The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-19 00:00:00

, 1 1 1,1 I 1 1 ' , 1 l' i 1 , 1 1 i 1 1 ,1, 1 , I 1 1 1 , 1, MPEI -- tT ---- 1 AL PARLIAMENT. OF LORS.—TUNDAY, A.PRIL The LORD HOUSE CRANORLLoIi. D took his seat at 6 o'clock. 16 PRIVATE BURMESE. SECOND READISO.P—UBDaw SINESB wit's Divorce NIL LIC BU. 1. —Crown and Government Security Bill, `T.tOl2 RCONFILLVIDON Bli WEIRD READiric”..--Iteinoval of Aliens; Lams of Mines are. lead); Bills. PEEITIONS.—By Lord RTASUBT, Lord Base rose, Ilarrinis Elmo- A. 1.1101; Lord 8a0,911M, Marquis of 14...D0RN1, and the Marquis of \Vamp:mu; from ea lofts. of Odd Fellows, praying that they might be teralised.—Lord Baocon from the Earl of Dun. donald, on the subject at the national defences, and praying that • plan which he had invented by which hostile Beets and armaments could be destroyed, might be incestigated by • commission to be ap pointed by the crown , and from several plum, in favour of sanitary reform. LORD BROUGHAM'S APPLICATION TO THE FRBNCH GOVERNMENT. Lord BROUGHAM, in presenting the petition from the Earl of Dundonald on the national defences, took occasion to state, with reference to his application to the Provisional Government of France to be naturalised in order that he might become a French citizen, that his sole object u the protectibon of hi s s property in that country ; and, w in desiring tobecome French citizen he did not wish to dives t himself of his rights as a British subject. It must not, however, be sup posed that by this step he had shown any favour to the French republic, or that his opinions as toe republican form of government were at all meddled. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. Messengers from the House of Commons brought up this bill. YIRRT REA STATE OF DUBLIN. Lord BEAUMONT wished to put a question to the noble marquis (Lansdowne) with reference to a statement he made last evening, when he had asserted that he did not believe any training was taking place in Dublin. Ile (Lord Beaumont), however, had received information of a very different character, and ha wished to know if it was correct, and should it be so what sups had been taken in consequence ? The noble marquis had also yesterday stated that the government of Ireland had most wisely availed ascii of the offer of an association to aid in the preservation of the piece, and that arms had been sent to be placed us their hands. Now he wished to know if it was intended to enrol the body in question, and, also, who they were !. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the house had the means of judging of the society to which he had referred, ma their offer and the answer of the Lord Lieutenant were both in print. It was well known, however, that no such persons could be armed without a formal authority from the crown. He thought it most essential t hat no such arming should take place without the authority of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and his lordship had conditionally availed himself of the offer which had been made. When he stated that arms had been sent over to Ireland, it was not with a view of putting them at once into the hands of parties in question, or of any particular body, but to add to the stock of arms in Ireland, so as to enable the Lord Lieutenant, if he thought at, to avail himself of the Girlie's of the association who had offered their assistance. With regard to the other point, he was glad his noble friend I had called his attention t o it. He stated yesterday that if there was any training going on it was not of so decisive and' distinct a character as to authorise the Lord Lieutenant to I put the act alluded to lest might in force; nevertheless he' telt satisfied that if anything of the sort could be clearly proved, the Lord Lieutenant would immediately put that act in force ; and he was now able to state that proceedings in ti.e nature of training to the use of arms had been dis covered a day or two since to be in pregresa in Dublin, and bsiore the evening all the persons engaged in it had been arrested (hear, hear) ; and any other soc iety assembling for the same purpose would be i mmediatel y proceeded against in the same way. (Hear. hear.) It might be well to add that under the provisions of the Dublin Police Act, firing at a mask was illegal, and liable to punishment. (Hear.) ELECI lON RECOGNISANCES BILL. On the motion of Lord Moateainee this bill passed thr'.ugh committee. On the motion that the report be brought up, Lord BROUGHAM proposed the following amendment; That nothing in this act contained shall be of force, by way of retrospective or Cr past facto law, to affect any vested interest, or decide any question now pending before any court or in either house of parliament " Their lordships divided—F a ain st ita the amendment 2l 16-5 Lord MONTEAGLE complained that the noble and learned lord had divided the house, after having stated that it was not hie intention to do at, in consequence of which several peers had left the house. If surprises of this sort were to be practised on her Majesty's government, all ca whom voted fur the noble and learned lord's amendment, he should like to know how the public service was to be carried on ? In neither house of parliament had he ever known an instance of any such proceeding. If a faithful adherence to an honourable understanding was not to he observed, and when noble lords, acting on the belief that what was said would be done, and what was asserted was true, hut left the house on that understanding, he could only say that such a proceeding was most unjus itiable, and would be productive of much inconvenience to all parties. (Hear, hear.) He would give notice that on to-morrow he would move the house to reverse the decision to which it had just come. Lord BROUGHAM said he never saw an instance of a more complete want of recollection of what passed within the last hour than his noble friend exhibited in his proper person at that moment. (Laughter) The noble and learned lord then explained that, in the first instance, he promised he would take the division on the third reading, but in conse quence of a suggestion made by Ais noble and learned friend opposite, be stated that he would move his amendment. The Hail f MALMESBURY said he had solicited the attendance of noble peers who were supporters of this bill, but they left the house in consequence of the promise made by the noble lord to him that he would not divide the house on his amendment. The noble lard said he wished only to record his opinion of the bill. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM had to give the most complete, stringent, and peremptory denial to the statement of the noble lord. (Order.) lie would not be called to order when he was stating a tact He never said a word about not di viding ; what be had said was, that he would not debate the question. After a few words from Lord LANSDOWNE, Tee Earl of MALMESBURY repeated his statement of what had taken place between himself and the noble lord. Lord BROUGHAM—Does the noble lord say that I said I would not divide ? The noble earl would not screw him self up to that. After a few words from Earl GREY, the subject dropped. The house adjourned at quarter-past seven o clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY, APRIL 18. The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BCSINESS. SECOND READING. Birkenhead Docks Completion NIL Act/AmendmentTHlß READlN.—Folkstone Waterworks eds Improve. ment Price's Patent Candle Co m pa ny ;; Bi ll s. PETITION. —By en Ilos. Menace, from Ross.shir, against the Scotch Entails .1351.—Sir R. BULNI'LIV, from an individual, against the Public Health Bill; Lord Moaerra, from Southampton and places in Manta, Surrey, and Susses, in favour of the bill.—Mr. Lona- MART, (TOM Synods of lahutgow and Ayr, against the Schoolmasters Land) Bill.—Mr. ANDIII.ON, from Kirkwall, against the exc.*. NTS.—Sir De L. Lea. , s, from rector, churchwardens, and others, G.of St. James's, Westrienster, against interment in totansMr. Roar:nos, four petitions from WO/raiders in Al)oa, london, and Poole, against the entire repeal of the navigation laws.—Capt. PMNILI., from M. Phillips and others, of Brixton, in favour of the allotment sywetn. FIRST EDlNGS.—Bribery and Corruption at Elections; Sites for Churc h es ; Scotland) ; Attachment of Gouda (Ireland; ; Wilful Damage; Bills. SECOND HEADING —Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill. OOMMlTTEE.—lndentnity Bill. THIRD READlNGS.—kehequer Bills; Public Work. Completion (Ireland) • Bills. rioncks OF MOTION. —Cal ti reek L ESTA3LONMENTS. — Mr . HORAN .0, on this day fortnight, to renew his motion on the subject of cathedral eatablishments. Re ElOl6O IN CHANCEIa IN lIELANP.—MT. 01130150, after Easter, a motion respecting receivera In chancery in Ireland. 11.1,,T10NS .111 Dr.NNARK.--Mr. 1.11.111,1.1, to-morrow ,this day), on motion for adjournment, to Salt attention to the state of the rela tions between Great Britain ands nmark. laasti Cticacw.—Mr. Moosa, n early day after Easter, to move fore committee on the subject of the Irish church. RETURNS ORDERED. —On the motion qf CoL Sorroone, a return of the names and number ot corntrussions of inquiry appointed once the year Is 10. RELIEF WORKS IN IRELAND. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY, in the absence of the boo. member tor Limerick, a kill whether it was true I that dismissals had taken place from these works, and whetner the cause was misconduct on the part of individuals ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHECIL:EIt said dismis sals had taken place in consequence of tie ceuationnt 'forks; but there were nizitngutations that he wa; aware of on the character of the parties who had been dismissed. PROTECTION ASSOCIATIONS IN IRELAND. Mr HAMILTON observed that some s:alements had been made in another place as to as-orations which had been formed in Dublin and other parts of frelaad. He asked for come information on the subject. Sir G. GREY said tbere was some misapprehension as to what took place elsewhere. He held in his hand a corre• spondence betweer. the Lord Lieutenant and certain parties in Dublin, from which it appeared that a meeting of well disposed persons having been held at Leinster - House, in Dublin, on April 5, in order to form an organisation for the protection of their lives, liberties, and properties, it was agreed that the association should not sesame arms or ensigns until the entire assent of the government had been obtained. In reply to an address on the subject, the Lord Lieutenant stated that as the evil-disposed made no secret of their de signs. the feelings which led to the address were not to be won treed at, and that he felt convinced such association would be most useful, and met with his entire approval. He (Sir 0. Grey) need scarcely add that no armed associa tions were lawful unless the met with the direct sanct:on of the crown, and that no such y sanction had at the present time _ . been given. Mr. HUME said if anything could tend to do evil in a country, it was arming one part a the population against another. Sir G. GREY said his object in the explanation was dis tinctly to state that no such intention was entertained. He had distine•ly explained that no armed associations were lawful without the express assent of the crown, abd that such assent had in no instance been f iiren. The Lord Lieu tenant, in the correspondence which bad taken place, approved the formation of associations, but gave no sanction to their assuming arms or ensigns. VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. Mr. BOUVERIE asked when the papers lone since pro mised relative to this colony would he laid on the t .ble i Mr. HAWES said no unnecessary delay should take place. Matters were beikg arranged relative to the colony which rendered it desirable to add —.wetting t the documents already prepared. THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19, 1848. bill. Mr. HEADLAM contended that while the utmost free dom of discussion should be permitted, this license should not be extended beyond the limits of discussion into the con fines of violent excitement, to outbreak, or to subversion of the constitution, and the only offences touched by the present measure came decidedly within this category. Mr. IC. SEYMER expressed his opinion that in times of excitement words spoken might very well be more dangerous than words printed. He regretted that the bill had not been earlier introduced, so as tolave given more time for its due consideration by another assembly. Mr. W. P. WOOD could not allow the bill to pass its third reading without entering his final protest against so gross an invasion of the constitutional rights of the people. lie insisted that mere spoken words of themselves, without overt act, had never constituted and could not constitute the offence of treason. lie admitted that the limit placed upon the duration of the measure was a good thing, but still he could not sanction the very objectionable clause which he had all alongoppoeed. Mr. ADDERLEY supported the meserure. Mr. MITCHELL had listened with much attention to the various legal opinions which the discussion on the bill had elicited, and, he must say, that they appeared to him to be, on the whole, rather for than against the measure, lie was no♦ di.posed to he b oun atogether by what was termed the ' wiedom of our an l cestors," but, on the contrary, if a new offence sprang up, he was of opinion that the government and legislature were bound to provide a check for it in the shape of punish ment without delay. In his opinion, the three principal speakers of sedition, who had been preaching open rebellion in Ireland, would be the first to fly from the c ,neequence of their words in the event of an a utbreak. It was above all things of importance for Great Britain to maintain a state of internal tranquillity. If she remained at peace only for a few years, her reward would he the trade of the whole of Europe. It was very much to be lamented that the efforts of au inconsiderable number of chartists should be able to injure the trade of the country. For all the reasons he ha the d stated, he should give his c ordial support to the bill ; at same time, whilst he was quite ready to extend the suffrage to all householders, he would never sanction or countenance an agitation which disturbed the trade of the kingdom. Mr. BORMAN said that upon the points to which the hon. member who spoke last had referred, in vindication of his support of the bill, there was no difference whateverdom on ' the part of those who opposed it. All agreed in the wis of England remaining at peace; all were united in opinion I that above all things her internal tranquillity end the main tenance of her domestic trade were most important to be secured. The opponents of the bill were equally desirous with its promoters to have agitation put down, and the open preachers of sedition, treason, and rebellion puni-hen. (Hear, hear.) At the same time nothing coma make him lone sight of the fact that to open and unrestrained speaking and freedom of discussion were to be traced the greatness of E ng land and its continued prosperity during so many centur ies. That conviction it wax which had induced him to oppose the measure in all its stages, and in its most im portant provision. The noble lord had, together with his colleagues, met the objections urged by himself and other hon. members in a fair spirit, and had made suck concessions as would totally disincline him from offering any further opposition; and he felt he should not be justi fled in resisting the motion for the third reading of the bill. (li.ar, hear.) The measure was only calculeted to cope with a temporary emergency, and he must take the liberty of cariria the attention of those who with himself hod hitherto opposed its progress to the actual state of Ireland; and to ask them whether they considered they ought to resist the third reading of the bill. Ireland was in one mood of discontent from one end to the other, and in conceding to the governiuent the powers to be exercised under the bill for the space of two years, it was upon the distinct under sanding that within the! period ministers would apply remidial measure' on an extensive scale to that unfortunate countThery . SOLICITOR-GENERAL explained. The distinc tion he hail drawn w.ei between the cases of " written wrds" and " ken 0r.15." This distinetion was peculier to o the English. rdo law. Let what he stated was, that teis dis tinction only existed when the words alone constituted the offence, as in the distinction recognised between libel and slander. But in the present case where the offence imputed was that of inciting persons to commit violence, the law and the constitution a.ike ignored any dtstbaction between words sp ken and written, because either of them was sufficient to prove the offence charged, and the only question was how to ascertain truly whether the person were guilty in intent to the extent of his spoken words. It was impossible that his hon. and learned friend could have clearly understood the doctrine :lid down by Foster. Now, if a person pursued to its utmost limits a deliberate scheme for overturning the government by force, and did so by open speaking, and by endeavouring t o induce, by open vised speaking, other persona to form such a plan, he (the Solicitor- General) must contend that although noting hi could be proved against such a person but " open and ad vised speaking." that man was, according to all the authori ties ancient and modern, guilty of a deliberate act of treasov on,r if his words could be proved to encourage a scheme for e turning the government. Mr. HORSMAN.—Must not the words be spoken at a alerting ? Tee SOLICITOR GENERAL. —A person cannot speak in a dangerous sense to himself. There mast be some other person or persons for him to communicate his ideas to, before they could be made the subject of notice. These persons constitute a meeting, and any mutual understanding en tered ii,to between him and the persons listening to him, for the purpose of overtu rnin g the goverument, constituted treason Sir H. PEEL rose and said—Sir, If Majesty gieen, up to this moment my cordial sup. during to her s government during the progress of this bill, and if I have given that sup port in silence, it has cot been from any wish on my part to disclaim any portion of the responsibility which attaches to those who support this :measure, but because I believed it to be of importance that the bill should, at as lady a period as possible, receive the sanction of the laggisigglsra—(hear, hear)--and I was unwilling to pretreat the gassesiffite by offering any obeervations. But I emu* ellsw Os bux to leave this house without distinctly mei illnMttyMatlsf la 7 approval of the measure. (Hear.) I mho as ' , sheens* to what hes taken place in neighbouring states, I believe that her Majesty's ministers are justified in pripering this mea sure ; and believing them to beers justified, with reference to public considentions alone I render them my cordial sup port. (Hear, hear.) But the hill has two objects in view. The first contemplates the reduction of those crimes which have heretofore been deemed by the law to be treason, to the minor offence of felony, and the operation of this law is con fined to a period of two years. The second object had in view by the proposers of the bill regards only the compassing of certain acts, such as the intimidation of parliament or of the crown, by declaring war or otherwise. The so eompassing of such objects by open and advised speaking, shall, it is provided, during a period of two years, subject the person so offending to the penalty attached to the felony cre ated by the bill. Sir, 1 approve of this part of the bill. (Cheers.) Ido think it right that men who neither possess, nor are in any way entitled to, the dignity of being deemed traitors, should not be allowed to shield themselves under the illusion that they are not felons. (Hear.) lem always ready to make allowances for men, who, carried away by their ardent love of liberty, show themselves ready to sacrifice themselves to the cause they . have espoused ; and who, when they consider liberty to be in danger, are ready to set an ex ample in her defence, by sacrificing their own persons. (Hear.) But, sir, I have no sympathy—l have no respect—.l have no admiration for those who, by their proceed ings, involve the ignorant, the enthusiastic, and the unwary, in all the penalties of treason, and who at the same time, so demean themselves as to escape all the consequences of their acts and words. (Lnud cries of "hear.") I cannot conceive a more despicable or more detestable character than the man who for the urpose of gratifying his own personal vanity endeavours to p get for his own name adatimion into the list of those great men who in former times have been included within the category of traitors—(hear)--the men who urges on his believing and devoted listeners to acts of violence and of treason, but who shrinks from taking his seare of their common lot. (Cheers.) Such men I should much desire to see reduced to the level ) of the frog ; let them not be swelled into the hulk of the ox who bellow treason. Brand them with the felon's mark. Do not elevate them to the higher ranks of their most dangerous class of offences. (Hear, hear.) Therefore it is, Sir, that I approve of a measure which will enable the government to prosecute as felons those who may have acted in the way 1 have de scribed, and I must say that some there are who have so acted. (Hear.) I think it impossible for any one to read the speeches which have been mode at Dublin—l will not quote any one of them, I will not give either circulation or .mportance to them by reciting them—but I repeat, I think no one who has read those speeches hut must admit that ey make him familiar with the fact that there has been a direct incitement to the manufacture and vise of pikes. (Hear, hear.) Language of a similar description hail Hear.)been heard also in this country , at p ublic meetings. ( What, let me ask, must be the effect of such language when addressed to an excited mob? (Hear.) Suppose that the people act under the injunctions of their leaders, whet is the fearful consequence ? The loss of life—the suspension of legislation—the paralysation of commerceand trade. (Hear.) And, in many instances, all that is sought for is the gratifica tion of the silly vanity of those who use such language. At the same time, I readily admit that out legislation on these subjects ought not to lie inftueneed either by our panics or our indignation. 1 have ever unwillingly advocated any departure from our constitutional limits, without the gravest consideration. And if I could believe that the bill deserved the character attributed to it by the hon. and leaned gen- h tleman the member for Oxford ( Mr. W. P. Woodl, thoug I might not alter my vote, I should certainly regret the more the necessity for its enactment. But I confess I heard from the lion. and learned gentleman with great surprise, that it was new to the constitution of this country to subject I to severe penalties the offence of open and advised speaking. I I know it has been customary tow ake a distiection b the pre sent ntinstance you are not about to make written words sub ject to the penalties of treason. But you are, on the con trary, about to commute the crime of treason, as committed by written words, into felony. Is there anything unjust in subjecting to the same penalty the party guilty of open billd an advised speaking as qualified under this ? Ice it, let me ask, unjust to subject such an offence to transportation ? (Heir, hear.) I say, sir, that penalties of more than equal severity have been applied to such offences under the constitution of this country for more than 500 years. This offence is not made treason, but it is constituted a graver offence than a misdemeanor. What punishment does the hon. and learned gentleman imagine I this offence was subjected to by the 13th of Charter IL, c. 1 It was declared by that act that " To assert maliciously and advisedly, by speaking or writing, that both or either of the houses of parliament have a legislative authority without the King" to an act punishable by pnemunire. I apprehend that speaking in this sense openly and advisedly will be e peaking maliciously, and that under that construction such nialice would he implied under the act of Charles. Again, by the statute oth Anne, c. 7, to assert maliciously and directly, either by preaching, teaching, or advised speaking, that any other person than such as, according to the act. of settle ment and union, are entitled to the throne of Great Britain, bath any right to the throne of these kingdoms, or to assert, on the other hand, that the king and the parliament ea inot make laws to limit the descent of the crown, such presenting, teaching, or advised speaking is a priemunire, as writing, printing, or publishing the same doctrine amounted, we re member, to treason. There is a distinction male where the overt act is in writing and where it is in speaking scoria But Blackstone observes : " liming thus inquired into the several species of prrimiutilre its punbhmeat may be leathered from the foregoing statutes, whch ' are thus shortly summed up by sir Islam IrOike -.That morn the COOTiC tton the defendant shall be out of the king's protection, and his lands and tenements, goods and chattels forfeited to Mc king, sod that his body shall remain in prison at the i r ing's pleasure,' or L. other audio. nuts bane it, during life.' Threfore for the offence of advised I speaking, these were the penalties which the law undo stood to imply the forfeiture of goods and the ' imprisonment for life.'" I cannot understand how you could have more severe penal. ties than under these acts, but here the penalty is nut less than seven years transportation. I cannot say that in the other case I think the penalty more severe. But here you have a proof that the offences of malicious and advised speaking, though distinguished from written words, and not made treason, were yet subjected to penalties at least as severe, and by this law you reduce these other offences from the penalties of treason to thou of felony, whilst you con stitute open and advised speaking a felony. But the ques tion for us to consider is, whether there are no circumstances in the present case which, together with the influencing example of another country before us, are sufficient to justify us in passing the bill ? Is it, I ask, unreasonable or unjust to enact for a limited period that he, who by advised and open speaking, shall influence the people to endeavour to effect a certain object, by making war or otherwise_, shall be subjected to the penalties att ached to felony ? To the punishment, for instance, of transportation. Sir. I have ob served language addressed to people liable to sudden excise ment, having no other objects than those denounced by this bill. Ido draw a distinction between them and a mere as semblsge of persons where words spoken would not be within the compass of the bill. (Hear, hear.) I admit that it la not alwas advisable to resort to the law in all such cases, but Ido t hink that the practice of cengregating !urge mares of the people under the pretext of presenting perk tioos, is one which lays the leaders of such novs ments under the highest moral responsibility. I cannot conceive that the sole object of calling together such large mares is for the purpose of deliberation. I heard, with perfect good humour, the disclaimers of the hon. mem ber for Nottingham. I heard his loyal protesaions. I heard him deprecate all attempts as confusion and des 'ruler ; but let me tell the hon. member that those who bring their hun dreds and thousands together cannot hope always to gain credit tor their love of order. And as for his declaration of loyalty, I must say it was not satisfactory, fof it appears that provided he gets democratic institutions, iit is P matter of in difference to him whether Beelzebub s sovereign or not. (Laughter.) Then, Ido most cordially wish, that when the bon. genteman has got the sovereign of his choice—(re newed cheers and laughter--he will enjoy the confidence of the crown. (L tughter.)l des ) ire,however, to enter briefly upon the subject before the house. I think I see a proof that there is good reason for streeethening the hands of the government with respect to one class of offences the evidence of which is daily before our eyes. It is said, indeedislature, that it is, n ot necessity to appeal to the leg for fresh powers ; and in proof of this we are reminded of the splendid manifestation made by the people the other day. Yes, but at the same time it is neces sary to tell the people that you are prepared to take your share of the responsibility of that magnificent demonstration. The time of those who made it i, most valuable, and looking at the sacrifices and personal exertions then made, it is the duty of the government and legielsture to tell them that we so highly value the institutions of the counter, that we are determined to maintain them in all their leading principles and upon the ancient foundations. Arid :bat so far from deprecating such manifestations yol are content to lend your aid to encourage similar demonstrations of a good and loyal spirit in the people. (Hear, hear.) I be lieve that the constitutionof this country is strong enough to bear a temporary departure from the ordinary law, when it is found necessary to resort to extraordinary pewees. Thus it is upon the present occasion. After the lapse of two years, it will be in the power of the house to determine whether that additional power shall continue. His be permitted to expire, I cannot doubt that the constitution will be found to have been unblemished by its temporary existence. If we find that treason and sedition are resorting to new de vices for the purpose of subverting the government, and if we do not meet throe new devices with new enactments suited to the purpose, then we shall give to treason and sedi tion an advantage with which thelaw will not be able to cope. I make no reference to political events which may be passing in another country, because my firm belief is, that the secu rity of every existing government depends upon a rigid as stinence from interference in what is passing among its neighbours. (Hear, hear.) We may maintain our own opinions—l have mine—but I believe it is for the stability of governments that the experiment now being made in France should have a fair trial, unembarrassed and undis turbed by external interference. (Hear, hear.) But at the same time, with respect to socialist principles, I earnestly hope that our working classes will not be deluded by the doctrines on this subject as affecting their labour and its rights, which are elsewhere so openly avowed. (Hear, hear If the doctrines thus maintained be true ; if there be indeed an antagonism between capital and labour ; if it be true that all MCD, without reference to their different c inabilities, different strength, and di ff erent capacities, are tohave the same iron formula and to receive the same deity rate of wages; if thes e things be true, then all our e xpert ence and all the lights of the het one hundred and fifty years have been shining upon us in vain. (Hear.) In vain have the works of Turgot. of Sa y , and of Adam Smith been written, L we are now to establish in triumph the doctrines which led to the Mississippi scheme, the doctrines of that Law who is supposed to have involved the whole of France in edam and confunon. (Loud cheers.) But let us wait the result of the experiment. Let us see whether it is po se oble for an executive government to become great manufacturers, to force the employment of labour, and to compel such a divi sion of prelim as shall reduce all men, without reference to their strength or talents, to the same level of pecuniary re muneration. (Loud cheers.) Give the social principle the same trial that you are a bout to see given to the political principle; but I have so much confidence in the good sense of the working classes of this country . as to believe that no false delusion of compulsory shares in profits, no enmity directed against capital, no doctrines of communism, nol overbearing interference with individual enterprise by go vernment endertakings at the public expense, can be looked upon by them as tending to their benefit, or as likely to have any result but to involve their whole body in misery and', destruction. (Loud cheers.) Imy so much with reereano- nce I to the carrying out of social and political principles in ther country, bet it would be a shameful dereliction from the truth were I not to predict the fatal consequences of thine experiments to the country in which they are n course of being tried. (Hear, hear.) I have t o beg pardon of the house tor allowing myself to be diaerted from the fur th main question. 1 believe that there are political grounds temporary increase of the authority of government. I will not force on the government powers which they do not require. All the question I have to deal with is, whether, for two years, he who incites the people of this country to intimidate the legislature, not by words, but by declarations of war, shall be amenable to the provisions of this bill. I think that the circumstances of the times jussify and demand it, and I be- Helm that by it the loyal people of this country will be en couraged to continue those exertions on which, and not on police or military force, the safety of the empire depends. (Loud cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT remarked that the right hon. baronet, in his observations on the bill, had founded hie praise on the fact of its being taken for only • limited period. sneer, hear.) But the house would bear in mind that, when and ori ginally introduced, it was intended to be permanent, that it was only the determined opposition of some forty or fifty members on that side of the house bear.) which bad given it a temporary character. heard the observations of the right hon. baronet with great pleasure in so far as they relate. d to the labour market, and he concurred with the right hon. baronet in believing that nothing could be more fatal. in this country or elsewhere, than such opinions as were becoming prevalent. But let the house beware, and consider how far they had themselves originated the germ from which such opinions had sprung. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet bad added his opinion to those previously expressed against large assemblages of the people, as being calculated to lead to disturbances of the public peace. He (Mr. Bright) believed they all agreed that Buell meetings as they had been lately threatened with might be dangerous; but, whilst they all agreed on that point, let them not lose eight of the fact that such great and general protestations of the opinions existing in the public mind must of necessity arise under such circumstances as existed at that moment. lie would ask the right hon. hart. to look back at his own career and experience, and see how unavoid able such demonstrations were. Twenty years ago the right hon. hart. hail consented to a great legislative change respect ing some millions of t he people residingin Ireland ; and he (Mr. Bright) believed it was on record that the Duke of NVellington declared the alternative of granting such changes to lie the breaking out of civil war in Ireland. They been asked tor respectfully y ear after year, lmt the house was deaf to the demand. It was only when under the influence of terror that they acceded to it. Coming down to later years it would be found that parliamentary reform had le en demanded year after year in the most mode rate manner. The noble lord at the head of the government had frequently proposed plans of reform in that house—he hoped to have the pleasure of seeing the noble lord de so agoin—(slivers)—but it was only when the country was threatened with violence and disturbance that that house and the House of Lords consented to what was sow admitted on all hands to have been a fair and necessary , r eform. In Canada, alto, it was only when an insurrectionary move ment had taken place and been put down that the conces eions for which that mo v e ment was made were agreed to. Neither would the repeal of the corn laws have been con ceded had it not been for the powerful external organisation which was brought to bear on the middle chases of this country. (Hear.) He merely reminded the house of these things in order that while they censured enormous assemblages of the people, they took care not to leave any real grievances unredeemed. (Bean, hear.) lie lived in a part of the country where that frig htful object, the working classes were to be found in the densest masses. Be believed them to have made great progress of late years, not only in politi cal information, but la the knowledge of their true interests. Ile believed that communist principles did not find among them many advocates, and ttat even when advocated it was not from approval, but from a hope generated in die tress that any change would he for the better. (Hear, hear.) They had had demonstrations in favour of order from Manchester as great as those which had taken place in the metropolis—(hear, hear) ; but there had beSh a e r the same time declarations from many quarters people would not take up arms or evils constables' staves if the object was to stifle the free expression of public opinion. He could himself bear testimony to the good conduct of the working classes of Manchester, to whom order was as dear as it was to any member of that house. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, then, that government and the house would think that the time had come for widening the pale of the constitution, which, at present, was but a theory in so far as regarded the great mess of the people. The 800,000 electors we had at present were only a garrison which five or six millions were besieging, and if they wished to have it secure they must take in a large number of the besiegers. (Hear, hear.) He was willing to admit the many excellencies of our constitution, which he be lieved was admired not oaly here but throughout the world ; but gentlemen . must not think that it could long remain as it was at that moment (Hear, hear.) Ile had risen to express his approbation of the sentiments of the right hon. baronet as regarded the relations of capital and labour, and aloe to implore him and the government to con sider whether the time was not coming when even our boasted constitution might be strengthened by admitting within its pale a large addition from the ranks of the people. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ declared that he would persist in voting against the bill so long as it contained the provision against " open and advised sp. aking.•' Lord J. RUSSELL—After the protracted discussion which in this measure has un dergone, and the part I base taken its various stages, I do not think it will be necessary for me to do more than advert to some few observations which have been made in the course of debate this day. It appears to me, in the first place, that it is extr a vagant to suppose that without alterations of the law from time to time we can secure those benefits if peace and order which it is the bounden duty of the legislature and the executive govern ' meat to maintain. (Hear, hear.) The act of Edward 111. was the foundation of the law of treason, but of course it i could not provide for treason by publications, or by speeches 'at public meetings, no more than could the legislature of that day provide for the cases of jeint-stock companies, oceans railway acts. (Hear.) As civilisation grows up the law must nuke progress; as new malaise( overturning the government are resorted to, and assume important proportions, the legit, lature must be prepared with such alterations as wilt meet those evils. (Hear, hear.) I will not now enter into the question which has been so fully debated respecting words spoken, but with regard to the alteration we have made — that is to say, making temporary that which we intended to he permanent—l mast di dare that I think it of infinite value that any measure passing this house at the present time should combine the advantages of being effectual for its purpose, nod of ohtaiuing the concurrence of mederate men perhaps over afraid of infringements upon liberty, and yet at the same time not willing to deny the government the powers they ask. (Hear, hear.) I think that the proposal we made, originally intending it to be permanent, will be a great improvement in the law,and that parliament, when it comes to reconsider it hereafter, will make it part of our permanent legislation. But I do not think it fair when I find men, not only among the fifty to whom the hon. member for Manchester adverted, but several who sit on this side of the house and who have voted constantly with the go ys rnment, when I find such men willing to give the govern ment every power necessary for a temporary purpose, but doubting whether such powers should be made part of our permanent legislation, I do not think that any majority we might obtain—and I believe it would be quite as large for a permanent measure, would be compensation for violently straining the opinions of those gentlemen, when all that is required for present purposes could tie obtained with their consent. I therefore am not afraid of being accused of waut of courage or consistency in eons - mting to such an alteration. I only say that I did not consent to it from an opinion that it was not wise to make a permanent alteration in the law, or that parliament would not hereafter confirm it. I have adopted it as giving sufficient powers for the urgency of the case, while the question of its permanency may b • has de ferred until parliament can ca lml y consider t. Such i been the course on former occasions ; and since the case has arisen, why not now; I must confess that our reasons for bringing forward these alterations in the law at the present time were not merely that it is desirable to reduce many of these treasons to felony, not merely that we were desirous to make other alterations in the law, but that it did appear to us that government was not armed with sufficient powers against the peculiar kind of machineions which have been recently adopted against the throne and government of these realms. I believe that in adopting any alteration of this kind you have to steer between two great dangers. I believe that if you leave treason and sedition to take their course unpunish. d, you not only expose the con stitutit.n and the government of the country to the greatest peril, but you run the danger that for weeks and months together the minds of the working classes will be disturbed, the peaceable occupatians of trade and industry will be interrupted, and thus discontent will grow from the ab sence of that peace and order which are necessary to their progress. (Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, if in adopting such alterations, in taking such powers, you ex ceed the necessities of the occasion, if you at all interrupt the course of free discussion, whether at public meetings or through the press, in that way you incur a danger equal, if not superior, although in an opposite direction. You in crease that discontent which it is your wish to allay, you send that discontent into other channels, and you find, finally, that se far from accusing peace and order, you have greatly endangered both one and the other. (Cheers ) We have endeavoured in the measure we have brought forward—we shall endeavour, in the course we intend topur sue—to avoid those opposite dangers. I believe myself that this bill will tend much to the security and peace of the people of this country. I believe that the instance which the hon. member for Nottingham gave to-day of one who was eery brave in language, with respect to insurrection and fighting, daggers and guns, but who, when the day of tris: came, found himself so bad with • fit of the rheumatir.n, that be could net come, will not be tll4OOllll Ol l Qt sinrAlar, ADJOURNMENT AND BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that at the meeting of the house to-morrow (this slay) he should move that the house at its rising do adjourn to Saturday next ; and he also gave no tice that he should move, that after Easter orders of the day do take precedence of motions upon Thursdays. The Nowt Loan then moved that the orders of the day be now read.—Agreed to. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. The question having been put, that this bill be now read a third time, Mr. HUME rose, and said that he felt called upon once spin to put on record his entire opposition to the principles and deeds of this measure. He should not act, as Mr. Fox, Mr. Grey, Mr. Lambtou, and others did, on the rom third readheir - ing of the Sedition Bill in their day, namely, rise f t seats and leave the house. He bad on one occasion acted in that way, leaving to the government of the dacoy uthe rnot e spon,ibilit fullyy of carryiag a measure which ld be suaesa opposed; but he had never ceased to repent of that course and he should not now follow it. (" Hear, hear," from Lord J. Russell.) It seemed to him that the government were acting in consequence of being scared by some sort of information whier, was not before the public. He objected to set on an unconstitutional principle in conse quence of such information, especially at a time when a go vernment, having promised remedial measures, had never attempted to introduce one of them. They had now bad a five months' legislation, comprehending an income tax and two coercion bids ; and not a single measure of relief wits even proposed for their consideration. On these grounds he should move that this bill be read a third time that day six months. The question having been put, Sir D. L. EVANS said that he could not concur in the somewhat exaggerated and indiscriminate lan. gunge made use of towards the government. He saw no cause to bring such charges against the government, for except as regarded the words open and advised speaking " the measure was in fact a mit.gation of the existing law. Important concessions had been made by the government during the progress of the measure. They hail settled that the measure should have only a temporary operation, and they had altered the punishment to imprisonment instead of transportation. On these grounds he did not think the government were ecverving of these reproaches, though at the nine time, if the house were to be called on tohoul divi d devote on the words "open a nd advised speakieg," he s against those words again as he had done before. lie would only add to this one hint that might be literal to the govern ment —namely, that the best measures for the security of the crown and the government were remedial measures.d no (Hear, hear.) Let those measures be proposed, and he ha fear for the throne or for the nation. Mr. F. O'CONNOR confessed he did not understand cer e ither the civil cr the military position of the gallant offi who had ju,t sat down. He said he could not see any just cause for the vituperation her Majesty's government, whilst he admitted they had preserved the very wards which subjected them to that vituperation. Therefore, whatever iniquity a government cho se to perpetrate, if they conceded s.ane minor and unimportant matters, the hon. and gallant officer would give them hi] support. lie had said before, and he repeated, that the hon. and gallant general, if this bill had an ex post facto operation, would be subjected to a prosecution under its provisions. The hon. member then entered into some rambling and somewhat incoherent statements respecting his various trials for sedition and other offences, in the course of which he took occasion to abuse Mr. Douglas and Mr. Edmonds, of Birmingham, whom he denounced as having been agitators, at one time inciting the people of Scotland and other parts to arm themselves with Birmingham musket.. Ile also attacked a Mr. Hussey, of Bradford, and all government spies and informers. Ile said the the press !' ad tried to make his Dune odiuus, and yet, w had he done ? He had always been on the side of order. Once, when he was arrested, he had been invited to take wine with the magistrates after they had received the in formations against him. Had he not put an end to the chartist procession on Monda y week ; and supposing he had not done so, what would they have said to him then ? He th ou ght the government wire q uite right to t ,ke pre cautionary measures on blonday week ; but the meet ing of that day, having passed off quietly, ought not to be made a pretext for passing this bill. Ile blamed the noble lord opposite for having, according to newspaper report, refused, in reply to M:. John O'Connell, to hold out the hope of any remedial measures for Ireland. Lord J. RUSSELL. —Nothing of the kind. (Hear, hear.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR was glad to hear the denial thus given by the noble lord to the newspaper report ; but it was clear that at present Lord Clarendon's policy was nothing but coercion. As to himself, be had no fear of the bill, for he should in future take good care to write every speech he de livered, sod read it from the manuscript, which manuscript he should then scud, with his compliments, to the General, who, who, it would seem, was about to become practi cally the Prime Minister of the country. Our corn crops, if the present wet weather continued for ten days mlik e ore, would know he almost entirely destroyed, and he should to whether this bill would then stop the mouths of the starving population. He called upon the new government opposition formed under the auspices of the hon. member for Montrose comments their operations by a decided reAstauce to this ern ,bow that • serious penalty must follow this pastime gay . . The usual course of the h ouse was to stand by tb, (mar, hear.) I believe, on the decisions of its committees. They had constituted a tense, of provolang civil war. other hand, that there is not the smallest danger to freedom tribunal : they had taught people to look to the decision, a of discussion to be dreaded from the operation of this that tribunal ; and, however corrupt Horsham might be, e. bill, nor do I think that any member of this house was an act of great tyranny ta punish the innucent with apprehends that freedom of discussion will be interrupted by guilty by refusing a writ to the issue of which the report e a its becoming law. (Hear ! hear.) I believe that no man the committee did not in any way object. But if th ey who, in this country or in Ireland, wishes by peaceable I objected to issue a writ to Horsham, how did means to promote alterations in the law or redress of griev- excuse themselves for issuing a writ fur Kinsale ? In tkZ t anoes, will be debarred from stating those grievances in warm borough, d have runken ne existess, debaucher • whole y, an iele d corruption had to te and energetic language, because this bill shall have passed proved to don rate. Imidatio n into a law. I believe that he may trust to the legislature, to and bribery prevailed there to a frightful extent, and yet the the government, to the judges and juries of this country, to committee in that case bad, upon his (Mr. Stafford s) on keep him out of any danger if his course be peaceful and motion, issued a writ in that case without hesitation M honest. But one cannot shut one's eves to the language objection. If they did not abide by the decision of law etc al w hich has been held , w hich I alien not quote, but committees, they had better alter their election of which specimens, although in a mitiga'ed lather. They had no right to tell the people that they slo, ma y be seen in the papers of this should be tried by one law and one tribunal, and then, morn ng—language used for the purpose of exciting the altering their law and the tribunal, declare to them that th e , people to arms with a view that the law should not be carried should be tried by an ex post facto act of parliament, fr amed into effect. Declarations that • parliament in Ireland shall to meet the peculiar circumstances. (Hear.) It was to b, be obtained, if not by legis lative act, then by pike and gun recollected that on no one occasion ha they, up d to the p and the other arose collecting in Dublin for that purp ose. sent time, ever reached the real authors of three iniquit: (Hear, hear.) It is impossible not to see that in the di - tre s s - who were the country attorneys and lawyers. and other p eep .; mg tion of a great portion of the people of Ireland such in the middle classes in the respective boroughs. TheS, modes of excitement may have dire a nti dreadful effects. people were never got at; but the member, who had as (Hear, hear.) It is imposs ible not to feel that outrage and cognisance of the feet', and the poor voter who was not able insurrection may in some parts of the country be the manse- to resist temptation, were mute the seapegeata of tint quenee—outrage and insurrectio n which will be put down. wicked persona' doings. He (Mr. Stafford knew nothing because government has means at its disposal in the loyalty of Horsham, or of any persou in it. but he had taken up (Ili and affection of the great body of the people—meant at question on public grounds, aud he thought this writ ought its disposal in the strength of that army whose loyalty injustice to be issued. has been so foully belied—(loud cheers) —by reports stated Mr. AGLIONBY said the hon. member had owned to at public meetings and is various ways, and even rumours moviag the writ for Kinsale. (Hear.) Then more slime stated in this house, but which upon inquiry have been for him. (Laughter.) However much he (Mr. Agn ee w found to be utterly devoid of foundation. (Continued might have said upon that and on former mansions, wher e ; cheering.) I say, therefore, that government has means at ever there was build to be a case of corrupt dealing, now be Its disposal to put down insurrection, but as we tel with declared his S m determ inatiou to bunt it down Thm respect to this country that the course of peaceful industry was a clear primer fade case for further inquiry here, .4 would be disturbed, that the working classes would be the he called upon the government to aid those members who first ta suffer in case in disturbance, so likewise with respect were seeking to vindicate the character of the house in the to the people of Ireland we feel t hat the y would be the first suf- cyea f o the county. ferers if peace and tranquillity were not maintained in that Mr. FITZROY said it would be a premium upon cutup. country. (Hear, hear.) I have been teld this day, as on tion if .s writ were again issued, without lull inquire, to s former occasions, that it is not merely to measuresof coer- borough which had bee n g uilt y of such g ross corru ption u cion we should have recourse, but that we should lik e- that which had notorious', disgraced Herehein. (B eer .) wise have recourse to remedial measures. (H ear, hear.) Lord COURTENAY said that toss committee upon the I think that that reproach , as it concerned last session, was Horshamelection, of which he was a m , mbar, had not somewhat unfounded and ill-placed. The starvation in Ire• reported as to brib, ry, (or the simple r.ason that the land during the last year was so intense, and required such subject was not brought before them in a way to call for immediate remedies, that the pester portion of the session a report. He was quite ready to support the proposition was taken up in devising those immediate remedies. (Hear.) oh the noble lord opposite for further inquiry, and he 1 really beg this house, or such portion of this house as makes should therefore resist the issuing of the writ for the present those reproaches, to consider for a moment how justly we Lord J. RUSSELL concurred entirely in the propriety of should have been blamed if, when the people were daily suspending the writ, until there had been full inquiry aw e falling victims to the appallir g famine of 1847, we had into the circumstances of the case, which inquiry it se come down to this house and said, "We have here a curred to him, might be conducted under the provisions of bill to extend the franchise of the people of Ireland, with the bill of which the hon. naronet near hint had firm regard to voting for members of parliament. We have notice better than under the particular bill which he him. another bill for making corporations similar to self had introduced. those of England—we want to consider the extension of Sir J. HAMMER then moved as an amendment, for hue political privileges, sod we postpone the question of the to bring in • bid to appoint commissioners to inquire into famine until that question is settled." (Loud cheers.) I the existence of corrupt practice. at elections for certain am not, however, averse to entertain those questions, and boroughs. He had framed the measure exactly on the pre immediately after Easter we shall proceed to the consider& cedrnt of the Sudbury inquiry cwomission, adding a cluns lion of questions relating to political affeirs. There are other rendering the measure a permanent one, so that when measures to which I have alluded, and which must come future occasions should arise calling for similar inquiries under c onsideration, but I must beg leave also to allude for the b rute would onl y need, by resolution , to call the set a moment—as the debate was interrupted—to the grievance into operation. which is now stated as • ground for asking the people el The Earl of LINCOLN thought that as there had been Ireland to resort to arms. We were asked the other day to no special report on the lieraham case it would be tinier, consent to a repeal of the union. Now, in looking perhaps, to include that borough in the provision oh this over the acts and di,cussions of the parliament measure. of Ireland—that parliament whe-h was referred to Mr. AGLIONBY observed that such inquiries wruld be as the parliament which gave happiness to Ireland rendered unnecessary if government would honestly tome and contributed so much to its welfare-- I find that some of forward and give the people household suffrage and the the most distinguished men in Ireland, having at their head vote by ballot. (Hear, bear.) Mr. Grattan, whose name can never be mentioned without Mr. STAFFORD then withdrew his motion, and Sir honour, repeatedly stated in that parliament of Ireland that J. Hanmer'e amendment was agreed to. The hon. bereeet's the whole government of the country was carried on by cur. bill was subsequently brought in and read • first time. reunion. They said that almost the majority in parliament, ATTACHMENT OF GOODS (IRELAND). if not the actual majolity, received pensions during pleasure on the motion of Mr. RaYriuLDs lease was given to and salaries from the crown. That pe e rag es were sold, and bring iu a bill to abolish the process of attachment of goods that the whole parliament was a mass of slavishness and it the court. of record of the municipal corporations of lee bought suffrages in support of the English government. I land. find that gentleman also stating that the suffrages of WILFULW. DAMAGE ave BILL. given to brine Ireland were so restricted in voting for members On the motion of . CLAY, le was of parliament, as to give only ten or twelve voters in a bill to amend the law in England relative to remedies in a borough, and that reform in parliament was against the hundred for injuries to property by riotous ',- absolutely necessary ; I find it likewise stated and enforced sembleges.—The house adjourned at S o'clock. with great power and eloquence, and an amazing vigour in the management of details, that the mode of collecting tithes, as Mr. Grattan forcibly said, by a subordination of vultures, wan a grievance to every farmer and peasant in the country. Mr. Grattan likewise argued that a great portion of the people of Ireland—namely, those who professed the Roman catholic religion—were deprived of privileges which the pro testants of the kingdom enjoyed. Now let us consider what those grievances were, as stated by the most able and eloquent ot the patriots of Ireland, and what the united parliament has done. Ye ith regard to peerages and pensions, no such aims s now exist. With respect to the question of tithes, that question has been settled in such a manner that it is no longer a grievance to the tenant-farms. Reform has been carried in the united parliament, as has also the admission of Roman catholic. to the privileges of the constitution. Why, then, we have the presumption that what were stated to be the greatest grievances in the parlia ment of Ireland have all been redressed in the parliament of the united kingdom. (Hear, hear.) If that be the case ;if those grievant s have been redressed in the parliament of the united kingdom ; it must be conceded, as I believe it to Le the case, that the united parliament is able to legislate for Ireland more advantageously, with lean chance of hostile colli sion between the countries, and with less chance of discord be tween various classes, then a parliament in Ireland could do. I should say, apart from all imperial interests, that we are hound to negative all those motions in whatever form they appeal to this house, having the repeal of the union for their (abject. (Hear, hear.) For my own part, I shall be ready, or, if I am not, let others bring forward those motions which may tend as they believe to the advantage of that part of the United Kingdom. Any proposition supported by the great body ot Irish members as calculated to improve the situ& tion of their country with regard to the relations of landlord and tenant, or in respect to social or political grievances, I shall be ready to listen to. But whether in discussion—it discussion they choose; in debate, if debate they choose ; by argument or in other ways by exciting the people to arms, and by urging them to take measures of force, by force if force be necessary, as long as I have breath or life in me I shall oppose the repeal of the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland. (Loud cheers.) The house divided—For the third reading 295' Against it 4oo-25,5 On the question, " That the bill do now peal," Mr. HI, ME wished to place on record his objection to the words " open and advised speaking," and for that purpose 1 would move an amendment that those words be struck out. In regard to what had been said as to the late chartist de monstrai ion, the government had full power, under an act of George 111., to put down any meeting which was calculated to strike terror and alarm in the minds of the peaceable and well disposed, and that they had not interfered to prevent I t h e demonstration , as they might have done, was beaten they wanted an excuse for this bill. (Oh.) The law had on former occasions been found quite powerful enough to deal with much moreeeriousdisturbances than any we had now to fear in this country ; and with regard to Ireland, ministers should bare tried whether the existing law was insufficient, before they decided on making this innovation on the consti tution. As kis only object was to place his opinion on re cord, he shout , not divide the house on the amendment. Mr. H. BERKELEY thanked the noble lord, on the part 1 , of his constituents, for bringing this bill to a successful ter mination. In the borough he had the honour to represena in a population of 170,000, there was but one feeling—that of loyally to the crown, and grctitude to the government:, for the energy they had displayed in preserving the public peace. The amendment was then negatived, and the bill passed, amidst the cheers of the majority. It being now nearly half-past tour, the house, at the sug gestion of Sir G. GREY, adjourned till half-past 5. WIGAN IMPROVEMENT (No. 2) BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of this Vie Orpreoo• MAILS. —....--- The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Creme, the lonian Nig( Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Ilona-None, and thine, em boggle,. ton. will be made up on the morning of the 20th AprtL The malls for British North America, and the Caned Ginn • will be made up on the evening of the 21st April. The overlarcl Owed MAili, rift Marwilles to the Ashton...a, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, llong-Nang, Kr., will be made up m le evening of the 24th April. The nulls for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and (libretti sal be made up on the morning of the 2lth April. The mails foe New /South Wales, Van Diernan's Lead, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Seth April. The malls for the West Coast of Africa and Sliateint will be tug tap on themanlm of the 30th April. The West India Mails, including Bermuda, Nassau, Boum, llonduras, New Orleans, Vera (Yu', Stumm°, and Porto lion, id excluding those for Madeira, Jacntel, Cbirthairega, NOM Muni; Chugres, Panama, West Coast of South Amen., and ill. Jiiin.it. Nicaragua, will be made up on theevenhig of the 2nd May. The mails for the Brazils, the Ricer Elate, Idoate Video, Perms. Mini. Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will he made ea a tie evening of the 4th May. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of th Stamp-office, during 1947, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent, of the mush ' issued to the Morning herald, Morning (Ire/tick, is Morning Post, ALL PUT TOGETMEII. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEW! Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edina THE EXPRESS 778 714 Which was more, we believe. than wrie issued either the Globe or Staridelrd, Evening Papers. HIGH WATER AT LO% DON 111.1014 T.. DAT—Menlo& 38 W. pre 2, Aroma% : To.swasow—likosts& 10 =burin 1, AR•rre.b. s pap J. LONDOPt WEDN&SDA YAPRIL IN 1836, a committee of the House of Comm reported that the cumber of registered electors Great Britain and Ireland was, in that year, 9:/5,2 The number of adult males in Great Britain Ireland, according to the census of 1831, 6,148,468. In 1836, rather less than one in et six adult males would appear to have had a von the election of members of parliament. When take into account, however, the careless marine which the names of dead voters have been left su ing on the register, the number of votes liabi challenge, and the number of parties enrolled voters in two or more constituencies, it will at out apparent that the ratio of electors to adult males stated is greatly in excess. Since 1836 we have re to believe that the number of regis'ered electors rather decreased than otherwise, while the numb adult males has gone on increasing. The vicious character of the existing electors. tem would, however, be only imperfectly shoe ascertaining the exact ratio in which the ell stand to the adult males. The unequal distrit of the electors throughout the general communir into constituencies increases the evil more than fold. The report of the committee already eel to shows that 331 members of the House of mono—a numerical majority of that body—ire 1836, returned by 151,492 electors_about or tieth of the adult male population of Engles bill, Mr. Titicxxessz moved and Mr. EWART seem.— the motion, that it be read a second time that day six months. Col. LINDSAY supported the bill, observing that he had i n t ro duced it at the instigation of the mayor and town council. He acknowledged that it contained clauses t o which he could nut give his assent, as they would tax the inhabitants of the borough too heavily, but he hoped the house would allow it to go to a committee, where it might be modified. Mr. HUME supported the amendment, as the original measure had bees almost unanimously rejected by a public meeting of the people of Wigan. Mr. C AR DWELL, Lord Motircrit, and Mr. W. PATTEN, thought the bill ought not to be further proceeded with, and appealid to the gallant member for Wigan to with draw it. Mr. BERNAL seized the occasion of sugges•inz that re ports of committres on private bills, in order to be useful, ought t bi o ll he made authorities. (Hear, hear.) The was then by leave withrawn. CIIJEENSFERRY PASSAGE BILL. Sir W. HEATIICOTE moved that an instruction to the committee on this bill, under an order of the 17th April, be discharged.—Agreed to. HORSHAM ELECTION. Mr. STAFFORD moved that a new writ be issued for the election of a member for the borough of Horsham, in the room of John Jervis, Esq., whose election had been declared to be void. Mr. HUME was somewhat surprised that this writ had been moved in the face of a bill now before the - house for inquiring into the circumstances connected with the last election for this borough. Mr. STAFFORD said that, as a debate had arisen, not by his fault, upon this question, it was his duty to let the house see the position in which this borough was at present placed. It would be idle to disguise that this question of elections was of considerably increasing importance, not only with the house, but with the country. The position in which they placed themselves ought really seriously to be considered. What were the facts connected with Horsham ? From the minutes of evidence taken before the committee it appeared that the counsel for the sitting member resigned the seat. Two witnesses were then called to prove the charge of treating, and subsequently a M r. Waugh was called, who stated the circumstances under which an arrangement was proposed for the relinquishment of the seat. Either, there fore, the committee shrunk from a fair and impartial s mu ti n y, or else because there were a few glasses of brandy and water and a few cigars given a wa y at an inn at Horsham, the borough was to be punished lay the suspei x don o f t h e writ. But this was not all. In consequence of the unpre cedented report of this committee, wad the curious rumours in circulation, the singular e, hut ee bad been taken of introducing a b , ll armin a new com mitter with new powers of inv',Augation and in- Ireland. An instructive letter from Mr. J. HotE, whi publish in this day's paper, throws further lighi this unequal distribution of the electoral fun Three English counties with 26,450 &that me whom 8,677 are electors, send six reprt sentati the legislature; while three other countio 315,980 adult males, of whom 62,189 areal send uo more. The three petty counties ha member of parliament for every 1,400 elect() three impo r tant counties one for every 10,00 C three petty counties have one elector for ever] adult miles ; the three important countier every 5,000. We call them petty or ire solely with relation to the number of beings whose interests are to be care but let us take them by the estin property, upon which conservatives lay stress. The three least numerous coup H un tingdonshire, Itutlandshire and Westin the three most numerous, Middlesex, South. shire, and West Yorkshire. Of the ligence of the electors we n eed say nothing. members for Middlesex, South Lancashire, a Yorkshire represent constituencies of an wills and minds of their own ; the six ma Huntingdonshire, R ut l an dshire, and West represent a few noblemen and large ling prietors. Mr. HUstE presents WI with a similar the English borough-constituencies. ir with 28,008 inhabitants, of w hom 1,5753 sr r eturn 12 members to parli a ment, while 1,344,134 inhabitants, and 79,521 e l e ctors, I same number. Here wo have, in the for one member of parliament for every 130 e the latter, one for every 6,500. Th e bore l arge c onstituencies selected by Mr. HO purpose of illustration are such places as Liverpool, and Westminster. The close lx such places as Harwich and Chippett!uu ll • ewe of the count i e s, t h e lar g e and utade rr