The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-07 00:00:00

for life. There was no difference amongst the judi ea as to the character of the acne/ or the propriety of the verdict ; they said they could discover no excuse for the off:faders and wheu the Lord Chief Justice gave judgment, he p ro- Qprisoneis that crimes committed egainat life and pro perty for the most part ended in suffering to the individual cle his family, but in the present case the Crime was against all society, and was one which went to break down every barrier which the constitution had erected for the safety of life, liberty, and property. There was then no difference of opinion as to the nature of the crime. The trial was good— the verdict was good and complete—and the judges approved of it. Why, then, did the hon. member for Finsbury now come forward and tell that house in the name of the people that they were dissatisfied ? The hon. member must surely have forgotten that on that mischievous night when those treasonable acte, for which these men were now justly un dergoing the penalty ce the law, were perpetrated, nine men were shot down and killed. These dint in their guilt, and with the sin of their crime upon their heads. They were in all probability ignorant people without friendii, and had been induced by the influence of Frost to join in the illegal act, But what must be the guilt of that 1111111 who led them on to that clime which resulted in death to them ) He bail no hesitation in saying that that leader had to an swer for those nine lives. (Hest., hear) He could not understand what excuse could be made for that man, wise, leading otaers to criminal acts, in the prosecution a annie abstract cause whieh he advocated, occasioned their deaths. In his view that Mtn would be as guilty of their deaths as, though the parties fell by his hand—and the penalty should lie with him. The diem of the example of Frost and his co-partners is guilt on the state of society had not been what it m:ght have been. Fortunately matistra'es, the in habitants generally, and the soldiers, did their duty and they had their reward. Then what ground wu there for dissatisfaction ? (Hear, hear.) Was it that strict acid im partial justice had not been done? This no one would be bold enough to assert. Or was it that the peoplet ert,erii;,,sciast,ssenaemnour,:sif.thien forms pt a o r t el fo r m ir:Le d uf b :h es e relied in this case and is ad failed, they were di4satistied ? But with regard to that objecti as, a majority of the judges, it was true, decided that it was good ; but a majority also decided that it was not taken in good time—and, not a ma jority, but all the judges., agreed that if it hal been taken in time the only effect would have bean to postpone the trial. He did not despise form in legal proceedings. On the con trary, be believed th it form gave strength to the law, and was themeansof pent , isine the innocent and keeping power in its proper place, nor did he mean to say that there had not been something wrung in point of forms in this case sufficient to justify the t xereise of the prerogative of mercy to the extent to which it It it beer, sxerctsed. Of all species of treason the worst was the Irv) ing war in the Queen's dominions. This was the crime of which these parties hail been guilty, and with his ri adieg of the laws, and his understanding of the object and meaning of punishment, he could not vote fur the motion. (Hear.) Mr. GAtLDN ER supported the motion. Mr. O'CONNOR, in ri ply, thanked the hnuse for the fair and p i , ent hearing thee had given to the subject. Al hon. members had objected to a general motion in favour of all plaice{ deadeye, he was willing to amend this by ex cluding iron it .111 such offenders, except Frost, Jones. Wil liams, and (the man convicted at Stafford) the only parties for wh. in he was interested. Having so amended it, be would put it to the opinion of the house. The house divided: — For the motion Against it 9l-68 THE LATE RAJAH OF SATTARA. Mr. G. THOMPSON ro-e to move for a select committee to inquire into the conduct of the court of directors of the East India Company, and of the government of India, to wards the late R. 1211 of Sattara, and to report thereupon to the house. Ile sa d that as the pre sent was a new case. no longer the petiti m of an individual hut the memorial of 00,1100 or 70,000 natives of India, peas ing torjustice to the bereaved relatives of the late Rajah of Sattara, he trusted it woual re ceive the attention of the house. It had been contended that the Indian government hail acted with the strictest justice towa ds the late rajah, but stern facts gave the strongest contradiction to that amnion. Who was the late Rajah of &Rua ? He was the lineal descendant of the founder of the Mahratta emoire—an empire which once extended from the berths of the Jumna down to Tanjore. The lath rajah bad been solemnly recognised by the Indian government, and an alliance was entered into with him avowedly to the advantage of both the contracting parties. Treaties had been entered into with him by Me. Elphinstone and Lord Haatinus; and even ale. Canning had thanked General Smith for havine, by his victories, placed the rajah on the throne of his ancestors. For 17 years, from 1818 to 1835, his highness is id remained our faithful ally, and had highly distinguished himself by his enlightened and just government of his own domains. Then the Indian government com menced violating thine treaties which confirmed the rajahs authority over the Jaghirs, and plot upon plot followed until at last he was dethroned and expelled from his domains. The hon. member entered into see, cal details respecting these transactions, all of which have been reported in former de bates, and said, that if a committee was granted he would undertake to prove that the rajah had !Neu the victim of the grossest injustice and oppression. The deceased rnjah had never ceased struggling for his rights. In 1836 he ap pointed an agent in Ertl nd to appeal to the India hoard and the company against the canduct of the local authori ties ; that agent did app:-al, and communications were sent out, but not one et those communications was shown to the rajah. On two occasions Sir R. Grant had promised the rajah to lay We statement of his case before the India board, but he had failed to do so. The charge against the rajah that he was conspiring with the other native princes to drive the British out of India, rested on the evidence of two standar!, who had never been subject to any cross-examina tion, and whose statements had not been confirmed in any respect, and upon this evidence, without explanation or ia quay, the government of Bombay had condemned the rajab, and inn secret de patch to the court of directors, had d dared that he had been faithless to his treaties, and had entered into a league to put an end to British rule in India; and !mine, without eutficent grounds pronoueced him guilty, they felt bound to maintain that he was so, and to sup press everything that went to prove his innocence. A commisaon was appointed, receiving its instructions from Sir R. Grant; three men eat in the capital of a sovereign prince to try that sovereign, who was not even allowed to eras-examine the witnesses or have an advocate present. The testimony given was most contradictory, and yet the rajah was found guilty. This committee ought to be granted, were it only tar the sake of clearing the memory of Sir R. Grant from the stain which must otherwise rest upon it. It was mach to Major-general Lodwick's credit that he had made an open confession ; and if the committee were granted, he would give the fullest evidence on the subject. Notwithstanding the rajah was found guilty by the commission, when the evidence was transmitted to Cal cutta, serious doubts were entertained about it, and means were taken to procure a forged document which did not find its way to Sir R. Grant until after consi derable delays. The resionation of Major-General Lodwick was then effected, and Calonel Ovens appointed in his place. He arrived at the rajah's residence in June, 1837; within two months he had sent numbers of letters to Bombay; and then Govan Row was secured and tampered with, and a confession extorted from him, which however did not con firm the form.? evidence. Afterwards a petition was forged to prove ethspiracy on the part of the rajah ; 750 rupees were promise d the forger ; but these not being paid, he come to Colonel Ovens to expose the whole affair. Major Oliphant, one of the directors of the East India Com pany, protested against the conduct pursued towards the rajah. There were serious charges ageing Col. Ovens of a grave and dark character, every one of which he would un dertake to prove before a committee of that house. He would prove that the correspondence between the rajah and the governor of Goa was forced. He would tell who the parties were who f aged it, and the places where it was forged. If the rajah was guil t y, so was the viceroy of Goa; and if the government believed that he really was so, would not they have made representations on the subject to the Poeta gime eovenunent ? It was said that the governor of Goa Promised 30,000 troops, 15,000 of whom were to be French, and who must march through Turkey, l'ersia, and Afghan istan. (Hear, hear.) lie knew the right hon. gentleman opposite would refer to authority, and say that Lord Auck land and Lord Brougham believed the rajah guilty. But they pronounced their opinions before the documents on which he was believed to be guilty were proved to be forged. It never entered into the heads of Lord Auckland or Sir R. Grant to depose the rajah without affording him a fair trial. And up to the present moment he never had a copy of the evidence given him. (Rear, hear.) The court of directors themselves had such misgivings on the Relied, that they wrote to Sir J. Cartrac to arrange the matter with the rajah. But there were parties in Bom bay who were oppose d to this, and when Sir J. Cern= pro posed to draw up articles, Col. Ovens threatened that he would make revelations which would compromise the cha racter of Sir J Carnae himself. Sir J. C. 110BHOUSE—God bless nay soul! Mr. THOM PeON—The right hon. gentleman says " God bless my soul!" He (Mr. Thompson) cried Amen." Ile would produce an eye-witness of what had occurred, if he was granted the committee. The right hon. baronet seemed to think it incredilila. The greater then the necessity for inquiry. The rajah bad the alternative proposed to him of admitting his guilt, or being deposed. He preferred his de- Position to the dishonour of admitting that he was guilty. (Hear, hear.) He said that he would lay down his crown, bat that he would not stain his character. He lam accord ingly deposed, and now it was said that it was because he would not sign the treaty of 1819. He was told that his Private property. would be respected, but after peaceably submitting to his deposition, neither he nor his represents ti ve bad touched one farthing of the 300,0001. which he le ft be- Mad him. The night after he was di posed he was placed in a cattle shed, and the officers who accompanied him were heard tom, this is a business which will make a row in England. Colonel Ovens had for three years intercepted all the raijah's correspondence, and that of his friends in Europe and European friends in India, and it was a remarkable fact that not a single letter could be produced to bring on him the slightest suspicion 'of hostility. From 1839, when he was deposed, to the present year eight years had elapsed, and not one single circumstance bad taken place confirmatory or corroborative of the charges brought against him Months and years had passed along, and there had been a * lO 7 accumulation of evidence in his favour. Take an other fact. Who, connected with India, believed in the rajah's guilt ? Not the residents at the rajah's court—not the di rectors of the India board—not the present chairman of the directorate. (Henn hear.) lie would only further remind the house that there were great Daum at stake in their de cision. It had gone abroad throughout India that the rnialt.had been unjustly deposed. The people of India were . anxiously watching that house, to see if there was any real !Pixel to the government at home. (Cheers.) They asked for this committee, moreover, in justice to the Indian government. The government of that country was a government less of the sword than a government of opinion, lad it was ottomaty to the maintenance of that opinion i were now were to step odd be no e guided in of the govern >mots aa those ochre that the It was to the ought most th it the hon. leaders of an ,test cruelty to placed in the could give his iout incurring he hon. mem -.4 towards the ;retied having recollection of me his duty in VIM respect to e of Frost was state that the lirected to the is noble friend ring 24r. Frost e had stated he ion. vivid recollec on the trial of t, in the per m of the hon. udzes was nine cot been com bo should vete considered the 'met, Williams, ountrf. With .he motion was 'nment of Ear those which rs. Aussie and Europe where irthy of pardon. political tiffend , and he recom e had voted for me should again the case was 90 he country, that he details or to the queFtion of Tmpanions were .1d observe that Islet in their en ntries, and then ostead of being impre=l on the working chasm rr had created an aughter.) There liesed that Frost, Avicted, and that ry counsel on the of the most emi and Sir F. Kelly aken earlier, the motion was only ,ut it was hopeless n to the people. rondcred that the peal to the house ommitted treason. their country, — came to England ty the liberties of experienced the ren royalty did not Ile regretted the ids the petition of "illiams, and Jones nment. Ile should dially support the nt was an inoppor d have been more :e. crnment would el ms, who had now ferings. v large community , m preotirog mon. lie lied ative of the old his companion' , was not likely to f the house by rou t favour of the cri was adopted. ex t ra ordinary Wu r Finsbury, that the tined who he meant .isfied with a verdict w, tberefore,beeau l t onions, lawyers, sad securities which the . These men knew case of failure when me, and they had no uttering those Pena l ' mew, and what was a h on . member for uff, red sufficie ntl y . at suffering to the in: nishment, " Penh ad vas not merely what the effect of the pu it from him tointer of the c i rown n shy cessary, but this wss to rescue a man from for a crime sop Tel' in morning la gh t, [near.) Tent of it. •• f man of education,. O . _ ibourhood, the no n ' ould have shown so flce extended of obe atead of encouraging violence and treip.,h: once at the trial,.? !t: h a ve great inTs e o_t7 mods!, a Mr. Vines", the establishmen. I 0 . I u t we desired totm_hr_ ciples we held, i s e n tr n... _ that there i• 1,, of this mangy' ,ou tell us is t_ fi n ' which they had itration. bat the t aw f George, that ho w ho -ad Lty of high tresso,,isc t full and patient 0 : t the aid of the si d that they had done. :ed their verdict of _! did 1 1 °' ounds we - nlegren into coos y idetatin sentence, which, let noted to troosPoxi"t that justice should be done. He asked for the committee, then, in the name of the people of India—in the name of all thole diatinguiahed men whose characters were implicated--- end in the name of British justice, to which no injured man aver was known to appeal in vain. (Loud cheers.) Mr. J. WILLIAMS seconded the motion, observing that very great dimagisfaction would be felt out of doors if the government refused their consent to this appeal. The question having been put, Mr. BROTHERTON said it would be impossible to pro ceed with the discussion at that late hour. (Oh.) He would move the adjournment of the house. Mr. G. C. LEWIS, however, rote and proceeded to speak. He said, the difficulty he might otherwise experience in treating this question was very much mitigated by the fern of the motion placed before them. When a similar motion had been submitted by the hon. member for Montrose the Rajah of Satter' was living, and might have been restored to his rights. The rajah, however, was now dead, and the motion of the hon. member became of comparatively little importance, and wee of a very shadowy and intangible na titre. There was another remon which diminished his diffi culty in meeting this question. If ever there was a ease where previous decisions ought to have weight, this was the very ease. Ever since 1d39 this question had been mooted in a great variety of ways. On every occasion, however, the result hed been the acme. In India, in the court of directors, and in parliament the decision had uniformly been against the rajah, and it was not to be expected that at this period they should reopen questions so long adjusted, and the decisions open which had never yet been success fully questioned. The hon. member, however, had made serious imputatione on ielluential persons, both living and lead, and it was nee wary that he (Mr. Lewis) should ad dress himself to some of those particulars. There were, the house would °Mem, three persons particularly interested, Sir Robert Grant, Sir James Carnal, and the Rsjah of Sat tara himself. Now who was the rajah? He was a mere dependent of the British government. lie was a prince of our own creation. He never at any time had any power in dependent of our political agency. He could make no treaty, declare no war, except with British consent, and the decree which created him • sovereign concluded by de- cluing that asy infraction of the conditions should be sufficient to deprive him of his p wee. He claimed a portion of the British territory, and that claim was rejected by the Bombay government. The question was then referred to the rourt of directors, and they confirmed that decision. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to rebut the accusations which had been made by the hon. mover against Sir It. Grant, which he said he had heard with the deepest pain, which he declared to be unfounded as they were undeserved, and the result altogether of mistake, sur mise, or suspicion. He resumed the direct pies. tion by pointing to the special commission issued by the Bombay government; who had come to the unarimous conclusion that the rajah had tampered with some of the British officers, and had engaged in in trigues against the British government, which were calcu lated to h came subversive of British power, and were totally inconsistent with his situation as a subordinate prince holding his sovereignty by the grant of that govern ment. Lord Auckland was disposed to take a more severe view of the case than Sir R. Grant had done. Colonel Ovens, who succeeded Colonel Loilwick as resident at the Court of Samara, in that capacity, investigated two charges, one of which was of very alight gravity, It appeared however from the remit of the inquiries, that the ra;ah was a weak and igno-ant man, and was misled ham a M lief that, by the aid of the Portuguese government, he might be placed at the head of the Mahratta conlederacy. Some i'l-paid functionaries at Goa did certainly succeed in extracting large *urns from the rajah on this score. The charges made by the hon. member against Colonel Grans bad been more than once brought forward, and without entering into their detail* he would state that he held in his hand complete answers to those charges, and he was prepared to lay them on the table of the house, and to move at some future day that they be printed for the complete information of hon. members. (Hear, hear.) lie therefore requested the house to regard those charges altogether without prejudice until they had an opportunity of examining into the facts. It had been asserted that the East I edi Cump iny had expressed no opinion en the subject of Col. Ovens' conduct, but he would refer to a letter addressed, by order of the directors, to that officer, wherein they state that the charges made by the hon. member left no stain upon his public or private character at the tame time they stated that they would not be parties to any prosecution instituted against the hon. member for having uttered the language he Ind done against Col. Ovans. It was proposed to issue a commission of inquiry into the conduct of the rajah at his capital, but Lord Auckland thought this course might be attended with inconvenience, and re leered the matter home. Sir James Came afterwards assumed the governorship of Bombay. and as he was aware of the dispersi tion of the court of 'directors relative to the rajah, • nrot,osal was made by him to overlook the con duct of the prince, on condition that he promised not again to enter into fresh intrigues. A treaty, embodying the conditions which the home government thought it advisable to insist on, was proposed, by which the rajah engaged not again to enter into any secret arrangements or intrigues with other Indian states; and this treaty was laid before him for his signature. But he positively refused to do so. The rajah alleged, es his meson, that the preamble contained an admission of his guilt, which he never would make. But he must meet that objection by stating that the preamble did not contain any such admission, but merely stated the belief of the English government that ouch intrigues had existed as had been alleged. But even had this objection been made — which it never was—Sir James Caruac was ready to cancel the preamble, as, according to the statement of the hon. member for Thetford, it was not necessary for the purposes of the treaty. The arrangement which the British govern ment made on the deposition of the rajah brought no advan• tags to them. They r, quired nothing of him except that he should enter into a treaty confirming a former treaty and settling the disputedquestion of the J aghirs. The government would have been justified in annexing the whole of his dominions to the British territory, but they wished their conduct to be above all suspicion, and, therefore, they contented themselves with transferring the government from one brother to the other. There could be no doubt but that reasonable ground existed for sus pecting treasonable conduct on the part of the rajah ,• on teat ground Sir James Carom had acted, and hence the rajah's deposition. This was the view which he (Mr. Lewis) took of the case, and if the house concurred with him, they would consider that granting a committee of inquiry would be a measure of no possible utility. Such a committee could lead to no result ; for even if they made a report unfavourable to the Indian government, members of that house would rely more on the opinions of men acquainted with India than on the report of a c mamitme unacquainted with Indian character, Indian language, or Indian documents. He denied that the rajah's family had been left in a state of destitution. They had en allowacce which, although not sufficient to maintain the regal state which the late rajah had affected at Bemires, was what might be considered a full competence in India. For these reasons be must oppose the motion of the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets. Mr. HUME move:: the adjournment of the debate. Sir J. HOGG speaking to the question of adjournment, vindicated the character of CoL Ovens from the charges which had been brought forward that evening. A tong ca talogue of the most atrocious charges had been put forward, but nut one tittle of evidence had been advanced in their support. He should be inclined to vote for the committee were it not that granting a committee was generally con sidered to intimate that a prinui facie case had been made out. Mr. ANSTEY said that the hon. baronet was the person to who testimony the house should pay strict attention om this question. II a committee were granted, the charactme not only of Indian subordinates, but of the India Company, would be subjects of inquiry, and of that company the hon. baronet was an influential member. (Hear.) Mr. G. TIiOMPSON pledged himself to establish all bin charges before the committee by official documents. The debate was then adjourned to Thursday next. NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Mr. STAFFORD moved to nominate the kitchen accom modation and eating-rooms committee :—Mr. Stafford, Sir G. Clerk, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Mr. Hume, Lord Marcus Hill, Mr. It J. Baillie, Sir R. H. Inglis, the Earl of Musgrave, the Earl of March, Mr. Alderman Humehery, Lord C. Wellesley, Lord Ernest Bruce, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Damon, and the Earl of Shelburne.—Agreed to. THE OFFICE OF SERJEANT.AT-ARMS. Mr. HUME, in reference to his motion for a select com mittee to inquire into the duties of the sericant-alarms at tending on this house, and the salary, emoluments, and pa trouage of the office, with a view to the regulation of the same before the occupation of the new houses of parliament, and previous to filling up the vacant office, stated that he regretted to fled the office had been already filled up, as he thought it ought to have been given to Mr. Clementson, the depute. serjeant. He thought the appointment should riot rest with the Lord Chamberlain, hut with the house. Mr. STAFFORD called attention to the fact that Mr. Clementson, the deputy : serjeant, had filled that office for 44 years, and bad on various occasions performed the office of serjeant, and during three months on one occasion re ceived the emoluments. It was only due to Mr. Clementson to state the respect in which the house held him, and he hoped that Laid C. Russell, the new serjemt, would follow his example. The house adjourned at • quarter to two o'clock. ELECTION COMMITTEE.—YESTERDAT. BODMIN.—After the examination of one or two witnesses, Serjeant Wraisgham summed up for Mr. Lacy, and Mr. Wordsworth replied to petitioner's case it con cerned Mr. Wyld. The committee adjourned to th a is s day. GENERAL COMMTT TEE OF ELECTIONS. The committee met yesterday, but in consequence of the delay in passing the Election Recognisance' Bill they postponed all further ballots until May 8. --- THE NORTHAMPTON CHARTISTS.—Sir, —Seeing in the Express of this morning the statement of a "Mr. Ashton," in reference to Nor hampton, I beg leave to state, in answer to it, that although the trade of the town is un precedenteclly bad, tbe greatest order and good feeling prevail among the unemployed—indeed, their conduct in this respect is . exemplary. As regards the obtaining the "charter" by force, or " dying in the attempt, - I have heard of no such language having been used. Indeed, severa l chartists, among whom I purposely mad:. inquiries this morning, deprecate the idea of physical force; iu -hort, sir, the whole statement is utterly false. c ancnot town in the tell who ' this Ashton is, that pret ends to represent "National Convention." None of the parties with whom I conversed this morning have any knowledge of the man, or even recognise the name. Believing this to be a specimen of the language and the truthfulness i f th e ese anar attached tochists ,hem and h o ping that no more importance will b than they deserve, I. remain, Ac., 01101(08 Ilooaz.— Northampton, P 6. THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 7, 1848. Vie Orprogi. The overhand clewed malls, i773liimeillse, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Ilona-Kong, ha, will be made up o n the evening of the 7th Aped. The malls for Biitish North America, end the United States, will be roe up on the evening of the 7th ApriL The m.it,,,,,cluding Bermuda, Nassau, Havana, Ilooduras, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Rico, WWI Including these for bladeira, JacineL Carthagena, Santa Martha, Charm, Paoame, Wert Covet of South America, and St. luan.4e- Nicarague, will he made up on the evening of the tlth The mails for Vim,, Oporto, Li%bon, Madeira, Cecil; and Gibreltar wit he made up on the 112011110 g of the 17th ApriL The overland mails for Gibraltar, Mahn, Greece, the lonian Islanda Egypt, Aden, Ce inn, India, (long-Kong, and China, Ma Southamp ton, will be made op on the morning of the Roth April. The mails for New South Wales, Vim Dieman's Land, and New Zealand will he made up Olk the evening of On 30th April. The moils (or the West Coast of Africa and Madeira will be made op oa the evening of the 3011, April. The mail% her the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam. bum, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Apra, will be made op on the evening of the 4th May. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stanlp•olliee, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number hatted to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and Morning Post, ALL PUT TOOPTHER. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, TILE EXPRESS 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Ufobe or Standard, Evening Papers. TO OORREAPON DENT& Ma.Totbee'r Co.. —Mr. E. C. Riley. clerk of the Whlteehapel C Only Court, 0 1.1.orglr rent or a Ihstory of Wee tatter upon whirl. Mr. Po let I. ae cam nutted to tbe House. f C.ereeiloo. We ...at not pubbsb hos letter—Ont. be. ruse It appear. by our Thames pollee wthwt of yra.e day that the debt haa hero basil out semo..llv. herabee we did not loolotn.. the e..duot of the fledge of the meet,' roan, Thr u rung p uted ort was l hat of the I..—..lnter. peeled tkr eurernor ot the Hour of Correct CIOO n the nor cu, end by the otwit..., of Inaoheht, on the et ber—whoelt allow* of a &boor to humble afe u to be treated as • felon ud en Ineoluitt of h wanton^ to menu all roolebtornt. ••• Actrerneentente lotethled for "The repress." Leaden newton pane, lust he at the frac, boareete.etree, by Two tf club 0., tire dnr rebirrelle• 8100 IV ATER AT LONDON Dawns. 7444 Dm.—Nlornoet. ii u. past 4; Ahnow.n. 39 mi. 44.1 4. 7.pagoaaow—Matatag, 59 ml. past e; Afternoon, LI nil. past i. LONDON. FRIDAY, APRIL 7. Tit subjoined remarks were prepared before we learnt the announcement made lest night in the House of Commons by Sir O. GREY. We see no thing in that announcement, or the remarks which accompanied it, to induce us to alter the opinions we have expressed or to withhold them from the public. We leave them therefore in their original form, but prefaced by a few observations i.n the position which ministers have taken up with respect to the Chartist demonstration advertised for Monday next. Sir GEottor, GREY gave notice that he would this day move for leave to bring in a bill " for the better security of the crown and government of the united kingdom;" and he intimated that in half an hour a notice prohibiting the Chartist demonstration of Monday next would be published. With regard to the bill, we reserve our opinion till it is before us. If it is strictly limited to the protection of government and the legislature from force or intimidation, we can see no objection to it. The law already forbids, and pro perly forbids, meetings to be held within a certain distanco of Westminster during the sitting of parlia ment. The aim of this law is to prevent the repre sentatives of the whole people being overawed or borne down by a local mob. It is palpably absurd to forbid the convocation of meetings that may inti midate near the houses of parliament, and allow them to assemble at a little distance, and when as sembled march thither. But if it is intended by the bill about to be introduced to prevent the holding in places remote from the Houses of Parlia ment large out-of-door meetings, with a vies , to show the numbers who embrace a particular view of a question— as was done throughout the whole of the Reform Bill agitation—we protest against the mea- sure in limihr: With regard to the notice forbidding the demon stration of Monday, there is no necessity for such postponement of judgment. It is, is every way, an injudicious step, set about in an undignified manner. By Sir GEORGE'S own account, ministers were in formed of the intended demonstration for the first time on Wednesday. What might be the first official intimation they received; but if they did not know before Wednesday that such a demonstration was to be made, we will be bold to say that they wets the only parties in the metropolis who re mained so long in ignorance. Do minis ters hold it contrary to etiquette to pro hibit what they believe to be an unlawful assembly until the parties intending to hold it give them official notice of their intention ? But, assuming that ministers were in utter ignorance of the contem plated demonstration till Wednesday, why not forbid it on Wednesday? Why withhold their notice till a late hour of Thursday ? There is an inconceivable display of moral cowardice and want of proper self respect in shrinking from the responsibility of such an act, and not daring to take it until they had indi rectly felt the public pulse by an nnavowed article in a morning paper. There is a graver delinquency in the c mscquent loss of time, inasmuch as it increases the risk of irritation and collision. So much for the hesitation and shuffling with which the prohibition of the Chartist meeting and procession has been set about. As for the notice (a copy of which lies on our table while we write), it is such as must make the cheek of every true lover of the con stitution burn with blushes. To find a cabinet at the head of which is placed a descendant of Lord WILLIAM Russeu. in the nineteenth century acting upon a statute passed in the reign of CHARLES 11. to repress expressions of public opinion, is of it self lamentable enough. But it is impossible to suppress an emotion of indignant disgust when we turn to examine the statute which our Whig ministers have invoked from its slumber of more than a century to aid them. As they state, it prohibits carrying addresses to the King or parliament attended by more than ten persons; but this is only one provision of the act. In the same clause it is declared unlawful to '" solicit, labour or procure the getting of hands, or other consent, of any persons above the number of twenty or more to any petition, com plaint, remonstrance, declaration or other ad cress, to the King, or both or either houses of parliament, for alteration of matters esta blished by law in church or state, unless the matter thereof have been first consented unto and ordered by the major part of the grand jury of the county, &c., or if in London by the Lord Mayor," &c. It is disgraceful to a whig ministry, sixteen years after the passing of the Reform Act, to revive such a forgotten and tyrannous enactment. This is not all. The act is insufficient to effect their purpose. It only forbids canvassing for signatures to petitions, and carrying petitions to the sovereign or parliament, by more than ten persons. The aim of the Chartists is to make a public demonstration, and this they can do without going to the Queen or either of the houses of parliament. They can meet on Ken nington-common and march to Mr. O'CONNOR'S place of residence to ask him to present the petition. They can meet on Kennington-common and march to Downing-street to ask the same favour of Lord JOHN RUSSELL or Sir GEORGE GREY. Nay, it may be doubted whether they may not carry the petition to deposit it at Buckingham Palace, on the plea that the act 1 WILLIAM and MARY, session 2, c. 2, declares, " That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king, and all commit ments and prosecutions for such petitioning are ille gal." Ministers may find that they have done no more than revived the memory of a statute alike odious and inefficient. And apart from these considerations we may fairly question the wisdom of prevent log the meeting at all. From anything we have seen in the metropolis, from all we learn from the provinces, we feel convinced that the blusterers among 'the leaders of the demonstration are not backed by such numbers as to render them dangerous. Their demonstration would have shown them in their real force, whereas now they will thank government for not having exposed them to that trial, and go back to'the provinces to - tell incredible lies of their strength and the terrors of the powers that be. In this we. do indeed see danger— not of a revolution, but of calamitous dis turbances. We hare bad occasion to know pretty intimately the state of affairs in the manufacturing districts in 18.19. We know that in every case where there was collision with the military it eras owing the false and exaggerated reports' of the strength in other districts, brought beck by delegates sent to inquire into their state of preparation. What the exaggerations of private knaves or blockheads did then, the exaggeration of a panic-stricken execu tive will most probably do now. In the records of ministerial anility there is nothing to equal this last blunder of ministers, except, perhaps, the Duke of WELLINGTON'S refusal to let WILLIAM IV. dine with the Lord Mayor. Tne Times, like a rampant war-horse, scents battle from afar—nay, in the most quiet of pastures fancies collision and strife as its native element. It has beta of late acting the part of a conservative Mr. MEAGHER, calling upon the Irish government to coerce, to be violent, and to pat down disaffection. Alas! if dis affection could be put down by edicts or by force, we should be the first to recommend them. Force when employed against fume, is merely a sword stroke dealt upon a:r—sure to be vain, and possibly ridiculous. But it would be doing the Times too much honour to impute to it even the blame of its yesterday's article, advocating the prevention of the Chartist demonstration of Monday next. 'lle 7 imes is in general the accredited elapse of the government; shows frequently that it possesses its confidence and ern reveal its secrets. It is obvious that on the present occasion the government, wanting' ' courage, has employed the Times to lash up thie quality in cities and in parliament. Accordingly at the bidding of government the 7 laws calls on the government here to enact the part of Louis PHIL! PP E, and forbid at the eleventh hour a meeting which has been talked of for weeks, and for which multitudes have been making innocent prepara tion. We do not say that the planners of this monster meeting and procession have not done a most dangerous, and possibly a moat culpable thing. It certainly risks life, and exposes the peace of a great city to be seriously broken by an angry oolbsion, or chance entanglement. It puts it in the power of a hair-braised youth, or the emissary of a foreign club, to provoke by rash or insidious act (the firing of a pistol or petard) hostile response or repression from whatever force might be thus menaced or insulted. But will this danger, slight at present, be removed or augmented by a proclamation forbidding the meet ing ? The prohibition of the Paris banquet brought certainly a greater crowd than its quietly taking place could have occasioned, and a far more dangerous crowd. Persons from different parts of the country have already made their arrangements for coming to town. These are probably the more peaceable of the petitioners. We had not heard of bludgeons, but of white wands. Anti probably the very first idea of converting a peaceable procession into a riot prepense will be caught from the columns of the Times. Every one was aware that government had deemed certain precautions necessary, and had wisely and quietly taken them. We had heard of these prepara tions, and thought it best to remain silent on the sub ject. Some jealous citizens have even denounced to us, with mistaken zeal, the, to them, alarming fact of an increase of soldiers in the several barracks of the metropolis. Government is quite right in taking these precautions, and equally right in saying nothing about them, in not occasioning panic, and in affecting even more confidence than they feel. But the blustering tongue of the Times has spoiled all this, interrupted the decorum, dispersed the calm, and thrown all parties into distrust and into hostile attitudes. Government had ample notice of what is intended on Monday. If it taw any danger in the plan made public, would it not have been better to have come down to parliament for a special law against tumultuous petitioning and processions, instead of affecting confidence to the last hour, and then, when the population, confident itself of keeping the peace, and feel intralsoconfident in the allow ance of government, proceeds to the performance of the ceremony, all of a sudden forbid it? An act at once so tardy, yet so precipitate, denoting fear and irresolu tion, would be the greatest triumph that both the do mestic and foreign enemies of our constitution and our prosperity could imagine. There can be no place more easy of protection than the palace of Westminster. A mob which had any intention of approaching it hostilely, would certainly not choose their place of rendezvous en the other aide of the river. The entire plan and programme, tra vestied and exaggerated by the Times, evinces the de sire, and the sole desire, to make a pacific display of numbers—numbers formidable in a moral as well as in a physical sense. If such demonstration, however well meant, be dan gerous, let there be a law stating it; and let English men know clearly and legibly what they can do, and what they cannot do ; in what way they can manifest their opinions and count their num bers legally, and in what way it is forbidden to do so. But do not let the population be deceived with the idea that they have a right to form meetings and processions, and then allow the caprice, or the fears, or the nerves of a minister to render such meetings legal or illegal, innocent or treasonable, as it may happen. All the revolutions which have lately taken place, were achieved by populations which had no law, no guarantee, no protection against arbitrary power, and no means of making known their grievances or putting forward their claims, save by the musquet and the e meute. Had the population of France en joyed the freedom and the power to associate, to discuss their charter, as they might call it, and march with it in unarmed procession to the cham bers, no Frenchman need, or would, have seized a musquet. And what is true of France, is ten times more true of the other revolutionised capitals. The Englishman w ho,enjoy in g the freedom and the rights he does, would take advantage of the moment of his enjoy ing one or those rights, viz. bringing his free and bold petition to parliament—the Englishman who would seize that opportunity to insult parliament, or touch with offensive hand the pollad ium of his country's liberties, merits to be struck dead, as guilty et an infamous and sacrilegious crime. But such a crime is not possible, and whatever the Times may imagine, we will not believe it so. ONE main object with the writer on military eco nomics in the last Quarterly, to whose lucubrations we directed observation on Wednesday, is to claim more at tention for the Artillery arm of the service. He illus trates in a striking manner the tendency of a due cultivation of this arm to unite efficiency with eco nomy in army combinations. It is probably to the absurd system we have inherited, of regarding the Artillery as something apart from, and independent of, the ordinary army organisation, that it does not take its proper place in our military arrangements. NAPOLEON, who was educated for an Artillery officer, knew its worth better. How many of our generals know the number of men for whom a gun, well placed and worked, may serve as a substitute ? How many of them have sufficient acquaintance with gun nery to turn their field artillery to its full account ? The writer in the Quarterly shows that by strengthening our artillery corps, considerable reduc tions may be effected in the cavalry and infantry arms of the service. The consideration of his doc trines respecting artillery organisation we reserve till another occasion. With regard to them, we content ourselves at present with entering a caveat, that while we believe his general position that the substitution of au efficient artillery force for part of our present cavalry and infantry would be a material gain both in what concerns the strength and the economy of our army, we feel convinced that the strength of artillery which he deems indispensable, is greatly in excess of what this country requires for its pence establishment. Ile is entitled to deference on all questions of military organisation— on the arrangements by which the of ,iency of the army may be increased and its expense reduced, we do not pretend to argue with him. But the questions, what military force this country can afford to keep on foot, and what military force it is consistent with this country's true interests to keep on foot, belong to a wider field of inquiry than the mere military. Of this hereafter; at pre sent we confine ourselves to those reductions in the cavalry and infantry departments which a soldier by profession thinks may be safely ventured on as soon as our artillery is placed on a proper footing. With regard to the cavalry, our author says : The cavalry force of Great Britain, exclusive of the I household brigade, consists of twenty-two regiments, of which five, being employed in India and put upon an in creased establishment, draw their pay and other allowances from the Company. The remaining seventeen are paid, clothed, mounted, and equipped at the expense of the mo ther country; sad constitute, with the exception of the horse.brigade, by far the most costly arm which the mother country wields. For the establishment of each, aa regards the men and horses available, is absurdly small ; whereas the list of officers and non-commissioned officers is kept as full as if there were twice as many private soldiers to obey them. If we except the Ist Dragoon Guards, which can show 361 troop horses and 438 men ; and the 7th Dragoon Guards, which for the use of its 411 men musters 281 horses; the strength n the other regiments is 271 horses and 328 men. Now the complement of officers and non . commissioned officers to each being exactly 59 (27 of the former, 32 of the latter), ws have oar cavalry soldiers so admirably cared for, that whenever a dismounted parade takes place, there is as nearly as possible one person in au thority to look after five men ; when the corps is called into the field, and all the horses chance to be effective, we have four troopers watched and kept together by an officer or a non.commissioned officer respectively. What we propose is, that you reduce the number of regiments on the home estab lishment from seventeen to twelve; that you transfer the men and horses of the corps about to be disbanded to those you keep on tow ' and that, settling the strength .of the latter at an average of 400 mounted men each, you retain quite as numerous and effective a force as you have now, at a outsi derable saving of expense in a pecuniary point of view. We do not mean to say that tke saving will he very great. But we are confident that the tone of the cavalry CIIIII 4 It fail of being raised as soon as its members feel that ske country is determined to treat them like soldiers ; and this much of moral good would be worth seeking, to e than a saving of 11,0001. or 12,0001. the Exchequer. In passing over the Household Brigade we must be allowed to say that the writer, in deference to the courtly tone of the circle of readers addressed by the Quarterly, passes over °Le of the worst abuses in the service. He finds fault, and justly, with the excess of officers in the British cavalry regiment, in general. The British cavalry in the aggregate has one com mis4oned officer for every fourteen non-commis sioned officers and privates, while the French has only one for every eighteen. But in the Guards — these show, holiday regiments—the excess of officers is still greater than in our cavalry of the line. In the the. c regiments of Guards there are for 1,053 privates, 90 commissioned and 159 non-commissioned officers; in the let, 2nd, and 7th Dragoon Guards, there are fur 1,077 privates, only 89 commissioned and 105 non-commissionedofficers. While the whole British cavalry is over-officered, that brigade which is least likely to be called into active service exceeds all the rest in the super fluous number of officers. We say nothing at present of the invidious privilege in virtue of which the captains in that heigarla take higher rank than their standing and services entitle them to. The reduction in the infantry which might be made, were the artillery on a proper footing, is thus stated - • - _ Another step might be to reduce every one of the reserve battalions which have become, in the course cf the last three or four years, quietly engrafted upon the line. If fifteen of these, be dispensed with, you lighten the army estimates of inure than three thousand men. But a still more important retrenchment might be made by reducing as many regiments or second battalions, as it has been shown that, by the pro posed increase to your artillery force, you could spare from your foreign garrisons. Thus the establishment of two ser vice battalions of artillery at Gibraltar lets loose an equal number of line battalions from that place. A battalion by the same process may be spared from Malta and one brought from Bermuda ; while at home we really do not see what you want with other troops in Dover, Sheerness, or Edin burgh Castle, after you shall have occupied each with the bead quivers of an artillery battalion. Now see what the effect of these changes will be. You have added to the ar tillery 10,000 men. You reuuoe of the infantry.-15 reserve battalions, 3,000 ; 7 battalions of 903 each, 6,321 ; total, 9,321. The entire addition to the numerical strength of the standing army would be under four hundred men. The extent of additional strength for defence ' and the value of the preparation made fur war, defy calculation. Now, here we have the opinionof a military man,who thinks that the army ought to be kept up to at least its actual strength, that a considerable reduction may be made in the cost of our cavalry, and both in the num bers and cost of our infantry. Let us now look a lit tle further into the matter than he has ventured to do, and inquire whether it be so self-evident as he appears to think, that our army should be kept at its present effective strength. The distribution of the effective rank and file of the army (both cavalry and infantry), on the lst of Jan., 1848, is stated in this year's estimates as : In Great Gritain or returning home 38,9n9 In 1re1and 26,299 In India . Abroad (exclusive of India) or going out 95,792 The number of troops in India, considering the re cent rtductiens, we may assume to be about the mark ; besides, their charge is borne by the Indian government. A considerable part of the reduction con templated by the writer in the Quarterly would fall upon the 33;i92 " abroad, exclusive of India." But a much greater curtailment might be effected here than he has in view. The truth is, that the portion of these troops maintained in the colonies (properly so called) are kept there less to defend the colonists than to uphold the Downing-street system of colonial government. The old colonies in North America, before systematic insult and mis govtrnment drove them into insurrection, were per fectly competent to their own defence, and that at a time when the means of communication with the mother-country by sea were much less speedy and regular than now, and against a more skilful and dangerous enemy than is likely to threaten any of our present settlements. Leave the local government of our colonies in the hands of the colonists themselves, and in time of peace not a soldier will be required in them be- , yond the local corps organised and supported by ' themselves. As for the dependencies, Malta, Gibraltar, Corfu, &c., our author, with all his prepossessions in favour of extended dominion, is obliged to admit that some of them are not worth what they cost us. "It may be a point of honour with us, and, to a certain extent, of interest too, to keep what we have, no matter how intrinsically worthless many of our /% reign possessions may be." Worthless indeea! Of what use are the lonian Islands to us ? Again, of 65,201 effective rank and file stationed in Great Britain and Ireland on the Ist of January, 1848, and admitted by our military essayist to be amply sufficient, how many are maintained for pur poses of police ? and how many might be considered available for defensive purposes in the case of war? With regard to Ireland, it would be hopeless to say anything till the panic excited by the insane and criminal blustering of some vain men has subsided. But in so far as Great Britain is concerned, the organisation of an efficient civil police in every district, backed by an enrolment of special constables accustomed to act together when required, would enable us to dispense with the ser vices of a further portion of our 38,908. The writer upon whom we have been commenting declares : "As matters at present stand, give us what we ask— I°o,ooo good infantry and cavalry, with SO guns—and we shall have no fear for the safety . of London in case of any attempt in the line of invasion." In the same spirit he elsewhere remarks, " Our preparations in time of peace should be purely defensive." And again, " A war of conquest, or even aggression, is a sort of game which England will never play again till her rulers shall have lost their senses. • • Oar hands are already stretched over a wider extent of the globe's surface than they can conveniently cover." Thus speaks a real soldier: how different from the language of the patrons of army-jobbing in the House of Commons! GERMANY. PRUSSIA.—Our correspondent, writing from Ber lin 04 April 3, says: The speech of the royal commissioner yesterday at the opening of the diet, the two projects of law presented to that assembly, the address to the Kini the declaration of the conservatives that they wont not refuse their support to the present liberal minis try, and, in general, the entire proceedings of yes terday, have given very considerable satisfaction, even to the workisg classes. The only two points open to slight animadversion, are the provision by which no persons under 30 years of age are eligible, and the system of indirect election. It is not at all unlikely that the latter arrangement will be hereafter modi fied. The two projects of law will be discussed to morrow, and probably voted the next day, and then there will be an end of that diet which his Prussian majesty convened some twelve months ago, proprio metu, and which he opened with an inordinately long ' speech, in which his royal prerogatives, person, family, and ancestors, formed the prominent topics. Times are indeed changed in this kingdom, and, for tunately for its repose, the King has changed with them. Commercial and monetary affairs are still very bad. Failu-es and rumours of failures are now amongst the chief topics of conversation. You need not be sur prised to learn that one of the great banking firms of this capital will shortly wind up its concerns. The whole financ4l and (state) banking system of Prussia was rotten at core, notwithstanding the great sacri fices made by the ex-Minister of Finance to keep up the quotations of the funds and to favour the Bank of Prussia. The first storm has upset the whole system. The Berlin Bourse continues very depressed. Im portant failures in adjacent lands or towns act very prejudicially on the state of affairs here. Credit is momentarily at a stand still, and manufactories as half idle, many wholly so. Although the funds are at a low figure, there are scarcely any purchasers; On the other hand it must be stated that there does not appear any great desire on the part of the holders of bonds to dispose of them at the present quotations. Complaints are heard on the Berlin Bourse respecting the delay in the publication of their accounts by seve ral railway companies and other joint-stock concerns- The Prince of Glucksberg and his brother, both officers in the Prussian army, have taken service under the provisional government of Sle-wig-Holstein. It appears that the Polish committee of Posen demanded at first the total separation of the grand duchy from Prussia ; but in consulting with the Polish committee formed in this capital it was resolved to modify the demand and to claim only the reorganisation of the duchy in a Polish point of view. This modification was brought about by the appre hension, that if declared independent of Prussia, the grand duchy might become an appendage of Russia. The King of Prussia has, however, made concession after concession to tke Polish inhabitants of the duchy, so that, in fact, its present and future prospects are now all but exclusively placed in their hands. Several protests against this state of I things in the duchy have been drawn up by the Ger- I man portion of the population. The bilesians con tinue still in dread of the vast Russian force which (to quote the expression of a Breslau journal) extends like a black gigantic serpent along the frontiers. In cendiariem appears to be the order both of the day and night in Upper Silesia. It seems that Russian troops are also gathering on the frontiers of Gallicis. " Hannibal ante portal " will probably soon be, if not the cry, at least the sentiment, both of Austria and Prussia. rue working classes of this capital are freely in dulging in their newly acquired right to hold public meetings. They have resolved to assemble for the future twice ► week (on Sundays and Wednesdays), in order to discuss questions relating to the interests of their class. Each trade, moreover, has resolved to ap point a committee to make known its respective wishes to the General Assembly. A popular publica tion will also be established. A great meeting of the working classes, pursuant to the above resolution, was held yesterday, near the Botanical Garden. A morning paper states that two regiments left Spandau yesterday, in order to join the troops des tined for the protection of the " German" provinces of Sleswig and Holstein. The chief men of the civic guard have resolved not to allow the military to keep guard at the palace or at the gates of the city, and that where there is a mixed guard of citizens and soldiers, the chief com mand shall be vested in the former. According to the timsisehe Xritteng, of this day, a Russian courier has just brought en important manifesto of the Emperor Nicholas (dated from St. Petersburg, March 21;), whereby he declares that he will remain neutral with respect to the recent events in Ile: lin. The same journal asserts, on the authority of information derived "from the moet credible source," that the Russian army will be increased from 80,000 to 200,000 men. It appears that in Russian Poland the intelligence of the day circulates from mouth to mouth, as if printing had not yet been in vented. During several days all foreign journals were seized at the post-office. A few newspipers are now issued, but in a mutilated form. On the other hand the people are treated more kindly since the French and more particularly the Berlin revolution. Imposing forces have been ordered to Warsaw. It was reported in filsit on the 27th ult. (says the Berlinische Zeitung of this day), that Warsaw had been bombarded by Prince Paskewits from the cita del, and was in flames. Such a report (adds the above journal) is not au incredible one. The Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs has in formed a deputation from Stettin that the Prussian cabinet some time ago forwarde•i a note to the Foreign-office, London, urging the British cabinet to take measures for the protection of the Baltic trade in ruse the Sleswig and Holstein question should be further developed. The trading and commercial classes of Breslaw have urged the directors of the bank of that place to discount bills after goods have been deposited to the value of two-thirds of the money advanced. FRANKFORT.—A full report of the sitting of the preparatory assembly on the 2nd inst. appears in the journals. The first question proposed was as to the method of electing the permanent committee of 50. After mach discussion, the assembly adopted a motion made by M. Blum, to the effect that the names of the 50 members to compose the committee be inscribed upon the election bulletins. This motion was protested against by several members, who wished a resolution to be passed not on the election itself but on the mode of election. MM. R,bert Blum, Dr. Zitz, Dr. Strecker, Dr. Jaccbi, Vogt, De Behr, Dupre, Itzstein, and the brothers 'Aisles, presented the following motion : The assembly should declare that, before the Germanic Diet can discuss the affair concerning the farmation of a constituent assembly, it must repudiate the exceptional laws passed contrary to the federal constitution, and remove from its body the men who have concurred in their promulgation and execution. Dr. Zitz supported this motion in a long speech, and was followed by M. Bassermann, who said that its adoption would be a means of obtaining the per manence of the assembly, which had been previously rejected. He therefore moved that the motion should be thus worded : This assembly declares that it will demand that the Diet, in seizing the question concerning the formation of • na tional constituent assembly, should disavow any exceptional resolution of the Diet contrary to the lederal act, and remove any of its members who may have concurred in passing them, and putting them into execution. This motion of Mr. Bassermann (which we gave yesterday) was voted after a considerable discussion ; that of - Dr. Zito being rejected by three-fourths of the assembly. The result having been immediately made known, the members of the university, with the exception of the co-signers of the motion (Messrs. Blum, Jacobi, Vogt, Dupre, d'ltzstein, and the two Drs. Leisler), left the assembly, and part of the tri bunes were evacuated with some noise. On tran quillity being restored, Mr. Glaubrech proposed that one of the first tasks of the permanent committee should be to organise a national guard all through Germany, with permission to choose its own chiefs. This being put in the form of a motion, was unanimously adopted. The assembly, after voting the publication of a proclamation for the tran quillisation of the public mind, determined that the electlons of the members of the committee should take place as follows :—Each member to mark on the printed list of the members of the preparatory assembly the names of fifty persons whom bethought proper to form the committee. Each suffrage, bearing the signature of the voters, to be laid, on the 3rd, on the chairman's table. On the 3rd the assembly again met, and received from the Diet a resolution, in which it consented to the abolition of all exceptional laws decreed by it. Count Colloredo Wallace, president of the Diet, in formed Mr. Mittermaier that he was convinced that those members who had taken part in the formation of those laws would conform to the wish expressed by the assembly. The assembly then closed its sittings. The names of the committee were to be published on the 3rd. a g, could gbe court. The Queen and Prince Albert took an airing yes terday in an open carriage and four. Lord Mired Paget and Col. Seymour, the equerries in waiting, were in attendance on horseback. The Prince of Prussia visited Prince Albert yes terday. The Duchess of Cambridge, accompanied by Prince Frederick of Hesse, and attended by Lady Augusta Cadogan and Baron Kne•ebeck, honoured the Prussian minister and Madame Bunsen with her company to dinner yesterday evening, at their residence on Carlton-house-terrace. A cabinet council was held yesterday at the Fo reign-c ffice. It was attended by Lord J. Russell, the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Sir G. Gr 7, Vis count Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, the Earl of Auckland, Sir John Hobhouse, Lord Campbell, the Right Hon. H. Labouchere, the Marquis of Clanricarde, Viscount Morpeth, and the Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay. The council sat three hours and a half. Despatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colonial-office for the Governor of Gibraltar. METROPOLITAN SEWERS.—A court of sewers WBi held yesterday (April 6) at the court-house in Greek-street, to meet a presentment jury (" men of the oouoty"), returned by the Sheriff of Middlesex, to inquire as to the persons and properties liable to be rated in the eastern divi.ion of the Westminster sewers. Lord Morpeth presided. Lord Mor pcth has charge to of London, short period once, and expressed t. and through report of it wishes s' be might great pleasure made " shah taring taken the chair at ten o'clock, delivered a to the jury giving a succinct history of the sewerage clop, detailing what had been effected during the period the government commiseien tombs= in exist- slid pointing out to the ju&ce dude deithials he io sed their satisfaction at the ' trough their foremen uaaa. req. .at a of it might be printed an the, es and for pubhe informaCoe. -Lord 11l • • tkat ght undertake te say at onneehet the hl, jr. h ave pleasure in acceding to thititi re lP ' "e, *lag their presentment, publio tO be sad the gm Amok i