.p k •l by noi•ing an an anitiolosio lit that the till ntmultl n ail a s rwl lilac that flay .in monde. Mr. H. ItY•NISItN ..id thin wan a 1.41 purimorting to make • railway anon. a Hat totint:y had no turnpike and it. ••Itert win to noomet the lanrolushin• line with the main 1i,,., • Ith a sir. to the trannit of roads. Vale. lb' MII wro- p enetli it wont,' he nein n,sry to carry foal. on the I irrat Norttorn tin, at No' rink of the tmeensa r *rattle ll.' the I •to n. not the bill to a coMIIIMItteI., when. he would Ia I.lllb lit 1.. let it n-st Mr M. MILNE?: wd I.y thi. loill it u:s4 attempt.' to Ih• lin. rnwu ILivrte, y to liAinslioniugh, Ih. .04.1- striartrn. trhic't awanuit... h.• &ad M. CARA thl Loos to 1,14 I . a .c.roil Thr boor Owls dirid.•d, win n th. rt. upprared For the. tw.liou Attaiimt it Thr 114 U 11116% eon. •inriitly 64. lU►YKTt)N A\l► 111T1'111:i RAILWAY BILI.. on 11w• minion for thi• ~reowl reading of Oki. hill. ... Sir. I.lll' RN ....WI th.• hill had isr.ot riivetril two or lbw.. tiwY. Iseforr. atol th. 1.14,..ti0n. to it we n• ;1 . 0 gn•at a• O 114. T. .11...1111Y1 . 11 WWI t.. pm.id.• inrn•awl arrionniialation for the town of wltilli Iraq 4111411 y 111 . 140M1114. ntly, anal thN• how.. IN•wan' of throsi hag IMO loTl,lb . atty hinlosr . Th.• railway. if .....truct..•l, would pw... wiukr the wind... , Or M. I'. tre. 1 , 41. a.. and %. Ty n.ar V•w. %Mr the public w.n.1.1 io. I. nrhl. li. nuirludrel by wooing that the bill be trot linos. that 'lay .4% moat, Mr. It. lIEN ISI IN Ili. vole ..fret of the pmpnw•n of 101 l wu, lu auotht, cowpony to Cur) out ita • rta►inq. 'I h,• uo.tiu iseirative.l without a iliviaion. to 111.1 w.vrEit Till Fir M.Pti .1 that it he au instruction to the coonimittee of u lection sod to tia the sitting of the I •. upon any 11.11 noisneeted with the 'ripply of • .ot..r to the nitropooli., or any (Kitt therrol, tell attcr at hot • a..i after the lacer The toglit hurt. !unmet said the house was awart, that in the o arty part of last nuoion there was before it a scheme for a tot.illy lIPW male of nopply Mg the nketrapoli. with wrier, an., the evidence on which it was founded was placed in the hand. of number. in November last. Thr matter had since horn fully connidered by the goxerriment, and 1.41 was in ioreisacition which would, he trusted, re c. ite the sanction of the lonew ; }nit a. it was extremely desirable that no now interest +I hi in the meantime toe created for supplying the metnolooli. with water, withiokkt dositint to interbore with the >4 tuna muting. of bill. , the iaents of which it ..sight be tool+ io I.lc to consider. he pno. ;lowed .6 roam. which apiwarral to. I • or he, 1,1 . 11 for the the fairest that nould be adopted. Mr. V. sMITII oolnsort..l that a toure sonic a Icit .intilar to. (biases taken by the gouvo.niment Loot >oar. 1131114 lc. that of postponing +metal bill • improving llor supply of water for the inetr.4...ll*. tine of the hill. hetore the houw was in hi. own elk.trit.., 10. Ott: a bill to pros alt. a mot*. regular anal a tastier supply tilAn the ron-oent ; and he wi.lied to. Lwow (nom hi+ right hon. fri. sal tied whether he could state the nature of the bill whirls the government meant to limp..., and amsondly, whether it wa. nem-miry that the patpont.- "Rent should cutimae till utter Kato r, the wiry of which lao to konovent any . improivennut. Mr. W. I'ATTEN mill some hill+ had coomc under noti, Which related solely to the supply or bath. anti wa.lt. how.. 1, and he womb! ask the right hon. baronet volietho.r hr hadinterukxl to include them in his motion. Sir 11. Olt KV, in reply to the clue -lion of hi. right hon. friend (Mr. V. Smith) thought it mespedient that he should then state the purport of the t; 4l . MVSINITt• ; he would only say that the hoard of h. alth thought it unde sirable and inespedient that the supply of water for the metropolis sl 1.1 hr made the .übjuct of couipetition. (Hear I In reply to the hon. gentleman opposite, he would °harry.• that the motion had refer.nee esperially to the me tropolitan water supply ; but at the same time he f. It brad to state that OW water of the Itegrues Canal. used for baths and wa.hhotriv had been found olijeetionahle in quality. and for that reason he propos. d A) include in his motion the bill of which the hou gentleman bad tillage. Thu motion was then agreed to. IWSINESS. NEW MEMBER. !Yr II 111ROVIIinois ti;;;1.4th;;;I hi. seat as member for South Nottissashirr. The hon. gentleman was in troduced by Lord Manny,' and Mr. Frr 11. I'ETITIu`IS I 9 :ME\'rEl). A large number simian the Ecclesiastical Title. Assump tion Dill and the papal aggreeion. Cor•re 110%11114.—ft Mr. IL DRUM MOND. from ratepayen of Clod.ham, and from isior-law grisoliaii, of the ('lwrbey room; M r . M. GI IlsON, from Witham and Blotield 1 Mons; Mr. W. PATTEN. from David. y and Lancaster; in favour of county financial huazda Ily Mr. FULLEII, from the guardians of the poor .4 the Anglesey Union, to the sant e rtl ant , and pray ing also that the pave may ha maintained by a general rate on all funded and other property. )I%IT Tan.•-11, Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND. from iahalatants of C , Surrey. for the abolition of this tax. Wornom Tan—By Sir DE I..tCY EVANs, from board of guardians of the Strand Union Alderman SID. NET. from a place in the City of Londoal Mr. WYLD, from 2,000 inhabitants of Islington ; Mr. 11. BERKELEY, from tiloure.ter Sir G. I'ECIIELL, from Brighton. with 1.400 signatures; Earl JERMYN, from town CnUriril of S it u St. Edmunds ; Mr. PRTSR LOVEDEN, from Alwryetwith ; Mr. LENNAIID, front Mahlon ; Mr. Hu...m.11 - r. hem Monmouth and Newport Sir ALEX. 110011, from corporation of Chard, and (non Portreete nail inhabitants of Watehet. Somerset; for the total and asconditional repeal of the window tan. Paris Derr. —By Mr. B. B. CADDELL. from St. Al bans; Mr. SI I.N ER 0 I BSON, from Mainhi .tor ; Mr. COWAN. from lid inhabitants of Ulver.toni.. and from the proprietor. of the EthnbaryA New. Mr. WYLD, f rom Mt Austell. St. Ives. and Liunee.ton, Cornwall; Mr. KY It YDItEMM ON 13, from inhabitants of Vanilla's, and , Mechanics' Isetitote of same place; Mr. SLAN EV. from the al Fear larky's Bristol Journal ; Mr. 11. 11 IL Y. ham Bristol; Lord NAAS, from a plate in Ireland; Mr. WILSON PATTEN. front nard.ola. Chore try, rig Laseraorr; Mr. J. ELLIS, from Castle Donning ton. Leicestershire, and from Sunday school teachers of la". plea ; Mr. C. LUSHINOTON, from Westminster ; Nan DK LACY XYANS, from several plates; for the repeal at Unread. dray ow paper. Jaws 131 PMILLIAIIRST.—By Mr. W. PATTEN, from Whalley sad Yearned, Lantinhire, against the admission of Jens to Parliament. lIOME•MADE SPIRITS. Lord NAAS gave notice for that day fortnight to =me for a committee of the whole house to inquire into the laws regulating the levy of duty on home-made (Hear, hear.) INCOME TAX. Colonel SIDTHORP, in committee of ways and immas, to move that Akere in the army and navy and tusant farmer. be exempt from the income tax. (A laugh.) PAYMENT OF THE GROSS RECEIPTS OF THE REVENUE INTO THE TREASURY. Mr. WILLIAMS, for that day fortnight, to submit a motion of which he had given nonce on the first night of the -.ion, namely, that nu portion of the public money should be intercepted on it• way to the Trea.ury, nor be appropriated without the consent of parliament. LIMITATION OF THE INCOME TAX. Mr. IL U3IE, in ease the house should agree to the income tax, to move that its duration be limited to unc year, so u to admit of inquiry being made into the inequality of levy ing the same rate of charge on terminable and interminable income, and 00 fixed property. (Cheers.) RAJAH OF SATTARA „....... . Mr. ANSTEY for an early day to call the attention of the house to a petition which had been presented by the repre sentatives of the late Rajah of Sattara, complaining of • denial of justice before the Privy Council. INCOME TAX. Mr. MACOREGOIt, in committee of ways and means, to Move VI an amendment to any resolution or resolutions for imposing a duty or duties on property or income, that rates of duty not exceeding the following rates and proportions shall be levied, via.: I.:pon the annual value of all property enumerated in the art 5 & 6 Vic., c. 35, under schedule A, and upon all the annual dividends or profits of all property, Aare., or investments enumerated under schedule C in the sail art, and upon the manual profits or gains arising or accruing to any persons residing in Great Britain from any kind of property whatever, whether situate in Great Bri tain or elsewhere, there shall be charged yearly. A. For all such incomes exceeding the annual value of 30/. and not exceeding 1001., for every 20s. thereof shove MI, the sum of 21.1. Exceeding and not exceeding 1301., for every 20, thereof, the sum of 211., and for every 21$. shave 1001. the sum of lid. additional. Exceeding 130/. and not ex tenting 200!. for every 20s. thereof the sum of 3.1., and for every 20, above 1.501. the sum of 21d. additional. Exceeding 200!. and not exceeding 3001., for every 20s. thereof the turn of 71d., and for every 20t, exceeding 2001. the sum of 21d. additional. For all such incomes exceeding 3uo/., fur every 20, thereof the tom of 10d. B. Upon the annual value of all such properties in respect to the occu pation thereof, as they are enumerated in Schedule B. sth and 6th Victoria, for every 20, of the annual rental exceeding 7.W., awl not exceeding 1501., the sum of Id. ; and for every 20.. of annual rental exceeding 1501. and upwards, the sum of 2d. C. Upon all annual profits or gains arising or ac cruing to persons re.iding in Great Britain, from any pro fession, trade, employment, or vocation, whether the same be respectively carrn ii on in Great Britain or elsewhere ; and upon every public office or employment of profit, and upon every pension, annuity, and stipend payable by her Majesty, or out of the revenue of the United Kingdom, exeept annuities charged as enumerated under schedule C of the Act & C Viet., cap. 3.5, there shall be charged as foliose., vie.: Fur all profits, gains, or ineome exec...sling the annual value 01 751. and not exceeding 1401., fur every 20s. thereof shove 73/. the sum of lid. Exceeding 1501. and not 4-weeding 2011/., for every 20, thereof the sum of and fur every 20, abovit 1101. the sum of lid. additional. Ex c., ding 200 t. and not exceeding 3001. fur every 20'. the sum of , and for every 20s. abuse 2001. thu 1411111 of ld. addl. timad. Exert ding 3001. pr annum, fur every 20s. the sum of 3sl. THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1851. i late the working classes to embark their savings In (specu lative enterprises. The committee was then agreed to. ' EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE IN COUNTIES. Mr. I t YLING, in moring fur lemma to tiring in a "bill 'to InakeThe frinchise in counties in England and Wales the some as that in boroughs, by giving the right of voting to all occupiers of tenements of the annual value oflol. " said that in aria asking the leave of the house to introduce a bill of duo description, he had been fortunate in being able to bring the subject forward at this early period of the ses sion, and thus he had overcome the chief, and he believed the nnly, objection which had been mind to his measure during the last s' ssion. It had then bees said that bills of thi s 'k in d s h ou ld be brought in early, and that to lay them on the table late in the eession was a sufficient reason to in duce the government to reject them. By being in a posi tion, therefore, to bring forward the present bill in the , middle of February, instead of the middle of July, he had overcome the chief objection. (Hear.) The noble lord at the head of the government had frequently said that the Reform Act required certain amendments to be mule in it, and that it might be desirable still fur ther to extend the franchise. Now, his (Mr. King's) present proposal would not interfere with any plan meditated by the noble lord. It was a proposal simple in its terms, moderate in its requirements, and practical in its operation. (Hear, hear.) It might pave the way for thou great, and, be trus ted, comprehensive measures of reform, with which the house and the country were to be favoured whenever the proper time arrived. His hill did nut inter ft.re with any principle of the Reform Bill. It did not pro pose, for instance, to disfranchise any borough, or to add a single additional representative to the number consti tuting the house. It only proposed to do away with a great anomaly as regarded the representation—to place' the inhabitants of one locality on the same footing as those of another, and to confer the same rights and advan tages on those who resided in one place as were enjoyed by others, under similar circumstances, who resided in ; another. (Hear.) He hoped the discussion would not di verge into extraneous topics : for the measure was simple, it really was so simple that the most moderate and cautious reformer might with safety adopt it. (Hear, hear.) There ' was nothing in it to interfere with those opinions which were said to he essential to the due progress of reform ; for the noble lord had said that " he had always considered it a condition in every reform—a condition happily com plied with—that the representation of that house, the mode in which it was constituted, in the representatives who were . elected, should he consistent with the monarchy and the House of Lords." Now, his (Mr. King's) comparatively • insignificant measure, if it had any effect whatever, would stretheat both the monarchy and the House of Lords. lie hoped, therefore, that the noble lord, who had made the greatest, the best, and the most important social reform ever effected in this country iu modern times, would not object to removing those gnat anomalies which now existed with regard to our representation, when it could be shown to he done without incurring any risk. (" Mar, hear," and cheers.) Ile might also state that his measure • was perfectly sound in polity. It had often been said that the house ought to extend the franchise to ' the greatest possible extent they could with matete—that, • by so doing, the legislature became respected, the law be . came popular, and property became secure. (Hear, hear.) Now, could there be any doubt as to the respectability of t that sat and numerous claw of the community who would be affected by this bill? Wu it not to that very class who • happened to reside in parts of the country—not in counties—that the greater part of her Majesty s govern • ment owed their swats in that house? (Hear, hear.) And wa. a man a better citizen herons(' he happened to reside in' one locality rather than in another? (Hear, hear.) He might quote. from a paper which had been put a into his hands that day, showing that tens of. thousande of persons scattered over the country were, by means of a distinction in the law without a difference, and which was invidiously and manifestly unfair, deprived . of the franchise. Ile might bring forward a vast number of eases to prove the gnat anomaly which existesl. He might take his own county, for instance, and there he • found that in the borough of Reigate—the smallest borough in the county—the del. householder was r‘'presenttsl in parliament ; whereas, in the large town of Cniyilon—the • capital, as it might be called, of Surrey—a man might rent a house of 50/. a year, and transact business daily in the metropolis, and yet not be represented at all. (Illear, bear.) lie would not, however, go into details of that kind. • What was conceded to Ireland, he claimed on the part of those who resided in the counties of England. (" Hear, ' and cheep.) For, if they tank the whole length and breadth of this country they would find that the people of England • were not on the same footing as regarded the representation as the 'people of Ireland were.'(llcar7) And this mi. a great act of injustice on the part of the house—it was adding insult to injury hy saying that the people of Ireland were more to be trusted than the people of England. (" Hear, hear,•' and cheers.) But during the discussion on the Irish Fran chise Bill it was frequently !QM, as a reason why the hill should he adopted, that the constituencies in that country had actually decrtased. If he could show that the county constituencies in England had decreased also, he would make out a very strong claim in favour of hi• measure. By comparing the nvister of 11536 with that of 1849-10, he found a decrease in the county of Berkshire of 1,030 voters; in Devonshire, of 1,123 ; in burretshire, 488 ; in Hereford shire. of 319 ; in Shropshire. of 50.1 ; in Westmoreland, of 747 ; in Wiltshire, of :1145 ; and in Worcestershire, of 475. But it might he said that this was going tai far hack. Ile would therefore contrast 1813 with 18.50; and here he found that then• had been a decrease itt the ronstis tueney in Bedfordshire ut 415 ; in Berkshire, of 7119; in Devonshire. of 1,7.33; in Dorsetsbire, of 813; in Hereford shire, of 1,0$8; in Shropshire, of 998 ; in StilifOrdAhirl., of 1,577 ; in Suffolk, of 811 ; in West Surrey, of 304; in West moreland, of 210; in Wiltshire, of 584 ; and in Worcester shire, of 1,3;9. (Hear, hear.) The whole number of county electors in 1813 was 484,073; in 1850 it was 161,413, show ing a decrease in the county electors, in the short period of seven years, of 22,690; while the borough electors meanwhile had increased by upward. of .50,000. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) 'These facts proved that if the principle laid down for Ireland was a sound one—that with a popu lation which, he regretted to say, might be proved to he either stn ary or decreasing, the constituency was also decreasing, and therefore required an extension of the fran chise ; if this were a sound principle, and if in England it could be shown that the population was increasing and that the county electors had decreased, he then believed he had made out a strong case in favour of having the franchise ex tended in the English counties. (Loud cheers.) Ile ad mitted that an objection might he raised, and very pmperly so, that his bill did not go near far enough. (hear, hear.) Ile remembered hearing the noble lord xtx that " no opi nion he had ever held, and that no opinion he hehrthen, would debar him front seeing with satisfaction any plan for e a tending advantages to the working rinses on a basis widened on what the representation at jimx.nt rested." Now, he (Mr. King) hoped his measure would be taken to he go al as Lie as it stunt, and that the noble lord would support it on the same ground on which it had been brought forward—namely, . . . . on th r S principle that half a loaf was better for a hunt man than no loaf at all. (4. Hear, hear," and laughter. The honourable mover concluded by elpressing a hope that his measure, which was of ouch sound policy and perfect justice, would not be refused by the house. lie tru‘ted the day would us ver come w hen the people would fiad that only a particular clays could obtain a hearing in that house, when the laws should cease to be a refuge for the oppressed, and when we should only have false keys and false balances instead of equal keys and equal balances. (Loud cheers.) Mr. HUME seconded the motion. Lord J. It USSE LL the hon. gentleman who has made this motion has done it cert Only in a most temperate manner. (Hear, hear.) He has laid it of ore the house with as little of undue exaggeration, either as to its merits or its nature, as any member of this house could possibly desire. (Hear, hear.) I must likewise say, as he stated at the commence ment of his speech, that there can be no objection to his making the motion at this period of the session ; and that that reason which be says, and says truly, was the only reason I urged last year to the adoption of the motion he then submitted, will not now apply, and that it is not the reason I shall now assign. I think this motion differs very much from several motions which the house has considered of late years, inasmuch as I do not think any reasonable objection can be alleged against the class of persons whom he proposes to introduce into the county constituencies. (Bear.) I admit at once they are a class of persons who, if entrusted with the elective franchise, would probably use it with in telligence and integrity. (Hear, hear.) I certainly do not pretend that there is such a superiority in the inhabitants of towns over those in the country as to enable me, or any one, to say that the inhabitants of a town, when invested with the franchise, are distinguished by their superior quali ties over those residing Mother parts of the country. (hear.) But the question really is, whether this proposal will be an improvement of our representation. Because I have always considered that this was the important question whi c h the house had to decide in any proposal of this kind. The view I have taken has been this : seeing the power which this house possesses, observing that this house is the representative of the country, and finding that succeeding parties have in creased its means of controlling all the other branches of the legislature—that what was really important to discuss was not if any particular persons should he entitled to vote at electiqns, but what is the general result which would be ad vantageous to the country, so that this house should fairly represent the intelligence and the genuine wishes of the nation. Now, sir, if we consider this proposal with a view, first, to what has hitherto been the ease with regard to the franchise in this country, it will be obvious that this pro. posal is in direct opposition to it. There has always b een , to a late period, this distinction i n principle between the representation of counties and the representation of boroughs —though it has certainly not been uniformly carried out in every instance:—that the representation of counties was a representation of tenure, of persons who voted in conse quence of their tenure, and that the representation of boroughs has been a representation of persons who voted according to the variety of their occupations ; the one class being usually denominated freeholile whom, rs according , an the o oth t er elms being known as householders, by a particular charter or particular rules, decided by very ancient authorities, the right of voting in towns and boroughs was possessed. In the course of the expe rience which I have hail of the votes of electors of counties. I have found that when a candidate seeks the vote of a farmer who, perhaps, is paying considerable rent, he is often met with the answer, 1 cannot enter into the matter with you. for I mast consider the opinions of my landlord." Oa the other hand, at county elections, I have seen among the smallest and poorest fret:holders a feeling of independ ence, a spirit of integrity, and a resolution to give their votes only in accordance with their own opinions, which is. I think, highly honourable to them. and which dues show that they are in a position of far more independence than t th h:t hois otlie . r s c e la- Dt ss i. to h pro l ro. have i rs is lerri to . d . ..4l ltpa car tii. , oto hs n a . r e. .) .. N ol o es w di such a very km_ number of s . nt crs by seriously diminish the just influence of the valuable class of 1 freeholders. In glancing over the various counties of Eng , land, 1 find that the 501. occupiers are at present in a minority certainly as compared to all other voters, the greater part of those other voters being forty shilling freeholder., and all of them being voters by tenure of some descriptiOn. In Berkshire there are 971 voters with the 401. occupation franchise, and 4,270 ' other voters In Cheshire there arc 4,022 0411. occupation voters, and 11,901 other voters. In Derbyshire there are 2,883 501. occupation voters, and 10,208 voters who have other description of votes. In Devonshire there are 4,920 of the former, and 14.088 of the latter clam. I need not quote any more of these particular instances; but I may state generally that in the whole of England them or., about 100,000 persons who vote in virtue of their holdings of 301., and 37a,034 of all other voters, comprehending the great mass of the forty shilling freeholders Now, it vim admit in round numbers 350,000 persons who would have the right of voting as 101. occupiers, it is very obvious that you would deluge these forty shilling freeholaers, and destroy their importance in county elections. I hold, con sidering the value of these 40.. freeholders, considering the antiquity of that tenure, considering that importance which they still preserve, that it would be a circumstance to be re gretted if we took any course the result of which would be to diminish their power or to affect their condition. But, sir, beyond this, I own I think that our object should out be to introduce the uniformity which the holt'. gentleman recommend.. Hi. argument is very shortly, and little more, than this : You have 101. householders who have the right of voting in boroughs, and it is only fair that they should have the right of voting in counties. I have rather considered, on all oc casions when this subject has been brought before me, that it was a decided advantage that there should be various rights of voting, and that the class of persons entitled to vote in one place should not be the clefts of peraons to whom is accorded the right of voting in a different place. I have come to the conclusion, therefore, that we should be effect ing no improvement by the introduction of this new fran chise. The hon gentleman says—and the argument has struck me—and it arises, I think, from a want of proper observa tion, but many persona have said, and the honourable gentleman among others, " You have given the right of Toting to occupiers in Ireland to the value of 121. a year; surely occupier. in England to the value of 10/. a year arc as worthy; and to them at least you ought to extend the Treacles.." But the hon. gentleman does not remember that in Ireland we have destroyed that old class of voters to whom I have alluded a. being so valuable in England, the forty shilling freeholder.; and when I said last year, in supporting the bill fur the extension of the franchise in Ireland, that I thought it most desirable to place Ireland on a footing with England and Scotland in this respect, it was because I took into consideration the extinction of the forty shilling freeholder.; and my object then was; to be stow some tranchbe which would be in the hands of per sons well qualified to hold it, and not to revive the abuses which formerly attended the tenure of forty shilling free holds in Ireland, and which would, at the same time, satisfy the people of Ire-laud that they were being treated with as much fairness as the people of England or Scotland. Now that consequence, 1 think, has been to a great degree at tained': for judging from the various returns IA to the num ber of persons now qualified to vote in Irish counties, I should conjecture that something like a fair proportion to the voters in English counties is being introduced into the counties of Ireland. But if you say, because we have aecomplished this, we must create a similar franchise in England, then you propose a new inequality, because, then, you would have in England the 40a. freeholders and other tenures and the BM occupier, whereas, in Ireland, you would have but the 121. occupiers without the 40.. freeholders , . That would be an inequality by far too great; and we should then have to propose the forty shilling free hold franchise, or otherwise to add to the number of Irish county elector* in order to re store the equality which we luul hoped to establish by the bill of last year. I cannot think, then, that this proposed measure is a measure the tendency of which would be to improve our representation. 1 would much rather continue the ancient distinction and maintain this difference—that whilst h o useholders shall have the right of voting in boroughs and cities, freeholders alone shall have the right of voting iu counties. The hon. gentleman has observed that I cannot say that this is a revolutionary project, or that it would accomplish any great and violent democratic change. Undoubtedly, I make no charge of that kind against the hon. gentlemen. I have stated that I do not consider his proptiaal would be an improvement on the existing state of things; but let it lie undenitood that I am very far from saying that the large clan, of persons whom it would admit to the right of voting in elections fur counties is a class of persons from whom our existing institutions have anything to fear. (Heins) There is, hosteler, another quoin tttt to which the hon. gentleman has alluded, and on which I think it right to say a few words before 1 conclude. I have stated that 1 do not think it advisable to adopt this proposition. On another occasion I have stated, that I thought that some extension of the franchise was ele.irable. At the same time, or the house will recollect, I said I did not at all agree that it was an evil to have county, large city, and small borough con stituencies, hut, on the contrary, that if we merely had a repriseutation of numbers, this being an intelligent and a wealthy country, would not he so well represented a. at the present moment. With these opinions I certainly could not be a party to that which I , ollle members of this house seem to wish, namely, a revolution in our ancient and the sweeping away of the • B lt t fo "n ren o let n 3o n gt7i t i.r with all the other acts on which the present state of the representation is founded. But, at the 14311 e . ~ 1 do think it is desirable to intrialitee a measure for some further extension of the suffrage—(cheers)—and by which, in particular, we should off nal to the working till-sea greater opportunities of Wit: • • g votes than they at present 'woes.. (Cheers.) I answered to an bon. gentle man (Sir Jiehua Walnialey), who put the question to me the other night whether the government were about to in troduce any measure for the extension of the suffrage in the courte of the present wesion, that the govern• ment had not that intention. There are reasons, peculiar to the present time, and general reasons of policy, why, in my opinion, such a course would be inadvisable. !tut, while believing all this, I can ace no reason why, after this session ha. passed, and ut the commeneement of the next session, there should not he laid before this house by the government a prapisail in nopect to this qui sti .... of parlia mentary reform. (Cheers.) Certainly, if I um a member of the goverment at that time I shall deem it my duty to lay my views on this subject lwfore the House of Commons. (Cheers.) I know perfectly , well that those views would not altogether meet with the approbation of the honourable member for Montrose and of other gentlemen who agree with him. But I have so often stated the ilifferenre of opinion which exist, between us that it ought to create tin surprise in his mind at finding that I have come to a prac tical conclusion, essentially distinct from that proposal Nhich lie hen laid from time to time before the house. I do nit, how ever, think it is desirable, considering that bynext session 20 years will have elapsed since the passing of the Ititforen Bill—that we should then consider whether there are not great numbers of our people not possessed by that act of the franchise, who are nut only fully qualified to exercise the suffrage, but whore exercise of the suffrage would tend to the improvement of the character of this how*. (Cheers.) I am, myself, perfectly satisfied with the experience we have had of that act. I believe that the representation sine 1832 has been such as to give confidence to the people at large—(hear)—which confidence they would nit have had in a House of Commons in which were members for 01,1 Sarum and fur Gatton, and in which were not mem bees for Manchester, and Leeds, and Birm.ngham. (Cheers.) I am therefore perfectly aatisticel that the influence of that Reform Bill, loudly as it was denied at the time that it could be so, 144 been salutary; and therefore, in any changes we may make, we ought to consult the spirit of that Reform Act—we ought to commit the temper and the genius of the people of thew United Kingdom. and not at tempt to construct any fanciful edifice based upon any new theory of our own, but, building upon the old fuunda tion, continually endeavour to improve- the symmetry and add to the convenience of the ancient habitation. (Loud cheers.) Mr. IIUME was glad that at last they hail obtained a definite promise from the noble lord, although it was not very pleasant to be told, after all, that if they would wait till next session, they might then get something. The noble lord did nut seem to be aware that he hail 'wen tardy, or that he was to blame for having passed twenty years without an effort to:remedy the over and over again acknow ledged defect. of the Iteform Bill. The same reasons which existed now, fur a movement in this direction had existed during thew 20 years; and what he (Mr. Hume) asked now, and would continue to ask, he had asked all along, that having taken a wise step in passing the Reform Bill, they should carefully awl calmly continue in the same course, and admit the whole of their fellow-countrymen within the pale of the constitution. Mr. CO BD E N said— 1 has e heard with very great pleasure, and I am sure the country will receive with much satisfaction the declaration made this evening by the noble lord, that he propessed to bring in next session a measure of parliamentary reform. I only hope that in the interval the country will give that attention to the subject which will enable it to secure a real and substantial measure of reform in one present most faulty system (Cheers.) I think—and I should nut have said a word on this motion if the noble lord had not addressed himself to the larger question—that some of the scene., we have witness el in one or two of our smaller liewough•—such as the Falkirk district, Set Alhana, or take Wareham as the most recent example —are utterly disgrace ful to us. I have witnessed set•nes in some of these small 1 places, where perhaps there are but two, three, or four hun ' dred elector., exceeding anything that ha occurred on the coutinent of Europe at general electionain which six millions of people have taken part. There has frequently been I more. drunkenness, violence, bloodshed, and even mortal combats, in the course of an election contest at one of these little boroughs than could be found throughout an election . ' in France, where some six millions of men have had to go r to the poll. (Hear, hear.) I trust the noble lord will bear I 1 this in mind in his scheme, and that he will come to one 1 conclusion, and one conclusion only, that the constituen , cies in which there are only two, or three, or four II hundred totem, where there is open voting, and where, , 1 as the necessary consequence iu such a constituency, 1 , there is bribery, intimidation, and corruption of every kind, . involve evils which ought to he extirpat e d a lt oge th er front 111 any electoral system. Meer, hear.) I hope that the noble lord will direct himself to this great task with the comic 'l timi that the country has for a very long time been looking for some measure of reform. Everything has up to this ' time, been refused . • and I do believe- that after the declare , tine of the noble lord to-night, he will be greatly mistaking • I the sense of the country unless he, or some one else holding . his responsible situation ' be prepared to bring in a measure . commensurate with the evils of the exalting system and , properly calculated to meet the wants and convictions of I the people. (Heer, bear.) I will say one word upon the argument offered by the noble lord in reference to I the motion which is before 49. The noble lord has said l that the proposal of my hon. friend would admit to the C franchise a clan of men altogether unobjectionable in point of circumstances, character, and integrity. It hail been said, and said truly, that the man who rents a house of the value of 101. in a rural district, is as good a man as ho who lives in a similar house in a large town. Now, I think if we take property as the test of character, which we are pro bably a little too prone to do in this country, that the man who rents a 101. house in a villageor in amarket town which is not an enfranchised borough, is, generally speaking, a man in superior circumstances to the person renting a 101. house in a great town. The noble lord, therefore, cannot, and does not, offer any objection to the motion of my hon. friend on the score of the character or position of those pro posed to he enfranchised. The noble lord, however, objects to the innovation, by the SW. tenant at will clause, upon the old system of the freeholds in counties; and, on the same ground, now objects to the creation of a 10/. eoustitu nig. But, taking the tenant at will clause as a fact, which he is not prepared to get rid of, the noble lord does not show us what possible mischief could arise from extending the la franchise to counties. It is not a question of innovation at all ; hut the question is, having the 501. tenants at will in existence and affecting elections, will you give the people of the counties a fair representa tion, tor that is all we have in view, by awarding them a 101. franchise to balance the .50/. franchise which is already established? The noWe lord remarks that he has found, in eanr, k r counties, that the .50/. tenant at will is not en independent a man as the forty shilling freeholder. lam inclined to say that the noble lord is un doubtedly right in that ; but it hyl3o means follows that the Toter, voting in virtue of n 10/. house, may not also he more independent than the 501. tenant-at-will. (Hear, hear.) There is every reason, as I think the noble lord will find, if he will follow up his argument, why the 501. tenant-at-will cannot exercise the franchise so independently as the. forty shilling freeholder. The reason it obvious. The tenant who rents a farm of 50 acres or upwards, is a man who depends for his subsistence on the application of his capital to the land which he holds from a landlord, by whom that land may at any time be withdrawn from him. Land is limited ; the farmer is accustomed to no pursuit but fann ing ; it would be a serious thing to him were he removed from his farm ; Anil, naturally, the landlord thus exercises an immunise control over that class of tenants in all cases where their rotes arc of value. But if you go to the la householder in a market town or village, you find a man who need nut care for the threats of a landlord. He is a man in business, a greengrocer, a butcher, 'or a shoemaker, and if he gets notice to quit, he ran leave his house without being ruined; for he can very soon get another house, and his business is independent of his landlord. It would. therefore, be quite compatible with the view of the noble lord, with regard to maintaining the independence of counties, to extend the innovation on the ancient system adopted in the Reform Bill, by creating kit. tenant-at-will voters to the occupiers in rural districts of 101. houses. l'assing over the fact that the ministry were lately saved from a minority by only 14 votes, I must ask the house what is the state of the county representation as presented to us lately ? Take the representation of Here fordshire Glamorgansliire, Nottinghamshire, Montgomery shire—take the elections now going on for North Staf fordshire and for Bedfordshire. Here I have men tioned six counties or divisions of counties. No doubt the mass of the people in those counties are deter mined to maintain free trade, but then n free trade candidate would not have a chance of succeeding in any of them. (Hear. hear.) Why you have only two classes, landlords and tenants, to send the county members to par liament; but the voters are only a small fraction of the population of those counties. I say that it is a great peril to your institutions, and a reproach to the country, if you allow such discrepancies to exist as this —that all the coun ties, although the inhabitants may firm a free trade majo rity„ send up nien to vote in parliament for dear his ad, against the free export of the products of industry, and fur high living, and all that appertains to it, and then they are said to represent the county. (Hear, hear.) I consider that my hon. friend has dune great ser vire by bringing forward this motion—(hear, hear)—for the country will he glad to hear that it has elicited front the noble lord the assurance that we shall have a very large, extensive, and complete modification and improvement of our representative system. Mr. I'. IHSWARD spoke shortly in support of the motion; but the house was impatient, and the hon. mem ber was interrupted by calls for a division. The question was then put and the house divided. The numbers were : For the motion Against it 52--II The announcement of the result was hailed with much cheering. TIIE CUSTOMS. Mr. MITCHELL, fur that day , fortnight, to mow an addn-f. to the crown fur a connuisbio n to inquiry into the management of the eut.torns. MOIL LAWS. Mr. BANK ES postkro4 until this day his question re verting the rating un CT the poor law. INTEILMENTS IN TOWNS. Sir I)E I.ACY EVANS wished to know from the noble lord the chairman of the Ikurd of Health whether any steps were Ia inu taken, in pursuance of the art of hut nes .iott prohibiting intramural interment, and when it was likely to he in full operation. Lord SEYMOUIt said that the Board of Health had Ind no time in taking the act of last session into considera tion. but there were a great many provisions and details whirl' minimd much care and caution. lie hoped that it would in a very short time be in operation. ISUTY ON CAILItIAG ES. Sir DE LACY EVANS 84,11 the Chme. Ilnr of the Ruh...pier whether hr had any intention of repealing or altering the duty on carriage. i The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIEHt ER—lt is not my intention to make any alteration in Ow duty un cur riairev. APAL AGGRESSION.-EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Mr. STUART asked the First Lord of the Treasury whethi r any of the 4iw Offiell, of the crown fur England or Scotland Maud had gisi it any opinion to the ttfect that, in miler to the vindication of the supremacy of the cross a against the aizirrissiou of the Pups. of 'tome, it is ...try or esp.-di-lit that the enactment of penalties and intainst the protestant bishops of the Scotch episcupul church should he submitted Mr the sanction of \V hethe r, in nisi, any curt. opinion has been virtu, them was any objection to lay a ropy of such opinion I room tilt house. Lord J. It 1 . vsk:Ll. It is usual for government to tisk the olnmf..o oot the law ollieo IN of the crown as to the state of thc lAN when a question arist, us to whether it would he ilesinilde to imtinite a pro-erution, but it is not usual to ask do. npinimf of the lus loft" v.* of the crown so , to meaontr." to Is limught before parliament. We did, however, ask the oputim, of the law Oh" n of the crown, as littv utheen, un 11w point in question. tor !tor OF CHANCERY. The Norte Limo then asked whether it was the hon. and learned member's intention to bring forward his mo tion relative to the Court of Cha RCM on Tuesday nest. Mr. J. ST l'A f and that his notice stolid too late on the paper. Perhaps the noble lord would give him another day ? (A laugh.) Lard J. RUSSELL hoped to bring forward a measum himself ea the mutOcet on au early day. Mr. J. SICAIi I' would, under any circumstances, bring forward his motion. NATIONAL GALLERY. Lord J. RUSSELL, replying to Mr. Chieteria, stated that the government hid in contemplation 14W steps in re tire., to the National Gallery, either by the appointment of a select committee or otherwise; adding that he hoped to give a • particular statement of his itteutions some time leaf re Easter. tor l'Y COURTS (SCOTLAND). Mr. HUME askisl the Secretary of State whether there was any intention of bringing in alxill to extend to Scotland the eounty marts fur the easy and speedy recovery of debt. under •al/. ? Mr. F. MACLE said that the Sheriff's Courts in Scot land haul a twofold jurisdiction. Small debts could be there recot entd without the inten claim of an agent, and iu the ordinary jurisdiction where questions were tried with the asstistsuire of a jury, all ea., for sums not exceeding 2.11. might be decided without appeal. Where the turn ex ceeded that amount there was an appeal to the Court of St ..ion. Ile belieet d that the system worked well in Scot land. there not having hero an, complaint. on the subject, and therefore is was not the intention of government to interfere. (Hear, hear.) COL:1(T OF CHANCERY (IRELAND). Mr. KEOGH asked the Attorney-General of Ireland if any general rules have been franica in pursuance of the Chancery Act of last session, and if not, what has caused the delay, and whether there is any likelihood that they will he soon published? Mr. 11 ATCII ELI. said he had written to Ireland for in formation on the subject, and had not as yet received the answer. WINDOW TAX. Mr. MAST}RMAN u•ked when it was intended to prop...tan alteeution in th.• window tax? 'lhe• CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the intvine tax niu,t tint he derided. (A laugh). _ dueler OF PETITION. Sir It WILLOUGHBY called the attention of the noble lord the member f o r Bath, to a statement imputed to him in the public paper*, Misfire to what It'a• alleged to be an invasion of the right of petition hithi no enjoyed by the British people. Lord DUNCAN, while acknowledging the general aecu racy of newsilaper reports. said that the word, he had actually made use of on the occasion alluded to, were •• 1 w.1.1t called to order by the Speaker, and RAI told that the people of England had no right to expre“ surprise en regret on a subject under debate in the house, and accounts of which had only reached them by report., un authorised by the house. - (A laugh.) LAW OF PARTNERSHIP. Mr. SL.VNI:V moved the appointment of a select com mittee, to consider the law of partnership, and the means of limiting liability so as to encourage enterprise, and stimulate the employment of Labour. Rapidly sum ming up the anomalies of the existing system, where vast remurcvs were allowed to waste, valuAle labour to lie idle, and vast capital• locked up almost uselessly, and the maluetire powers of the land only partially developed, the bon. member d.elareil that the chief cause of these ono- Mahe* to be found in the absurd fetters that were upon capital, forcing it into unnatural channels, and almost prohibiting the safe employment of his modest savings by the labouring man. Among the fetters upon capital he reckoned the complication of the titles and the cost of the conveyance of land; and the prohibition of local improvements, except under an set of parliament. But the principal disability arose from the law of partnership, which comp..% d every co-partner to risk his whole fortune upon the sum r* of an enterprise or the honesty of a haunt of diri sloes. Ile referred to clubs, railways, Joint-stock com panies, and various other instances, when• the combination of capitals amorist the rich hail worked such wonders, and coot, soled that, if a law were passed by which the liability of partners could be limited, the labouring man would be eneouraired to practise economy by the opportunity that would be given (or the profitable tovestment of his small savings. The motion wa, seconded by Mr. EWART. Mr. LABOUCHERE confessed himself unable to deride between the conflicting opinions expressed by high legal and commercial authorities as to the probable effect of • change in the law of partnership, such as had been iodi cated he Mr. Raney. There were many dancers to be ap prihended from any . violent change in the present law; but the yuestion was cat importance, and it was probable that by cautious measures many facilities might be given to the Sc, umuletive investments of small capital,. He therefore consented to the appointment of the committee, but hoped I that no change would be recommended that would Miami CONVICT DISCIPLINE Sir W. mouiswownt having moved for ecipira of all petitions that have been presents d to her Majesty, or to the llouac of Commons from Australia or Van Dia men's Land, on the subject of convict discipline and transportation since the year 1511, Mr. 'fIIOItNELY said that the petitions were already in print by order of the committee. They were 17 in number, and 11i had beer 'ell. -4t ANIF.NDMENT OF THE LAW (IRELAND). Mr. HATCH ELL moved fiir leave to blintz in a bill to consolidate and amend the laws Mating to civil bill. and the Croatia of Quarter tbsoions in Ireland, and to transfer to the Assistant Barristers certain jurisdiction as to insolvent debtors. Alley a few words from Mr. M , Cauxon, leave was given to bring in the hill. EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND. On the motion of ViAeount MELO ven to hring in a bill to reform and extend the wink)! estubli,h molt of Scotland. ASYLUM HARBOUR AT H01111E 1 11) • • • On the motion of COMO DUNNE, a return was ordered of the names of naval officers, civil engineers, and other persons who have reported in faYlur of or against the pru posed plan for the Asylum Hlm arur at H&oly al, or that have reported that IlUlyhead is not a suitable place for an asylum harbour, and whose reports have been made or printed by order of parliant.nt, pretious to the introduction of the Holyhead Harbour Itill into parliament east session ; distinguishing thaw who have reported in favour from thow who have reported against such harbour, together with the cost of the same OS estimated by the several engineers re ferred to; and copy of any report or paper forwarded to the Admiralty in the year 11417, on the part of the ship owners of Liverpool and others, on the nature of the an chorage ground of the proposed Asylum Harbour at Holy head, and signed by Captain James 11. Christie and Lieut. It. &infield, R.N., together with the plan annexed thereto. PASSENGERS ACT AMENDMENTS BILL. The house having resolved themselves into committee on this bill , Mr. ADDERLEY said it had been his intentioa to projwwe a dawn. extending protertion to cabin passengers, had not the hon. member for Wiltshire informed him that he had the authority of the government to say that the subject should bo referral! to a select committee, and that her Majesty's ministers would afford every facility fur inquiry, in order that a measure should he carried through parliament this session embodying the object he desired to attain. Mr. HAWES explained that the object of the present measure was to secure the mime safety and protection to parties going from one British port to another as was w cured by the existing Passengers Act between British and foreign port.. The bill passed through committee, MILLS AND FACTORIES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. The house adjourned at nine o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS. COUNTY FRANCIIISE.—Ayss, 100; Nuts, 52. AYES. Adair, Hugh E. Hail, Sir Raj imln Pilkington. James Adair. Ito-ort, A. IL Harmer. sir John Forney, William Monk, Thomas Harris, IL hard Power, Dr. Anderson. Arthur Iladie, Alexander Rice, Ell./fd Boyd Anatey, Thomas C. Ilan*, Are Sib .14 Rolairte., Thos. J. A. Rana, Michael T. He Alan. Thomas E. Solwry Colonel Wah, Martin J. !lodger Thomas L. Semiarid, William Blood; Reginald J. Howard, Philip H. Scrop ~ George P. Height. John Ilutnlthere, Mr. Ald. Shako, Robert D. Brockiehurst, John 'Curt, William Sidney, Mr. Ald. B-ritherton, Joaeph Jackie., William Stoney, Robert A. Brown, William KeatinB, Robert Smith, Rt. He. IL V. Banbury, Edward IL Kershaw, James timiih. John Benj. Calvert, Frederic Larignos, James IL Standish', W. It. C. Carer, John 8. Larne., Hon. Cecil StricaLintl, Sir 0. Chaplin. tAilham J. Lenart, Thorn. IS. Stuart, Lord HMIs, Clay, James Locke, Joarph Sail:, tn. Michael Ch d ird, Henry M. Lowden, Pryae Tancred, Henry W. Cobden, Richard Lushiogton, Charles Truer., Edward K. Coebrooke. sir T. E. Mean.. Job, loolnesis, Ralph A. Collin., Wain= M Cullogh, W. T. Thompson, Cul. Crase.rd, Win. 8, M`Oregor, John Thornely, Thomas 'armour, RLHn.C. MoTaggart. Sir John Trelarnir, John S. Drummond. Henry Menghrr, Thomas Villierr, Ho. P. W. C. Duncan, Viscount Mangle, Rom D. Wakley, Monne Ellie, John Moffatt, George Walm.ley, Sir J. EVADA, Sir He Lacy Molesworth, Sir W. Wawa, John T. loans, Wiliam Moore, George 11. Williams, John Ewan, William Mantr a Grieve F. Williiniti, William Fagan, William O'Connor, Fearerus Wits.; Mathew Forster. Matthew 011aherty, Anthony Wood, William p, vox, Wiliam J. Oswald, Alexander T.LUtill. Gibson. Rt. Itn. T. M. Pitched, Sir George B. King, Incite Granger, Them. C. Perfect, Robert Hume, Joseph DOES. - AdderlEy, Charles B. Proven, Charles H. Park,. John arbuthouti, Hos. H. Craws, (Him. D. J. Power, Nicholas Arrostrons, SD A. Grey. Rt. Hon. Sir G. Homily. Sir John Bonne. lin. Slr V. T. Grey, R ilph Wm. Russell, Lord John Barrow, William 11. Ilearbell, Kt. Hon. J. Soyir.our, Henry D. Eelow, Richard M. Hawes, Benjamin Seymour, Lord Berkeley, Admiral Heald, Jame* Bonserville, ?fir Wm. litkir, Stephen Henley, Joseph W. Stan le y, Edward Breraridee, Richard Hubhnuie, Him. slr J. Manton, William U. Brockman, Ed.. D. Hood. Sir A lexander Turner, George J. Busk. Lewis W. llornby, John Verner, Sir William Campbell, !Lin W. Y. KoLht, rtatorick W. Wilms., Sir H. Cowper, lion. W. Y. lightstela le, Hon. IL Wil.on, Jalol6 Cmg, Sir Wm. 0. LoocrLog. lion. W. S. Wood, Ittiloos. air C . D1111:1411., J..bn Lead., Goo.Cornewall • Dun 100, Admiral Mwle, Rt. How. Fun TiLLIII. D Hon. air D. Napier, Joseph /layter, W. G. ibm. John E. Pagrl, s wrd anew. Mt. Lord Emus freastue, Calmat Paget, lord George • Ma. Loewe KTNen Morton.—Mr. Grenville C L. Berkeley wu accidentally shut nut from the division on Mr. Locke }Cir.(' motion, and was thereby prevented from voting in favour of it. M. Raikes Currie paired (till 10 o'clock) in fa ♦our of Mr. Locke King's motion, with Mr. Baring. GL.tNIORGANSIIIRE ELECTION.—No candidate, be side, Sir Geo. Tyler, is now likely to come forward. Several Rena men of liberal principles hare been applied to, but owing to the auppnwd near approach of a general election, and from other mrcumatancea, they have declined the prof• fared honour.—Swansect herald. EXHIBITION 01 , 111.11. A N ALPHABEIIC.tL LIST of EXHIBITORS _ci at the CRYSTAL P.‘I.ACK. HY IH:-PARK. with an amount ot the roods they are to will aie.te.,r in lb. EXHIBITION BXPBE4S of Ti) MOKKOW b. 22. Every perigee in. tereeted la as Great h htion will react t lilt with int , rert, emcee It contains, as far ay at prevent known, the eintribatione of Great Britain to the fort 100 tog of the Nitwit, of all Nation*. The EXHIBITIO. Elllitt Ss. 'Axe°, a d..tits:e duly pyper, is pi t h. halted every lista:day 1114:100011. price 4d.—ollke, ‘slotefriara s Lowica. the Cyortgo, TO CORRESPONDENTS. ,dvertiwaerdatatroded 'or "Dm Kline*" Lredou Xveshei paper. moat be at the mike, 10, ktouveriwatrew, by Two o'clock Nib day of pabiwation. WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tn• DAT — Mom in. SC Um. ...... A fternom, ob. 7st. To-mos.,. —Horning. N. Va. afternoon, 4a. sir. - - - --- LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 21. THE motion of Mr. LOCKE Kew; for an extension of the elective franchise in counties to tenants hold ing at the annual value of la, has been carried by a majority of 100 to 52. This, in whatever light we view it, is an event as important as it was unlooked for. The same motion was brought forward last year, and met with the support of the same number of the House of Com. mons. But it was rejected upon that occasion by a majority of la; and the country was neither sur ' prised nor disheartened by the result. As a general rule, it is tmiversally understoud that the honour of fighting the up-hill battle of each successive reform is the chief recompense that awaits its hard and per severing advocates. But nobody imagines that under ordinary circumstances any individual repro- sentative, whatever may be his talent or per severance, can possess sufficient weight or influence to induce parliament to adopt no essential change in the constitution. All great modifications of the law are justly and naturally looked for at the hands of ministers. They are supposed to hold office by the predominant will of the country; and, in order to maintain their position, it is presumed that if they do not anticipate, they at all events endeavour to realise in legislation, the wishes of the nation. The misfortune of nearly every minister, how. ever, is that he seldom mows when and how far opinion has changed or advanced sufficiently to render progress on his part wise and necessary. When the opposition happens to he more liberal than the administration, the latter is less apt to tall into this perilous condition of political sonmantbulism. A perpetual current of new ideas is brought to bear upon men in office, and in spite of themselves they are driven to concede by degrees what is requisite for the contentment of the community. For parliamentary peace sake they are induced to give way. The mac is different, generally speaking, when a goveniment calling itself liberal is in power. Its members with us live too much amongst themselves. They are too careful to be thought politically genteel, to take the means which are necessary to learn the actual feelings of the people. Their tory adversaries fool them to the top of their bent ; and when those who truly wish well to their reputation and power venture to tell them urgent but ungrateful truths, they are prone to turn round upon them with petulant reproaelws, and weak enough to win the treacherous cheers of their ene mies by the exhibition of supercilious airs to their too candid friends. This has been during the last three years the car dinal fault of the existing cabinet. They have been steadily alienating the confidence of the men in par liament and of the class's in the country in win:an they might have relied with confidence in their hour of need. And now that their hour of need has come, what do we find ? Last year Lard Joss amused himself and the tones by snubbing Mr. Huns: and others who asked for a fair and reasonable extension of the franchise. Last night he met with his re ward in the wholesale desertion of his protectionist ' allies, who left him to be defeated by two to one of the liberal party. We rejoice nevertheless to perceive in the speech of the Prime Minister lust night indications of an altered tune of mind, whether he had any misgivings as to the defeat which awaited him on the question innnediately brought tinder con sideration, or that the thickening difficulties of his position otherwise had roused him to• a sense of danger, the country will hear with unmixed satis faction the distinct admission of lord Jolts that a new Reform Bill cannot touch longer be delayed. " If I am in office, I shall is, prepared at the begin ning of next session to invite the attention of Par liament to such measures as nay tend to place tho representation of the people throughout the king dom on a more satisfactory footing. We may and do regret even this postponement, and we cannot help thinking that it would have been infinitely better had the QuEEN's speech at the opening of tho present session east the shadow of this coming event. The raising of the new standard could not then have been liable to be mistaken by the suspicious as a signal of distress; and instead of making tho redemption of the pledge contingent upon a continu ance in o ffi ce until next year, the 1 remier would have been in a condition to dissolve parliament, had his new Reform Bill not been suffered to pass into a law this session. But the past cannot be recalled, and our bu s iness now is with the present and the future. The imme diate consequence of the declaration of but night is manifestly the annihilation of all thmo schemes and projects of reaction regarding free trade with which rumour has of Into been busy. The industrious classes are plainly 1 told that the final issue shall be left to them. Wens the present government upset to-morrow, and a pro tectionist administration installed in their stead, tho great result would not be altered thereby. With the present parliament they could not of course go on; and at every hustings, did they yen. turn to dissolve, the ruling cry would be "Household Suffrage and Cheap !tread!" In any case the dream of retrogression is over. A mine has been sprung under the feet of those who are said to have con ceived it. Whether on the Treasury bench or on that of opposition, the whigs are now committed to a substantial and comprehensive extension of tho suffrage ; and this, combined with free trade in all the great articles of consumption, must render all thoughts of disturbing the policy of l'Em. chimerical, THE CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has this in his favour, that of late years, owing to the discus sion and ventilation of financial principles and know ledge, direct taxation has lost much of its former odium, and has gained in respect, even whilst not ceasing to gall by its weight. We may remember aith what excuses Sir RoIIERT PEEL introduced his measure of the income tax in 1842, how he declared I that even to fill up a deficit he would not think of it, were he not at the same time prepared to take off duties from articles of common import ' and consumption, which would prove a boon almost espial to what the income tax subtracted. We can remember, ton, how the whigs, one after another, thundered against the measure, all ex claiming that it ought to he rejected, unless the strongest reasons could be shown for its necessity. If Sir CHARLES WOOD in 1842 could have been told that in ten years he would have proposed the imposition of an income tax, and laid the foundation at the same time of a house tax another direct tax that Sir Itonefer PEEL declared to be much more unfair than the in ' come tax itself—if Sir CHARLES Woos had been told that in doing this, with a surplus in his hands of two millions, he would simply propose to keep a million of this to pay off the national debt—in other words, dabble in the stocks at fit opportunities to keep up the prices ; whilst his other mighty measure was to make the state pay the expense of county lunatics and present the great agricultural interest of Eng land with 30,0001. to pay for . seeds—Sir Ch ARLER might well have wondered, of what stuff the brains of the British parliament and public had become. The fact is, that the CHANCELLOR has taken an unfair advantage of that growing respect for direct taxation which liberals both profess and feel : they see that direct taxation weighs less upon the poor, costs less to raise, is less subject to fluctuation, acts as a premium on economy, not as indirect taxation does, as a trap for unforeseen expenditure. They know, too, that direct taxation—much more galling and burdensome than indirect to people's feelings, if not Ito their pockets—will beget economy and arouse re ; instance. But the respect for direct taxation is not - 111-