The Express. — London, England, 1851-03-11 00:00:00

ig ," — igbases which recurred some years ago was put a stop g g , and with regard to patronage, great improvements bad been made of late, founded on the report of the select committee of the house. As to there being an outcry on the subject, they knew that outcries against abuses existed Wog after thew abuses had ceased. (Hear, hear.) They knew that the outcry against sinecures still existed, although an act of parliament had been passed for the entire aboli tion of sinecures. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the number of awn which they were now called on to vote, it was not above the average which bad been voted for the ten years since 1841. In 1511, the vote was fur 43,0110 men • in 1812, M 1,000; in 1813, 34,010; in 1841 , 40 , 000 ; in 184.1, 40,000; in 1818, 41,000 ; in 1517, 42,000; in 1848, 40,000; in 1819, T 9,000; in WO, 3.0,000. (Cheers.) They were nut then proposing, as might be supposed from some of the observations which hail been mule, any increase in the number of men. But be thought there were some general considerations which should induce the bonne not to make any considerable reduc tion in the number of men. (Bear, hear.) Ile could not but think that of late yearn, and even since 183.1, when his right hon. ttiend, the member for Ripon, wax iu office, great ebanin n had taken plaice in naval affairs, and they had to make great changes in order to meet any eventualities in which this country might have to engage. There were now great facilities for the transport of troops, both by steam vessels and railways. They had seen a large elates of war steamers built of late yearn, and they had seen for what purpose there yes-.. 14 hail been recently employed. They had wen with what rapidity they conveyed troops to the scene of operation.—they had seen that 10,000 troops hail ben transferred fume I ranee to Civits Vecchia, without any difficulty, in a very short space of time. (Ilear, hear.) Again, in the rourser Of last autumn, when there were ale pnhennions of a war between Austria and Prussia, the fanner country conveyed 20,000 troops, in the course of 49 hour., to the Pronto e', of Bohemia, and in the course of a fortnight they had collected 741,0110 troops in that province. (Hear, bear.; These things showed that in ease of war a lutes- hud) in troop. could now be transported to an enemy's country en a kw days, whereas formerly it would have town months to do so, and that without waiting for the aceitle nt of a favoaralele wind. (Hear, hear.) Those changes placed this country mare in the position of a continental unitary than vier it was before. (Hear, hear.) Ile trusted they dill not altogether resemble continental countries, but they mud leek a little to the moans which they took for thee own &tent , . (Hear, hear.) Thew countries kept up enormous armanunits, tenet in addition they kept up an enor mous force of militia. (Hear.) Even in the United States of Am. rica tly v had an less than 1,000,000 men enrolled as militia for the derelict, of the country. (Hear, hear.) In this country they did not follow either the measures tulonted by the continental power., or by the United States. Subtracting the Indian army anti the military employed abroad, thi• country had not a large array. Compared with Franey an 4 other continental countries , they had a very small army. N. Aber had they adopted the man of a large militia, to the adnotain of which plan there were great diffi culties and objection, in this country. But, as they had neither a large army nor militia force, it was the more ne cessary that tiny -lonibi have an efficient nasal force at all eve tits. (Ilum. hear.) Ile would reemmend theta lint to have their gnat arm of defence in such a position as t o oblige thew to wait for mix month. before they could aced out a sufficient force to meet any 1.114 my, aloe was 'trepan., to attack them. (Ilear, hear.) The right hon. g. nth inan had m ntioned France, and con sidering that they hail had many war, with France, it was nut unnatural to make refenmee to that country tie an instance in particular. But they might he at war with Austria and Itueia at the same time, and they might he engaged in a friendly alliance with France. Even in that caw it was de.ira`de In hose a sufficient naval force to meet any aggression. (hear, hear.) Though he did not gave way to the imprelllll4oll expremed respecting the French being able to land innuediately in this country from 50,011) to 1110,000 troops in ease of • war with this country, yet it waa not to be left out of consideration that all attempt might he made by France to hind an army in this country, and iu that cone he should he sorry not to be in a position to prevent such nn attempt by 111,1114 of the naval forte •of this country. (Hear, hear.) But there was another way in which war might be made—a way peei 111 l ,11 out by a very intelligent naval officer of Frame —namely, by the Prince ale Joinville, in a pamphlet published by him a few years ago. (hear, heir.) The way suggested was to itusploy . a stool class of vessel., and to engage in small eigee l i te i nn, liar the purpose of Teeing the coast and inter rupting trade. (Hear, hear.) He begged the hon. gentle man to ohnerve that the recent changes in the imlicy, and the abolition of the corn laws would render such attacks, and such a warfare, more injurious than they would have lino formerly. (Ilene, Irma the protectionist.) They had been now importing from 11,000,000 to 9,0110,000 quarters of turn every year into this country, and he begged the hon. gentleman to observe what • lons it would Is , to the country if, in the event of a war, they bad not a 1111,V31 three sufficient to cover and protect the entrance of the food. (Cheers from the, same quarter.) Ile was, then•fore, of opinion that necessary as it was to have a naval force to protect trade and commerce in former times, it was now Inure necessary than ever to have a mufti tient naval fon, to protect them, seeing that they were in the practice of importing yearly between 8,000,000 and 9.0 1 10, 101 •1 quarters of food. (Ilear, hear.) But besides the then more extensive commerce with distant parts of the world, and the dealings of their merchants with states which did lent observe good faith with them, obliged this country to maintain a larger naval force than France. Ile did not think, therefore, that the vote for 39,000 men was extravagant; sad with respect to the general expendi ture, let him observe, that in the year 184. i, when them arose quest...et of difference between this country and France, in which the slow of honour of the two countries waa art coiled, that it required all the moderation then shown by the two genvniments to prevent war hostilities from breaking out, the government of this country in con sidering its means of detente thought that it was ill prepared for hostilities, and the eonsequence was that a large increase was made in the naval expenditure of the country. (Hear, hear.) That expenditure, with the packet service, which had been 8,466,0001. in the year 1114 i, rose to 7. 3 11, 09 01., and in the next year it Wet to 7,9.i0,000. (Iliac, hear.) Now the expenditure for the last year was below that of 1515, namely 6,362,000/., and if the government of that year thought that there was considerable danger at that time, and deemed it necessary to increase the expend- Run., and if the present government reduced the amount by a million. it was a symptom that the expenditure now proposed was not extravagant. ((fear, hear.) The hon. member fir Montrose introdared the question of the African squadron. Now, he believed recent events had shown that the 11.114 e had moon to be thankful fur the vote to which it Came het sennion on the subject of the African squadron. (Bear, hear.) That squadron was said to be entirely useless. It was said that the slave trade had increased, and that the efforts of their cruisers would be quite uneless in suppressing it. Now, it was proved that one of the C4lll4MillelleeS, amongst others, of the vote of that house was, that the government of Brasil seeing the earnest neneof the parliament and government of this country to use every legitimate step fur the preventiom of the slave trade, had entered into uegutiation, with them for the suppression of the slave trade and the slave dealers had Icen obliged to sell their erects, ;and, he was glad to be able to say, at a cimeiderable has. (Cheers.) And in accounta which carom to hand only two slays ago from the British Consul at Idio Janeent, it was entail that the total number of slaves landed em the mast of Brasil for ail months previous to De cember. If ill, was only 5,708; whereas, for the 6 months of 1147,11418, and 1819 the number landed was 21,000. (Cheers.) That w oan memento/meet to the government and parliament of this country to proceed in that great work. (Hear, hear) It was one in which this country had been engaged for many years. and sorry one must, he thought, admit that they would be covered with shame and humiliation if they were now to have it unfinished—(beer, hear)—or even to have it Knew again to the same extent. (blear, hear.) Gnat stress had been laid on the cost of the squadron, but even if there were no vessels kept on the African coast for the minium" of suppressing the slave trade, it would be Mill necessary to keep vessel. On that coast fur the purpose of suppereina peraev, so that he much doubted if they would Lire mom than 5.16.000/.or tio,ollol.by withdrawing the squa dron employ. •I against the slave trade. (Hear.) if that was the ere, seeing the progress they had made, seeing that no y ceoceted to put an end to the trade as far 64 Brasil w •erned —('adore only being left—was it wise for the sake of a retrenchment of the amount he =ca nna d to withdraw the naval force which was necessary for the setivreswat amt final ratinction of that infamous trade ? (Hear. Itearl It would be a glory to this country if after the efforts wloch it mode to put an end to its own slave trade, it,by its e xertions and resermuesentlations,induced Braun sad Cuba to put an end to their slave trade—it would hes satisfaction to them to say that England had canoed efts estimation of that vile traffic throughout the world. (liwar.) Mr. MILNEIt GIBSON joined issue with the premier upon the ph., that fur trade had rendered a large naval forte more nee, wary. 'f he commercial influences Wert eminently Nellie, and the inereame of OUT merchant shipping Was ,1 practical ~,crease to the available maritime strength of the country. Th, prevention was not to abolish the nary, but tamed upon a question of degree. Considering thit au onto required leaver women than sailing vessels, and al,eoo m, a had heretofore been found amply sufficient for the , nasal snit..., he felt Minified in voting fur the re trenchment moved by Mr. Hume. He feared that the pro ceedings of the slave squadron hadbcen injurious, especially in Brasil, to the very cause it was intended to support. by pruvoking hostility and preventing the development of anti slavery doctrines in that country. Mr. CARDWELL contended that the presence of our ships on the resists of Brazil had strengthened the hands of the British negotiators, and aided in enforcing the treaties by which the slave trade was prohibited. Capt. BERKELEY apprehended that merchant seamen, ignorant of gunnery, would prove very inefficient if drafted upon an emergency into the war navy. After a few words from Mr. Pm:wrest and Mr. S. Caeetrunti, Cal. THOMPSON declared that he should vote for Mr. Thune's amendments, though not tar that hon. member's 111111101111. - tar eosamittse divided upon the amendment. Ay s (it Noes 169-109 The Tutu then pawed as originally proposed by du:govern ment. Two fonovrinz votes, fur wages and victualling, respec tively. and 500,6321., were also paved after some conversation Tlii;,t;iiir admiralty salaries, 138,615 f., being proposed, Cal. 8181'1101W accused the board of general incom petence and estravaganee, and pronounced hi. own mistrust of the government generally. He suggested the propriety of reducing the (Mend salaries, now that bread was so cheap. lir. WILLIAMS remarked that the salaries this year were 11,0001. higher than in 1844, when the effective force a/ warm was Tilts as large. Sir G. Pechell, Mr. Com, Mr. Henley, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Hume, Mr. Sharman Crawford, and Mr. H. Drummond !lasing made some desultory remarks and inquiries, to which Sir F. Baring replied, a division took place, when Col. Sihthorp's amendment was negatived by 193 votes to 31—majority, 1.59. 48,634., for the scientific branch ; 134,6991., for establish ments at home; 23.651/. for establishments abroad; and 676,4161., fur wages to artificers, were voted, after some miscellaneous The house adjourntil at one o'clock. FRA.NCI I I SE-RX;6...NSION. The measure to he proposed by Mr. Locke King on this subject is as follows A Bill to make the franchise in counties in England and Wales the same as that in boroughs, by giving the right of voting to all occupiers of tenements of the annual value of ten pOunils. • Whereas it is expedient to extend the elective franchise to man y of her ,Nlsjesty's subjects who hare not heretofore enjoyed the same. Be it therefore enacted by the Queen's 3.1..5t Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and con sent of the lords spiritua l and temporal, and commons, in this present parlhunent assembled, and by the authority of the same, I. That, from and after the passing of this art, • every male person of full age, and not subject to any legal inca pacity, who shall occupy, as owner or tenant, any lands or tenements of the clear yearly value of not less than ten pounds, or for which he shall be liable to a clear yearly ' rent of not less than ten pounds, shall be entitled to vote in the election of a knight or knight of the shire to %env in any future parliament for the county, riding, parts, or di vision of the county in which such lands or tenements shall 10, respectively situate. l'rovided always that such lands or tenements be not situate within the limits of any city or borough now entith .1 to return a burgess or burgesses to parliament. l'nerided also that such occupier shall not be i entitled so to vote, unless he he duly registered as such voter, and shall not he entitled to he so registered in any year unless he shall have occupied lands Sr tenements of such value or at such rent a. of fur one calendar month at least neat before the last day of July in such year. 2. That the act passed in the second year of King William the Fourth, to amend the representation of the people in England and Wales, and an art passesl in the sixth year of her present Sl:tit-sty, to amend the law for the registration of persons entitled to vote, and to deßne certain rights of voting, sad to regulate certain proceedings in the election of members to serve in parliament for England and Wales, and the present act, shall be construed as one set. • The words printed in italics are proposed to be inserted in committee. OVVICIAL CATALOOI.7IS orner, 29. New Bridne , teeet, Black. kholon, Mid at the haltihitian Building, Ilya, Park. ,PTO' IC 6. —Ad ver to coitted or the Fah' 11 FAO* et • Qesrler eta edition of the Saudi Cotatott, Wes for the Peet FAH eta of the Iliertre ed. the Orman. sold French C data, should he -eat 1.• Immediately, In order that they at ay br elmedl+l and stinted I.trtiowith. I. Literati,. ..nn the Fine Arta. G. l'lteca of ruhlit Arnuw . New lootentio,a. 3. Avricultural Machines and 7. Railway and Shaw boat Art Intplerrocn•a. ran,emente. 4. luturance S. enootificathon et Tra;re lad 5. Ileum Agency - To.- Miwellaneoue. none ae,.l le.dnas rheum, APICRIt BRUTllelta, %Mo.:etude thationstt, Joint Cnutractses to CLOWES AND BONA, Printer., 1 the Bard Comenierkti. Zite thmreoo. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 11, 185: I from each, what ix to become of German indepead j enee ? _ . _ • In the very same article in which the Timc4 lauds the humbug proposal of the King of Winn:N[llElln and denounces the Dresden conference as q failure, it expresses a regret that the old Frankfort Diet was not at once restored, and given power to decide by a majority of voices. Such . a scheme was utterly impossible. Had the Diet of seventeen votes been called together imme diately after the meeting of Olmutz, Austria and the four kings, with Hesse and the intimidated powers, would have voted anything, and might have passed a law subjecting all internal constitutions, like that ' of Prussia, to the regulation of the Diet. This would have the mediatization of even great princes, and the annulment of all constitutions. The principle of a minority obeying a majority may be enforced in con sequence of the vote of a popular assembly ; but iu a council where nine princes agree to dictate to seven even as to their dealings with their own subjects, the minority must refuse a submission which is incompatible with sovereignty. A restora tion of the old Diet, on the principle of a majority binding a minority in all things, would prove the greatest and the most iniquitous of revolutions, so great, indeed, that it must have produced war. A Conference like that of Dresden was alone possible. And it has failed. Why? Because Austria has sought to take advantage of Prussian weakness to impose so undisguised and absolutist a yoke upon Germany, that even its humble followers, the King of WI andthe Times newspaper, protest. Prince St I I WAILZEN BERG is too arrogant, too ignorant, and too incapable, to conciliate any other powers, or to found any one institution. He can no more establish a constitution for Germany than he can for Hungary. He has not an idea beyond brute force, and knows no argument beyond a battalion of Croats. Yet it was to this man, we were told, that the destinies of Italy, of Germany, and of Austria, might be entrusted. The government of the world would have been as safe, as durable, and as wisely conducted in the hands of MAZZINI or of 111.1.7 m. ' We have never ceased to repeat, during the last two years, that military nser.ndoney multi do nothing towards the pacification of revolutionized countries. We maintained that absolutism was even more in capable of organising or producing a system of government than red republicanism itself. And now our very opponents admit the truth of what we said, and fling off their own despots and their own com manders in disgust. Having run the round of what they would nut have, it is time to bethink themselves what at last they really would have. As the once radical Sir FRANCIS BCRDETT in his old age lup4cd into a tory of unusual bitterness, so his oh compatriot in the insincere radical ism of 1819, Sir J011:4 HOB1101:SE, has, in the fulness of his later whiggerv : blazed up into a modern baron by the queer and un-English . title of Lord HttorcirroN DE Girronu; an elevation that will not so frequently interfere with his lordship's dinner hour as a seat in the House of Commons did. One consequence of this newly created peerage was of course a vacancy for Harwich, which, as all the world knows, is a . little borough on the eastern coast of England, where part of the constituency, and a large part too, sell their sweet voices at elec tions by way, it is charitable to suppose, of compen sating 'themselves for its declining trade. A vacancy' and a contest are at Harwich inseparable cause and effect; what is only possible elsewhere being quite certain there. So Sir Joint Hotmot'ses elevation produced a vacancy; and a vacancy produced a con test ; and the result of the contest is the loss of a vote in the House of Commons to the liberal party. How this came about is worth noticing. Before, however, doing that, the occasion serves to remark that another consequence of Sir JOHN'S con version into "my lord" was anticipated. As yet, however, in vain. It was his retirement from the Presidency of the Board of Control. For, though Sir JOHN 110BUOUSE is one of those "eminent persons" with whom Lord ions RVsSELL "consorts and associates," for the purity of his politics and the elevation of his sentiments, we lesser people never heard of any such mighty public services to the crown or people of the United King dom as could entitle him to rank amongst the here ditary legislators of this land. And though Mr. Purr was wont to say that every squire who derived 10,0001. a year from land had a moral right to a peerage, Sir JOHN'S territorial qualifications did not, it was usually understood, reach that high standard. When, therefore, the barony of Broughton de (iyf ford was created in the person of Sir JOHN Hon 110USE, the announcement was certainly startling; but, the surprise over, the reflection at mice occurred that, in some particulars at least, Sir JOHN was ripe for the House of Lords; and consolation was found in the anticipation that his elevation would be ac companied by his retirement from office. It has not; and by this disappointment of the general anticipation an ilijury is likely to be inflicted on the public service. For be Lord BROUGHTON DE Ovrroxo ever so good or so bad a President of the Board of Control, a president of that board is more than ever wanted in the House of Commons, just as the East India Company's charter act is approaching its termination; and as the terms of its renewal, if it have to be renewed, must be mainly considered in the lower house, the presence there of the cabinet minister entrusted with the control of Indian affairs would seem to be almost indispensable. Yet it is just as discussion is likely to arise on India, its govern ment and its condition, that LordJOIIN RussELL has deprived the House of Commons of the President of the Board of Control, and left his administration there without a responsible minister to answer even an ordinary question about India or its vast and varied concerns. This anomaly cannot be long per sisted in ; and as Lord BROUGHTON DE GIFFORD cannot return to the place from whence he went to the Upper House, he will, it is to be supposed, shortly retire from the place which, though going thither, he still keeps. But Lord Joint ItussEm. in thus securing a new whig (for Lord BROUGHTON DE GYFFORD cannot he called a liberal) peer in the House of Lords has lost for his government an habitual supporter in the House of Commons. Probably the Treasury thought Harwich safe ; but the Treasury should have known better: for Harwich is never safe, not even when it has returned its members. On the vacancy two can didates appeared; both connected with East Indian interests. The liberal was Mr. ROBERT CRAWFORD, son of the worthy gentleman of that name who once represented the city of London, who, utter a prospe rous commercial career in Bombay, is now at the head of the great commercial firm of CRAWFORD, COI.VIN, and Co.. Bishopsgute-street. The tory was Mr. Tummy PRINSEP, a member of the Bengal civil service, and late of the Supreme Coun cil of India. This gentleman returned home some few years, eager and desirous of playing as pro minent a part in English as he had in Indian poli tics ; and though he had been out of this country the greater part of his life, he inaugurated his re-settlement in it, by a pamphlet to persuade his fellow-countrymen that dear bread was much better for them than cheap bread. Having perpetrated this display, he proceeded to take steps to get into parliament and into the East Indian direction. Not a snag little borough be came vacant, than down to it went Mr. 'ffloair PttiNsEr ; and as regularly up he came again, disappointed and defeated. Perseverance has, how ever, its reward. First it, or rather his influence with the great Indian houses in the City, who now manage these elections, got him into the East Indian direction. And, fortified with that honour, off he went to Harwich on a contest being wanted there. It was in a casual, accidental way, Mr. PRINSEP assured the electors he had first heard of them and of the vaaancv. From whom he had gained the in formation, l'tfr. PRINSEP did not add. Probably, however, from Mr. boils ArrWOOD, who is a power and a potentate at Harwich, and who seeks to turn it into his principality. A strange man is Mr. JOHN ATTwooD; and stranger still are his dealings with small, vendible, venal, corruptible boroughs. With any constituency that is pure and clean, and independent and honest, Mr. JOHN ATrwoon has no transactions. But irresistible to hint is a town flagrant and notorious in the history of electoral I corruption ; attractive is its dirt ; charming its l moral filth. There is nothing Mr. JOHN Arrwooo r will not, in a spirit of benevolence a little soiled, and in the bounty of a disposition indisposed to severity, do for such a place. He'll buy a big house near it, pro : mise to reside there, lend its electors money, par t chase up all the small tenements in the place, and offer its corporation no cud of pecuniary help; as Lrno Regis, as Nis's&le, and, lastly, as llarwieb can 4k all testify. Oh ! is a kind, ana liberal, and gra cious into this Mr. JOHN ktrwoon--iii such locali ties. There is really no limit to the money he has spent there. One hundred and fifty thousand ster ling would not, people do say, cover these bad in vestments of his. For all this kindness Mr. JOHN Anwoon, how ever, expects some little return. Only that his candidates be returned at elections. Ile asks nothing more: nothing less will satisfy him. Yet, personally, Mr. JOHN Arrwoon cares little about polities ; for when once a member he rarely went into the House of Commons. What he seems to toil and spend for is power ; power to send other men into the house. Why he seeks this sort of influence is a mystery. It used to be said that a peerage was what he aimed at. Hut he long ago effectually destroyed any little chance of that sort he could ever have had, what it is now he - ,,ants he himself only knows. Well, though Mr. TitonY PRINSEP only heard of Ilarwich accidentally, no sooner did he arrive there, than Mr. Jonx Arm's Ws agents, friends, and tenants, surrounded him. They canvassed for him ; they breakfasted with hint; they dined with him; and they supped with him ; they came out curl• with hint in the morning, and they went home late with him in the evening. At lust, by dint of great exertions, supported by much beer, they returned, by a small majority however only, Mr. THOBY PitixsEr as member for liarwich by the grace of Mr. JOHN ATTWOOD. In the straggle Mr. CRAWFORD did all that an honest man could do: nothing more, for his expenses did not, it is said, exceed 150 t.—a sum the old corrupt electors think incredibly mean, but for limiting his expenditure to which Mr. CRAWFORD deserves the thanks of the whole liberal party. For the shabby majority by which Mr. THOM' PRINSEP has for a season achieved the object of his parliamentary am bition shows that even in Harwich an improved morality is gaining ground despite of all Mr. Jonx Arrwoo's thousands, and suggests a hope that hereafter Harwich may be won even by fitness, not by money, if indeed Lord lons ltrKsELL's new re form bill shall leave to Harwich the opportunity of returning members at all. TIIE Bishop of BATA and WELLS having been asked in very courteous terms by the protestant churchmen of his diocese to express publicly un opinion as to the danger of tracturian principles and practices, and being informed at the same time that such an expression coining from his lordship would tend to give confidence to the laity wider his charge, has returned an answer which is modelled apparently upon the famous reply of IlExia VIII. to his thithful commons when they were guilty of the consummate impertinence of venturing to make a remonstrance on the subject of the supplies. The king, we know, expressed himself more astounded than indignant that base-born commoners should presume to offer advice upon subjects with which high and mighty princes alone were conversant. In like manner, his lordship " feels that it would he needless to point out the great impropriety which attaches to any self constituted body of persons addressing themselves in a tone of dictation towards one to whom the govern ment of the church in this diocese is lawfully com mitted. And I cannot but think," his lordship goes on to add, "that it would be well if you [the chairman of the association] were to place before such association, at any future meeting, that it is not consistent with their duty as members of the church of Enghind to be parties to any such address to their bishsp." A protestant ibishop, then, is the only being left now in this age of revolutions to whom it is imper tinent to offer advice. Deputations of plebeians wait upon her Mmir.srY, and tender her their advice on questions of government. Prime Ministers, Chan cellors of the Exchequer, are obliged to listen to counsel not always very courteously framed, and show themselves sensible of the good intentions of the counsellors. The figment of infallibility which civilised Europe has scoffed at for three hundred years, which it was thought had been hunted out of decent society, and driven to hide itself under the petticoats of the imbecile old lady in scarlet at Rome, Is now paraded before the eyes of the English pub lic by a bishop of the church. Bishops alone are in need of no advice. The very fact of this assumption of freedom from all responsibility—an assumption which would not hare been put forward by any prelate on the bench twenty years ago. is sufficient to justify the intcrfer• enee of the association in question, inasmuch as it is a proof that the tractarian heresy has produced its worse effects in episcopal palaces. The language employed by the prelates and other dignitaries of the church since the publication of the Oxford Tracts is of a character remarkably different from that which was prevalent amongst ' the same class before the said publication took place. There is scarcely a bishop to whom this observation does not apply. There is studious exaltation of the church, as a Issly of clergy, above the laity whom they are to teach. There is a con stant reference to the one church which has existed in all ages—the historical church, namely, preserved by the succession of the bishops downwards—and a subdued denial of the right of any other body of pro fessing Christians to the title of a church. There is a marked abstinence from the use of the words protestant, reformed, and all such expressions as tend to imply acquiescence in the doctrine that a revolution is as applicable to a church as to a country. There has been, in fact, an evident tendency on the part of the hierarchy to disseminate in the nation, that there is positively no essential differ ence between the Anglican church now and before the Reformation ; the trilling alterations in doctrine and discipline being, that we have diminished our sacra ments and increased our popes, each diocese having the privilege of maintaining an episcopal infallibility of its own. Now, that this idea of the total independence of the clergy is not only erroneous and mischievous, but wholly unnational and unhistorical, it would require but little labour to prove. Whoever has read WILKINS'S " Concilia," must have been struck with the fact of the preponderance in number of the influential laity over the clergy in many of the ancient councils that were called to gether to settle matters ecclesiastical, both in Eng land and Scotland. The same fact is visible even in later periods of our history. When the national mind first had a free voice in the time of the revolution, the nature of the church reform that took place shows how predominant was the feeling that the laity constituted an independent portion of the church. The important part assigned to a church warden in the administration of a parish in the re formed church of England is a plain tribute to the assertion of this feeling. Strange to say,the principle for which we are con tending, and which is treated with such contempt by the Bishop of BATII and WELLS, is occasionally admitted by the great traetarians themselves. In the latest publication of Dr. PUSEV, the doctor save, " Those with whom I have thought and have acted have not objected even to the nomination to bishoprics by the crown, with the limitations under which we believe it to be exercised ; but they do claim that the ancient right of the clergy and /aity to offer objections either as to faith or morals in the bishops elect, shall not be trampled under foot." Now. a body of men who are supposed to be capa ble of forming a sound judgment as to the fitness of a bishop for the performance of his duties; a body of men in whom the law, theoretically at least, vests the right to exercise a veto on the appointment, must surely be supposed fit to offer an opinion as to the right path to be pursued by the prelate when elected; and if fit, then legally competent. For unless there is any enactment against giving counsel, or any scriptural prohibition against the same, we have a right to conclude that it is both legal and harmless. The bishop's " pointing out the great impropriety, &c.,': must then be taken as a piece of gratuitous im pertinence, as a wanton insult offered to men earnestly occupied in the performance of what appears to them a religious duty. They believe that the principles of their church are being disregarded, they are filled with alarm at the progress of what to them seem pernicious doctrines; they tremble for the purity of the faith handed down to them from their fathers; they are sensitively anxious lest their children should be indoctrinated with errors ; fears in fact teset them in regard to the holiest of all subjects. and they apply to one of the heads of the church to have their doubts removed. To their surprise, they are bid to begone. They are accused of the commission of lan impropriety, and told to have religion to those whom it concerns. There must surely be a speedy termination put to such scenes as these if the church desires to maintain its position in the nation. In the meantime evet7 effort ought to be made by the laity to fix responsi bility somewhere. We should advise the assoemthm which has been so unhandsomely treated not to let the matter drop. Why not appeal to the ARCTIBINTIOT, and then in the case of meeting with no redress, to the QUEEN ? FRANCE. PARIS, MONDAY EVENING. The committee on the National Guard Bill heard this morning the explanations of the Minister of the Interior, who asked for two days to reflect on the ad visability of presenting a transitory law• adjourning the elections. There was a good deal of talk to-day in the As sembly about the imminent formation of a definitive ministry. Barochc and Itouher were mentioned as likely to re-enter the cabinet. It was said that M. \Vaissc would be made prefect of Algiers. But the ambition of the transitory minister probably aims higher. It is observed that M. Waisse is the only member of the cabinet of transition who has put a successor into his old place. MM. Giraud, Brenier, and Royer arc still without successors to their former functions, and seem t o keep their old places open to fall back on when the definitive cabinet shall have been formed. It is reported upon respectable authority that M. Berger, the Prefect of the Seine, is going to be re placed; and it appears probable that M. Waisse, if not made definitive Minister of the Interior, will inherit his office. I hear that M. Itomieu is to be appointed special commissioner to proceed to the llerault, to inquire into disturbances which have taken place there. To-day the Assembly was occupied with one of a class of questions, which, properly studied, would throw much light on the most dangerous leaks of the French exchequer. It was called upon to vote a supplementary credit of 123,136 fr. on the budget of ism to reimburse the canal company of the Oise. The committee on supplementary credits, which has examined this demand, has proposed its being granted. It has on this occasion submitted to the': Assembly a list of the receipts and expenses of ten canals conceded, from which it results that the state must every year take from its budget about eight millions in order to fulfil the engagements entered into by it with the different companies. This dis astrous state of things, which may be rendered still worse by the establishment of railways, must be pro longed fur several years. The amount of loans from the government to canal companies was on the Ist January, 1851, 83,436.625 fr.; the reimbursement of Ithese different capitals will not be terminated until the loth April, 1870. In 1821, the government, wishing to improve in land navigation, concluded arrangements with com panies which now can impose what tariffs they please. One of these companies, that of the Trois eanour, obtained such favourable conditions, that its treaty ought long ago to have been annulled, on the ground of public utility and morality. This company en gaged to advance to the state a sum of three million francs, to improve the navigation of the Oise, from the canal of Manicamp to the Seine. It was a loan —nothing but a loan—made by the company to the state, which executed the works, managed the canal, and ran all the risk. In exchange for this sum the government of the restoration engaged loamy fipercent, interest, per cent. prem.,and 1 I" cent. as a sinking fund, or 74 per cent. in all, when money was barely fetching 5 per cent. in the market. If the revenue of the canal should not cover the expenses and the 225,000 fr. allowed to the company as interest, &c., the state was to pay the difference; whilst, on the other hand, if the receipts exceeded the expenses, the company enjoyed all the benefit. As soon as the sinking-fund had reimbursed all the capital ad vanced, the company was still to be entitled for fifty years to one-half of the net profits yielded by the canal. The 125,000 fr. to be voted to-day are the profits realised by the state on the navigation of the Oise. Thus, besides the 225,000 t. it takes every, year as interest for the three millions, the company has already received profits amounting to 2.3410,000 fr. Now, as this state of things has yet to endure some 70 years, it appears that the company has advanced three millions, the whole of which will have been re paid by the sinking-fund, and has received. not only the exorbitant interest, but a sum of about thirteen millions of francs. M. do Versigny undertook to explain these facts to the Assembly, and moved the reduction of the credit to 26,632 fr. M. do ltavinel, the reporter, opposed the reduction, and insisted upon the obligation of the state to exe cute the terms of the agreement, as concluded thir teen years ago. M. Dupont do Bussac coincided in opinion with M. Vcrsigny, whose motion, however, was, after speeches from MM. Germiny and Fould, set aside by the previous question, and the credit voted, by a majority of 413 votes against 206. TO CORRESPONDENTS. Alfeertionorotolatended toe Tin Ropreek . Loofas Y.veolog psper, mat b h. the Odle', 114 Illowerie-etreet, by Too &cloak out the day of pobtooboo. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE Tan DAT —llfonsing. :h. I lo.nosenow—feuraing.. Sh. Son. ..Aftereuun, 80. no. LONDON, TUESDA 1, 3LIRCH 11. SPRING is certainly the period of change, of re generation, of Gusting off the last remnant of old leaves, and of putting forth the buds of new shoots. It is interesting to watch these symptoms of the season, to observe the ehesnut trees even in March burst forth with new foliage, and every root and shrub set vigorously about the great work of renova tion. The political world is in this respect not unlike the vegetable one. It, too, has its autumn and its spring; fur its principles are far from evergreen, and its old year's ideas are shed almost as regularly as the leaves of Valembrosa. Let us regard the Times, for example, a very good sample of the political tree, an oak in age and gnarled roots : see how busily it is shaking off its old foliage to the wind, atia putting forth new ! Were we to examine it leaf by leaf we should Nee how convincingly this is the case. 'Think of what it said at " the fall " of the Papal aggression, and compare with that its spring-tide opinions thereof. Re member what an especial favourite the CUANCELLOR of the ExeitYrat:Eit was of the Times last year, whilst this year his budget stinks in the nostrils of common sense. Last year the Times worshipped the GREYS ; now even the Colonial-office has its sneer. Electoral reform was scouted by it last year, and of course has become indispensable in this. 'fhe hugest leaf, however, that the Times has de tached from its brunches, is that of Austrian wis dom and ascendancy. Ilow luxuriant that leaf of the Times used to be. How it cherished and de veloped it. The welfare of Europe depended upon Austria's recovering its lordship over Italy, and establishing its supremacy over Germany. If once that horrid King of Pitessit was put down the brightest era would dawn for Germany. Well, all has happened as the Times desired. The King of Plit'sstA was made to eat dirt. The Bavarians have trodden down the liberties of Ilesse. The Danes have reduced the Holsteiners to be their aerfs. And an Austrian Archduke has marched a regiment of Vienna guards into the protestant cathedral of the free town of Lubeck, kicked out its ecclesiastics, and installed his own, whilst that ex-grand master of the Irish Orangemen, the King of liasavur, stood look ing on. But the moment that this triumph was complete, what does the Times say to it? Precisely what it dues of the Papal Aggression Bill. That it is a mere humbug. In the very same week that the Times denounced the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill it also declared the Dresden conference to 1w a failure as complete as that of the demagogues of Frankfort or the University at Erfurt. Having thus dismissed the Dresden conference and Austria, what does the Times fall back on? Why, a proposal of the King of WIRTEMBERG to establish now precisely what Prussia asked last year, and what the King of Wilt realtida; himself took up arms to prevent. Prussia's first proposal in its amended constitu tion of Frankfort, was that there should be a repre sentative German lower house of parliament, with an upper house chosen by the legislature, as in Ame rica. This being opposed and overruled, Prussia proposed to have but the senate. The King of WIRTEMBERti might then have closed with the offer, accepted it, objected to Prussia or its King having the lead, perhaps, but at least accepted the principle. Instead of doing this, the King of Wirt- Trauma; went off to Bregentz, and formed a league with Austria and with Russia for putting Prussia and its scheme down by the force of armies. In order to join heartily in this, the King of Witt , YEAd BERG was obliged to confiscate his ONCTICORStiiIItiOII and persecute the party attached to it. And now, at the eleventh hour, when Austria and is armies are completely masters of Germany, the King of 11 nrrEsteEnG turns mock liberal, demands, when it is utterly impracticable, the scheme which he might have accomplished when it was practicable, and thus I bids for popularity, nay, obtains it, amongst the • tynoramuses of England and France, for not one soul in Germany could be taken in by such profes sions. A German Central Assembly. to be composed of delegates from its constitutional states! Of what use or signification can such an assem bly be. when every constitution has been de stroyed ? When Hesse Cassel, or Bavaria, or Wir temberg, were free and enjoyed their constitutions,a delegate from their several parliaments might have some character and meaning. But now the delegates of the states would be mere nominees of the King or of the Duke. The proposal has been to restore the Frankfort Diet; but the Frankfort Diet, by that law of 1t132 which was enforced in Hesse the other day, has full power over all constitutions and states, which it does not allow even to control a budget. Of what use giving such states the power to elect delegates, when the states themselves are at the mercy of the assembled princes at Frankfort, or rather at the mercy of Austria, which must be all-powerful at Frankfort? Austria at present is entering, with all her provinces, into the confederation. She might give a mock constitution to upwards of a dozen of those provinces or divisions of provinces. If she is to send a delegate SPAIN. A royal decree in the Madrid finette of the 4th, dated the 27th ult., relieves lion Carlos Martinez de Irujo, Duke de Sotomuyor, front the post of ambassa dor of the French republic, "on account," it says, " of reasons touching the rc-orgauisation of the di plomatic career, submitted to the Queen by the Se cretary of State of Foreign Affairs, in conformity with the advice of the council of ministers." The decree, however, declares in the usual form, that the Queen "is perfectly satisfied with the zeal and intelligence with which the Duke de Sotomayor had fulfilled his mission ; and that she proposes subnuently to utilise his services." Another decree appoints Don Juan Donoso Cortes, Marquis de Valdegamas, member of the Chamber of Deputies, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the French Republic. Two other royal decrees appoint M. A. Caballero, ex minister in Portugal, a member of the royal council, and M. A. A. Galion, a senator, his successor in the Lisbon legation. GERMANY. Our correspondent writes us follows : BERLIN, MARCH 8. The evening papers publish a circular note of Prince Schwarzeuberg to the diplomatic agents of Austria at the minor courts of Germany. It is of a threatening nature, but is understood to have failed as yet in producing the desired results. It is dated March 2, and is as follows : The ministerial conferences at Dresden, according to the agreement come to at the lnst plenary sitting, will on the Bth inst. proceed to the final deliberation and decision WI the proposals made by Austria and Prussia fur the imme diate appointment of the central federal authority recom mended by the first commission. The objections which were directed against these pro posals by several of the plenipotentiaries, hardly permit the hope of a unanimous decision of the governments of Ger many. But as these plenipotentiaries at the same time de clared that they were able at that moment only to express their personal convictions, because then only generally ac quainted with the views of their governments, their expres sions cannot prevent us from again delivering, direct to the givers of their credentials, our opinions on the importance of the approaching decision. If the condition of Germany really affords to individual members of the confederation motives fur making sacrifices fur the general good—as has been often announced by all, and which is our inmost conviction—it is hardly possible that any one of our allies can refuse to acknowledge that the present condition contains more strongly than ever the warning actually to make such sacrifices. After troublesome negotiations we have succeeded in overcoming the differences of opinion up to the point that not only the votes of the two federal powers, which as Eu ropean powers also will have to represent the work of re vision abroad, but also the votes of those members of the confederation which take rank next to them in the north as well as the south of Germany, have united fur one and the tonne proposal in the most pressing of the question respecting the new formation of the executive power of the confederation. It would in the eyes of the world most un doubtedly be an occurrence of very serious importance if, under circumstances such as at present exist in Germany and Europe, such proposal could he negalved by the oppo sition of other votes, which, collectively, hardly represent inure than the tenth part of the population of the con federation. The aspect of the times really speaks so loudly to the intelligence and patrioti,m of all, telling them not to lose by longer disunion that which may be gained at a de cisive moment by union. This must appear so clearly to all whose sight is not dimmed, that we should fear to tres pass on the respect we owe to our confederates where we to fancy ourselves called upon to make any representations on the point. ! But what we can and must demand in a free and hides , pendent examination and dccioion ur.fAtered by all fiirmar complications. Nut being desirous of resuming fruita se quarrels, we shall gladly refrain (ruin inquirind how it is possible, or how it can be explained that min y governs . ments who not long ago rijeeted our ins Ration to restos, the legal basis for the reformation of the C. dent state by the recall of the Diet, from apprehension and fear of the recurrence of past swats, and with exaggerated reproaches against the constitution of the confederation, how those Kano governments can now be so very desirous of the simple cc turn to the constitution, and even at all hazards prefer this step to assenting to a proposition which will place at the disposal of the central authorities the whole power of all the statist united in the confederation againstall internal and external dangers threatening the country. It cannot be denied that the prosperity, and even the ex istence of the confederation may in the immediate future depend upon such a union of the mutual powers, but it cannot be guaranteed that the favourable moment for establisi.ing it will not have been lost. . . . _ . . The prevent position of Europe places it in the him:a of the governments of Genuan)•, more romplt t, le than was ever before the ease, to resolve amongA themselves alone the renewal of the treaty which they concluded on the lath of June, 1815, with those alterations necessiry to the increase of the common strength and propt rite. Bat no one is capable of preventing the origin of a con dition of affairs, which, in consequenee of the con tinued dissensions in Germany, may, and will, in addition to other inevitable rc,ulta of such a fault, require the inter vention of foreigners to terminate. Your, &c., will regard this communication 113 confidential, and will bring it only ms such without delay to the know ledge of the government to which you are accredited. Accept, &e. (Signet!) "!oY SCIIIIV A lU. EN 111:1(6. Vienna, March 2, 5 18.11. Vincke's motion on the Mate of the country was brought before the Second Chamber to-day. 'l'ho debate did not commence mita too late an hour to admit of my sending you the speeches. 'the report of the committee to m r hont the motion was referred, recommended the Chamber to proceed to the order of the day. and the Chamber did so by the enormous majority of :1:28 to 41. The Schleswig-llolstein army is to undento a third reduction. (July ten men per company are to be retained. FRANKFORT, MArer it Accident has placed in my hands an iniportant do cument drawn up by the president of the Prussian cabinet, and intended only for the eyes of the King of that country, and a few of the chosen friends of Majesty and his minister. This document is a me morial elucidating the policy of M. de Manteuffel on the Gernian question. It is of eery great importance, since its contents, especially one portion of them, show that the Prussian minister is not inclined to act subserviently to Austria un all points, but that to do cure the particular interests of Prussia he means to bide his time. The memorial is long, and as the English public cannot be expected to pay much at tention to the confused and unintelligible polities of Germane, I shall give you but a summary of it. Both Prussia and Austria are considered by M. de Manteuffel to have had imposed upon them the tusk of combating revolution in every shape, and of re. storing to Germany the peace and tranquillity . which he believes are alone possible under a despotic form of government. At lin/aka he declared, and the de claration is repeated in this memorial. that to do so effectually the two great powers must aid each other to the utmost of their lamer in the construction of a strong central power in Germany,. The relations of Germany with foreign powers alas require thin from theta Since the days of Marsh, 18.18, Prussia had attempted, without the assistance of Austria, to establish the reorganisation of Ger many ; she had failed. The Erfurt Union had been alzaidoned. Austria had also made the attempt. but she too had found that tlic Germanic Diet which she had rehabilitated here was without effective influence or power, so long as Prussia took no part in it. Both powers had thus learnt that alone neither was able to effect anything; neither possessed either the right or the power. M. dc Manteuffel acknow ledges that Prussia might have changed the political aspect of Germany, had the King elected the sup port of revolution. The indispensability of co-opera tion having become clear to the governments of Austria and Prussia, the convention of Ohnutz was concluded for the purpose of restoring to Germany a durable political organisation, and olquelling any the spirit of revolution. The memorial then pro ceeds to describe what M. de Munteuft . el considers the origin of revolution. Revolution has its seat nut in the lower orders, or in the results of isolated instances of had legislation, but in the spirit of irreligion abroad, especially in the upper classes; the worshipping of human wisdom, the belief that the wisdom of man is capable of removing social evils, the rejection of all authority, and the absurd belief that general happiness may be established by having recourse to new forms of political government. Thus fur the memorial is drawn up entirely in the spirit of the Holy Alliance, and no one dare venture to doubt the sincerity of the writer. The succeed ing paragraphs refer to the particular interests of Prussia, and here it is that the policy of M. do Manteuffel assumes a very doubtful aspect. He gives to the Prussian policy the appearance of diplo matic cunning and foresight, which no one who has pursued its course since the said tonventiou of Olmutz was signed can find in it,hut which appears to me to be imparted to it solely by M. de Manteuffel for the purpose of concealing its weakness and sub serviency to that of Aust nu. If treachery to Austria be not intended, the minister con be only tricking himself and his government at the expense of his small re maining character for honesty. To return to the memorial itself': M. dc Manteuffel suddenly dime:event the existence of certain particular interests of Prus sia, which are not mentioned, but which he declares must not be sacrificed. For the present, however, nothing is to be said about them to Austria, as Prussia cannot do anything towards securing them until Germany is recognised. Meanwhile Austria must be watched. The government of that empire has not always been as friendly to Pruasia t 44 to sup port the interests of the latter against her own. Prusia therefore has hanged herself on to the skirts of Austria in the affairs of Hesse Cassel and Schles wig Holstein, in order to see what she is about, and by active watchfulness to prevent the accomplish ment of any particular purposes hostile to Prussia. This course has proved successful in other countries in rendering an opponent harmless, and fur this pur pose alone has Prussia assisted Austria. The former has made no concessions to the latter. With regard to the German constitution, the purposes of the two powers are the same, and if Germany be reor ganised by their mutual will and plans, that fact itself proves the existence of the questioned parity fur which the form alone requires to be found. M. de Manteutfel kw no objection whatever to the admission of the whole of the Austrian provinces into the confederation, which he considers to lie a question concerning Austria alone. The protests of foreign powers, such as that of France, will nut be replied to by Prussia. Austria must act for herself in the matter. The foundation of Manteuffel's supine ness in this mutter is partly the motive that actuates Austria in demanding the admission, viz., by render ing the Austrian empire one compact body, to exer cise the power of the government tbr quelling revo lution, and partly, also, the idea of M. de it:Woes-it; that the Band loses its German character from the admission of Italians, Hungarians, Selavonians, &e., and that Prussia will be placed more firmly than ever at the head of the pure German states. Even the possibility of Prussia being obliged to send troops into Italy and Hungary is not a :sufficient reason to M. de Munteuffel for opposing it, since he says in his memorial that assistance would be given to Austria only in times of peace, and would naturally he refused on the slightest appearance of hostilities in the north of Europe. The memorial refers again to the main and all im portant question of the necessity for the construction of a strong central power. The condition of affairs in France, and the possibility of an outbreak in that country, convinces M. de Manteuffel that sooner or later the powers of Germany will be compelled to assume a decisive attitude in reference to it, and that when that necessity does arise, it will be infinitely more advantageous that the steps required should bo taken by the central power of Germany than by Prussia and Austria alone. This is the great tusk of the two governments, and in endeavouring to fulfil it l'russia must not permit herself to be held back by the minor states, whose confidence and faithful sup port deserves the highest esteem and gratitude of Prussia. A loyal policy and the respect for legiti mate principles must always procure due considera tion for the situations of the minor states, but it would be unwise at this moment to eater into any new coalition with them. Aast , posi tion, return to a counter coaltia .71; - 771 . . states. Prussia will always , the interests of the minor states.' • • " rl M. de Manteuffel does not Appear to . trl 3,4, ° Now sew THEH MOR.IT, and SAN' TART ASPECTS of . the NEW f• ENTRAL CATTLE II RICHT. Propneel of the eorpro.tom of Len•kes. Inwereted by 11. sM Inner., Bo J. ST.10.01•I Itrowv,e, Fellow of the toyel Coiner of l'hY•wi” , et FAinhursh, Wnior Phoorian to the hico•pohtan Free lloopitat, Asthma; "t henna WM lie CUM.,. at. W. 0. thy and Cu , Paternoster-row.