The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COIIMONS.—WEDNESDAT, FEB. 23.1 The Semtiea took the chair at 12 o'clock. PUBLIC 11C3INE&I. PETMONS.—By the Earl of Amt mom and SCISMIT, 44 Pe2lSMag• I —Mr. Cauca, from Ronan catholic. of Lanceater ; Mr. Hovivuou, from Roman catholic. of Clveretone ; Mr. gang, several, bee" Plisses' not Ward ; Mr 0. GIST, from Roman catholic. of • plate in Nor thumberland ; Mr. Mosoas, from a place not heard ; Capt. Pwaxi.L, from Itoman catholic, of Brighton ; Mr. Sraurr, from Roman atthollea of Norwich, against the human Catholic Charitable Trusts Bill.—The Earl of Aarithat. and &agar, 3 petitions; Mr. %%Louie, several, in favour of the Roman Catholic Relief BilL—Mr. W. Par rm., one petition &gonad that measure.—Mr. Cowart', from a plain to NOS thamptonabira ; Mr. HARUCA•Ti e a from • ptlee not Want and Mr. Cowls, from Edinburgh, in favour of the Jewish Oisabilities Bill-31r. W. Pares., from attorneys of Warrington: and Mr. Vit oria, from attorneys of Wolverhampton, against the certiticate duty. —Mr. HAMILTON, from Exeter, againat the Irish Repeal .assocuition. —Mr A. Earns, from Glasgow, far repeal of the huts scts of 1844 and 1843. —Mr. J. Creme, from Kettering, against the present estem of rating for relief of the poor. SECOND RE.ADlNG.—Consolidated Fund l 8,000,000) BilL NOTICE OF MO flON.—ammor Searle , lflowv.--03/uncl rimer, on a future dor, to call the attention of the house to the es peoditure, under the bead of secret services. ROMAN CATHOLIC CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. The second reaiiue of this bill was postponed until Wed nesday, the 15th of March. FOREIGN POLICY OF LORD PALMERSTON. Mr. ANSTEY then proceeded with his motion for so address for papers connected with the foreign policy of this country since the accession to office of Viscount Palmerston. He commenced by expressing au opinion that the honour and peace of this country at home Lied abroad were to be maintained, not by additional defences, but by a wise and honest administration of the natioitil affairs. Be charged the existence or our present exposed condition, and the slight respect in which we were held, wholly to the conduct of the noble viscount. He condemned the noble lord for I having permitted our natural enemy, the Co .r of Russia, to raise a large fleet in the 11 esic in 1835,—a fleet which had coetinued in effecese existence ever since. He maid he would not tow recapitulate the pre liminary details riven by him on a farmer occasion, but address himself as SUC:ine....y Is possible to the subject matte! of his ii.o* ion. His elan hail been called a mon ster motion, but he would rather call the neglect of former parliaments to undertake the detect; which hail rendered the motion necessary a monitor neglect. The votes by which parliament had sanctioned ti.c various measures of the noble viscount might perhaps be a Iduccd as relieving the noble lord from resromibility; but he regarded those eons as no bar to the accusetion of the noble - lord, since they had all been obtained by practices of the most nefarious deception on the part of the noble secretary, who to attain his code bad suppressed, altered, or mutilated public papers and despatches, and had acted upon a continuous system of per version of truth and autotitution of falsehood. The lion. gentleman then cave at considerable length his account of the manner in which l'oland, by the connivance of the noble viscount, had been Landed over to her ruthless op pressor, the Cear of Russia, and stated that at the first miaihstatiou of Russian aggression towards that imhaepy country, France, faithful to her word, had called upon England to take what steps, even the most dr cieive, should be necessary to defeat the aims of Russia; but the noble viscount bed eifectually checked the generous impulses of the French government, as, with the some object of serving Russia, he - lied procured toe dia. armament of the Seedish fleet, a .semtded to vindicate the cause of Poland, and of the Po 'whin army collected for the same purpose. However jocularly the noble lord might attest to treat het assailants the tact was nevertheless unde niable that grave charges had been brought against him by the public press, in works of estebFitied reputation, and by men who, whatever h:s (Lord Palmerston'') ostensible opinion might be, were deemed by the nob la lord's col leagues, to be worthy of the highest respect nod credit. The hen. mernb• r then proceeded to enter lots tl c details of one charge brought modest Lord Palmerston, of having entered into a a cret arra, gement with Russia, by which the Czar was to do what he pleased with l'oland provided he abstained from offering nay orposition to the oiews of Lord Palmerston in Belgium. The hon. member cited a despatch addressed by tee Foreign Secretary (Lend Palineraton) to Prince Talieeranil, which established in his opiuion the charge ho had brought. Ile then entered into the subject of Austria and Italy, and founded another charge on the Foreign Score ary's policy in the affairs of the Lombardo- Venetian poswmions of Austria. 1 - he criminal activity en the one hand of the noble lord, and his equally deplorable apathy on the other, bad forced Austria at the epoch of the downed f War ae- into an alliance with Russia, and, cense gut ntly, had pieced Austria in a pesitiou of hostility towards England in so f'r as the treaty of Vienna was concerned, and from that period the Emperor of Austria had been compelled by .I.e acts r f the noble lord to abandon the cause of Poland ar.d to cease from all co-operation with France and England in the affairs of that dismem bered kingdom. Ti.e time, however, at length upproached when the attention of parliament was directed to the subject of Poland, and in April, 1931, that staunch and able friend of the Pales, the late Mr. Cutler Ferguson, one of the col. leaeues of the noble lord, brought the question of l'eland before the house. The noble lord defeated the motion by the simple process of tbowitir ts himself from the debate; but he had provided himself with what he (Mr. Anstey) might term a tame elephant, in the person of Lard Althorp, who snared: the home on that eecareen that no intelligence what ever of any interferer.eo in Poland had taken place. If Mr. ' Cutler Fere aeon had, however, succeedsd in his motion fur the producion of papees it would have been proved, then, that Poland was entirely destroyed as a kingdom. The next motion on the subject that was brought forward elicited from tee noble lord a dotter dion that he was doing his best to render all things as right as possible in Poland, but at length Sir Stretferd Canning, wearied :by the delays of the noble lord in briefing leeward the subject, made a speech, wherein he I roeght the violation or the treaty of Vienna by the exertion of Cracow under the notice of parliament. The noble lord thee. assured the house that he had received no ollkial accounts of the violation of the treaty of Vienna. The subject, however, had so far attracted public attentioe at this time , that the late Mr. P. Stuart brought a motion forward respecting Poland, which he was induced to abandon in consequence of the noble lord's pro- mise that be would appoint a consul et Cracow. This pro mise was given in April, 1536. But up to the present hour no consul teal been sent on the pin of England to that cite, and the noble ford had thus broken his promise. He Orr. Anstey), however, had the ratit facticn of not being able to I charge himself u h the responsdelity of having sat iu that house in any parliament previous to the present, or the noble Mid wiufd Lave heard before of his conduct in !these matters. The has. member then pursued the vu' ject of Cracow down to its annexation by Austria. With respect to 1.41 y, he begged to ask the noble lord whether he was not cognisant of the fact that the object of the s'cret societies and,Cerbonari there was to unite the whole of the petty kinedoms there into one central king dom under the Czar's stn-in-law the Duke of Leuchtenherg, end to place that newly formed state under the protection of Russia ? With respect to Russia and Turkey, the treaty of Adrianople wan protested. against by the Duke of Wel lingten's goverment, for a nespotch of Lord Aberdeen to Lord Heytesbury ha d quoted by the noble member for Hertford to prove the tact. All the noble lord had to do when he came into office was to MI stain that protest, and thus to prevent Russia from deriving any advantage from her aggressive policy towards Turkey. But the fir-t act of the noble lord was to accept the treaty, by allowing of the pretensions of Russia to hews regulations of qua- rantine to be enforetol en the COM' of Cireassis, which was an independent state. Those sanitary regulations had b en aeopted by the noble lord, and pub lished to all English merchants trading to the coast of Cirtasaia, whereby the right of Russia to make them was acknowledged. it was the duty of the noble lord to have refused to give an official notification to these regulations ; but, having once done so, he had irrevocably sanctioned the treaty of Adrianople, und:r which they had been issued by Russia. The position of affairs in Egypt, when the noble lord came into of fi ce, was somewhat simil ar to that which he had just referred to. Mehemet Ali was the vassal and ser vant of the Porte. The noble lord t sok upon himself to erect the Viceroyeof Egypt into an independent sovereign, by ac crediting consuls snddiplomatic agents to bins directly, with out the medium of thepultan; and the noble lord she entered into direct ommereed relations with Mehemet Ali. By these means Ibrahim l'acha was encouraged to march against Turkey, and the Sulutmeindiorehimselfcripphd by the succes sive reverses of Adrianople and Nayarino, applied to England for intervention and succour, which were refused. gusset then offered her aid to the L' , .rte, by whom it was reused ; and a joint application from Russia and Turkey was made to the noble lord for the intervention of England, hut which was again refused. Under these circumstance, it was that a Russian fleet appeared in the Bosphorus, where troops were landed fsr the protection of the Sultan, and the withdrawal of this protection was purchased at the price of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, which was' concocted at St. Petersburg, and brought to the B .sphorus by a Russian courier. Subse quently to these events Runde claimed for her subjects the benefits theretofore exclusively enjoyed by England, in re spect to freedom from duties_ in the export or import of commodities and merchandise. This claim was made under the treaty of Adriauople, and it was at once:accorded. The consequence was that the Greek subjects of the Porte declared themselves to be Russians, and they were allowed to avail themselves of the privileges which they claimed. But, as great discontent ensued amongst the farmers of the Turkish revenue in consequence of the ruinous effects of these concessions upon the finances of that state ; and in order to get out of the difficulty thus created, a regulation was made by the Porte whereby the right of purchasing certain articles of produce, oil, corm &c, was reserved to persons who provided themselves with a certia cate granted by the Turkish government for that purpose, and which could only be obtained by paling a large sum of money. The Greek subjects of Russia protested against this regulation as being a breach of the treaty of Adrianople, but the Russian ambassador at the Porte was instructed by the cabinet, ofi St. Petersburg, not to offer any objections, and he consequently declined all interference in the mattes, An objection might be taken that the things he complained of had been done with the connivance of Sir H. Taylor, the late King's private secretary, and that the noble lord wits not responsible. He barged to state that he took no dis tinction between the office of secretary' of state and that of private secretary. lihe secretary of state was only the King's clerk, and could not make a distinction between him self and another person holding a similar office. But the noble lord had closed his mouth on this subject by accepting the services of Sir Herbert Taylor. The noble lord's policy had delivered Turkey entirely over to the power of amnia. A trade had been growing up in the former country In barley, oil, and hemp, exported to England ; but Russia. finding it to interfere with her commerce, obtained its entire prohibition. We were now paying to Russia five millions annually for those articles which, but for the noble lord's _diplomacy, might bore been obtained froze Ter's e ea ex eshe3e for ourpieir.cls.. Ills huts. irktui tke mealier tor cad welt ,wpioyed to mgotiate a treaty with the Stall4r. THE EXPRESS THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1848. in alluding to them after the decision of the chair, lest m might be sussed of not having the courage to say °peaty that whisk he dared to insinuate. The decision of the chair had left him mo choice: and he would, therefore, only men tion In general terms that, in the ease of Penis and Alfghan. 'sten, statements had been laid before parliament calculated to mislead the nation end the crown as to the effect of the numeares to be taken by the government ; that a collusion h i d u practised in h al er Majesty's case of1 8 Penis, from 1 Mn 834 till 1838, between h ear/ants and the Cray of Hussite for the purpose of destroying the provisions of the treaty of 1811, and that similar mem accompanied by others of a more aggravated descripa tion had been put in force in Affghanistan, with the view of withdrawing the mind of the people of that country from its attachment to English alliance. Without mention. ing the name of any individual, he must say, in the form el a charge that even forgeries had been committed, in order to mislea d perliament as to the wishes and iuteations of the people et Affghanietan. Ile was in a position to prove that words and parts of sentence. had been altered or suppreced in the despatches of Sir Alexander Burnes, sou entirely to alter the purport and value intended to be given by the framer of them; and ho alleged that these falsifications must have been made by or with the knowledge of the then whist government, of which Lord elelbourr.e was the head. The t.on. and learned gentleman having illustrated hie meaning by referring to certain passages in a despatch from Sir Alexander Burnes to EiirW. el`Naigh ten, proceeded to say that the stipulations of the treaty of Teheran had been kept by Persia, hut had been shamefully violated by the noble lord ; for the noble lord, by using his influence to prevent Persia from exercising her right in the ease of Poland, had given the first blow to England's as cendancy, and laid the ground for the aseesidancy of Russia in Teheran. The hon. and learned gentleman's next charge against the noble lord was that, instead of sincerely desiring to put down the slave trade, ho hall indirectly aided in in volving Mexico and Tease in a war with the United States, for the purpose of adding one more date-holding st tee to the Union, and the reby disputing the Union to co-operate in tae attack meditated by sure of the northern states against British North America. They had the nohle lord sub mittine in perfect complacency to the measures against Mexico and Texas, thus promoting naivety in one part of the globe, while he wee fruitlessly attempting to put it down by bloodshed and wrong in another. lie charged the noble lord, also, with reeking up a settlement of the boundary question, by encouraging the violation, by America, of existing treaties, until a convenient moment arrived, which, owing to the apathy of England on one tide, and the insolence of America on the other, enabled tee noble lord to withdraw from the award of the King of Hol land, and concur with America in thinking it was of uo effect. There were other important charges which he was prepared to bring forward and neetantiate, but which, after the opinion expressed by the chair, he felt bound to suppress. However, although he suppressed, he did not abandon them, but would en.learour to shape his course respecting them in accordance with the suggettion of the Speaker, He now deliberately ass, rted hie readiness and his capability to prove them, or submit to the heavy chits tisoment of the house, who, he h .ped, would forget the insignificance of the intlividuul, and consider only the grave lettere of the charges themselves. The hon. and learned 'itemiser concluded a speech which occu pied fuer hours and a enli in the delivery, by moving for papers relative to the foreign policy of Lurd Palmerston, tram the year Me up to the present period, with the exception of such documents included ice the motion as have already been laid on tee table of the house. The motion having been accolades' by Mr. UROCILAIIT, anti put from the chair. Mr. SHEIL said—Dungarvan is so near Youghai, tint I avail myself of our parliamentary vicinage, of that sort of geographical effinity w hich exists between me end tho hon. and learned gentleman who has just addreind the home, to express my surprise teat he, who at the lest election at the hustings of Youghal wee more utterly Irish than the moat utterly Irish of us all bliOUid so soon dismiss the country of his adoption from tie solicitude, and not oily have given a notice in which all tee four quarters of the globe aro blended together, but have banded over the great question of the restoration of an Irish parliament to the hon. gentleman the mermen. for Stalliate by whom, on the 23rd of November last, a very remarkable notice was given upon that subject. I find the names of thee two gentlemen-1 CHUM nothing offensive whea I say . of this brace of earliamentary ,Ircados —(laughter)—in singular tete:position upon the motion paper of that day : No. 10, r. Urquhart; No. 11, Mr. Austey (laughter); Mr. le, quhart's notice being for an aldress, praying her Majesty to exercise her undoubted prerogative of suunnoaing within her realm of Ireland the peers spiritual and temporal of that realm, and the knight., citizens, and burgesses thereof, in order that her Majesty may t eke counsel 'Annie same is regard to the greet and unedited derangements and sufferings of teat kingdom. When I perused that notice I could not bell, tl - how eau it come to mess that this swim has been made between the universe mid College-green ? (Laughter.) How happens it that the hon. member tar Youghal has launched in his little skiff from the harbour where he was safely moored, to tempt the shorelese ocean of foreign politic.? And how is it that the hon. memhe r for Stafford should have abandoned whoa may be culled the circumnavigation of the world and steered into the narrow and dangerous Irish Channel in It 3 gallant a ship ? At first I was unable to solve this mystery ; bat afterwards, when I found that the notice respecting the Irish parliament had been dropped, and that respecting the maiverse preserved—(laugeter)-1 same to the eionclusiou that the honourable gentle man had entered inn an arrangement by which the honourable member for Ti ughal should draw out my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and teem when all opportunity of reply was taken away, the hon. member fur Stafford, citing from his ambush, should with courageous impunity precipitate himselt upon my noble friend. That is a contrivance we can hardly prevent in the House of Commons but which is incompatible with the spirit of fair play- 2 (hear, hear) ; and as it is obvious tbat the motion orieinated with the hon. member for Stafford, to whom the hon. member for Youghal is largely indebted for his knowledge of the history of nations, as the hon. member for Se:fiord liar made himself conspicuous by con theuoue denunciations for many years of my noble friend, and has traversed the country and emp)oi sil lecturers to hold up my noble friend to the scorn and indignation of England; and as it is upon the evidence of the hon. member fur Stafford that the hon. and learned member for Youghal chiefly relies, I think it is only just that the hon. member for Stafford should begin and give my noble friend an opportunity of meeting the allegations which he may bring forward against him. The right hon. gentle man proceeded to observe that he had come down to the house with the intention of referring to the many great transactions in is hich his noble friend at the head of foreign affairs butt performed a conspicuous part, and to which history would allot a large spice in her annals. Ile had come down intending to prove that his noble friend had ever acted the part which it became a British minister of the crown to per firm, and for which his great knowledge of the interests of the country, his conspicuous talents, and his direct, Weight forward and high. minded character so eminently befitted (Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Sheil) had come prepared to chow that the honour of England had never been sullied in the bands of his mode friend; that he was the champion of humanity, the promoter of civilisation, and the abettor of weihordsreel freedom in every portion of the universe. (Cheers.) But lie desired to avoid all personal panegyric, than which nothing could be more odious, except that spe cies of rabid vituperation, the indulgence in which, while it exeileted foulness of tongue, denoted a disturbance of the understanditig. f ltv ar, hear.) After hearing the spe ech of the honourable and learned gentleman, ea which he had discharged invectives against his noble friend, accusing hen of falsehood again and again, until the right hon. gentleman in the chair had been obliged to interfere, not to preserve the noble lord who was attacked, but to maintain the character and dignity of the house—a speech in which the hon. and learned gentleman had said that Lord l'almerson had suborned the late Mr. Deckhouse to write down a lie—yes,that word had been pronounced—(Cheers) — he (Mr. Sheil) had abandoned the intention and purpose he had originally eiitertained, and had arrived at the conclu sion that such imputations would be listened to by his noble friend at the head of the foreign department with apathy, in which some feeling of commiseration for his assailants would be blended. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Shell) had now spoken five minutes—the hon. and learned gentleman had spoken for four hours and a half, and but little time remained for the present sitting. The house were impatient to hear the only bring witness to whom the hon. and learned gentleman bad ref reed. Mr. Backhouse, Lord Holland, and King William IV., all of' whom had been named by the hon. and learned gentleman, were dead ; but the honourable member for Stafford (Mr. Urquhart) still remained. The house had heard the speech of the advocate, and let it now listen to that of the client and the 'Fitness. (Loud cheers.) Let them both bring specific charges, in ouch a form as to be in telligible, and to enable his noble friend to meet them is the fiercest conflict, but not deal in sly generalities, framed so as to enable them to escape from the grasp of his noble friend. Let them do this, and then the house would come to a con clusion very different from that from which the hon. and learned member for Youghal (Mr. Ansley) would derive I satisfaction. (Hear, hear.) After a few words in explanation from Mr. AxerEr and Mr. SHEIL, Mr. URQUHART said he should not follow the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Sheil) through his general observa tions with reference to Ireland, to the hon. and learned mem ber for Toughs), or to hirnself,for those observations had lithe or nothing to do with the question before the house. He (Mr. Urquhart) did not intend to do more at this moment than to make a few observations, because, until some reply or answer was given to the elaborate and extraordinary statement which bad been made by the hon. and learned 'umber for Youehal (Ironical cheers) he did not conceive that the debate had arrived at the point when it wu neces sary to furnish fresh evidence ; but he wished to state some facts regarding himself in reference to this matter. The long-continued efforts which he had made to bring under the attention of the country the conclusions to which he had come against the noble lord opposite discharged him from at present resorting to the necessity of reverting to the proofs on which his conclusions and suspicions rested. If he and the hon. and learned member for Tot:ghat were tight in I their assertions events would occur that would open the ease and soften the hearts of the government and the legislature. If they were wrong, then to make the assertions they did they must be madmen. (Hear, hear.) lie took his stand against the house upon the results, which would show whether he or the nation were labouring under a de lusion. Reverting to what was personal to himself, he de dared his solemn belief in the allegations which had been made to-day; and in consequence of that belief he had for twelve yearn laboured night and day to prove his convictions, which might be despised, as being untrue, but which he trusted would not render him con temptible. It was not to-day that his convictions had been formed, or for the first time expressed. They had been first coneoyed to his sovereign ; but afterwards he (Mr. Urqn hut) had filled an office in the public service. When ex- Sublime Porte which, if ratified, would have remedied those evil,. But the noble lord interfered, and from that day to the present the treaty had never been even presented to the Sultan. He now came to the treaty which the noble lord had signed. The house was at the Cirdatiana claimed their independenuon two grounds—fi rst, that the Porte had not meant to include them in the treaty of Adrianople; and sitoond,:that if it had, it had no power to sign away their independence. Hemarged the noble lord with dereliction of his duty in agng to that treaty, and violation of his oath as • British cabinet minister. He bad acceded to the cess i on of Circuits, after having himself marked it out on the map s an independent kingdom. In November, 1835, appeared a publication called the " Portfolio," which was placed under the control of Mr. Urquhart at the express desire of the noble lord, and it also contained the views of the Kiog. A Mr. Westmacott was appointed nominal editor; but Mr. Urquhart was the real writer, and he received his indructions directly from the noble lord. He (Mr. Anstey) then contendedthai the " Portfolio" might be taken as an exponent of the then views of the noble lend. Subsequently it became convenient to dis claim the oonuesion, but it was too firmly established even for the noble lord's disclaimer. The hon. member pro ceeded to read • long letter from Lord Ponsonby,eulogutie of the "Portfolio," and declarieg the true policy of England to be perpetual friendship with Austria and untiguniun , to Russia. It further contained warm praise id Mr. Urquhart 's zeal end ability. ;He read this letter beau the noble writer was the person employed by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to get rid of Mr, Urquhart. The noble lord (Punatinby) continued to write to Mr. Urquhart in the most friendly :winner for some time, but at last, and suddenly, he wrote coolly, and suddenly advised Airs to go home. The hon. member pro ceeded to examine at considereble length the commercial trestlespare which had recently been effected w:th Turkey, and to com them (murk to their disadvantage) with those which had been prepared by Mr. Urquhart, but had been counteracted by the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The noble lord's policy, he contended, hod destroyed our commerce with Turkey, so well as it had destroyed the independenceoftheCireamiacui. The hon. mem ben Wen referred to theca., of the Vixen, and attributed the losses sustained in that case to the diplornecy of the noble lord. He would spare the house the punted recital of the termina tion of this case: suffice it to say, that Lord Durham de clared there was no blockade existing at the time of the ' seizure, the Russians being it actual occupation. What he had to charge the noble lord with was — first , a wilful be trayal of We rights of British mu rchante, of merchants whose looses, consequent upon the noble lord's conduct, bad been to this hour uncompensated. lie charged the noble lord with having done this in furtherance of Ms designs to transfer to a foreign power an in d ependent dominion, the possession of which wee necessary tor the prosecution of the designs of that power rigs ust Ore at Britain. lie charged him further with lietiog imposed upon parliament by false statements, and with having practised the same decep tion on his colleagues and his sovereign—in abort, 'he charged the noble lord with the guilt of high treason. The honourable sent learned member then accused Lord Ponsonby of having grossly and malignantly libelled Mr. Urquhart, as was shown by the proceedings in the Court of King's Bench, in an action brought against the Morning Chronicle, and afterwards proceeded to charge Lord Palmerston with hang (always for the purpose of furthering the designs of Rue-a) appointed improper per sons to various offices connected wit!, his department, in stancing the cousseship of Belgrade and other consular offices, as proofs. In 183 J, when the second war was waging between the l'orte and Men. rust Ali—a war which had been ' brought about by Russian intrigue—lteschisl Paella offered to place the Dardanelles in tie:possession of the English and French Wets, with the view en protecting the 'Porto as against ltussia. This would have been an effectual means of giving protection to our shy, and preserving the inde pendence of the Porte. But le,w was the offer met? By a Censure cast upon the agent (Mr. Urquhart) to whom it had been made, for receiving it. And when afterward. France proposed such a juiut osodeatem the counter propoeition of the noble lord was, that a squadron of the English and French ships should be sent to the Dards:lElles to compel Russia to quit Constantiuople should she persevere in her intention of gurisoning that place. Teat was, in fact, not to act until the danger should have actually occurred. It would appear, therefore, that the noble lord had resigned himself to the contingency of an occupa tion of Turkey be Rustle—and as to the attempt of an English and French squadron to force the Dardanelles, the noble lord well knew that Russia, once in possession, could hold it against ail the fleets of Europe. Futile as such an arrangement was, the instructions sent out by the noble lord to Admiral Stopford, proved that he did not intend to act upon it. The instructions sent by the French government to their admiral (Lalande) were in per fect accordance with the uroterstanoiug which bed been come to between the two gow rnments. Admiral Lalonde was directed to force the Dural ingies in conjunction with the English fleet, should Itossia occupy Constantinople; but the , 1 noble lord, in his directions to Admired Stopforsl, instructed him to enter the Dardanelles only when invited by the l'orte through the medium of the aloha/modem of the two powers to do no. And after all this the nob., lord told parliament in 1840 that France had refused to co operate with him in keeping out Russia. Even if it were so, that would be no justification of the noble told in putting Russia into poises.. sion of the Dardanelles, which he hail done. But it was not true that "'fence hail refused to act in couecrt with England as against the designs of Russ i a upon Turkey. France only refused to join the noble lord in what he himself afterwards admitted to be a ridiculous position. The noble lord had in this matter too been guilty of • gross breach of confidence towards the French government in communicating to Russia the privet. views and wishes of that government, and he was surprised seat statesmen of chaarc ter like Peaty, Thiers,l and Guirot, should ever again Led communication with a miuhwr who had been guilty of such on act. When this betrayal of tonlidence was first known in the French chamber, there woo Otte universal about of execration, idol he was surprised that the opinion then ex pressed had never, until now, found an echo in the British parliament. In the midst ot the nestotiotions between France and England Boron 11ruuew arrieed on a special mission, to putt an end, if possible, to the distrust that had existed as against Russia since 1330, and his propositin was that England should break with France, and abandon the agree az at she had entered into with that power for the preserva tion of the independence of the Ottoman empire--that Russia should be allowed to occupy Adrianople, and that for this concession England shoned nave all the advantages she would derive from united action with France. It was some what curious that the noble lord, in his answer to this, did not speak of himself, or of he: Majesty's government, but of his colleagues, thus cleeriy 'Mowing that he was in • minority in the matter. Atter much negotiation, it was arranged with the cabinet of st. Petersburgh—not with M.Brunow, fur he reins. d to cane de to us the maintenance of so large a force—that 'tussle should garrison Adrianople, and that England should he perrnitt , d to have three line of battle ships in the Dardanelles—the other powers, if they interfered at all in protecting the Porte, were to confine the interference to the coat of Syria. Such was the position of affairs at the end of 1840 ; and but for the wise conduct of the French government, a general war would probably have ensued. In 1841, the noble lord, after writing an insulting despatch to the French minister, went down to Tiverton and made 'his famous Tiverton spiech, for the purpose of inflaming the minds of the people of this couutry against France, and creating animosity between the two countries. Such was the legacy the noble lord left to his successor in office. Happily, Lord Aberdeen, by a different course of policy, succeeded in averting the dangers of war, and re storing confidence between ' , reface and England. In 1846, the noble lord returned to power, and scarcely was he rein stated when his favourite policy of fomenting dis cord with France was resumed. This was in connexion with the Spanish marriages. An engagement had been entered into between Lord Aberdeen and M. Guizot, that if England did not propose • Cobourg, France would not pro pose a French prince for the hard of the Queen of Spain, sad Lord Palmerston was asked on re-entering office whether he would adhere to that arrangement. Ihe noble lord took a month to reply, and in the meantime newstiations in favour of a Cobourg prince were cnrried on at Madrid. The government of France fearing that the noble lord would act as be had done on former occasions, and endeavour to over reach them, effected a union between the sister of the Queen of Spain soda French prince. Thus was this unfortunate marriage brought about, and the noble lord, as usual, had made the matter a subject of bickering with France, and a means of exciting ill feeling between the two countries. Again, is the case of the annexation of Cracow to Austria, France, being anxious to make a last effort for the indepen dence of Cracow, applied to Lord Normanby to know if England would unite with France in a joint protest against the annexation. What wee the answer? That the outrage of which Austria had been guilty was not greater than that which France herself had been guilty of in contracting, a marriage between a French prince and the sister of the Queen of Spain, in violation of the treaty of Utrecht. Yet, after this, when it was stated in the house that the noble lord should have protested against the annexation, he said he was not called upon:to do so unless conjointly with France. But how was the Spanish marriage a violation of the treaty of Utrecht ? That treaty was not In existence at the time, and in a speech made by the noble lord himself in 1839, in answer to a motion of the present Lord Harrowby's, he stated that "the treaty of Utrecht, not having been renewed by the treaty of Vienna, had expired, the only clause of it which still existed being that which related to Brazilian and French Guiana, which had been incorporated in express terms in the treaty of Vienna." The noble lord then stated the case correctly, be cauee it suited his purpose to do so—that purpose being, as usual, the non-production of papers—but when, with regard to the Spanish marriages, the noble lord's porpoee was to establish a ground of discord with France, he took his stand on the treaty of Utrecht, with the full knowledge that every word he said was false. The SPEAKER.—Order Order! Mr. ANSTEY mid he was making charges against the noble lord, and, if he used strong expressions, he did so not by way of invective, but of distinct accusation. The SPEAKER—To justify the language the hon. and learned member has used he must not content himself with a simple motion for papers, but must conclude with a motion of a much graver character as against the noble lord. (Hear.) Mr. ANSTEY submitted to the decision of the chair with all respect. The reason he mails • motion for papers was because he feared that, if he mule a motion of a graver cha racter in the first instance, he might be overthrown on • point of form. He had consulted precedents, and found that, if • member made charges without calling for papers, he must lay his charges in writing upon the table, and it was then for the house to decide whether it would be in order to great the documents bearing upon such charges or not. He could not make out his case without certain papers, which he could not obtain except by the order of the house, while, on the other hand, he was in a position to make such a genera statement as would justify him in calling for the production of all the documents relating to the subject. There were Other matters to which he wished to call attention; but as they involved serious charges, he felt some embarrassment ended from the public mink* mei Neetteal Sam office he had no personal difference with tb elebe lord, who might still have in his poesestion a letter e ed by him (Mr. Urquhart) to tie noble lord, him in grateful terms. Feeling strong in his convictivm e had, instead of seeking (se had been some years age tweeted by Lord Stanley) a committee with a view to redress his personal wr ongs—he had sacrificed his own interests to promote a g reat national object — that of rescu ing the country out of the bands of the noble lord, by showing that he had used his power to surrender this country to the bitterest foe of the human race. Still the noble lord could not charge him with any personal difference with him. Alter he (Mr. Urquhart) bad left ofilce, he had addressed the conclusions to which his mind bad been brought, by careful and anxious c sidtration, to the Foreigreoffice, even after the noble lord bad charged him with falsehood ; but which the noble lord denied when the matter was named in the house by Sir Stratford Canning. Whatever might be the opinion of the house, or the vote to which it might come on this question, he defied that vote or opinion to restore the noble lord to the position in which he stood, hefore the speech of the hon. and learned member foe Youghal. (Luud laughter.) Tie: charges against the noble i lord had always been set aside, because one mention would not suffice to arrive at the bottom of the matter ; but now fur the tint time it was before the house, and if proceeded with, it would be proved that whatever the noble lord had done or leR undone, one thing was certain, that the course of the noble lord had been to increase the power of the Czar, and to diminish the interests and the character of England throughout Europe. Some sears ego a noble lord, then the member for alnyletione (Lod Teigumoutb, we believe), declared that in Ib3G, " Lord Pulmerstou had exhibited England in the character of a bully and a coward —tyrannical and oppressive to the weak—time-serving and truckling to the powerful." But since that period the noble lord showed himself tyrannical to the powerful— France not being excepted;—and now in 1848 he lent his country to the designs of Russia, which would ulti mately triumph in Europe. Fur this the measures of the motile lord bad been successfully directed and employed. lie was prepared to prove (and if he failed in proof he would bear any censure the house chose to iutlict) that in the treaty with Turkey there had been a change made in its stipulations, with a view and for the effect of serving the interests of Russia in Turkey. Ile was possessed of dome meets so minute and conclusive, that no body of men could hesitate as to the conclusion to which they ought to arrive. lie did not seek to bring forward any political dogmas, but matters of fact, which he alleged to amount to I a crime. He app. aled to the house, as the grand inquest of the uation, to go on with an inveatigition, for which ample grounds had bean laid. The charge was loel against a minister of the crown, and it was the duty of the house, as grand inquest, to have it thoroughly investigated and pro perly decided ups. He wished to th.d that the charges might prove to be false—("hear,' and a laugh)—that he was a visionary. But he had no fear, txeept for his country's fete. Tice motion, he was reminded, was not, as he had thought, for a committee of inquiry —(a laugh)—it was a motion for papers—in other words, a preliminary stage to an inquiry. Ile appealed to all p inlet in the house to content to that preliminary stage, and proceed to an inquiry, which was imp atant, Loth as regarded the honour of the minister, and the character and integrity of the country. Lord 1). STUART moved the adjournment of the debate, but— Lord PALMERSTON rose and said—l trust that in what I have to say I shall exercise such a eJminand of temper as is fitting fur the respect I owe, and which I ought to owe,:to this house. (Hear, hear.) I will, in the observations I am about to make, avoid the use of laugua 6 e which, I think, is only disgraceful to those who select it—disgraceful as being at v iiiance with the rules of this house, with the courtesies of society, with the practice of gentlemen, and 1 shall cer- Minty not diegracu myself by alluding to such expresaioas brought intg use on tho present occasion. (Cheers.) I must, however, be permitted to repel, in terms the meet comprehensive, in language the most posi:ive and complete, the charges of every kind and description which the hon. nod learned gentleman (Mr. Ansley), and toe hon. member for Stafford (Mr. Urquhart), have beeight and asserted against me this day. (Loud cheers.) li it we re not out of the respect due to the house and to what I feel as a public man to be due to the country—if this was merely a question between myself and those two hon. members—l very much doubt whether I should eondeseeng to make any reply or even to contradict or disprove their assertions. (Leud cheers.) Not only do I repel with that indignation, scorn, disdain, and contempt, which are the only appropriate sentiments a man in my position caa ex press, the charges—the false and unfounded charges—dis played Agaillit me, but I declare to the house, that if it be the pleasure of the house to institute an inquiry into the whole of my public conduct, from the firs: day on which I I entered into the public service of my country down to the rninufo at which I am now speaking, there is not a public or official document in the records of toe Foreign-Once—there is not a private sod confidential document in my own pos session—which I would not reedily, and with pride, submit' to the examination of a commitice formed ex elusively and entirely of my political opponents. (Hear, hear.) liming said thus much on the general matter in question, I hod it must iliflicult, (tom the diffuse catalogue of whit eta to which the hon. and learned gentleman has adwrtcd, to compass my answer within the limits which, on the present occasion (looking at the hour which has arrived), the rules and orders of the house allow use. 'l'he hon. and learned gentle man has delivered a speech, mode up of such a jumble of frets—miareptesented facts—of perverted statements, and of user:ions of things which never took place, that it resembled more the images presented by a ,leidoseope out of order than anything else that could be presented to the vision or 60SCs of a )olitical or public man. t Rear," and laughter.) The hon. and learned gentleman has gravely quoted those who are now no more, and before 1 proceed to go through the sta.:meats he has made, I feel it due to the character of a man for whom I had the greatest esteem and personal friendship-1 mean Mr. Deckhouse—to %indicate him from the unfounded calumny which has been east upon his memory by the host. and learned gentleman. That any man, eve n though he only knew Mr. Backhouse by name or reputation, could venture to accuse that gentle man of a lie is a mutter which! neverexpected to hear stated before a company such as that now asseaulded in the house. (Hear, hear.) II ever there was a man of honour, truth, perfect sincerity, and kindness of heart and mind, that man was the late Mr. Backhouse. Ile was as independent in mind and character as he was honest and upright in disposi tion, and he wan as incapable of perverting and concealing the truth out of regard to any man whatever as he was incapable of spontaneously stating that which he did not believe to be strictly and accurately true. (Cheers.) I shall not follow the hon. and h armed gentleman through a record of those events which he has touched upon, and which took place before I was born (" hear " and a laugh), because whatever may have been their bearing upon his view of those complicated transactions, I do not feel that the re sponsibility for those events rest.. officially upon myself. (Bear, hear.) I shall therefore say no-hing shout Lord George Gordon'a riots, neither do I think that I am much called upon to defend any other transactions which may have taken place anterior to my official birth. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman has dwelt upon circum stances which occurred in the years IS2B and 1829, when I ' dal not hold the office I have now the honour to fill, and he seems to have one fixed notion, viz. that it hie been my lot to have acquired the knowledge and the possession of some magical powers by which I have been enatiled since 1830 to sway the minds and to govern the conduct of all mankind, and to direct the affairs of the whole w (" hear" and a laugh), add he hascontended that the purposes for which I have exercised the Aladdin-lamp sort of faculty has been the abasement of England and the extension of the power and influence of Russia. In answer, let results speak for themselves. Is England now a province of the Russian empire ? Is Russian influence paramount in this colliery, or is it in the ascendant in Europe? (Cheers.) Now the first event upon which the hon. and learned member has founded a distinct charge against me was the use of a civil expression by a Russian ambsasador, in a despatch addressed to his own court in 1829, with regard to *speech I had made, either on the subject of the affairs of i'ortugal or the affairs of Greece—l forget which—but the hon. and learned member said that because the Russian ambassador, in 1829, wrote to his go vernment at home that I had made a good speech, this was conclusive evidence that I was a traitor. I feel assared that no man will, on that ground, charge the hon. and learned gentleman with being a traitor. (Cheers, and laughter.) True, I had the misfortune of making a speech which drew upon me the secret - approbation and tl.e good word of the then Russian ambassador ; but surely to that approbation I was no party, nor can I be chargeaba: with it. (Hear, hear.) But then the hon. and, learned member stated that I had approved of the conditions contained in the treaty of Adria nople, which, in his opinion, were injurious to the interests of Turkey. Mr. ANSTEY—I spoke not of the treaty, but of the de claration of war which preceded it. Lord PALMERSTON—That was so ; but it was because the hon. and learned member had not got up his pert very accurately, and no doubt he had since discovered what was the fact, because I corrected the hon. and learned member the moment he had expressed his opinion on that point, and told him it had relation to the declaration of war and not to the treaty of Adrianople. Of the conditions of the treaty I said nothing, but I am prepared to justify the opinion I have before expressed on the subject of the declaration of war ; and I repeat that, in my opinion, Russia had well grounded cause for a declaration of war with Turkey. Tur key had no doubt violated treaties with Russia—had com mitted acts which were inconsistent with the engagements into which she had entered; and I thought then, as I think tow, that Russia on that occasion had just grounds for war with Turkey, who had been pushed on in her career by evil adviser*. Of the declaration of war I did approve ; but I never said that I approved of the conditions of the treaty of Adrianople, which was concluded at a time when I was not in office. On the contrary. I think the conditions of that treaty were hard and unfair as between the two parties. They were conditions imposed by the con- I queror in a war in which Turkey had been worsted. ; 'the hon. and learned gentleman said that Lord Aberdeen had protested against it. Undoubtedly there had been a despatch from - Lord Aberdeen stating the grounds upon which the then British government disapproved of that treaty ; but the hon. and learned gentleman, when he said that the government had declared it would not acknowledge the treaty as part oaths law, was not borne out by the his torical fact. Mr. ANSTEY—AII I said was that this country had pro tested against the treaty. Lord PALMERSTON—Yes, but protesting mann a treaty does not affect its validity. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman next stated that the government of which I was the organ had subjected Persia to the dominant influence o; Russia. Why, the ascendancy of RUMiAII in fluence in Persia dated from the peace of 1828. when the unsuccessful result of the war with Russia led to a treaty by which a large portion of the Persian territory was sur. rendered to Russia, and the natural consequence of this re- verse of fortune bee been to give a predominant Inthience to Runde in the councils of the Seheh of Persia. (Hear ' hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman , pawing from the treaty of Adrianople, next adverted to the encroachments made by lldelemet Ali on Syria in the year 1835, and contended that the British government ought to have assisted the Sultan in resisting that aggression. That question had been maturely considered at the time by the British government. The hour of six having at this moment been indicated by the clock, The SPEAKER rose and said: This debate will stand as an order of the day for tomorrow (this day), and this house is now adjourned. ELECTION COMMITTEES. PEEELESIIIRE.—The select committee appointed to inquire into the allegations of the petition against this re turn met fur the first time yesterday, in room 23, Lord It. Grosvenor in the chair. The case is simply one of scrutiny, the petitioners alleging that Mr. hlackenzie's majority, 77, ware faggot votes. On the Mu witness being called, counsel for the sitting member took a legal objection, and, after a discuesion, the sitting was adjourned to the day. LYME REGlS.—Serjennt Kinglake occupied the whole day in summing-up for the sitting memher.—Ad journed to this day. KINSALE.—Dr. Jago, an active friend of the sitting member, wu under examination all day. Witness stated that the 4,0001. alleged to have been spent by Mr. Guinnrse s 4 al merely lodged as a stuarantee for expenses. lie had received 5001. from Mr. Guinness, of which 3.:101. wasoonsumed in the It gal expenses. Witness denied the woman Ryan's state ment in toto.— journal to this day. LANCASTER.—This committee met for the first time Mr. ; Mr. I/cedes in the chair. The petition is ag sinst Mr. Gregaon's return, and allegea bribery and treaung. After an unsuccessful appiic .tion on the part of the peti tioners for postponement, Mr. S rjeant Wrangham pro ceeded with the treating and bribery charges. Three free men of Lancaster were examined, and proved having fared sumptuously miring the electinn at Mr. Oregson's expense. Witnesses also >nal received 30s. each. After some other evidence the committee adjourned to this day. -k fo jig t el".... "riartg - it • MAILS The overland elcaed melte, ria Mar,Ries, to the Meditrrremean, Pgypt, Cey1..0., 'long Kong, lie., will be made up on the evening of the 24th Fehnutry. The muds lee I3rtL.h :.girth America, Bermuda. ..and th e Unite 1 States, will be made up on the we u: the 23th le weary. The motile for Vtgo, Opot to, Lt-ton, Madeira, Cade., end Gibraltar will be mad up en the mimics of the 2:th February. The made for New South Wale; V., fitemen'. land, and Yea Zealand will he made up on the evening of the 22th February. The made for the West Coast of Africa and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the 2Stla Pebruary. The West India Mails, ineluilisg Bermuda, Neiman, Havanna, Henduric, New Orleanc, Veta Cray, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and natal:air tame for Madeira. Jacm.l, Carthegene, Santa Martha, Chews., Panama, Weet Coin of Sou - ii America, and St. Juan-die. Niearatua, vitli be made up on the miming of the 2nd March. 3 be overland manila for Gotir duo, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands !T!: Adru, C: lan, India, 11. Boot, and China, ria d"""unPWnl The math for the Beasts, tier River flute, haute Video, Pernam buco. 21.tdcira, end Boccie, Ayree, will be made up on the weeping of the 4th Match. NOTICE. Tim number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during the year 1847, Wes: -- • From JAN. 1, 0 DEC. 31, 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number betted to the Morning !Jerald, Morning Chronicle, end Morntr Poit, ALL YET SOCIETHEIL Lt dition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued tor the Evening Edition, THE EXPHERS, From J ev. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening rapers. TO CORRESPONDENTS. • • Adoerruesarce hatoodel The Experso," Leados * Mt at the oaes.lo. 60%,•00.0.0.111 tie ticlatt mop Ls, of palle.t.. I;1•;11 WLTIA AT LOTUOT outage. T.,. 11.,—Mors3itg. AAA. pox lAenArei As ALM. past 5. 1.-L30.0.-114.ea11e&io lon y AMMO" ha W. Pls. 3. LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 24. BLOOD has again flowed in the streets of Paris— the blood of the people, and of the military, placed iu hostile collision with each other by the puerile and provoking tyranny of its rulers, and by the wonted susceptibility of its popular masses. No act, in the present state of constitutional cou:itriee, could have been more frantically insolent than a police injunction issued to peers and deputies that they should not meet to dine, or to talk, or to hold conference on the subject of reform. Indignation at the name of freeman and the dig nity of Frenchman being thus outraged—shame at finding themselves literally treated as school-boys, very naturally aroused the members of the liberal party to resist, and assert their natural rights. Before the universally asserted determination to meet, the ministry quailed, and of course emboldened the liberals to persevere. Yet at the eleventh hour, encouraged either by the arrival of fresh forces, or by a reinforcement of fresh audacity, these ministers seize the pretext of a proclamation, con taining no more than the common and usual lan guage on such occasions, to prohibit the meeting, which up to that moment had been permitted, if not sanctioned ; the final decision of the right to meet being left to the courts of justice. Thus incited to their demonstration, as it is called, and thus checked at the very moment of commencing it, the opposition deputies did everything in their power to avoid fatal collision between themselves and the people on one side, and the armed force, which ministers were crowding into Paris, on the other. They succeeded as far as their immediate party was concerned, and as far as their counsels and remon strances could reach. Bat the mass of the Parisian people was stirred—stirred as it had not been since the terrible days of July 1830. They saw almost the same state of things then as now, the liberal members of the chamber denied the commonest rights, and consequently as loudly indignant as M. Guizor and LOUIS PHILIPPE himself were in 1830, against the absolute power which, in answer to rightful (12- mends, threatened them with the police. The half-informed population, stirred up by the in- I dignation of the liberals, and by the oscillation of the government, rushed to the collision. They scaled the rails of the Chamber of Deputies, besieged the Foreign-office, threw up barricades, and resisted or were cut up by cavalry charges. The immensa army, which the overgrown military estimates of Louis PHILIPPE and the taxation of the people have been feeding, have at length been turned to the sole account for which they were provided—the oppression of constitutional freedom, and the massacre of the French people. Of the result we are now informed and when we consider the superior craft of the monarch, to support not whose throne, but whose despotic whims such risk was incurred, we cannot but be thankful that both throne and people were not imbrued deep in blood, and irrecoverably in revolution. Fortunately the ministers and the. monarch of the day, however culpable in provoking this resistance, were not, like CHARLES X. and hi , ministers, sufficiently infatuated to persevere. They have recoiled, we trust in time, and have shown a graceful though tardy repentance. On the other hand the people, it would appear, have equally shrunk from violence and extremes ; and the resigna tion of M. Guizat, with the appointment of a new minister, though but a semi-liberal one, has still satisfied the people and allowed the restoration of -eeuillity. DIE temper in which Mr. Hyrr'i motion, for a committee to consider the best means of promoting the extinction of the slave trade was received by the House of Commons, on Tuesday is of good omen. Common sense is at last about to be brought to bear upon that question. The country and the legislature will no longer sanction without inquiry measures professing to contemplate the suppression of the slave trade, adopted in a state of unreflect ing excitement, and advocated by vague and pas sionate appeals to amiable sentiment, in a manner that rather betokens apprehension of reasoning -. scrutiny. - The House of Commons has resolved that this irra tional mode of talking and acting shall no longer be persevered in. A committee has been appointed to test is the first place the soundness of our present anti-slave trade policy, and in the second, should it be condemned, to recommend a better instead of it. The committee--and that its members ought never to lose sight of—is appointed to devise without loss of time a scheme of action. Its task is not desultory inquiry, but the collection of information, and its ar rangement in such a manner as may form the basis and recommendation of a plan of action. Its duties are urgent and practical, not indulgence in dilettante speculation. Good grounds for distrust in the soundness of our present system of slave-trade suppression might be found, were there no others, in the marked terror dis played by its abettors at the mere proposal to inquire. The very night on which Mr. Hurr moved for his committee in the Commons, Lord AWHIDEEN mulgated a manifesto in the Lords, enumerating all the points of faith which sincere opponents of th e slave-trade are required by his lordship to hold him, whatever may be the result of the committee's ' quiries. We do not sup et—we know Lord .ke;it.- DEEN'S latest statistics of the Cuba slave -trade to b e inaccurate ; but waiving that consid. ration for th e moment, we are prepared to show that his own statements demonstrate the utter end lamentable inefficiency of the present mode of slams-trade sum % sion. }Lis lordship, after professing to show that the slave trads is rapidly approaching to est elect:0401101e north west coast of Africe, was oblige.. to admit that the number of slaves landed in the Breeds has of lat e greatly increased, and is still increasing. This h e accounted for by stating that those it area were, f oe the most part, obtained front the east mast of Afri ca , Well, what does this show? That be efforts of th e combined squadrons of England, Fre see, and Ame rica (with assistance from Portuguese men-of-ware has—done what? Not put down the slave trade, h et merely made it shift its quarters. Take Lord Aso,. Deem's alvies, and station a naval fon e off thos e of tee mat coast of Africa where the slave trade now most vigorously carried on, and you will make the slave - traders change the locality of then operations once more S J long as you tru st to natal armaments to put down the dem trade, yea h en done as good as nothing until you have girdled t h e whole coast of Africa, from the straits of Ben t e Mandeb to Cape Nun, with blockelirg At what annual cost could this be effected? H oe long must it be persevered in ? It must be obvious to every one who exercises the common sense nature has given him that any ram press.on, or appereet suppression, of the slave trade, effected by naval armaments, can only be local see tempi:eery, so long as there arc communities occupy. ing an immense lice of coast wh, re abundance of slaves can be procured readily at a low prim, me emirs:unities similarly situate-don the other side of the ocean where slaves sell readily for high prises. The temptation to engage in the baffle is toe gre et ._ the means possessed y the aggregate civilised ua. tions of the earth to maintain an anti-slavery blockade of both coasts too limited—to bring the extinction , of the trade by forcible means within the range of possibility. The evil is apparently suppress, dat one place, but only to break out with nate r virulence at another; and when the means of suppression ere brought to bear on the new markets, it revives in the old localities. This is the brief history of our pea. nacioas attempts to put dews :he olive tree by armed cruisers since the era of a general pew*. The principle to which we have above referred-- that where supply and demand coexist to a great extent, and over a large surface, all attempts forcibly to prevent the intetcourse ond exclumee thence aris ing must be fatile--suggests of itself the only means of extinguishing the slave trade. If you can furnish the Africans with strong motives rot tee sell 'laves to foreigners yo't FO far to extinguish the slave trade. If you can fuinish slave-owners v. ith motives for abs. lisinng slavery the victory is won. Are there any means by v.hich these two great ends may be pa misted I , The admits +tile and well-timed speech of Mr. fen cers points out the means by which the propensity of the Afrienn tribes to deal in slaves, if not extin guish: d, may be reduced to a minimum. That gee. tleman spoke not of what might he done, but of what he had himself done. By sending direct from Emeland the goods which the slavers must mecum by a circuitous route, he was enabled to undersell them, and, at all the ports he traded to induce the natives to deal withhim in preference. By terming to deal in slaves he gave a stimulus to the production of na tive c, nenedities, and found ample employment for the whole community at home. In every emporium along the coast where Mr. JACKSON'S agents establisked themselves no slaves were te be procured by foreigners for love or money. And al important fact stated by Mr. JACKSON shows that the habits of regular industry developed under his auspices were rapidly humanising the natives—rendering them et once more intelligent and lees ferocious. " I recol lect," he said, "that the first vessel we freighted to Africa carried out 1,000 barrels of gunpowder and 10,000 muskets ; our last vessel contained nut a single barrel of powder nor one musket; but among its cargo was 1.3(501. worth of household furniture." Mr. JACKSON'S house we bel:cve was among the first—if not indeed the first—to engage with mew and on a large scale in this honourable, and only effective, mode of warriug against the African slave trade ; but it was not long left without competitors, and it has had many successors. Along the whole coast from the Gambia (where Mr. FOSTER'S de mand for ground nuts has had precisely the same effect as Mr. JACKSON'S demand for palm oil has had in other quarters) to the Camaroons, and even further south, the same experiment has been tried, and al ways with the same success. The only impediments to a vet wider extension of the system have come from the mischievous meddling of the anti-slavery squadron, and of British statesmen. British vessels engaged in the legitimate trade with Africa have beer, so wantonly annoyed and hampered by the cruisers, that iu not a few instances their owners have retired from the business in disgust. The Messrs. JAMIESON had laid the foundation of a prosperous trade to the Niger Delta, when the greet humbug expedition, sanctioned and promoted by Sir ROBERT PEEL and Lord JOHN RUSSELL, with its model farm and lavish presents to the chiefs, by glutting the mar ket with English goods givengratt's, rendered trading impossible. With regard to the other branch of the true slave trade suppress:, g policy, it must be noted that the countries inhabited by European races, in which negro slavery exists, are on the eve of being reduced to three—in one of which there is a strong feeling against the slave-trade, supported by a wealthy inte rest that would be injured by its resumption. No power on earth could re-establish negro slavery in the British West belies. The free black working popu lation is there so numerous and intelligent, that the attempt to keep any portion of the community in slavery would be as hopeless as an attem'et to enclave any portion of our English labourers. The initiative of emancrpatioa has been taken in the French and Dutch ettleme nes; and the history of St. Domingo teaches what must be the result of receding from such a cournimoement. In America, negro slavery still prevails ; but, to say nothing of the risk of dis solving the Union, which would be the consequence of outraging the northern detestation of the slave trade by resuming it, the slaveholders in Virginia would oppose such a measure from interested motives. The only Europeanised countries which have at this time an interest in continuing the slave trade are Brazil and the Spanish colonies. Now, even on the assumption that it is impossible to abolish slavery in these coun tries, it can be shown that the recent partially in creased activity of the slave trade in both can be bat of limited duration. There is a point beyond which it becomes unsafe to increase the slave population by yearly supplies, of kidnapped savages. long before CLARKSON'S time this point was repeatedly reached by more than one British colony, and earnest and urgent petitions were addressed by the settlers in Barbedoes, fem., to the British government, praying that a check might be put to the excessive imports lion of untamed Africans. No one has visited Cuba or those parts of Brazil which are most dependent upon slave labour, but must be aware that both coun tries are verging to this point of danger, if, indeed. Cuba has not already reached it. Both in Cabs and Brazil the question how this dangerous element of society —continuedaccessions of savage and exasperated slaves—may be avoided ; and if the plan proposed by many practical men—and recommended by Mr. JACKSON with all the weight of his experience—for re-establishing the prosperity of our free British 'agar colonies, by large immigrations of free African labourers, be energetically acted upon, there can be little doubt that the example of these colonies will soon be followed by Cuba and Brazil, and with the extinction of slavery, the slave trade will be extin gulahed also. There are many, we know, who, linable to resist the force of these arguments in favour of the pacific mode of suppressing slavery and the slave trade, will yet cling to their beloved dream of forcible suppres sion, and struggle for a compromise. We shall be told—it was alleged in the House of Commons on Tuesday—that ?Sir. JACKSON and others have suc ceeded under the protection of our cruisers. Let these gentlemen speak for themselves, and they will tell you their only obstructions have come from our cruisers. Nay, more: it only requires to read the evidence ia the case " Buron v. Denman," and the extracts we gave from correspondence produced on that occasion, to show that our suppressive system is introducing additional feuds and wail