The Express. — London, England, 1848-01-28 00:00:00

2 • seder better movies to hie follow ementrymon then I he km given hitherto. (Applawce.) He remembered many mob prodlctiona—he had heard many within the wens of the Hones of Commons. Ho reasombored Kr. Hadeon— Oughter)—the member for Sunderland, espial! in 1848 Cut it wee hie ann ogee. that if rent were entirely abo lished the tumors of land would th a t tumble to cultivate the sell under the now w, and that the land must be *Deadened althe• end left to waste, bemuse a »mune tethsdpries said not be obtained for the produce , . The hoe. gentleman was proceeding when our express left. • FREE TRADE BANQUET AT MA Dttax.....— ' Since the foregoing appeared in the Daily Nemo, we have received, by express, he further proceedings and the commits- Mon of the meeting. Mr. Gipson continued as follows: I lam glad Mr: Hudson had proved a worse judge upon these matters than he has upon the conduct of railways. (Applause.) In the railway world no doubt he has shown himseH a shrewd and able AM ; but as a prophet I venture to hack the very worst prophet the Anti-Corn-law League ever produced whist the honourable member for Sunder land. The worst case they say that can be brought against us is the West India case. There they tall us we have brought ruin and despair open a great portion of our fellow countrymen. I have heard with deep sympathy, and every Englishman must hear with regret, that any portion of our fellow-countrymen, in any part of the earth's surface is suffering deep distress; but, I must say, it is no novelty to be told of the distress of the West India intermit. It is not the first time that we have heard the threat made that the West Indian estates are not worth cultivating, and must be abandoned, and I doubt very much if we were to go carefully tluough the parliamentary documents and the memorials that have been addressed to the public office, whether you would not find in them statemeuta of distress quite as alarming as those which have been recently made by the West( India body. I denot deny the distress, but what I protest against 3 the remedy that is asked. We are asked to give to the West India body • protecting duty of 10s. per ort.upon sugar-101.iper too upon all the co lonial sugar—upon all the coloring sure imported into this country, is the modest request which is made to the repre sentatives of the people. Ten pounds per ton upon all the colonial sugar would amount to upwards of two million of taxes, to be imposed upon the people of this country ; not for the purposes of the state ; not to be paid into the coffers of the exchequer; but to be transferred from the great body of the „consuming classes of England to the pro prietary body of colonial lands. Now, I have no doubt it is very easy for persons to say that granting this protection to the West India body will make very little addition to tbe price of sugar; will not be felt by the consumer, and will prevent the rum of many resp ectable _ families, and restore to prosperity, perhaps,. many West Indian mercantile houses. If I were eked to give my own property, I might say "Yaw well, I have no objection te grant you from your own fina l the amount which you ask, and I only hope that it may re lieve you from your distress;" but that is not the position of a member of pat liament he is not dealing with his owa property. ( Applause.) He is trustee fur the people, and he Is bound to act upon the strict principle of justice betwixt all classes of the people. And what is, therefore, the position of a member of parliament when a request iS Mae be him fur a ten shilling dill, rential duty up en colonial agar. He says to himself, I am asked to transfer a portion of the earnings of all the factory operatives aud the agri cultural labourers to a body of men upon the ground that they are in distress and cannot make the business in whish they are engaged profitable. (Hear, hear.) But an honourable member must ask himself this question, Is there a more ob•I vious and clear title—one more inalienable, or less capable of being shaken—than that which the labouring man has to the earnings which he has received as the reward of hie industry ? Can there be a higher title to property than the title which the labouring man has established fur the wages given him for his labour ? Well, then, what is the nature of this higher title which we are told exists on the part of the West India pro prietors to a portion of those wages; how can he make out a higher or a better title to get a portion of those wages than the labouring man who has received them directly for his industry? (Hear, hear, and applause.) I cannot reconcile it to my notions of justice that it can be shown by any previous legislation of this country, that it an be shown by any pre scriptive right, by any arguments which I have ever heard, any colonial proprietor has any better claim to this man's wages than the man has himself. (" Hear, hear," mad Cheers.) And until a better title can be shown, thaa the labouring man himself can show to the wages ho has re oeived from his employer, I must refuse, merely at the re quest of proprietors, and upon the plea of distress, I must refuse in my capacity as a trustee, to transfer any portion of these earnings to the proprietors of the soil. (Hear, and loud cheers.) When the sugar duties bill of 1846 passed through parliament, all the facts were before the legislature which are now bef .re them. (Hear, hear.) Every thing was taken into consideration, and, after a mature discussion of the government sugar duties were placed upon a perma nent footing. (Hear, and applause.) The measure of 1846 has conferred greet benefits neon the country, (hear, hear)—it has done as thej protectionists predicted it would do, it has added materially to the revenue of the state, and it has increased the quantity of sugar to the consumer. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I will take the liberty of read ing to you the effect which it has had upon the revenue of the State, and also the addition it has made in the quantity of sugar consumed by the people. (Applause.), For the twelve months ending August, 1845, the year prevous to the present bill being passed, for the twelve months, I say, ending August, 1845, the revenue from sugar amounted to 3,339,1821.; for the twelve months ending August, 1847, being the first year of our sugar bill, the free trade sugar bill, the revenue from sugar amounted to 4,652,4921., show. lag an increase of 1,313,e00/.—(hear, hear) ;—that was the sum gained to the revenue, accompanied, as I said before, with less taxation to the consumer, and an increased quan tity of sugar at a lower price brought within the reach of all classes of her Majesty's subjects. (Applause.) lam there fore prepared to stand by the bill of 1846—(loud cheers) — I think it is a good measure—(hear, hear)—l think it has answered the purposes . for which it was introduced —(hear)—l think it was a just measure, I think it was a well-considered measure, and I think the country will never regret that it was p assed into a law. (Cheers.) And after all has nothing been ever done for the West India body? (Hear, hear.) Do we forget that when slavery was abolished the people of England paid them in compensation the sum of 17,000,0001. out of 20,000,0001. (Beer, hear.) The West India body received, I believe, 17,000,0001. out of tho whole sum, which amounts to four per cent, or an annual call on the taxation of this country of something like 680,000/. a year. (Hear, hear.) You are now paying out of the taxation of this country for the emancipation of slaves no less a sum than 680,0001. per annum to the West India body. (Hear, hear ) Is that nothing? But we are told that they did not get 17,000,0001., that the West India proprietors were in debt, that their estates were mortgaged, and the brokers and merchants had got the money. But you did not pay It the less for that. (Cheers.) The people of this country had paid it, and they can have nothing whatever to do with any pre vious arrangement which, whether wise or unwise, might have existed between the colonial proprietors and their brokers and merchants. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) The money was paid, and, as l always understood, it closed the account, and it can no more be re•opened. (Hear) The question of slavery is settled, and let it be remembered that the abolition of slavery was not a law merely applying to the proprietors of slaves in the West Indies, it was ap plied to all classes of her Majesty's subjects. (" Hear, hear,' and cheers.) And, at the present moment, I have no doubt it is be operation in our colonies ; say iii the Cape of Good Hope, say in Australia, and in many other of the British dominions iu the different portions of the world. I doubt not that, if proprietors could purchase slaves, they would fancy for a time they could realise an income from property which now yields them nothing. I was myself in fact told by a gentleman who lately purchased property at the Cape of Good Hope, " why," he " you seem to talk as if nobody was deprived of advantages by the abolition of alavery except the owners of estates in the West Indies ; if I could purchase slaves I doubt not that I could raise a quantity of surplus produce which I could send to market, and by it obtain for myself an income, whereas now, by the great scarcity of labour, and the difficulty of finding per sons to till the land, I can only raise sufficient for my own consumption." (Hear, hear.) So that these are not the only parties that can laim an advantage, if there can be any possible advantage, present or remote, to the country, in the permission of Clod's creatures, of human beings like ourselves, to be sold in the slave market. (Hear, hear.) I hope to see slavery abolished in every part of the earth. (Cheers.) And I believe that leaving free labour to compete without protection openly in this market, with slave labour, I believe the day will come when it can be proved that free labour is more profitable than slave labour, and that men's interest would induce them to abandon for ever the horrible traffic in human flesh. (Loud cheer) We has had 00 many proofs lately from successful operations in other countries, as well as in England, of the effect of reducing duties, and giving freer scope to industry and trade, that 1 will not dwell longer at present on the subject. But there is one remarkable case of it in connexion with the trade of England, to which I cannot help calling a momentary at tention, I allude to the trade with France. (Hear, hear.) Now, there is no trade, it may be small In amount absolutely, but there is no trade that has relatively shown a more rapid increase. (Hear, hear.) The amount of our exports, the declared value of our exports to France, has amounted within a very short period to something like 3,000,0001., and now the amount, I believe, is about two millions and a half. (Hear, bear.) In 1815 they amounted to about 300,0001., and since that time they have increased to, as I said before, three mil lions; and, at the present moment, to something like 2,700,0001. (Hear, hear.) But the increase, be it remarked, has taken place, the greater portion of it, during a compara tively merit period of time. (Hear, hear.) And it has taken place nearly in censequence, or perhaps almost entirely in soneequence of relaxations on our part without any reciprocity en the part of the French. (Hear, hear.) I mention this, bemuse it is a strong argument against what is caed the re- eiproeity system— (hear, hear) ;—though you have increased materially your trade with France by acting for yourselves in reducing the duties on your imports, even though France has reciprocated, and materially reduced duties on the imports country. (Beer, hear, and applause.) But I men .s trade with France also to show you that the exports ACO amount to as much, after all, as the exports to the Indies—(Hear, bear)—so that these dreadful French we are taught to regard—(Hear, hoar, and apprl:gtil— t them dreadful Frenchmen we are taught to as natural enemies, are as good customers to us as our pro d and much cherished West India proprietors. hear.) The French task exports to the of 2,700,0001. and the West Indian proprietors J the amount of 2,300,0001. (Beer.) And more that, the West India interest want you to give them A protecting duty ea their sugars equal in amount to the value of all your exports you send to the Wait Indies. (Hear, I am not overstating these things. (Hear. hear, and I em mentioning merely those facts which perils- smug demiessate plea Deem ea. (111hema.) New, I ask you wlesehar we sea redleetwa the ming Yews of WM areelel sematiolea err faesenserma with Awn% it at ths lalhilkliarblidlellitZliNt Iwo set !pear et friend ship awl of iaterest—Okear, heer)—des width le would be more Albeit to bras *trek= if theta& Wiesen was only what it need to he la 1816, senestiting _like 30111,101. • yeu. (Anhwei.) I this& my sualissa friend Colossi Theupsse williell yea that the two weeterffas, with • trade ef Ws me subsiedng between them, woe It in a ilghtheg paid= than they vo te d he if there awn so anal/ a - Os& that which amedated topla.ll/111111. • peer- (Applainee.) 1 for one, ladies and lam hem mgp istraissaa, though I dare say elametlele ma y Mee Otos mob Is do wrld. I burn Is Irma lap ealreWalle% llllll glees It waled tallly, sad fa Yds goblis amembly, that the meet powered of all hums sonsiss to pnvent war and to amintaie pew is the extemien et essamerelal ustercoune. (Lead cheers.) We are tail, semi g this growing trade, not withstanding this fastfood intercourse with, France, we are told—we are told la the south—and recollect that letter came from lemereldre—(hear, hear)—from a great man in this district—(a laugh)—we were told in the south that we were frightened out of our propriety by the letters from the north to the effect that we might expeotan invasion from the French people—(loud laughter)—that the French people were actuated by a feeling that I won't mention to wards the natives of this country, and that we were lulling ourselves into a false security if we would not prepare ourselves with an effective force to repeal this meditated invesion. (Hear, hear, and laughter). Well, I don't meanto say,—for I should not be honest if I did say it,—and It has always been my habit et Blanchester, and always will be, candidly and fairly to state my opinions. (Hear, hear.) I don't say that you can dispense with the use of armaments. (Hear, hear. I don't say, and I don't believe, that my excellent friend, Mr. Cobden, has ever said that you are to abolish all your military and naval preparations. (Hear, hear.) There are those who would, but I don't believe my honourable friend Mr. Cobden has proposed that. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, all that we have to do with the question now is this. We are agreed, at least I believe we are, the bulk of mankind think it would be a very great blessing, that it would be the greatest improvement that the world ever saw, and the greatest aid to the progress of civilisation, of virtue, and of every good feel ing, if by international communication armaments could ho abolished. (Hear, hear, and applause.) We are all agreed upon that. (Hear, hear.) No man, no sensible man , at lust, who had not an interest in the thing—(bur, hear, and a laugh)—could be. (Hear, hear.) But we are not— I honestly state my opinion I may be wrong, but I honestly state my opinion that we are not in • posi tion to dispense 'with the means of defence—(hoar, hear). We have averaged something like 16,000,0001. • year, Sinai 1816, for th e , maintenance of defences, and, therefore I believe we always have had adequate means f defence. (Hear, hear.) And all 1 contend is this, that ire,far as 1 am capable of judging no case has been made out to show: that there, is yawn to apprehend this sudden invasion of: the French. (Hear.) I remember it as a very old story this invasion. (Hear.) I remember Mr. Thomas Attwood, then one of the members for Birmingham, stood on the floor of the House of Commons, and in a speech of four hours' duration made what some parties considered a very good invasion speech, and proved to their satisfaction at least, that the Russians might be expected to make their appearance at London Bridge some film morning with out the slightest notice, or any person being aware in the slightest degree of their intention to come. (Hear, bear, sal laughter.) But Russia we now leave alone—it is Pomo we have to fear. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The loath budget shows reduuctioos on the part of the Go vernment for the coming year. (Hear, lieu.) I don't fa that budget see any reason for fearing (hear, hear) —I don't see any reason for fearing that France is making preparations to invade England. (Loud Cheery.) I have told now broadly, and I tell it now conscientiously, —I tell it to yon sincerely,e--that I have no sympathy whatever with what is called the military spirit. (Hear, beer.) But I will not commit myself in this assembly ar in any other place to any particular vote or set in reference to this question. I know not what Government means to propose. lam not in their tweets, and there fore I cannot clinks. them. They may have the urns opinions as I have in reference to: this invasion, and the folly of the panic. (Laughter and continued cheers.) But all I say is this—waitl wait! before rou pronounce an opinion upon them, at least, wait until you hear what they purpose. (Hear, hear.) Pronounce an opinion upon the celebrated missive of Lancashire ; pronounce an opinion upon that of Mr. Pigon, or upon the Duke's letter ; all then are before the public ; but pro nounce no opinion upon the policy of Government, when yet are not i n posseseton of it. (Hear, heir.) I will not trespass too long upon your attention, because I should be sorry to interpose ,lietwein you and many of those distin guished speakers whom you will have the pleasure of hear ing after myself; bat there is one question before I sit down that I feel bound to allude to. I mean the ques tion of the removal of the Jewish disabilities. (Hear, hear, and applause.) We shall carry the bill for the removal of those disabilities with ease through the House of Commons--(hear;—but how it will fare in the House of Lords, it is not in my power to state. The opinion of the people I should think would influence that body, if that opinion can be made to reach them, or is at all likely to reach them. My own opinion upon this question is cleat and decided ; let us have no declaration of religious belief from any man as the (cedilla' of his discharging cavil fuoc ties.. (Applause.) I place it upon the broad frultal prin ciple, that every man, if elected, is entitled to sit in the House of Commons without any reference I. his religious opinions. (Hear, hear.) His belief in what may be neces sary to the salvation of the soul in another world, I do not think it requisite to inquire into in order that he may be entitled to legislate on men's civil rights in this world. (Applause.) If we can find a Solomon among the Jews , why should we not have his services in Parliament? (Hear, hear, and loud applause.) Let the Jews in, we shan't be the less Christians! And after all, what is the meaning of the word " Christian ?" because it is a perplex ing-thing. I want to know what the test of Christianity Is? I address this argument not - t° gentlemen taking the broad principle, but to those who stickle for having a Christian legislature. Now, what is a Christian legis lature ? Where must I go for a definition of Chris tianity? You cannot deny the man the title of Christian who, at the table of the House of Commons, is satisfied to call himself a Christian, and is willing to take the oath. The German school of ratioealista call themselves Christians, although they openly profess, and are taught, to disbelieve 11 the divine mission of Christ—in the miracles and pro phecies of the Old Testament, and in the miracles of the New. Inasmuch as they believe in the excellency of the moral code taught by Christ, they are satisfied in their own conscience and call themselves Christians; and you cannot refuse one of these men. Well, then, what becomes of your test? Why, the test vanishes. Your Christian's test amounts to nothing. It cannot keep out any man who thanks himself entitled to call himself a obristian. I believe that in keeping out the Jews, you are keeping out those who in point of feet, believe a much larger portion of the Scriptures than many of those whom you let in, and who call them selves Christians. Ido not address this argument as bay ing any weight with those who adopt the general and sound principle that there should be no tests, but I only address it to the portion of the legislature who think they have secured something by this obligation to say at the table of the house that you are a christian. I think it would be far more in accordance with that love and forbearance which are characteristic of true religion, if we were not to persist in this persecution of a portion of our fellow-countrymen because they differ from us in religion, but were to allow ' them freely to enjoy all the civil distinctions and advanta ges which the state places within their reach. (Applause.) I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for the kindness with which you have heard me. I feel that I may have occu pied your time too long. (" No, no.") I hope, if I have said any more upon any one subject than I ought to have said, or have not expressed myself with sufficient clear ness, I may have your indulgence. I will sit down with repeating to you Again that I hope to be able to assist in Parliament in the abolition of those monopolies which are alluded to in the toast, in conjunction with the other flee trade members included in it ; and when a struggle arises upon the geese principles of either civil, commercial, or religious freedom, I trust you will not find me wanting. (Loud applause.) The meeting was subsequent)] addressed by J. Kershaw, Esq., M.P. ; Richard Cobden, Req. M.P. ; Colonel Thomp son, M.P.; G. Thompson, M.P. ; J. 'Bright, Esq., M.P.; and E. Ashworth, Esq . . The speeches delivered will be given in subsequent Winans. ANCIENT REMAINS YOUND.—Some very interest- ing Roman remains were on Wednesday discovered in exca vating for the foundation of the new Coal Exchange. They consist of a large floor of temlated pavement, and the remains:of a hypocaust, the hollow floor of which is astonish ingly perfect. The warm air chamber is 20 inches high and consists of a series of pillars or columns composed of 14 tiles 84 inches square, 14 inch thick, and 1 foot 5 inches apart, paved and covered with large til s 1 foot 11 by 12 inches and 2 inches thick. These remains, which occupy a considerable area, are about 13 feet below the pavement of Thames• street. DESTRUCTIVE FIRE IN TAE POULTRY. Yester day • fire broke out at No. 29, Poultry, adjoining St. Mil dred's church, in the occupation of Messrs. Prettyman and Rizon, stationers, and numerous other parties. The flames were first discovered by Mr. Halsham, a solicitor, living on the third floor. He raised an immediate alarm, and the several inmates enameled in making their escape in safety; but Mr. O'Hara, who lodged on the second floor, in return ing to save some of hie property, was burned about the face, and • female nt was also much injured. It appears that, upon her attempting to descend the stain the second time, flames were mounting the place with such violence as to cut off the regular means of escape. Finding there was no way of escaping V. horrible death without • desperate effort, Mr. O'Hara and the servant wrapped themselves to a blanket, and, by rolling do wn stairs, they esceped, but not without being very much bruised. The engines from the church of St. Mildred, the brigade from Watling. street, Jeffrey-square, White s:nee-street, and numerous other stations, arrived in rapid succession, as well as the West of England engine from the Waterloo-road. Plenty of water being at hand, the engines were celled into opera tion ; but the flames in the meantime bad extended to sundry other portions of the building, and great fears were enter tained for the safety of the church. In fact, the sacred edi fice appeared doomed to deetructien, for the flame. almost surrounded the belfry for the space of • quarter of an hour. The firemen, under the direction of their superior officers, worked moat vigorously, but, notwithstanding, they WWI unable to get the mastery over the Ramat until two o'clock, and not until property of considerable value was reduced to 'shed. The origin of the fire is not known, but the general opinion is, that it commenced is a claret en the second floor, frem a spark falling from a lighted candle amongst some papers. Means. Prettyman and Rion were Insured in the Royal Exchange Firs-office. notreciproc into that co lion this this ce tr: West Indic anon We art to that this onr natural tooted az (Hear, 114 amount 01 took to th than that, • protsctin value of all kw.) I applatust) EXPAES§ L F4I: x MOND EDITION. FREE TRADE BANQUET AT MANCHESTER. MR. COBDEN'S SPEECH. (Continued from ow' first edition.) MICHAUD COODISX, Esq., M.P., rose, and experienced • most enthusiastic and flattering reception, all the cons ny rising and cheering for several minutes. As soon • he was able to proceed with his remarks, he said: I have in the first place to tender you my thanks, and the thanks of those gentlemen who represent North and South Lan cashier, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, for the honour you have done us in drinking our healths . I believe a very large proportion of the members of those divisions of the counties are now free-traders, and I have no doubt they will all be found to do their duty to the satisfaction of this nesemlily. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I have been asked a dozen times, I dare say, what is the object of this meeting ? I confess to you that Ido not wish to regard it as a meeting to celebrate put triumph., still leas to glorify ourselves or one another. I wish rather that it should be made to show that we are alive to the future—" Hear, hear," and applause) ; that having secured upon the statute-book a guarantee for free trade I. corn, we intend to make it a prelude to free trade in skipping ; that we in tend to prevent the West India. proprietors from taxing this community for their advantage ; and that, in fact, we intend to carry out in every article of commerce the prin ciples of free trade which we have applied to corn. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, our esteemed representative has so ably and efficiently anticipated some points I Intended to refer to, In connexion with the sugar question in justification of our principles of free trade, ;saidtha I am relieved from the necessity of repeating them most heartily for the speech he has given, whicli A on. of the ablest I hive ever heard in this ball. (Applause.) I believe this question 'of free trade—the question of free Mae in all its details is understood oy this assembly ; that what I have told you would be our future objects has the concurrence of this assembly, and I have no doubt that every member on this platform will joie us in carrying out those principles in the legislature. (Hear, hear.) Bat now, gentlemen, I with to allude to another subject; and although 1 admit that subje. tto have an intimate con nection with the questim of free trade, yet I wish distinctly what understood that sayo not presume for a moment la at lam going to to speak the sentiments of any member of parliament or of the gentlemen beside me. speak only for myself, and do not wish to compromise any other individual ; I allude, as you may probably have anti cipated, to the intention which has been announced of increasing our war armaments. (AppAuse.) Gentlemen will beer me out that throughout the long agitation for free trade the most earnest men who co-operated with us were those who constantly advocated free trade, nut merely on account of the material advantages wh ich it would bring . to the community, but fur the far loftier motive of securing peace between nations. (Applause.) I believe it was that that mainly drew to our ranks the great host of ministers of religion, who were so powerful an im petus to our progress at the commencement of the agita tion. I have known most of the leading men in this struggle, and have had an opportunity of understanding their motives ; and I believe that the most earnest, the most perseveringthe meet devoted of our coadjutors, have been men who have been promoted by those purely moral and religious motives to which I have referred by the desire for peace. (Applause.) And lam sure that every one of throe men has shared with me the shock which I hunt-tined, when, within one short twelvemonth almost after we had announced ourselves as free traders to the world, we were started with the announcement that we were going to increase our warlike arrangements. (Applause.) I ask what is the explanation of this ? Probsely we may find it in the Duke of Wellington's letter, in the private efforts which he announces he has made with the Govern ment, and • correspondence he has had with Lord John Russell. We may attribute this, then, to the Duke of Wellington, his letter and his private efforts. Well, I do not profess to share that veneration which some men cuter lain for successful warriors—(hear, hear) ;—but is there amongst the most ardent admirers of the duke—one man possessing the ordinary feelings of humanity—who does not wish that that letter had never been written or never published. (Hear, hear, and applause.) His grace has past the greatest probable duration of human exist ence, and we may say, almost without figure of speech, that he is tottering on the verge of the grave. (Hear, hear ) It is not lamentable—(applause) — • most lamentable spec tacle, that that band which is no longer capable of wielding a sword, should devote its still remaining feeble strength to the penning of a letter—and that letter may possibly be the last public letter which he may address to his fellow-coun trymen, and which is more calculated than anything else in the present day to create evil passions and animosities in the breasts of two great and neighbeurly nations. (Ap plause.) Would it not have been a better employment fur him to have been preaching forgiveness for, and oblivion of, the past, than in reviving the recollection of Toulon, Paris, and Waterloo, and in fact doing ovoiithillg to :unite &bosons people to retaliatory measures to retrieve themselves from past disasters t (Hear, hear.) Would it Dot have been a more glorious object had he poured oil into those wounds, which are now almost healed up, rather than apply the cauteric in re-opening those wounds, and leaving to another generation the task of repairing the mischief which he has perpetrated. I left the subject of the duke's letter when I read that part where he said, " I am in my 77th year,"—and I said that explains it all and excuses it. (Applause.) We have not to deal with the Duke of Wellington, we have to deal with those younger men who want to make use of his au thority to carry out their own special purposes. (Hear, hear.) Now, what I want to stipulate with you and the people of England is this—that the question before us is not a military question, that it is not • naval question, but that it is a question for civilians to decide. (Hear, hear, and applause.) When we are at war, then the men with red coats and swords by their sides may step in to do their work ; and it is one which is not to be envied, and which that great military officer, Sr Harry Smith, has happily described as "a most dsmnable trade.", (Hear, hear.) This is a question for the merchants, for the manufacturers, for the shopkeepers, for the operatives, and for the farmers of this country. Aye, and pardon me, my Lord Ellesmere, it le a question for calico-prtnters too. (Loud and continuous applause.) What is this prospect ef war ? Where does it come_from ? You, I say, are competent to judge better than military men ; you are more impartial ; at all events your interests do not lie on the side of war. I say there never was • time in the history of France, when there was • greater tendency to a pacific policy, and especially towards this kingdom, than there is at this moment. Why, the French people have gone through a processwhich almost disqualifies them from going to war. They have gone through that social revolution which so much equalises the division of the property, that the people contribute, almost equally, to support the Government of the country. The taxation is for the most part direct, and therefore the people are most sensitive on the score of expenditure, and are not likely to agree in the necessity of going to war. I will venture to say that, there is not a more affectionate and domesticated race on the face of the earth than the French. (Applause.) Why, I have seen with horror and shame and indignation the way in which some of our newspapers have spoken of the French people. They have placed them before the community in a most ignominious, a most degraded position, and marked them as a most ignorant people. Without saying anything about prejudices and want of Christian charity, I am glad of the opportunity of rising in such assemblies as this to repu diate the statements which have been made,—to speak on behalf of the French people, to assist in setting them right with the world, and with ourselves. There is a paper in this city, which I always wish totreat with respect, if it will allow me,—(laughter)—there is one paper here which last week gravely took this line of argument,—that it was necessary that we should have police in Manchester to constantly protect us against thieves, pickpockets , ruffians, and mur derers, and therefore we should have an armament to pro tect us against the French—(laughter)—as if they were thieves, pickpockets, ruffians, and murderers. Why, the French community is at the present as well organised and as orderly as our own ; and there has bean as little discord in France as in England during the last five or six years. Then there is another paper in London—a weekly paper — that used to write with great gravity ; but I suppose it has been so panic-stricken of late that it has lost its wits. (Lau ter .) That paper tells us that the next engagement gh with France will be without a declaration of war, and that we shall literally have to protect our queen at Osborne-house against those unscrupulous Frenchmen who may carry off her Majesty. (Laughter.) Well, now, what a lesson has our courageous queen taught such people as these. She went over to France, unattended and unprotected, and threw herself on the shone at the Chateau d'Eu, literally in a bathing machine. (Laughter.) Now there is either great courage on the) oae side, or great cowardice on the other. (Laughter.) But this is, after all, a sort of periodical visitation. I sometimes compare it to the cholera ; for I believe the last visitation we had of this kind came about the time of the cholera. It was then said we were to have an invasion frem the Russians, and I rather identified myself with the Russian invasion, as it is called. I believe it is quite possible, that if I had notbeen struck by the insanity of some of the public papers, who told us that the Russians would come some foggy day and land near Portsmouth, I should never have turned author, have written pamphlets, or become a public man; and might have peen up to this day a thrifty pains-taking calico-printer. (Con tinuous applause). Now, gentlemen, I want us to under stand three followers • little better. You may remember that three weeks or a month ago, I had occasion to ad dress a few remarks, at Newton, on the occasion of the election of my friend Mr. Henry, and there I let fall sow remarks relative to the reduction of our armanessis; showing how necessary it was to reduce our expewlltnze in order to sorry out the fiscal reforms. I little drummed at that time, that, at the very moment I was spook*, a large meeting was being held at Rouen, the Manchester of France, at which 1,800 electors were 'assembled to at a public dinner, the progress of Parliamentary =; and that there a gentleman was making a speech so 'Whir to my own, that he sent me a newspaper, and estimated his astonishment Loaf it should be possible for two speeekie to be made, without allusion, so similar to each ethic. New, I will read you, if you please, this gentleman's 21,-. mo shg, gad give the notes of the &probation ea4oltomost as sr lbmaWir Virket rid : a es ...dui t 'aka Islam Ma thew Into 4 store liar Ilati.lPM el rellgloreitligno se, hot me plasm tnaslYs, salmon SIP 1111.1114 OrMPstisstllptoasNalidirl" maker bays a fir daunt id& F, J.L3iIJARY 28, .1848. . thief le elidltht awl Are mated !as 1 be 11187= draw Ole relish elpseta Poi.- 4 e lave ia permaing them -that the isms el • flaWis with thr of MOW wi s es_eil Any tern et Qualm of Oar nett 0117 Imo". QM meat es eep* se " U "d ielaat im = l l ll irpMead Madam midi sea chart Whom Alloy affirm slibilme of headdableanaresabh „ m ow m o on s egadomftle mot senseshe essnew4 Oars ea evn vein 0.1140.••• la WWI* Meals of "nersenist *so swoon wesdastrot se ads , sm We. tfk pianist *Okra It se- Nig in 1b• 31111116011 0 1 0 des lewrereass were wdeftst teem the d dem lish am see arty set ye, m be spoiled to the oiswilsa if s t r i mlit sisti& — swa Me wows of meawaitag . r te to ir es gave bask O W = edam sad numWee acme seithwa having la oar pother the men selesh they test to payout espeenthirso-ddek pm not that the wadi tis a good result daps eirersesertioes, I win not me hareem the oseemassote—we lam abet that L worth— (regbesr)—bat Os seam . whisk have no Ismael@ Mends to weve, sod de est Or at dielsmeay. S u rto me en dose m a ga. egel NEM lad seem* OMB by an void haw Yaw gm the slims et Natopswsid lead teethe way asilltde everywhere them awl rediessevida we hem day ts day ea the Ost et the MM. sides et the tressery„.eml weld one to madas Warta hest IVand labor were are now diverted into empredoceneeirais (Opinion al enume) Mr. Cobden next read a quotation from • speech of neer ✓oue Cretnieux, and said ; These extracts are rather lass bat I thought it would interest you to know what was peas IL a popular assembly representing the activity, the popular opinion of the chief manufacturing town of France . ; and when you see such sentiments as these applauded in the wthey are in a French assembly, why will sou , the people °Manchester b,elieve that France is the nation of banditti I which tome p a pers have represented. (Applause.) I don't mean to say that there may not be prejudices in France to root out, and even prejudices in England to extirpate, but this I do say, that it is not with a few insignificant peewee in Paris—mea without station, stake, or influence in Frans; it is not with these that we should attempt to pick • quar rel ; it is to such men as these that we should bold out the right hand of fellowship. (Applause.) Now, I will be practical with you on this question of the armaments, ea it L probable that I shall not speak to you again on the subjses before it comes before the house. It is, I repeat, a qua tion for civilians to determine • military and naval ass have nothing to do with it. I Wish it to be understood that I am not going to enter into the technicalities of war; do not) claim for the civilian that ho has the alienate practical knowledge of the horrid trade of war—(applause); I only stipulate far this, that while in a state of profonnd peace, it is for you, the ratepayers, to decide whether you will run the risk of war, keeping the money in your pockets, or whether you will allow an additional number of men to live in idleness in read coats or blue jackets, under a pretence of protecting you. (Hear, hear.) I say this, I am for acting justly and fairly, and holding out the olive branch to the whole world ; and I will then take upon myself, so far as my share goes, all the risk of anything happening to me, without paying for another soldier or another sailor. (Loud applause.) But it is not merely the question of whether we are to have great armaments that you as civilians are competent to decide. You have already expended ter year seventeen million ruling in armaments, and this is a question which you are able to decide—whether that is the best possible use you could make of your money. (Applause.) Have you inquired, for instance, whether the navy for which you have paid so largely is really employed in the best wee, or at all events, to the way best calculated to do that which these men profess themselves to be to N 3110119 to do, namely, protect our shores. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Now, where are all our great battle ships gone to ? I will venture to say there is not more idleness or demora lisation going on in any space on the fare of the earth than there is in the ships of war for want of employment. (Hear, hear.) Where are these great line of battle ships, which you pay for, to be found . Occasionally they sail out, making • great display of power, science, and other attractions; but they do not go to Hamburg or the Baltic, where there is so much trade: no, they do not go there ; the weather is rough, and there are not many attractions on shore there. (Laughter.) Well, do they go to the United States, where we do one-fifth or one-sixth of our foreign trade? On the contrary, the arrival of an English man-of-war is recorded in the newspapers as a rare occurrence. The naval men are idle, and therefore they do not very often go there ; in fact they are not wanted anywhere where there is commercial intercourse. (Applause.) At the close of the late abort session, I moved for a return relative to the stations of our ships. When that turns up, I should not be surprised if you were to read that you have had naval forces in the Tagus and Douro, and on the coast of Portugal which would not fall much short of the American navy. Now, Lisbon Is a pleasant place, as I will vouch for, having seen it ; the climate is delightful ; and there are geraniums in the open air in the month of January. (Laughter.) I do not quarrel with the tastes of the captains and admirals, who are quite willing to spend a twelve month in the Tagus if you will let them. (Ap plause.) By way of pacifying you for the cost, you are told that they ate there to promote the English interest. But I can assure you it is nothing of the kind ; your fleet has been in the Tagus at the absolute disposal of the Queen of Portugal and her ministen, in case they! should raise the indignation of the people by their misconduct. This is a subject upon which every gentleman—nay more, every lady who pays taxes upon sugar and other things to support these idle people. is interested. Wiihoei wistsiug to appear disrespectful, I may state that Portugal is one of the smallest, poorest, and at present, in many respects, one of the moat abject of European countries; and what can England gain by t a kingsuch countries under her protection. I don't wish to be supposed to use an atrocious sentiment, or to use the one 1 am about to utter in any other way than as an economical argument; but positively, if the earthquake that once demolished Lisbon would come again and sink Portugal umler the sea, it would be an immense gain to the Enalish people. I am aware that there exists generally in this country a great aversion to foreign politics, which is doubtless attnbutable to the fact, that foreign politics have never done us say good. (Hear hear.) But I will venture to say , that if you will change that apathy into an active superintendence of the doings of the foreign minister, you will save a great deal of money; and that at all events would be one good result in these bad times. (Applause.) Well, now, gentlemen, what I want to bring to your conviction is this: If the people in Brighton; if the old ladies of both sexes in Brighton, are frightened that they may . be taken out of their beds some night—(laughter)—why 11 not the fleet brought out of the Tagus and ordered to cruise in the Channel. We find ships of war leaving Portsmouth, and sailing direct to Malta ; for Malta is the great skulking hole for our navy. (Great ap plause.) 1 was at Malta at the commencement of the winter, in the month of November ; while I was there one of our ship of the line arrived from Portsmouth ; it had come direct ; it had left England with a crew of 1000 hands, and arrived in the harbour of Valetta with 999, one person having died on the passage. It went, as I say, into the harbour of Valeta, and there it remained while I travelled from Malta to Naples, thence to Egypt: and to Greece, and when I returned to Malta there was the vessel lying in the harbour of Valetta still. Her chief officers had gone on shore to live in the clubs, and the subs and rest of the crew found the ut most difficulty in keeping up even the appearance of a pre tence to useful employment, in heisting up the sails and taking them down again, and in scrubbing the decks. (Laughter) Well, I was introduced, as it happened, to the American consul at Malta, and he spoke to me on the subject. He said, "We Americans consider your navy to be 'very slack." " Why, what do you mean by being sleek?" "Oh," he replied, " the crews of your ships are too idle ; they are not worked enough. Yoe cannot have • crew in a good serviceable condition if your ships are kept lying in harbours for months together, like this vessel now here. We have never more than three American Tenets in the Mediterranean, and only one that is larger than a frigate, but the instruction from our government is this—that the American ships are never to be kept in port at all. Well, every man and woman in this country is competent to form an opinion ; and I say if, when I go to Parliament, they talk to me about increasing the armament of the country, I will tell them, if they are frightened for the Channel, to bring home the ships lying useless in the Tagus. (Applause.) One word now, rather personal to myself. I made a few remarks lately at a meeting at Stockport, which were accidentally elicited from me, is consequence of a voice in the crowd shouting out—" But ant tax ation something to du with it "—and then I alluded, under the impulse of the moment, to the army, the navy, and the ordnance, as the only great item of expenditure on which a reduction of taxation could be effected. Thereupon, the paper in London, for their own sake no doubt, stated that I wanted to sacrifice the whole of the army . and navy. Now, gentlemen, I have no hesita'ion in declaring what are my opinions upon the subject. I stated, at Stockport, very can didly, what I will state now, and what I stated in my writings 12 years ago—that you cannot have any material reduction in our armaments until a great change shall have taken place in the public feeling of the country with regard to our foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) The English people must first abut den the notion that they are to regulate the affairs of the whole world. I wish to do no injustice to the minister that maintains our armaments, nor do I blame him for it now; but all I wish is to invoke public opinion upon the folly of conducting our foreign policy as it has been conducted it times past, and this I will do on all occasions. (Applause.) When the public opinion—the majority of the public opinion of the country is on my aide, I shall be content to re my views on this question carried out, but until that time I consent to be in a minority, and in • minority I will remain until I can make it into a majority. (Cheers.) But, gen tlemen, the question is not that which this paper in Man chester has so mystified in its latest number—whether we shall dismantle our fiesta. That is not the question. The question is, will you have an increase in your army and navy? When I admit that public opinion does not go with me to that extent that I could carry out my views for a reduction of our armaments, I at the same time maintain, speaking for the West Riding of Y or k s hire—(applause)—speak for Lanca s hire, speaking for London, speaking for Edinburgh, and speaking for Glasgow, that public opinion is with me. (Tremendous applause, which wail renewed again and again, the company ris:ng to a man.) And if that public opinion is expressed, and expressed through public meeeings like this—for I have no hesitation in saying that a large portion of the press of the country has abrogated its duties on this' question—if, I say, public opinion on this question is u praised In public meetings, before the estimates are brought, cm is the House of Commons. there will be no lastesse et rrow armaments. (Applause.) Bat whether that IMO holathwe take plane or not—l speak for myself es an eat member of parliament—not one shilling shall L l = to the estimates for the maintenance of the ar sionsate without my hush' the house to a division upon of (Great aggkoss) Gentlemen, I began by this goastios with the question of free trade , and IMllo w essfiksislas 110 fie question of free hde is jeeparibed aD set awaspe by the course which it Ear, by some to la& wNh respect to our national I naive papaw ilewi Pans ; and in Paris, let ~~ t o tellyuy'llnun a band of bee traders emaciated to gether lithe pale their weekly sesta, as we of the League ewe pelaildiegese. flee elm Wimeetiett of the people. It i s ' weal by 11. Duda 1, am& that paper of last week is as teeny mo . urelag, fa see cloth and ashes, over the remarks of a preveous wedther of another Paris paper (the Yorsitetir Industrie°, with& keel wildngly maid that England was not sincere in her het Mob paw, toolair that it had not been V4in Banos ; thee 111110 bid so faith in its principles; tlti a she was fag agatamanta to take that by fares which she had beim lam& to take by fraud. Now, gentlemen, I exhort my imeatzpmen everywhere to resist this attempt to throw odium upon oar principles. We be gan our advocacy of free trade believing it would bring in Its train peace and harmony NOM all *Atkin ; but the most enthasisetio free trader mune es never said, u some of the papen now say, that we expected a millennium after we had obtained free trade. We never expected anythiez of the sort—we expected that other nations would require time, as we had, to carry out our views ; but what we did hope was this, that the continent of Europe would net, at all events, have seen that we were the first to doubt aa to the tendency of our own principles, and that we should be arming (meatieee against those from whom we expected to meet only with friendship. We thought, sad we endeavoured, to make free trade the harbinger of peace. When we planted the olive tree we never expected its fruits to be bad in a day, but in due season we hoped to "ether them ; and, with Heaven's help and your help, it shall yet be so. (The hon. gentleman resumed hia seat amidst great appleuee.) After a pause of a . quarter of an hour, an order that the waiters m ight replen ish the tables with viands, the chair man called upon Colonel Thompson to propose the next toast. The CiLtramax here rose and said he bad now great pleasure in calling on his excellent friend and fellow-towns man, Mr. Kershaw, the new member for Stockport. JAMBS KERSHAW, Esq., M.P., then came forward and said :—Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, whilst I cannot but feel :grateful to the committee who have had the ar rangements for this festival for permitting me to stand before you this evening, I nevertheless do feel that I can not with propriety detain you for many minutes. Indeed I was initructed by the chairman not to occupy more than from ten to fifteen minutes, and I am sure that is the ut most time, considering the advanced period of the evening, and the distinguished and eminent individuals who have yet to address you, that you will with patience mooed te me. The rapid flight of time, therefore, and the deep in terest with which you are waiting to listen to others, ad monish me on the present occasion to be exceedingly brief, and not only so, but I do feel sincerely that it wou'd be impossible for me to interest you much on this occasion. I can, however, Mr. Chairman, venture to say that Twill in troduce to your notice a toast, or a sentiment, which will be acceptable to every lady and to every gentleman, I believe, in this vast hall. The sentiment is, " The Electors of South and North Lancashire, the West Riding of York shire—(hmar, hear)—and the other constituencies who have returned Free Traders to Parliament." (Loud applause.) I anticipated for this toast the reception—the hearty re ception—which you have given it; Etna if we dwell for a single moment upon the state of matters, especially to the two counties of Lancashire and Yorkshire, a few years age; if we re-fl,ct on their position with regard to the represen tation of those counties, I think we have great reason to rejoice and to take courage in the circumstances in which we are now placed. (Hear, hear.) I know not how to spoik in terms of sufficient gratitude when I refer to the conduct of those noble men in the West Riding of York shire who did themselves honour in placing in parliament, as their representative, our distinguished friend Mr. Cobden. —(Cheering.) Now, if I inquired for a single moment into the instrumentality by which all this has been effected, I must refer:it to the great confederation'of men formed in this city for the purpose of promoting freedom of commerce. It was attributable to the League that existing prejudices were scattered, and the prevailing darkness resting on men's minds was enlightened. It is to that League, powerful inns opening, but omnipo'ent in the end, which accomplished for us those great triumphs which now we are celebrating, (Applause. It might be deemed ungrateful on my part, if I did not for a tingle moment refer by name to the borough of Stockport. (Hear, hear.) I only do so fur the purpose of observing, with regard to it, that I have been elected by that constituency after stating my firm adherence to the principles of freedom of commerce and civil and religious liberty. (Hear, hear.) By these lam determined to abide ; by these I am determined to stand or fall; and, however humble my talents, I trust I shall ever be found in the British parliament giving my votes at least, and I hope they will ever be found,in favour of civil, religious, and cone mercial freedom. (Applause.) I beg, therefore, to propose, " The Electors of South and North Lancashire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, and the other Constituencies who hays returned Free Traders to Parliament." (Drunk in bumpers, and with three hearty cheers.) Colonel TItOMPSON, M.P. for Bradford, rose, amid,t lona and reiterated plaudits to propose the next sentiment. He' said—l wish I could impress upon you how politic it is to put your trust neither in Houses of Lords nor in Houses of Commons, but to look to your own assemblies ; for the ex pre-sion of public opinion is the means by which you are to ward off the evils which you fear, and to obtain the good you prize. I must put myself forward as a man who has not been convinced of the possibility of doing without war now and hereafter. We shall always have a great deal too much of it, I fear; but we must take such meami es will produce the maximum of divi sion of the evil, rather than to league ourselves with the efforts which are certainly not completely adapted to the nation's mind. All must wish the time to come when armies and fighting men shall no longer be required; I wish the time was arrived when we could do without surgeons, for instance, end I wish also the time was come when we could dispense with lawyers. (Loud laughter, and applause.) Not the slightest objection shall you find me making to the dispensing with these classes of persons when the time shall come that we can do without them. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, I will not stand upon the reten tion of the clergymen when we can profitably dispense with their services. All these are pawns and offices which we must endure; for though our object in wishing their removal would be a good one, it is a ques tion whether we can, by doing away with them, produce what we wish to achieve. (Hear, hese.) Now, I have not put it to you that it is impossible to do without war, for: I am persuaded that we cannot wholly dispense with our ar maments; but I now put to you whether we cannot do with out those costly preparations for war which is proposed to be forced upon your stomachs and purses. Why, if the period lied been picked out in which the greatest quiet prevailed, it was now ; if there had been at any period any necessiuy for in creasing our warlike preparations, it would have been in years long gone by. Shall I tell you what is myopinion of this alarm? Seventeen years ago there was a happy change in France, which brought on her a happier change, because a mare suc cessful one—the enactment of the Reform Bill, which is one glory, and which we hope to live to be enabled to improve_ (Cheers.) Now the wise and the violent alike point to some danger of a renewal of the scenes of the French revolution, and that it cannot be long before there must be a crisis in France. Let us hot a, if there be, that it will turn out fur the benefit of the human family at large, which it most cer tainly will do, if it promotes the happiness of that gallant and meritorious nation. If it does, we Englishmen shall be in some sort the better for it. (Applause.) I know nothing else so likely at this moment to arouse the sentiment of poli tical reform as this event will do. This is what these par ties, these alarmists, feel ; this is what they want to prepare against and to defeat, when they propose to fortify the Thames and loop-helkTemple Bar. It is not the French they want to keep away ; it is reform that they are afraid will be brought home from the other aide of the Channel Have not our missionaries gone forth through the nations of Europe, and sown the seeds of lasting and permanent peace ? I hope that the storm has blown over ? I 13-Here the parties themselves are beginning to see its utter folly. We shall not, I trust, See our prospects of the universality of free trade drowned by the rolling of the dram. I hope they will excuse me, as an old soldier, if I challenge any man to prove that there is any shadow of a prospect authoriding the course which has been taken and the alarm attempted to be raised. The toast I have to propose to you is this— " The Anti-Corn-Law League, the labours and success of which have rendered such essential ser vice to our country and the world at large." (Applause.) Joux Banner, Esq., M.P., on presenting himself, was received with repeated burets of applause. When silence was restored, he said—l have been asked why this meeting has been convened, at a period when the political world was so calm, and the objects for which we so often attended in this room were for the most part accomplished My answer has been that we were going to meet together for the purpose of doing honour to a great principle which has triumphed, and to another principle which is marching on to a still greater triumph—that which embodies the demand that, in future, the opinions of the people shall guide, and that the interests of the people shall be the objects of, the government in this kingdom. (Great applause.) Of the ant principle which we have so often spoken of in this hall I will new speak. If ever there was a course pursued by a great public confederation, which was justified by result, I say we may point to the principle of free trade and the bourse pursued by its earnest and practical agitators from this platform. (Immense applause.) Did we not hear for years that it was the true policy of this country to be totally independent of foreigners ? And yet, now, we have to make the confession that by the supply of food from these same foreigners, some millions of our countrymen have been kept alive during the last 18 months. (Hear, hear.) Were we not told that the best security for • permanent supply of food was to give protection to the cultivators of our own soil ; and is it not now proved that after thirty years of strict protection to the agriculturists of this country, millions of our country. men would have died of famine, if it had not been for the applies of food from abroad ? And were we not told that, when we had importations of food from abroad we should have abstracted from us in return large sums of gold, and that same gold would go to build up rival manufactories in fareign states ? Well, we have had large imports of food, and large exports of gold in payment for it ; but where has been the retention of the gold by foreign countries ? Is it not coming back to us as feat as it went? (Cheers and cries of "Faster.") And amore than that, has not the country that took the largest portion of the gold trebled its purchases of our manufactures within the last twelve months. (Hear, hear, hear.) And there never was ex hibited a more magnificent proof of tits soundness of any position than the lot twelve months have shown. But what are the political results?—for there are political results, of no alight moment, which have followed the triumphs of the free-traders of England. The repeal of the corn laws is to the political world like the breaking up of • long frost : you find, when the river is unbound, that vast masses of its become disjointed and float away ; now they teach each other, and now they separate again, but they all flow on to their own kindred ocean. And what is it, m parliament and out of parliament, but that puttee, even • party, one of the earliest ever banded together, has been separated, weakened, disjointed, perhaps for ever ? And there is in parliament and out of parliament a glimersCa strong, and all-pervading tendency in favour of liberal ray,. RIM and greater freedom of trade. (Applause.) And he what are we tending ? Why, to some things that have not been yet mentioned here to-night. See what has tea m place in your own town, your own parish ; and look at what h as saa e atay taken place elsewhere, with regard to the /pis, swpa beach. I have never said a syllable since ever I smi t e is 115WIs against the Church of England as a re , Wlaae hod). At this moment I can appeal to of intelligent and pious churchmen, itad I I wit Slaw whether they are not driving in the direetioa I haws long travelled in ? Are they n o t o f °puska dos it wou ld be better for religion that bishops were ow made by prime ministers. Then, again, there is the twastiaa of tenure of land, and the mode in which it trawmitted from hand to hand, and from father to age, That question is important to England and Scotland, y well as to Ireland. The gross evils to which the country has lama so long exposed under this system, whi c h arose a time when the population was thin and the peopl e powerless, should no longer be continued. As sure as this Parliament has admitted to you foreign supplies of fecal, se sure, before long, will freedom be given to tenure of land, (Applause.) I have not said much about the war-cry which has been lately raised, but every one who knows me believes I hope, that I ever advocate the cause of vice, as much from my connexion with a society which, as a religious society, is seautently a peace society, as from my own firm conviettona, wad that I must, therefore, go along with the friends of peace, (How, hear.) I hear on ens ry side that there has been Wairmic, but Ido not believe it at all. There has not ham sock a panic. My honourable friend, the member for Ike West Hiding, has been astonished at what he has read in the London papers, and has fancied that we believed all that was in them. As anothe r instance of hie cred uli ty—( Laughter) —when he was in Spain, he wrote me a letter about the tints when there was supposed to be some quarrel between Lord Palmerston and s me one in Paris, about the marriage of the Spanish Queen, and he begged and implored that we would not get a war cry here, but keep it down. I believe the whole of this cry and panic has been a sham. I would, how. ever, ensure you that I do believe that no man in England is more innocent of raising the cry, nor mar.- unwilling that it should be raised, than the present prime minister of England. (Rear, hear, and applause.) It would be madness in a prime minister, and madness in any man who wishes to see t h e nation prosper, at this period, to get up a;ery like tau, or in any way env orage it. Greater expenses, greater taxation, are all things which every minister would, if possible, avoid. I do believe that Lord John Russell hex no more to do with this cry, and has no more sympathy with it, than has any person on this platform or in this room. Now I think I can give you the secret of this. In this country it is the system for men possessed of 'one property not to divide it !pally amongst their children. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now an honest cotton spinner, or shopkeeper, or calico printer, who has *managed to scraps together 20,0001. or 30,0001., gi nerally divides this tolerably equally among all his children. Ido not know how any man with natural &Motions, or any honest man, can do otherwise. But the mere property a man gets--especiahy if it be is green fields—the more he is disposed to behave unnaturally, and the more it is the custom he should not divide it squally amongst his children. I think Colonel Thompson has hit the point when he says that the object of this system is to make one man so strong that he can compel the public to keep the re.t of the family. The fact is, as Col. Thompson says, numbers are pressing upon the means of subsistence, and they must have sufficient scope for their energies, these energies being—doing nothing, and living upon the taxes. (Laughter.) I beseech you, as you value all the victories you have won—as you value all you may yet anion, make a firm and resolute resistaiice to everything that may instigate a hostile feeling towards forego coun tries, or that may induce you to spend law zonal in military or naval armaments. (Loud applause.) The popular power is spreading every day. Lot it be an enlightened power, and it will be a blessing to us. (Hear, hear.) Oh, it is a glorious time; when thousands can here meet together in greater freedom than we have heretofore—free to discuss, tree to approve and condemn—the measures of those who move in the highest places to direct the policy of this great Atter a few words from Joseph Brotherton, Esq., M.P., Groaoa THOMPSON, M.P., rose, and said :—I have been moved to-night to an extent to which I b.lieve I never wu previously moved by the proceedings of any meeting I ever atteuded. If lam not greatly mistaken, we shall irom to. night date the commencement of a new era in reference to foreign polities in this country. I never was so struck before as to-night, with the marvellous consequences flow ing from the agitation of the free trade principle. If it should come to pus that the intelligence of this country shall take upon itself to inquire into the origin and authors of wars, if it should assume to itself its undoubted pre rogative since it has to furnish both the treasures and the blood, C. know the grounds of the quarrel, and the ' means that have been resorted to to bring about • peaceful termination of the quarrel, who are to sustain it it its lists are to be entered, whose hearths are to desolated, - and whose pockets desecrated, and whose packets are to be emptied. I say if this should come to pass, then the other benefits flowing from tree trade will sUk into comparative insignificance before the majesty of a people wresting a pen from the hand of a foreign secretary hitherto wielded to plunge nations in wars, and deluge the world with blood, and claim for themselves the right of settling by reason and the law of kindness, the quarrels hitherto determined by the power of the sword. (Cheering.) A higher destiny and mission seems to be reserved for him who has led us in a preceding struggle. God grant him life snit health and wisdom, and courage, and men to support him. N. cd I hope for that ? Now, sir, we have heard of wretched prophets to night, and I may be among the number, but I may venture to foretell that the Free 1 ra4e Hall of Manchester will be more than a match for Apeley Houseland the Horse Guards put together. (Great cheering.) I heard that there had been, within a given time, '20,000 applications at the Horse Guards which they had not been able to comply with. Do you see anything in that ? Is it now that we are to go to war with France, now that we are to revive the eringuished animosities, now that we are to adopt again the irrational phrases and degrading epithets of 50 years ago. when France herself is setting us an example which we might do well to follow. (Hear.) Why, east were the toasts given at the sixty reform banquets of France. This bas been one of their touts at least: " Fraternity, liberty, equality." Let no echo from those shores the shouts that have been raised there, and I am sorry to say stifled so far 'as Paris is con cerned, for the banquet did not come oft there. Lt t us send back the echo " Fraternity, liberty, equality." (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, the toast that I have to support couples peace and free trade with the cause of the people's rights. The people's rights? And on the subject of the people's rights, a a ord to the working classes. Brethren, before 'you fight know what you are going to fight for. (Applause.) I charge the working clones from the platform, if there should be a call made upon them to enlist or to em body themselves in the militia, to demand from the Government that makes the appeals for them, what they are fighting for. (Cheers.l It has been truly said that any calamity like that of war between us and an adjacent country, would roll back the tide of reform with respect to popular rights ; would stagnate, nay, more than stagnate, would cause • retrogression in that movement which has been going on so peacefully, so unobjectionably from year to year in this country. Then, as we have our rights, and desire not to see them abridged, sad desire to extend them to others not favoured with the possession of them, let us drown the war cry in a louder cry, which angels will echo L from the skies, of " Peace on earth, good will to men." Josue BROOKE, Esq., (Manchester), proposed, and ED WARD ASHWORTH, Esq., seconded, votes tf thanks to Hr. Milner Gibson and the other members of parliament who had attended the meeting. The toast was received with nine ht arty cheers, the company upstanding. The meeting broke up at at a quarter before twelve o'clock. From the GAZETTE of THIS NIGHT. --- WAR.OFFICE, JAe. 29. 2nd Life Gds.—Copt J. S. Dodeworth, from b.-p. Coat., to beset. vice R. Blase, who each.; Lieut. the lion. R. N. Lesley, to be es*, by par. vice Dodsworth, who ret. ; Comet and Sub-Lieut. the Boa. J. H. D. Astley, to be Scut., by pur., vice Lawley ; Lieut. T. 0. L. C. Gwyn, from 6th Drag. Gds., to be cornet and sub-lieut., by par., vies Maley. Bth Drag. Gaornet A.A. M. Campbell, from 9rd Light Drop, to be lieut., bytnir. vice Garin, aPp_. to 2 nd Life Oil , 3rd Light Drags. , —Cornet G. E. P. Rauntze, to be lieut., by put, vire J. D. White, who ref.; G. T. ELicketta, Gent, to be cornet, by pur., vice Kauntae. 11th Light Dnurs.—Cornet and Adjt. W. Ennis, to have the rank of lieut. ; Cot. E. A. Osolt;to be lieut., by pur., vice Alexander, who let. • M. W. Wilson, Gent., to he cornet, by pur., vice Cook. 12th Light Drags.—W. Thacker, Gent, to be vet. avg., vice Brett, ap p to Cavalry Depot at Maidstone. 14th Lt. Drags.—Lieut. H. E. Reader, from the 39th F., to be lieut. vice Greenham, who exchanges. Coldetream Reg. of F. Guards—Ens. and Lieut W. C. Lyon. to be lieut and caps, by par., vice Melville, who ret..; Ens T. F. Reit from the 63rd Reit., to be ens. and lieut., by cur., vice Lyon. 19th Reg. of F.—Brev..Major R. Denny, from the 58th F., to be copt., ace Parrott, who exchanges. 31st P.—B. J. Leeson, gent., to be eat, by pun, vice Seraflields promoted. 39th F.—Lieut. W. Greenhorn, front the 11th Lt. Drop., to be UM., vice Reader, who exchanges. 50th F.—Ena., with temporary rank, C. Macdonald (Town Major of Montreal), to be ens, without par., vice Heaton, dec. 56th F.—Ens W. W. Bassett, to be lieut., by pur., vice Satuidela, who retire; M. Cowen, gent., to be ems, by pur., vice Bassett. 58th F.--Capt. W. T. Parrett, from the 19th F., to be caps., vice Denny, who elebanges. 60th F.—Major Lord C. J. F. from b.-is. nnat, to be major, vice J. H. Trevelyan, whe es. • Breit- rJ. Temple, to be motor, by pur., rite Lord C. J. F. Ituirell, who ret. ; Lieut. D. lone., to be cant., by pur., vice Temple; See..thut. J. P. Batteraby, to be drat. lieut., by put., vice Jana; C. W. P. Lillingston, gent., to be see, lieut., by pur., vice Battereby. 63rd F. Ens E. R. C. Sheldon, from the 30th F., to be ens., vies Rola, app. to the Coldstream Beg. cf F. Guards. 70th F.—J. A. Rae, gent., to he can., by pur., vice Sheldon, app. to the G2rd Y. 75th F.—Lieut. W. Brooke.. tole rapt., without pur., vice Brevet- Major J. Bolton, who ret. on fultpay. fist F.—W. H. Stanton, gent, to be ens., by pur., vice Lemont, word ires. 93F.—Lieut. J. F. A. Hartle, to be adjt, vice Macdonald, prom. in the 117th F. 99th F.—Gent. Cadet A. F. Smith, from the Royal MIL Cot, to be sm., without par., vice Fraser who resign.. Barvrt—Major C. J. F. Roiaell, of the 6 0 th F., to be lieut.-col. is the army; Capt. J. S. Dodsworth, of the 2nd Beg. of Life Gds., to be weer in the army. MIOCOSANDCX.—The Christian names of Era. Armstrong. of the 93th F., are John Herbert. The taltgy of Britt-Major J. F. 1.. c ß a e l n l2e a dl a lert:ln g 127 d' eptsd uted allowante i on the 28th Jan., 184 Erratum in the Cle:.etfe of Mit Jan., 1648.—F0r Gent. Cadet W. 'I. from the Royal Mil. Col., to be ens in the bith F., vice Mockler, ^sat. Cadet W. Bell, to be, BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED . _ -- merchant. FAArtots Jaratrits, Lore-lene, City, corn merchant. BANKRUPTS. ~.TlioxAs ELLISON, Luton, Bedfordshire, plumber.