The Express. — London, England, 1848-03-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FR7DAT. MARCH 17. The Louw CHANCILLOR took his seat at 5 o'clock. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETrtioN.-By the Earl of Sv. Cranes% from Devooport, against the exemptton of peers from ,ITeSt for debt. TUIRU READINO.-Passengers Bill. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter past 6 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRTHAT, MARCH 17. The SPEnEn took the choir at t 4 o'clock. PLIC BUINESS. PETI (lONS. -By Mr. Swear, from Cockermouth, for the substitutions of eolemn affirmation', for oaths, in legal pro. esedings.-Mr. F. bcorr, from the Legislature of New south Males, in favour of Inenetllel for the encouragement of emigration to that colony, and for raising funds for that purpose by parochial entemtuent or otherwise.-Mr. CALOR/XL from merchants and traders of Liverpool, referring to the late murder of English eubjects in . China, and praying for more effectual protection for the Engltvh residents in Canton; Mr.A.lLterre, from merchants of London, to the same Wed.-Mr. Diorrr, from Anti-Slavery Society of Exeter, for the exclusion of elate-grown augur.-Lord D. STUART, from Marylebone, for a revision of national taxation, and for mating Ireland bear her fair share in the public burdens; els> the abolition of the income tax.-M rt. 11,111,0 x, from Meath. for amendmentof the Irish poor law.-Mr. W. Perm., from Burnley, LantePhlre. against certain dame of the Public 'Health Sill; Mr. CXRIPXYLD, from a plate aot beard, in favour of an efficient bill on thiseubject.-Mr. Lrensiros, from Wsiall, against the Rating of Small Tenements Bill.-Mr. nANIILTON, from Dublin; Mr. Cowes, from Peebles; Mr. Ceaommu, from Liverpool, against the Diplomatic Relations with Rome Bill.-Mr. C. W. Moons, from Newport and other places in the Isle of Wight, for the r. peal of the legacy duty on charitable requests..-001. SAIWX., from attorneys a Ludlow ; Capt. Peen au., from Brighton; Mr. Writ', from tiodmin-against the cer tificate duty.-Dr. towervo, from Odd Fellows lodges of Somerset shire ; Mr. ILtrren, from a lar bndy at W ells -pr aying to be placed on the eame footing as Ideally societies. SECOND ItEADINO.-Law of Entail (Scotland) Bill. TIURD READING.-Queen's Prison Bill. NOTICES OP MOTION.-Lean Rxwvou or Tai CROWX.-Lord DrscoN. on Monday next, to move for a select committee to inquire into the expenditure and management of the woods and forests and other crown revenues. and to report whether anyreduc- Don in the expense, or other improvement, can be made in this department. Cliracri RATIP.—Mr. B. OSP.AXI. on an early day, to move forte...re to bring in a bill for the abolition of church rite. Peat ec UtrICI4L—COL SIBTHORPE, after the Enter recess to move that the stlair..a oi all pen RAILW an WAY ding public o BlLLS.ffices be redo -tit. Sir W. HEATHCOTE moved that the standing order No. 157, requiring the breviato of all private bills to be laid on the table eleven days before tbe second rending of such bills, be not enforced as to railway bills suspended in the ses sion of 1847.—Agreed to. DERBY ELECTION PETITION. I The following members were sworn as the committee to inquire into the merits of the petition against the return of the Righ Hon. E. Strutt at the late election for the bo rough of Derby: Mr. Childers, chairman; Mr. W. H. Stanton, Sir E. W. McNaghten, Mr. I'. Bennet, and Sir IL R. F. Davie. EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO. Mr. BOUVERIE inquired if the government had mot chartered a joint stock company for colonising the Eastern Archipelago . He meant a company with which private l i 123 , 1C11 would compete very disadvantageously and from the prospectus of which it appeared that a person who had figured as the agent of Mr. Brooke (Rajah of Sarawak) was in the direction ; also whether he would produce the charter. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that a quarter had been granted by his predecessor in office under peculiar circum stances, not for ordinary trading purposes, but with a view to develop the resources of the new settlement of Labuan. It was a charter for 21 years, and he believed there would be no objection to lay it on the table ; but he thought it very improbable that Mr. Brooke had any interest in the company. CLERK-ASSISTANT 1N PARLIAMENT. Mr. J. E DEN ISON asked whether the person who might be appointed to this office, made viexott by recent lamented death, would be eo appointed upon the understanding of its being subject to any regulations that might be made respect ing the emoluments of the office ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the appointment must be accepted subject to such regulation as the proper authorities might think fit to make. ENGLISH LABOURERS IN FRANCE. Lord DRUBILANRIG asked if; the government had ap plied to the Provisional Governme.it of France to allow the Esilith workless who, it was clear, would be expelled:from that country, to withdraw their money from the savings banks ? Sir G. GREY could not say that any specific applicatioe bad been made on the subject ; but the attention of Lord Normanby had been directed to it, and he had made a gene ral representatioe to the Freaeh government. Information bad been received yesterday that an additional number of workmen had been obliged to leave Rouen, many of whom bad deposit; in the saving'. banks, and who would no doubt be seriously inconvenienced if the decree respecting these banks were allowed to affect them. MURDER OF SLAVES ON THE AFRICAN COAST. Mr. Bit ILLIE asked if the government had received a despatch from Captain Mansell, employed on the coast of Africa, stating that some chiefs having been prevented by our cruisers from exporting some slaves they had brought from the intercior, thereupon murdered those slaves ; and if so, whether that dispatch would be laid on the table Lord PALMERSTON said that a dispatch to that effect had been received last year, and would be included in the slave-trade papers to be presented to parliament in the ordi nary course. COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS —INCOME TAX FOR IRELAND. The house having gone into a committee of ways and means, Mr. HUME postponed until Monday his amendment declaring it to be inexpedient to add to the taxation of the coudtry by increasing the expenditure for thenaval, military, and ordnance services. Sir B. HALL then rose to mono the extension of the income tax to Ireland, a proposition which w.s simple and intelligible, which was well understood by people out of doors, and which, in hie opinion, was founded upon equity and justice. The right hon. baronet (the member fir are worth) said, in 1133, that it would be extremely unjust to exempt Ireland from the operation of a property tax, it England and Scotland were to be subjected to it, end in twelve years after he confessed that his opinion upon the subject was not changed, and that he then only declined to propose its extension to Ireland because 'it was to be temporary in its character, and because of the nou.ev;-t -ence :a Ireland of the necessary- machinery for carrying it into operation. But it was now admitted on all hands 'hat the income tax was likely to be permanent. Certainly a tax to convenient to the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not likely to be easily abandoned. The noble lord at the head of the government was likewise of opinion that it was but just to impose this tax upon Trehuvl as roll as Eng Lind. When he recently stated so in that house, the remark ws• received with "loud cheer. from all peels of the house. - The noble lord, however, added thrt: :1 • .18 not the mo ment at which they ought to do to, and tha. observation was described an having given rise to" bursts to laughter, and loud cries of • oh' from all parts of the house." t A laugh. A few days alter the noble lord stated AS a reaso.: that Ireland was at present called on to pay 2.000,0001. for the relief of the poor. But was it a reason that because the lriah landlord had not for so long a pc, ie. I,airl any poor t'sate, that now, because he did pay is, b" was no be exempted from the income tsx . Tiodde., the eunount of the poor-rate, even during 1t , 17, the year of famine, had been only is, 'dad. in the pound. Why, in ordinary years, we paid more then that iu this country. lie found that, takfng the average of the tasks unions "a Ireland which paid the largest poundage during s period which embraced the severest distres7, the pane-rate only amounted to 2s. did. in the pound, tt.. highest rate being 3s. 4d. in the pound in the Clonmel union (Mr. E. B. Roche Ler. asked a question.) That was not the amoent struck, but the amount paid. But that was not all. There was snareely a parish in England that had not to support Irish paupers. Indeed, he believed he might Far that one. kurth of out poor-rates was expended on Isiah r.:7p.:7. The hon. geu dercan, in cortobor , •!on th: . r 'd to th e wor k t a utly written by Mr. Jonathai. P's• ;s1 he showed that the hospice! in Gl - ge ce • 'gt. el, r-;.*11 son"! th e I nma t e ., num bering I,ISO, were lash. Enghshmemben had cautiously alistained from asking for a remission of taxes during the past year, through a desire. of enabling the government to do their utmost for Ireland ; and here he must notice the manner in which that conduct and the or duct of the country generally had been received by Irish members of that house. The hen. member for Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell), in answering an address presented to him in Paris, called upon France, of all the nations of the earth, to cry s h a me upon the avarice and the tyranny of England, who first plundered his country, and then an swered all her supplications for assistance by utteriqg stem ' cious calumnies against her bishop' and her clergy. and by i nsu lting her middle classes. Ile also s peke of Ireland's misery having been brought upon by her English misrule. Thus was the sonduct of Englan d during the retest famine, r when every parish in the country sent forth its contributions, —thus was English aid appreciated by the leader of the Irish party. (Hear, hear.) Be did not mean to say that England had done more than her duty—she even asked for no expression of gratitude ; but she did ask ter this, that the censure and abuse with which she was assailed might be stated in that house, in order that her re presentetives m il ight repel it with scorn and indignetion. (Hear, hear.) e found that England paid annually at pre sent nearly 12,000,0001. of taxes, from which Ireland was exempted, namely—the income tax, 5,&56,0001.; assessed texas, 4,479,0001. ; duty on brick% 646,000/. ; and soap, 1,193,0001. Ile might be met by saying that an income tax in Ireland would utterly fail ; that English members knew nothing of the condition of affairs in Ireland ; and that no good could be done for that country without a repeal of the union. But he was in a positfon to show that a very large number of Irish members were of a contrary opinion. He found that on the 6th Nov. last, at a public mee.ing held in Dublin, a resolution proposed by Mr. S. O'Brien, and se eondcd by M. J. O'Connel, and declaring that a n income tax ought to be imposed on Ireland was amongst others, adopted. Upon that occasion Lord Cloncurry was in the chair,and seve ral Irish members sitting on either side of the house were pre sent, and concurred in the propriety of an income tot —not, certainly, for general peeper, of taxation, but in aid of the roor rates. The member for Cork (Mr. Roche), it was only just to say, objected altogether to the resolution, said than an income tax was bad enough in England, and that if they adopted that resolution, they would assuredly have some English member rising in that house, as he (Sir B. Hall) now did, to declare that the income tax so levied in Ireland ought to go to the general fund, and that the landlords of Ireland ought to be left to pay for their own poor. That meeting, and the result to which it came, proved, at all events, that Ireland was able to bear an income tax, and he assumed such to be the case. He would, then, ask the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, if the medical man in England wag to be taxed on his profits, why the medical man of Dublin was not? Why was the merchant of Belfast, a thriving and improving town, with hie accumulating pro fits, to be exempted, and the merchant of Bristol, which was a declining town, with his decreasing profits, to be taxed ? He would ask also why the fundholder in Ireland was not to be made liable to the income tax as well 113 in England? According to the returns of income tax, the coo-resident Irish fundholders only paid 13,900?., whereas if the resident fundholders were liable as well, there would be paid 35,0001. in the year. It was said by some that the landlords of Ireland were already sufficiently taxed, and that many of ' them who resided in this country paid an income tax of 3 per cent. That might be true, but they might reside in Ire land if they chose, and thus avoid the tax, so that it was with them only a voluntary, and not a compulsory tax. Then it bad been urged that rents could not be recovered in 1 Ireland, and therefore they ought to he exempted ; but he , (Sir B. Hall) contended that if 1,0001., per annum wee re ceived they ought to pay the iucome-tax upon the actual receipts. He believed that a great deal of money was col lected by the landlords of Ireland, and for that opinion he might quote the speech of the hon. member for Kinsale (Mr. Guinness), who on the 2nd December last stated that on an estate of 10,6001. per annum, there had been collected within the last ten years, upwards of 100,0001., and that in 1845 and 1846 there had bees received over and above the rental no less than 10001. in each year to pay off the arrears. I was, therefore, absurd to say that rents could not be col lected in Ireland. But they had been told that if a poor law was established in Ireland, it would be utterly impossible to collect it—that had always been stet d with reg mil to every taxation proposed in reference to Ireland, and yet notwith standing all the opposition made to the collection of the poor rates in Ireland, the government was doing its duty by en fercing the payment with great effect. Looking at this fact, and also that the custom, duties paid in Ireland in 1846, to the amount of 2,497,0001., and excise duties to the amount of 1,6.52,0001., had been collected at no very extravagant coat he thought there would be little difficulty in collecting and income tax. On the general question, as far as regarded the conductof Irish members, he pound that on the first division on the income tax for Great Britain, there had voted 52 Irish members in favour of the tax and only eight against it. On the second division the numbers were still more extra ordinary. The divinon was on the question of extending the tax for a period of 3 years; and in favour of that proposition 67 Irish members had recorded their votes, while only 9 had voted for its duration for the shorter period of one year. lf, therefore, Irish members desired thus to saddle Great Bri tain with the income tax, they must not be surprised that English members should desire to confer upon them the same amount of favour—neither must they be surprised if their demands for mesiatance from the imperial treasury should in future be resisted. He for one did not wish separate nationality, but at the same time he thought that if Ireland called out for separate nationality, and refused to join in the taxation to which Great Britain was made liable, she had no right to ask the imperial treasury for further assistance. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, if the taxation of the two countries was placed on an equal footing, and that the members for Mayo, Sligo, andother destitute parts of Ireland, came down and said, " We pay equal taxation with your selves, but our country has had a great infliction, we are suffering severely tram famine and pestilence, and we desire your aid "—ln such a case, he (Sir B. Hall) did not think it would be right to refuse that aid ; but until Ireland was put on an equal footing in respect to taxation with other portions of the United Kingdom, he should raise his voice against the grant to Ireland of an additiodal cum for the imperial treasury. (Hear, hear.) He hail brought forward this motion under a sense of duty, ' and he trusted he had discharged that d ut y with an avoid ance of subjects which might give rise to angry or acrimo nious feeline. In conclusion, he begged to move, " That towards raising the supply granted to her Majesty, the respective duties levied on property, profits, professions, trades, and offices in Great Britain, be levied on property, profits, professions, trades, and offices in Ireland fur a time to be limited." (Rear, hear.) Mr. J. 'WILLIAMS seconded the motion. Sir 11. W. BARRON thought the people of Ireland had great reason to thank the hon. baronet the member for Marylebone for the kindness, philanthropy, and benevolence which he had always manifested with respect to their concerns. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The hon. baronet had raised for himself, by his conduct towards Ireland, a name which would be handed down to posterity in a manner unequalled by any who had gone before him in the great history of Europe. The founder of the family of Medicis had been honouree by the inscription on his tomb of the words " Pater Paine;" the great Bark had been honouree by the designation that he was the epitome of the sublime and beautiful ; but the hon. baronet the member for Marylebone would be handed down by future historians tinder the still more enviable title of " Conciliation Hall.", (Loud laughter.) net title he deserved jour excellence, when the time and the circumstances under which he made the present proposition were remembered and borne in mind, Let it not be forgotten that the motion was brought forward at a time when the population not only of Ireland bat of England—nay, of Europe, were in a most excited state—when hie unfortunate countrymen were starv ing by thousands—when every individual, from the highest peer to the humbles peasant in Ireland, had felt the awful infliction with which Providence had thought fit to visit that unhappy country—when the landlords had not received one-fifth of their rents—iet it not be forgotten that this was the time chosen by the hon. member for Marylebone to afflict Ireland: with a tax with which, even in time of war, the greatest statesman who ever ruled this country had never thought it right to visit that country. But now, in the days of her destitution and distress, when she was prostrate in the dust, the hon. baronet would impose on her this odious tax, and the day he had selected for his motion was of all others the 17th of March. So much for the hon. baronet's patriotism. (Hear, hear.) The day was the mere remark able, because he perceived from the journals of that morning that the Irish residents in I'aris were to-day to meet in the Place de la Concorde and to proceed to the Hotel de Ville to compliment and to join the French republic. Though he (Sir W. Barron) condemned the spirit thus exhibited by the Irish residents in Pail, still he thought the fact ought to have operated as a warning to the hon. baronet not to irri tate the feeliaga of the Irish people by proposing the inflic tion of this insupportable tax. At a time when the most seditious language was propagated in Ireland, he must say a most injudicious moment hail been selected for this discussion. The speech and language of this hon. baronet would afford ample inducement to the writers in the railed IriSltman to breach doctrini s still more violent than any that had yet appee.ed against tide country. The speech would give more toed .1 the incendiary writers in Ireland then any speech welch had been delivered during the last ten years. But what really was the object of the motion ? It was, in or& r to relieve Marylebone, to tax Mayo. ghibbe tem and the clready pauperised landlords of Ireland. Then trax all d admitte to be odious, and the greatest etatielme that had evc lived hod declared its inapplicability to Ire lend. (The hon. baronet, in support of the propositien, here quoted extracts from the speeches of Sir Robert Peel, of Mr., atter-awls Boron Foster, of Mr. Gouiburn, and lastly the report of the select committee . which sat in the yeare .. lBls, 1816, and 1617.) That cemuuttee had upon it only a Irish mem bers out of '2l members of which tt consisted. It was not, therefore, an Irish comniatee ; and they reported " Your aommittec cannot but remark that Ireland has ad vanced in permanent taxation more rapidly then Great Britain, notwithstandir.g the exertions of the latter, and including the extraordinary and the war taxes."—Sereh was the ease in 1816, and he (Sir 11. W. Barron) had now a right ei show 'lst s;nce 1810 that house had done nothing to ieeange that I relative taxntion to which the report Ce had quoted referred ; ' hut, before he did so, he mur quote from a sneeen of the late Lord Fitzgerald, then Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, the Chen miler of the Irish Evehereier e the MIN period He side, I dope it will not now he said that Ireland has thrown the burden on England with a view of saving herself. You (En awl) coeiracted far her at the union en expenditure whkli she could not meet. and she has paid up to the end of Ithe war 78,0C1,001/. sterling e'en.: her fair share ef the national taxation." This was the opinion of the then Chan °eller of thd Irish Exchequer ; and yet the hon. baronet the member for Marylebone now amid that Ireland did not pay snyth'ng like her share to the resources of the nation. How -1 eeer that might ge down in Marylebone, it could not ha 'pm e re pots the gold sense of that house or of the country. At a cat 21 later period—vit., in Ib3o, Mr, Ploulett Thom nes, attorwardn 144 Sydenhain, declared that " tuition in i . - C 4 RIMSBY DOCKS.—The line of railway from I,lf NSW HOLLAND to ORIMSUT befog now opened. owl MI: gee obtained by it to that port from Hull and the ope ned . tho Marichorter, Wtelteld amid Lltto,lngil re Railway, believing that it would to • goaltiostion to the Shareholder* to inspect tho Dock Work. at Grimsby. here roiolved to grant a fr.: le. from Hell by their 4.4311•1. packet, acrom the Humber to OrlinAby, and Met to Hull, bm gull Phan- !Odors an may apply to the recrciarlee.cither at Manchester or Sheffield, generally or by letter. after the 27th lint., by orhkh time ova will be ready (or delivery. TMm tames will not bo trauderahlo, but will tree Le puttee to whom they are granted on say onc day during the month of April. The Directors hope thet the Shareholder* will mall Lb= Nave "ram oprtunity uf Ono beetunin4 with the value of lt4e property. w po hich the IMMLOI4I are confident ooly require. to be awn to order to be duly a•timatod.—Hy curler. JAN t!se MEADOWP. SeticiarT S>u(en ton.Mrtat Orinulbu. , n3eige an Raufleute unb Vauren/thlaber ha tit:flank. 2)4 ke fltohn fur Sctife, adobe tte Veto tit great {chalk tfrtlauftn miry, nal 10 pence ter restattro Ye:: ntchtartett errant fit*. gl 11 e r ffrivrtuna ii treettit *cleft inme Zectrn t orten Tat (kik Mit Saint 164 e ten pitmen latat an tfcmcrat , ettem tint &kittens ktratt kten. to Ectlk auftunkmen. Taft rate.: 'herrn bin arekn Igcrfu4 rot ten aicifirn intern 411:11;(ter , '33.C11 atterttran. tat fit .0 A.llO 13etten, aurAtimmmen tin vat C%-'.tunCtu tit niettlit*rr lgafirt oart ten e plug infxn, tiOnanct tar actin. it< r timer eine plea U.4tritect rcn anon titian nob tit tletlitt ma ha Vanniactut.lacknern tint mu allot lead.. hi ram:mutt Xecmteml94 mitt nautili tic fliticrtame ecn Vanchikt €...natt tint Mr Graff** Vincent, rtgankt tint templet frsa. • AU TI ON.—A. ROWLANII and SON, 20. 4./ Hattonig ar den,Lowdon. Dec t.+ caution the nobility and g entr y , against helm rriblesi by the attempt. of se , t: e o s t liateernar nz- Vrai l ;d: f r e." and t7d'enrro‘42entrite give oniar.d - sky and tbeffolltrnrllollt dorartot.lo. shell:sr e tit at dawn- Won. while they copy the Moho, 1411 s, adrertiscriente, and twelmeniab bruhrtltudnit fictitious names end v ii ace' for the roan of the n, original Pfet • O The e genuine Macnossar Oil." Raly,lo" and .ro de te." ere Rowland's." and the wrapper ef each boars the narne of f oo t,LTands prenesliog that of the ankle. with their signature at the n red ink, thus—" A. ROWLAND kSOg •" Fold by thew at W. Hatton rani,. Lenittm. and br ehernhax and perfumers, 11RENCH NEWSPAPERS FILED DAILY. — The Journal den IVtata, Drew. Skiele. ronstltutionneMand National are tiled at WILLIAM THOM ANW Tritish and Foreign Newspaper and Advertising calm. 21. Catherine-street. ,he'e'd, whero subiscrip cons. and advertisements ore received fir es cry Englisb.'Freneh, and Continental newspaper awl pee.clical published. I:lllustration. containing a variety of bsoutiful euartvings, published every OaturdaYs prim 7A. vet quarter. DidDICATED to the YOU NO 1101bi6KEXPle 6 ti of EZil OLAND. A new sod improved edition, In c. f?. Avia,;it n lg plater and wood ikllss Acro7nriZEiN tooKEßy_BooK. Jo which all the receipts have been strictly tested, had aro (Mew with the wio.t relnote eisetoem • The MO4 ealuable compatdium of the set that Lat yet been pub toot. ••• A pnn..ctu , with trecimon may be had gratis of all bookseller& Loodon. Longman, Hrown, Omen. and a' I THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, MACH 18, 1848. Ireland had gone to such • pitch, that if more taxes were laid on, the country would lime mere than it would receive from that limner of the realm. Since 1815 the taxes re mines to England dollen to 1842 amounted to 45,000,0001., while the taxation remitted to Ireland during the same period amounted only to 2,100,0001., or about one-twentieth the amount of taxation remitted to Oreat Britain. In addi tion, there had since been the infliction upon Ireland of the poor tae, which added at least 2,000,0001. annually to the taxation of than country, and this was the last feather pieced upon the camel's back. Another would cause the animal to ' break down. It had been said that there was property to the amount of ,13,000,000 1 . in Ireland which escaped the income tax. Now he (Sir H. W. Barron) ventured to assert, that of this 5,000,000 1 . paid the income tax &Meade through absentees and mortgagee., leaving only 8,000,000/. which was not affected by it, but the principal part of that 8,000,0001, conaisted of holdings of ' less value than 1501. per annum, and therefore if the hen. baronet earned him motion that property would not be affected. But did Ireland contribute nothing more to this country ? Why, the crown and quit-note paid by Ire land were spent iu this very metropolis in the improvement and embellishment of its streets, its parka, and its palates. Again, he contended that the articles of manufacture pur chased by Ireland at Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, and Sheffield, end elsewhere—articles contributing to the nem toms and excise—ought to be carried to the credit of Ireland. Ho thought the points he had suggested were worthy of con sideration ; and it the hon. baronet would move for a com mittee to inquire into them, he (Sir IL W. Barron) would second the motion, feeling convinced that Ireland would come uescathed out of the investigatirn. (Hear, heat.) Mr. MOORE said he should be glad to believe that no other feelings or motives than a wise regard for the best interests of the realm had induced the hon. baronet optimise (Sir B. Hall) to bring forward this motion. lint the manner in which the notice had been given, and the mode in which the mode had been introduced rendered it impos sible for him (Mr. Moore) to put such a charitable construc tion upon the course pursued by the hon. baronet. lie could not but regard the present as another shot in the guerilla warfare which the hon. baronet had before opened against Ireland and Irish character. The Irish question had in fact been the making of the hon. baronet: it was not his first political love, it had proved, by his retort, again to that house, his mest successful love, on which he dwelt with a per petual, though now somewhat tiresome, infatuation. (Hear.) small talents had long traded in Ireland an anti-English prejudices with considerable profit, and had acquired a re putation sleet as great as that of the hon. member. But this was a question, which of all others sight to be judged and decided per or, involving as it did the taxation of a whole empire ; and he therefore regretted that the present motion had been held out in terrorerte against the Irish members who voted with government on a former divaion, and he was almost driven to the conclusion that this house wee in tumble of forming a correct opinion OR Dish subjects. No- thing could be more absurd than this avowed system of re crimination. Many men in Ireland telt as much din satisfaction with the votes of Irish membesr in favour of the government, as could be entertained by the hon. member for Marylebone; for they disapproved of everything which might strengthen and uphold the credit and the dignity of this country. (Ilene, hear.) He was of opinion that every class in heisted ought to contribute to the national burdens ; even the present destitution in that country did not appear to him a sufficient ground for the exemption, provided the funds were properly applied for the relief of Irish distress. Still he could not support the amend ment of the hon.' member for Maryklecese ; and had the forms of the house permitted it, he would have proposed another amendment. While the Irish impu tation was perishing, it was monstrous to prapoise that the resources of the country should be drawn elf for foreign pur- There was one parish in the West of Ireland— nellntara—a flue sample of the rest—which had petitioned the house, declaring their inability to meet the rates, which were constantly on the increase, while the number of those who were able to pay was as rapidly decreasing by people giving up their holdiegs. The priest of that parish bad in formed him that several persons had died of hunger in one week, relief being refused or delayed till too late. A union in county Galway was stated to he almost depopulated. In ouch a state of things, from a people so impoverished, the hon. baronet would strive to extract further taxation ! A proposition so wicked and mischievous he had seldom heard. The hon. gentleman then reed a long extract from a epe-ch of Burke in reference to the Carnatic, which he contended was strictly applicable to the present state of Ireland. Mr. FAGAN charged the hon. taunter for Marylebone with iaconsistency in proposing an income tax per Ireland, after thrice voting against one for England, on the ground of its injustice and inquisitorial character. That hon. mem ber hail said that the poor rate in Ireland only averaged Is. sd. in the pound; hut this was not a fair way of repre senting the burden—the total amount of the rates was nearly 2,000001. The gross injustice of the inn. member's propo- sition was but one of the many objections to which it was open. He had unsparingly attacked an absent member, the hon. member for Limerick, quoting and misapplying his answer to an Adelman which had been presented to him. It was perfectly true that the destitution of Ireland was now as great as when an appeal was made to English charity. As to the " atrocious calumnies on their religion," this expres sion was fully justified by what had fallen from the learned recorder of London (Mr. Law), who had spoken of " super titian mummeries." Sir J. TYRRELL rose to order. This was a reference to something that had occurred in a former debate, and was therefore out of order. The CHAIRMAN concurring, Mr. FAGAN said he would not pursue the subject fur ther. The hon. member for Marylebone had said that England paid 12 millions of imsma taxes, to which Ireland was not at all subject; but let it be remembered that, at the time of the union, the dcbtof Great Britain was 420,000,0001., while that of Ireland was only 30,000,0001. ; and the consequience of the consolidation of the debts was, that Ireland was Raddled most unjustly with the payment of 16 millions for the interest of this debt. Allusion had been made to the meeting of the Irish council, at which a resolution hail been adopted against the extension of the income tax to Ireland. But this had been done with out any selfish motive, solely that Ireland might be enabled to sunport her own destitute poor. (Hear, hear.) 110 (Mr. Fegan) had voted against the income tax all along, not to weaken the resources or credit of the country, but because he believed the expenditure had been extravagantly increased since 1835. Ile fur one had no anticipation that the peace of Europe would be disturbed ; he was therefore anxious to assist English members in reducing their burdens. (Hear, hear.) He had voted for the amendments of the bon. mem ber for Cockermouth and the boo. member for Montrose, be lieving the tax to be unequal, and being noxious that it should not be perpetuated in its present form. But it was a mistake to suppose that England der red no benefit from the income tax ; 7,600,0001. of indirect taxes had been repealed, of which two millions had been drawn from the raw material of manufactures; and the benefit from this might be esti mated at twenty times the amount of the income tax. This benefit was almost confined to England, seeing that its exports of manufactures of various kinds vastly ex ceeded those of Ireland: (Hear.) In this point of view, it would be exceedingly unjust to visit Ireland with an income tax. Then, with regard to expenditure, what benefit did Ireland derive from the colonies, on which so large an outlay took place ? No Irish produce was taken by the colonies. It was useless to say that Canada was an advantage to Ireland, as a place of emigration ; for, if the people were well governed at home, they would neither cave the wish nor the occasion to emigrate. (Hear, hear.) But it was said Ireland did not contribute its proportion to the national burdens. By the act of union, two-seventeentbe had been fixed as the proportion of the interest of the debt payable by Ireland ; and the right hon. baronet themember for Taraworth had estimated the capability of Ireland at one-ninth. Probably one-tenth was nearer the truth. The national revenue being 54,000,000/. the proportion for Ire land would be about 5,500,0001. ; and it was certain that Ireland contributed pretty nearly that amount, in ackuow !edged and unacknowledged taxes. Putting cgrarian out ragesout of the question, no country was mere free from clime than Ireland; and he regretted that the hon. member for Marylebone should have expressml a fear that he should not be safe in that country. He believed that even if this tax was imposed on Ireland it would not he easily collected, M. G. A. HAMILTON did not think there was any thing in tho tone or language of the hon. member for Mary lebone which deserved animadvertion. (War.) He was not desirous that there should be any particular exemptions in favour of any portion of the empire, and thought that taxation should be as much as possible equalised. But the comparative capabilities of the different portions of the empire should be taken into consideration in im posing taxes. That was a proposition which ap peered to be self-evident. But if Ireland was en titled to the benefit of that general principle, she mut still more entitled to it on the ground of express stipulation, be cause it was enacted by the 7th article of the Act of Union, that taxation should he imposed according to the comparative ability of both cotintries (Cheers.]. The question then re solved itself into a mere matter of fact, namely, whether Ireland was in such a position in regard to wealth as cons pired to Ens;:and, that the income tax ought to be ex tended to her. The' population of England as compared to Ireland, was in the proportion of 21 to 1. The exports of England in 1846 amounted to 150,645,0001.; of Ireland, only '234,0681., or 600 to 1. The imports of England in the same year were 83,(00,000/. ; of Ireland, 1,900,000 t , or 10 to 1. The enstonve receipts of England were 18,900,0001. ; of Ireland, 2,300,e00/. The disproportion in other respects was the same; so that there was no comparison at all with respect to the relative capacity of both countries to sustain taxation. The burdens on land in 'England, including the invomo tax, amounted to 16,456,0001. on the poor law valuation of 62,640,0001., or 30 per cent. The burdens on land in Ireland, without the the income-tae, amounted to 4,7e6,0031. on a valuation of 13,2u1,0001., or more than 34i per cent. (Hear, hear.) lie thought tOsit there flames showed that there was not even a proximate equality between the two countries. In 1845 the then member for Bath (Mr. 'Roebuck) was so strongly imeremed with the inequality be tween the two countries, that be did not propose to extend the income tax to traders end prof. seionnl melt in Ireland, but merely to landed property. Ile (Mr. Hamilton) thought be had shown that the land in Ireland was :so burdened that it would not be ter to extend the income tax to it. If Ireland came anything near to Eng land in respect to wealth, he would be amongst the first to oppose any claim :a exemption for his country. He thought it would be mast unwise in the present state of Ireland, when the people of that country were pasag through • most severe crisis, to extend the income tax to her. He hoped that a better feeling was beginning ta spread in that country, that industry would become the general habit of the people, and it was desirable not to cast impediments in the way of her prosperity by imposing an income tax upon her. (Hear, hear.) Mr. NAPIER said he felt bound to support the govern ment in imposing the income tar on ibis country, because he believed the necessities of the empire required it, and he del not think ho was acting inconsistently w i th the vote he then g ave in opposing the motion of the hon. member for Mary. lebone. The circumstances of the two countries were so different, that they required the application of • different legislation. (Hear.) That was felt to be the c Les in 1842. when Ireland was exempted from the income tas. Hs must s uppose t h e re were good grounds for that exemption. The tax was imposed on this country as supplemental to the free trade measures of the right lion. baronet, on which he did not mean to express any opinion. Those measures were intended to benefit the commerce of England : and as Ireland could not derive benefit to the same extent as England from thosemeariures, it would not be just to burden her wit h taxes which were necessary in order to carry them out. Indeed, be knew that in many instances those measures had been a source of lose in Ireland. Amen, in 1846, Ireland was exempted; and the motion of the hon. and learned member (or Bath for extending the tax to the landed property of that country was lost bye majority of 2.50. Hon those two occasions it was not thought fit, on grounds of jus tice, policy, and reason, to extend the tax to Ireland, why should it occur to the mind of any one that what was right then should now be wrong ? A great calamity had fallen en Ireland since then in the shape of a famine. In consequence of that faminegreat addititional burdens were thrown upon the land. The proprieiors in that country had borrowed money to a large amount in order to give the people employment, besides having to meet the expense' of the poor-Mw. There we nothing, then, in the circum stances of Ireland at present which would justify the bootie in revising the decisions to which it had come in 1842 and 1845. On the contrary, the circumstances that had occurred since should make the house far more indisposed to extend the tax to Ireland. The pressure had been so great on all classes in Ireland during the last two years that it would be most unjustly to burden them now with an income tax. lie would be the last person to claim any exemption for his country if the circumstances of the two coantries were equal, but, being moat different, he did not think it would he fair to impose an income tax upon Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Col. CONOLLY said that a more inauspicious moment could not be selected for proposing the imposition of an income tax ou Ireland. That country had been exempted from the income tax by former Chancellors of the Exche quer, because they felt that it was not able to hear it. If that was the ewe in termer years, the reasons for not im posing it at the present time were much stronger. He was ready to acknovledge the unbounded liberality of this country towards Ireland, but he repelled the stigma of in . gra titude cast upon her by the hon. baronet the member for Merylebone. If the hon. baronet proposed the extension of the income tax to Ireland as • financial mea sure, it would turn out a complete failure. Whilst he acknowledged his gratitude for the relief affirded last year to Ireland, it was his duty to point out how the assessments placed upon the county. As a landlord, it was not his duty to complain, but he wits bound to Fay that he knew numbers who were in the most destitute condition, and who were obliged to forego all their family engagements in consequence of the extreme pressure of the times. If any thing could aggravate the evils of the country, it would be the application to it of this most oppressive tax—a tax which, as far as Ireland was concerned, would he utterly unproductive. Sir J.TYRRELL was unable to distinguish precisely what were the argument' on which this amendment was opposed. The member for Dublin University bad argued as if by the act of union this tax could not be extended to Ireland. But he was old enongh to remember when the member for Corfe Castle, the late Mr. Banker, was in the habit of calling on the clerk at the table to read one of the clauses of the acts of union, for the express purpose of showing that it was per fectly in the power of the house to extend the tax to the sister country. Then it was said that the coat of the ma chinery to collect the tax would never be defrayed by the I amount it might produce. It seemed, however, to be for gotten that a poor-law had been introduced into Ireland, and that the machinery under that system afforded the means of making the collection without any cost whatever. Such had been tile conduct of the late and present govern ments, that it became absolutely necessary to take every measure within their power in o rder to increase the revenue of the country. Those governments had brought the credit and the mercantile community of England into great difficulties. Their measures had dried up the sources of charity in Ireland, and this ought to be recollected when the payments to the relief of the poor were urged as a reason for not imposing further taxation on the country. With re gard to the difficulty of collection revenue in Ireland, such difficulty might exist, but the present prospects of this country ought to make us take every means with • view to raise revenue wherever it could be justly levied. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not say upon any strict principle of justice that an Irish gentle. man ought not to pay this tax as well as the possessor of in come in this country. But there was a wide difference between assenting to a principle and carrying that principle into effect at a particular and stated time. In the crse of the spirit duties, for example, it had been found quite impossib'e to raise the same proportionate amount of tax in licked as was paid in this country and in Scotland. After passing Ireland over for five years, it would be, he thought, • cruel thing to impose the income tax upon that country in a year during which the country had suffered so severely. It was to be recollected, also, that great exertions had been made to that country during the last year. They bed for the first time affirmed the principle that the property of Ireland should support its poverty. Thin had imposed a new burden on Ireland of not less than 2,000,0001. per an num ; and, even during the last four months, that country bad paid no less in the shape of rates than 63.5,0001., whilst during the same period of 1815 the aum collected was only 162,000. (Hear, hear.) Now, he did not say that the mere payment of poor rates was a reason for exempting Ireland permanenty from income tax; bat what he did argue was, that it would be both unfair and impolitic to impose such • burden at the present period. Such a measure would discourage every internal effort, and probably would render it necessary for England to make further sacrifices than she had already done for the sister country. Mr. HORSHAM confessed that he thought the decision they were called upon to arrive et was one that involved very considerable difficulty, especially considering how long Ire land had been misgoverned, and what had been her recent distresses. But he could not argue that there was no principle upon which a distinc tion might not he drawn between England and Ireland with reference to this tax. They stood now in a different position with reference to this tax to the position in which they stood upon former occasions. There was not an injustice or an inequality in this tax that Irish members had not assisted in perpetuating—(loud cheers); and it might fairly be said to them that the only hope that remained of getting this tax equalised was to impose upon the Irish members themselves the injustice they assisted in perpetuating on others. (Oreat cheering.) It was not as a measure of retaliation, but as a measure of self-defence, that they ought now to extend " equal justice to Ireland." (Re , pealed cheers.) On that ground he should vote for giving the Irish a joint interest with themselves in obtaining en al teration of these unequal laws. (Hear.) And it seemed ! to him, he must admit, that this was an excellent opportu nity of earning out the principle of the right hon. member for the University of Cambridge, who proposed the other night the very Pound theory that all taxes being nnequal it was desirable to equaliee the inequalities of one tax by main taining the inequalities of another. He hoped the right hon. gentleman, by voting for this amendment, would show that his practice maintained his principle. (Renewed cheers and laughter.) He concluded by saying that he was not without regret he gave the vote he intended to record. He knew the difficulties the government had to contend with in Ire land he knew the great advantages the present excellent Lord Lieutenant was conferring upon the coun try by lay conciliatory as well as by his decisive policy. He took a view of the present condition of affairs at home and abroad ; and while he had no apprehension of any other effect, from the position of foreign countries, upon England than injury to our commerce, he contended that the aspect of things should lead to a course of policy which would satisfy the people of a firm determination on the part of the govern ment to act in all respects fairly towards them—cf a i esolu tion that no tax should be impe , ed upon them beyond what was necesaary, and that every tax imposed should be fairly and impartially levied in due proportion from all parts of the country and from all clasper of the population. Regarding this proposition as a question not of principle, but wholly of detiel, he should give his vete in its favour. Col. MUIR. also supported the motion of the hon. member for Marylehone. He regarded the exemption of the Irish people as not only a great injustice to England, but as a great injustice and injury to Ireland herself, encouraging as it did, in his :opinion, that dispoeition to indolence, that apathy, which had so long operated with such effect upon that country. As to the recent distress in Ireland which was , alleged as a ground for exempting the Irish from an equalitp of taxation with the other parts of the empire, the same dis tress had. in proportion to the population, quite as heavily afflicted the people of Scotland. and had fallen grievously upon the people of England too, yet neither the Scotch nor the English were excused one farthiog of the taxation ordinarly levied from them. There were hundreds arid thousands of men in Ireland drawing as placemen, pen. loners, contractors, and so on, large anierints front the im perial revenues ; why were these men to be excused from contributing to the imperial revenue (Hear. hear ) Mr. ROCHE said that then- had been much said that evening id reprobation of the disaffection alleged to created in Ireland by a certain party there, but the prop—i tion of the hon. member for Maryiebone would create far more :lisaffection there, were it carried. then ell Mr. Mitrhe'l could write or Mr. Dillon sry. It WAs monetr to find she same gentlemen who opposed the income taxesmn Eneland as unjust and inquisitorial. eupport;nr impo-it'in upon Ireland, where it would be doubly unjust. Mr. BANK ES said that if all the hon. members from Ire , land had pursued the COIITIC which the hon. member oppc• site (Mr. E. B. Roche) had done with respect to the income tax. the argument which had been urged by him against the metion would have hail gr at weight; but he (Mr. Banker) had found himself ir. the lobby Pith the hen. member in the d.vision against the income tax, whilst the great majority of the hen. ineninsi.. fi um Ireland hod voted 1 ' for its continuance. Ile recollec t e d that when the noble font I at the head of the government prneosed to abolish the engin I duties, one of the objections which had been pressed bybim sell and those who participated in his opinions was, that there must be some other tax imposed annually, in lieu et the sugar duties, and that not on acconnt of any considers ti3fM of revenue, but on the e estentiousl around Or holding some control over the government. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord at the head of the government then admitted tne force of the irgumeat, and deelerea that it wee not his intention to vary the constitutional practice of leaving a large amount of the revenue department upon the :nnul vote of parliament, but that he must reserve himself, at the same time declaring his readiness to prop • e Innis otaer tax which ministers would be arinuely obriyed to tame to parliament for. He (Mr. Bashes I. iii a right to elm his surprise at haying heard the prime ministea dee'lan that he staked his ofßee—and that at a moment when it was den geuerous to change the ministry—upon the house grant , ne income tax, not for one year but for three years. (Hear, hear.) The eight bon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer also distincey pointed to the income tax as that which was to replace the logic duties, for he urged as a reason for consenting to abolish those duties that the income tax would come under the consideration of the house during the next year, and for that reason be would not then propose any other annual tax. The income tax had now come under the consideration of parliament, and the right hon. gentleman declared that if it were not greeted the government would resign. (Hear, hear.) He fur one could not but feel that it WAS not consistent with justice that England and Scotland should key the income tax, and that Ireland should be exempt from it; and for the reasons he had advanced be should vote with the hon. member fee Marylebone. Col. DONNE said that the argument which had been urged in favour of the motion had been pleaded usque ad stausenns--(hear, and a laugh)—but when it was amerted that the tax had been carried by a majority composed of Irish members, he begged to remind the house that if the vote paper was counted, it would be found that there was a majority of English members in favour of the tee, utterly independent of the Irish members. It would be a somewhat extraordinary anomaly that at the very moment when you were advancing loans to enable Ireland to support her poor you should be contemplating the imposition of an sdditional tax on the country. When the same laws and advantages enjoyed by England were extended to Ireland, he would be the last to object to an equal mpertioning of the taxes on both countries, hut be saw no chance of Irelaea enjoying those equal laws and advantagu, at least under present circumstances, and he must therefore oppose the motion. Mr. NEWDEGATE (who on rising was met with a pro longed oh !) said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he argued that it would he impolitic to extend this tax to Ire land at present, ought to have remembered that the advances for the relief of that country had been drawn from the weak est and moat distressed classes here. (Hear, hear.) If the people of Ireland were living on charity, to were the people of this country. (Divide.) Mr. WAKLEY had voted in 1815 against this proposition; in 1848 he would vote for it, and he would tell the house why. In 1145 the tax was understood to be only temporary, now it was stated by the leaders of bsth parties that it WAS to be permanent. lie could not go to his constituents and say to them they should be taxed for the purpose of reliving the landowners of Ireland. (" Hear," and " divide.) In 11445 the hon. and gallant member for Donegal supported the measure, aChavieg tended to support public credit, and reduce the rate of interest; and he added that be ap proved of it as having conferred a great advantage on his country, fur it had relieved the landdcd interest. Mr. WAKLEY—There could be no mistake on that point. (Ili ar, hear.) The great landed proprietors of Le land supported this tax because it relieved them, by throw ing a heavy burden onthe people of England. The poor widow in England. with 'an income of 1501. a year, bad to pay the tax, while the wealthy landed proprietor of Ireland paid nothing. (Hear.) Well, then, seeing the disposition of the Irish members to fasten this burden on the English people, we must endeavour to fasten it on them also, as the only means of compelling them to make common cause in the en• deavour to throw off this injustice. (Hear) In 1845 the Chancellor of the Exchequer (then Mr. Wood) said he had never been able to discover any reason why the gentlemen in Ireland with 5,0001. a year should not pay this tax as wall as the English gentleman with the same income. (Hear, hear.) And, he added, Ireland is exempt from the unwed taxes. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman seems to have forgotten that now. (Hear, hear.) " And he saw no reason why tho rich Irishman should be exempt from taxes which all Englishman had to pay ; and that if there was any country in the world in which a tax should be imposed to press exclusively on the rich and not on the people generally, it was Ireland." (Hear, bear.) This was the opinion of the right hon. gentleman in 1845. There was no country more hghtly taxed than Ireland, and when Irish members complained of having to pay 2s. or 3a. in the pound poor rates, he could tell them that in some Englishes parishes the rates amounted to 10s. in the pound. In justice to hi. con stituents and to the people of this c.,untry he (Mr. Wakley) felt bound to give his snpport to the motion. Col. CONOLLY complained that the hon. member, in quoting his speech of 1841, had stopped short exactly at the point which suited his purpose, but which altogether per verted his (Col. Conolly's) meaning. (Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had a simi lar complaint to make. The other evening the hon. gentle man had given his right hon. friend a lecture on the organ of justice, and now, to show how largely it was developed in his own case, he had, in quoting a speech of his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's), stated so much as was neces sary to give a meaning to it totally different to that he had intended or expressed. On the occasion referred to be was arguing against the position taken by the right hon. gen tleman the member for Newark, and the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel), that it was • tax which pressed exclusively on the rich ,• and what he said was, that in that cue it was strange the right hon. baronet should have excluded Ireland, because that was a country in which a tax pressing on the rich and exempting the poor would be peculiarly applicable. That was altogether different from expreasing an opinion that the tax ought to be imposed on Ireland; and to show what his opinion on that subject really was, he might add that when Mr. Roebuck brought forward his motion to extend it to Ireland he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) voted against it (Hear.) Mr. MONSELL could not admit, under present circum stances, that it would be any injustice to the people of Eng and to exempt Ireland from this tax. Mr. HUME regretted the injustice which had been s long inflicted on Ireland, but really felt that the best polio) o would be to make that country pay all the taxes that Eng land paid, in order that she might have a claim for all the rights and privileges enjoyed by England. (Hear, herr, and cries of " oh.") Mr. REYNOLDS was surprised at such a doctrine coming from the hon. member for Montrose. Formerly, penal lawa were framed against the Irish people because their religion was not that of the state, and now they were told that before they could be admitte d to equal rights and privileges they meat bear an equal amount of taxation. But Ireland was more heavily taxed than was thought, and when the income tax was passed for England and Scotland they instilled beta the measure an ingredient of taxatiod for Ireland by the assimilation of the stamp duties, which, during the last five years, had realised no less a sum than 600,0001. The Irish incomes of wealthy English noblemen, such as the Duke of Devonshire and Earl Fitewilliam, paid the income tax; and what else was there to tax in Ireland? Of commerce and manu factures she had none; so that he defied the hon. member for Montrose, who was a living monument of figures—(a laugh) —to point out any tangible property in Ireland capable of bearing the income tax. Exclusive of indirect teem, exceed ing 4,500,000 e, Ireland contributed to English prosperity by consuming 12,000,0001. of her manufactured goods. (Hear, hear.) lie had heard many reasons against extend ing the income tax to Ireland, but none in favour of it, except on the ground of uniformity, and because Ireland was an integral part of the empire. But she wan only so in name, and deserved more so be called a colony. The unanimity of Irish members had been refereed to on this question, He begged to assure the house that their una nimity was almost complete ; end he hoped that during the present session they would afford many proofs of that fact. They combined for the good cf Ireland, but not for any purpose inconsistent with England's prosperity. He voted against the motion of the hon. baronet because he felt that Ireland was not able to bear the tax—although to the principles of an income tax he was not opposed, where it could be supplied with the view of lessening taxation upon articles of consumption. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ complained of the conduct of Irish members in the recent debate and division which fastened the income tax on the people of England. If they had left the house without voting be should not have wondered ; but, as they had assisted ministers in fastening the tax on the English people, he should on the present occasion vote for the motion of the hon. member for Marylebone. Sir A. BROOKE rose to repudiate the charge that Irish members had combined with ministers to tax the English people. The question with Irish members on the recent division was not only the continuance of the income tax, but the continuance in office of the present government; and as, on their tenure of office hung the continuance of Lord Clarendon in Ireland, he for one would rather submit to a tax of five per cent. than do anything which should deprive Ireland of the cervices of that noble lord. (Hear, hear.) Mr. WILSON rose, but the impatience of hon. members for a division prevented his obtaining a hearing. The committee divided—For the motion lOB Against it 238-80 The Cit kIIOUN reported progress, the house resumed, and adjourned at half-past 12 o'clock. ELECTION COINIITT -- ES.—TEsTERDAT. DUNDALK.—At the meeting of the committee, after some discussion the raom was cleared, and on the re-admis sion of strangers, the Shairtnan announced, the com mittee had dei.idcd that (the sitting member was not disqualified on the allegation tlu t he was an " alien." Mr. Serjeent liin,r'ske then objected thrt Mr. M'Tavish wes net entitled to retain his teat, he having neglected to make a declaration of qualification when demanded of him, in accordance with the provisions of the statute. After consideroble argument, the committee resolved that the return was null and void, on the ground that Mr. M'Tsvish had fxikd is comply with the provisions of the statute as above referred to. The scrutiny was then pro ceeded with, and at the close of the day's proceedings the original majority of 3 was reduced to 2. DENMARR.—CHANGE. Op MINISTRY. MARCH 4. —The chaugeswhich have been for some timeexpected in the Dan.sh c..binet have been officially announced this day.. The Nestor of our statesmen, M. V. Stemen, Minister of Justice and President of the Danish Chon,ert., is removed from all h's functions on the Ist o: April next, and has been appointed Lord High Chamberlain. M. Oersted has be.-n removed, at member of the Danish Chanoety and Procurator- General, to the office of private minister cf state, and mem ber of the committee la ros:.thte , the prujca of the constitu tion. M. Von Bodentleth, Minister of St ite, hes been ap ' Pointed Minister of Justice end President of the Danish Chancery ; and M. Aloreenriss;ng to the post of Procurator- General. COPENP IGEN, MARCH 10.—The Birling Gazette state, from ourlouht^d authority CAL immediately sitar re cessing the intelligence of the subversion cf the French monar7hy meviires were concerted for sreuiirg the euuntly and the espitel from any stuldeu attack, and the requisite order' were issued for defending the citadel and the c met, and for arming and mounting the troop] of the Rae. At the same time measures were token for the complete ganioning of Rendsburr, and for immediately commencing the preli. i; wow of the fortifications of Copenhagen and Rends ! ire fur supplying the reserve corps with subaltern onkel a, to tint event of their being called out. Vu ISIS LONDON, SATURDAY, MAR. 18: We expressed an opinion yesterday that M. Lt. DRU-BOLLIN was not the man to resign his pow er and to recede before menaces even of th e national guard. We judged but too truly. We als o expressed regret at the moderates rushing .00 cow into quarrel and collision, on account either of !ADM:- BOLLIN'a wordy circular or of his objeetioas to ny• tional guards being distinguished into grenadier, and centre companies. The rational guards have borne so much since the 2- cf Fe bruary that they shauld have awaited the usiNling of the Wational Assembly to take their Stan against the exigencies of the popular party. There was little doubt that the majority of that assembly would be moderate. At any rate, having submitted to its convocation on the principles ofuaiti,i,v;acrsae tsuf frage, they had better have awaited ani: .hided by its decision . If that decision was impugned by th e popular leaders, or attacked by the p was the time for the moderates and the national guard to have rallied to the majority of the assembly, defended it, and confidently appealed to suppart from the country in a constitutional struggle. Instead of this, they h :ve .made a false ad prep * . tore move. Their unarmed procession and tianifesta tion, nominally on behalf of mere distinction of uniform, has falied, and may be misconstrue 1. They have been hustled by the populace, and defeated by LEDRU-RoLLIN, whilst they have serion,;v cam promised the position of their friends in the body of the Provisional Government. We regard the present state of things with infinite concern. Though not blind to the risks and difficul ties of the present government, we still entertained hopes that patience and address might have succeeded in metamorphosing the present ascendancy of the working class into a more regular gov ernment , i s which property, and experience, and talent would resume their natural influence. The people, even the lower order of Paris, are not all anarthiats. BURET, BVCIIATELET, and other writers, estimate that Paris contains 30,000 persona who live by robbery and rapine, 30,000 more who are hi general of insecure livelihood—the two classes toga .her ripe for anything. But there are at the same time four ix five times the number of industrious labourers and artisans. To separate the well-meaning of these from the professed anarchists, should have been the effort of the moderates and the national guard. But an emnete in behalf of grenadiers' caps, or against a reps& lican circular of a minister, was not the way . to do this. And we feur much that as the combat is now re gaged, all the lower classes will be on one aide, and all the better classes on the other It was madness to have provoked such a combat before the meeting of the assembly. For, nothing but anarchy and terror can be looked to as the result of such a struggle. The comfortable citirens of Paris have by no mean , the des 'aperate courage of its "dangerous classes ;" and should M. LEURU-11OLLIN set himself at the head of the lat ter, we fear that he may succeed. We e.l fear; for even the character, policy, and purpobe of M. LI.DRU-ROLLIN would be changed by so fearful victory. And, however inclined to moderation before, the party behind him might demand measures and recompenses, very far ineeed from moderation. It is premature, however, to judge, and by Ws venturing opinions upon events in the couree of cora whe r ro un wn the oul s b k v of the being fust s a c r o e n a tra w d are how ictedan and t tidings. But it is impossible to smother anxiety. Ths French are evidently on the verge of all that is e P g ie r t e i g °n riou w e e i awful—of massacre, of civil war, of prolonged and helpless anarchy. May we be disappointed in our few, that the moderate and the midling cl asses are wanting is their country from rolling into the abyss. the energy and the wisdom to keep themselves sad THERE are symptoms of discontent with the geed amount of the naval estimates, and the small most of fruit which the annually increasing expenditure bears in ships fit for public service, which render h likely that the forthcoming discussion on the 'seamen will be a severe one. The letter which we printed ea to Thursday is eoon su btbsetaary ffi i e nrv ie ine n i t a l „ y miihn e rn h oa a retm r iv ged oai n d ti e o o n w n f tl ii w y tteh h pess! t e se h s e e i : s all oppin t' : A s th t " u pe nr Par tie k e yli f ardam or competent to improve. After rehearsing ibe known total failures of the Janus and Amphin steam-ships, the united cost of which met exceed 100,0001., he quotes the Trident, which in two years has only bet n able to perform a run of some six days in the publie service, and the Myrmidon, which has b en pro moaned unfit for set vice. Again, out of four strew vessels, the Rifleman, Sharpshooter, Minx, sad Teaser, the second is found to be the only serviceable ship, and the engines of the first are now jusi dime vered to be of double the proper size. if the evil be serious, the cure is deplorable ; another steamer therefore dismantled and converted into a lighter, her engines being turned over into the Rifleman; thole of the Rifleman to be turned over, no doubt, into something else, and in turn to displace some third per of engines which may happen to be equally unsuittelto their place 1 In conclusion, we have the Niger, Con flict, and Encounter, by Lang, Symonds, sad Fincham, all useless, and undergoing extensive alters. tions. What may ultimately be the issue of all these ire stances, which for the present are failures, it is not perhaps safe to predict ; but the fact as it stands is simply this, that something between three and foar hundred thousand pounds of public money is at the present moment invested is vessels, which, instead d doing good service in these critical times, are blackleg up the docks in the public yards, and occupying the time, men, and money of the public service witbalter atiens, which in the merchant service would noted, be disgraceful but ruinous. Public boards are thee able to convert the ample funds committed to than not to the purpose of producing a supremely excelled class of steamers, but to the performance of a greater number of failures and unsuccessful trials than asy private establishment could afford. How long the system, er no system, is to continue, the Howe el Commons will have to inquire, and also, which much more difficult, how it is to be remedied. For the purpose of bringing the question at ham between the public and the Admiralty , to a speedy solution, we have to suggest thnt the following very simple course of inquiry should annually be made of the Admiralty Board and dockyard authorities. —How many new war-steamers have you produced during the past year? Their tonnage and power? How much money have yon expended on their hulls, and engines, and outfit ? How much on repairs, eed how much on alterations? How many miles of steaming, of how many horse-power, have been pee formed in the year by the whole steam navy, and how much has that performance cost per mile, including C aro l fuel , well stores , repairs, re in pai t rs h , e and wages ? These figures enable the public to judgeprivhaotewsefarrvicev'aanlued 17smiriel ceived for the enormous bill annually drawn on them by the service of this expensive department. We have reason to believe, from such returns as we have seen, that the expense of the annul service per mile of wur steamers, exclusive of the cost peculiar to them as armed vessels, has been more than double the sum that would have been expended had we neither possessed dockyards nor factories, but simply ordered them from private workshops of the eoudtry the store ships and the stores which the sereice required. At all events we are quite sure the tho vessels hitherto produced for the public service are much less efficient for the end designed and mach more costly than those procured by the merchants of the country for the service of commerce. And it can not be unreasonably contended that the construction of a war steamer is more difficult than that of a steamer which, being designed for heavy merehandise , . re liable to a variety of immersion and stowage to which the war steamer is never exposed. Is the debate on Mr. HtStei motion of last year, the new Secrete.ty of the Admiralty complatned, not without reason, that he and his colleagues had W bear the blame of all that their predecessors bad doe in every previous government, whereas it should have been recollected that his colleagues batsbl d just bar:oaprdtedofa ren f e c n re ti n re ee ly u n n e d w er sy Lo ste r m d , j h o a i v i whose report no ships were in future to be constructed. ‘Ve have since learned that the former SiterePw the Navy, whose west of science and experience as n constructor was said to have led to s o many o f the former blunders, has been induced to resign, and that a new surveyor, said to pollees' all those qualifications which his predeceseer wanted , has replaced him I i