The Express. — London, England, 1848-03-16 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 16, 1848. hon. members. (Hear, hear.) On the statement made by the right hon. and learned gentleman, who had been chair man of the committee (bey, Wortley), he (Lord Palmerston) should be quite ready to vote for the issuing of the writ, con and he tbought a reference to the former report of 1842 firmed hint in that opinion. In 1842 the charge against Harwich was one of general •oreuption, but in this instance the most smelling inquiry, invited by the committee, from the petitioners, it appeared, had not resulted bribe in the proof of anything like general corruption, or that ry at last election had extended beyond three or e four cases. But at the same time he (Lord Palmerston) houht that question of bribery was of such emit importance—that this I abuse struck so fatally to the roots of the influence, ter, and and usefulness, of that house, that he thought the in , ouiry ought to be extended, and therefore he was of opinion, although he was aware that on general aid constitutional I principles the Louse ought to be careful not unnecessarily to suspend writs and to keep constituencies irons being tepee- I suited in that house, that it was ex p edient that the motion should be withdrawn and that the writ should not be moved for until the evidence WAS in the heads of t every member. H ar, hear.) Ile, therefore, would suggest t heeth motion (e should be withdrawn, and if the evidence was not already on the table, it ought at once to be moved for, and ordered to be printed, in order that no time might be lost, (Hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM said he would withdraw his motion for the adjournment of the debate on the understanding, as suggested by the noble lord, that the writ should nut be moved for until the evidence was printed. On the question for adjouraine,the debate being put from the chair. Mr. WAKLEY said he rejoiced to have beard the states meat just made by the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston). for after it, he expected some day to see the noble lord st the head of • radical 'dean nUtration. (" Hear, hear," an d a laugh.) The noble lord was satisfied that a vast deal of corruption pre vailed in the representation of the people, and he trusted the noble lord would in future set upon that opinion. But what had been the course of the right hon. baronet the Home Secretary ? When that right hon. baronet came to that office, he (Mr. Wakley) had phrenological!), viewed the right hon. baronet's head, and found the indications co' justice strongly developed. Hear, hear.) But where was the right hurl. bareeet's " justice" when be would send down a new writ to the corrupt mass of electors at Harwich, and thus add to the number of " Attwoodian " members? (Loud laughter.) The house might tamper with, bolster up, and plaster this question in any way they thought proper, but it was thoroughly underetood by the people out of doors. I They knew well that while the Septennial Act existed, it was a profitable outlay to purchase a small constituency. It it were not so, would 4751., as had d been Mated, be given for a single vote? ( Hear, hear.) It had been sai that the report of 1842 ought out now to be regarded, and that the present committee, after a most searching inquiry, had not been able to trace, intwo cas t e, on behalf of which of the candidates the bribes had been paid. Surely the in gairy could not have been very searching to have failed in this respect. But he (Mr. Wakley I relied upon tile evidence given in 1842 by the present sitting member for Harwich (Mr. Bagshawe), and contended that, though the people of England made uo demands for a republic, whatever might Le clone elsewhere, still they die demand, and justly demand, the removal of all corruption from their represen tation. (lies: bear.) Sir O. GUST said that, as be had been personally alluded to by the hon. member fur Finsbury, he trustedto be allowed to explain. He hoped that there had been nothing in the course which he had taken on this question which was at all calculated to throw discredit upon the phrenological skill of the hon. member fur F insbur y . (" Hear," and loud liughter.) The hon. member sa.ii he had viewed his (Sir George Grey'e) h. rid, and found ",astice " developed. He trusted he had acted with juAice when he said that a report seven years old ought not to be Acted upon on this occasion, when the wore recent report o. ly disclosed three selitary in stances of corruption. Where was the justice of tee hon. member for Finsbury when he allowed the writs for Lau caster, Carlisle, and e whistle to issue in the face of reports precisely simi lar li to that in the cage of the borough of Har wich ? It was because he (Sir George Grey) thought it but equal justice that Harwich should be dealt with in the same e way as the borougi.s he had mentioned that he had taken the course he had pursued on this occasion. Ile, however, cheerfully bowed to the general feeling of the house in the matter. (Chem.) Mr. MOWATT rose to speak, and observed that at pre sent there was no question before the house. (Laughter.) The SPEAKER said that the question at present belore the house had nut yet been witadrawn. The right hom gentleman thee severally put the questions that the motion tor the issuine the writ and that Is: the adjournment of the debate be withdrawn. Both questions having been agreed to, the right hon. gentleman said, the question I have now to put is, " that the minutes of evidence taken before the Harwich election committee be raid before the house and printed, and te at Mr. Speaker do not make out his warrant to the clerk of the crown for a new writ for the borough of Harwich until the said avid: nee bet rioted and in the hands of members of this house." Mr. MO WATT then proceeded to observe " that as one of the electors of this country, he had ncard with great satisfac tion the manly conduct and straightforward declaration of the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston), that he desired vi help in purifying the constituencies of the realm ; and he could not but contra/it that declaration with the conduct, he would say shameful conduct, of the noble lord's colleague the ri.itit bon havonet the Hems Svcre tary. (Cries of " oh, oh," unti eider.") Lord PALMERSTON rose and said he was sure hie hon. frivud the member for Fidrucnith would at once see that. the expression he had used was not eonsistent with the pro teedings of this house. The words " shameful conduct " ought not to be applied to nay hon. member. (Cheers.) Mr. MOWAT 1 said he at once withdrew the expression, which be had only used under strung feeling, and h oed gn rance of the usages of the house. He bad unders the right hon. Lennie. to have avowed himself an advocate for the protection of the present system of corruption. (Loud cries of " oh, oh.") Why use right boa. baronet had told the house to dismiss from censideretion the moustrous cor ruption which had been proved on a former occasion to exist in the boroug h of Harwich, for that it had nothing to do w itia the question now be fore the house. He (Mr. Mowatt) contended that although the evidence reeent.y adduced was not euf cleat to make out a preeeut charge of general corrup tion, yet that this, in addition to the established character tor corruption of the borough, ni en 1842, ought to pre vent the house assenting to the iss.eng of the writ. Yet the right hon. baronet advocated its issuing. Ile (Mr. Mowatt) thought that this amounted to neither more nor less thanthat one of the lesteing members of the government threw his pro. Winton over the present system of eribery and corruption. (Loud and general cries of " no, nee') Sir G. GREY rose amidst loud cheers, Hewn' indebted to the house tch its kindness when tie made his former explana tion, and after the view of hie conduct which the hon. member for Falmouth (Mr. elowatt) seemed dispoeed to Luke he felt that he need not attempt to ceheince that hon. member as to the course he (Sir 0. Grey) Mae pursued being correct. (Hear, hear.) He felt he flees not any one word in answer In the hen. member, especially after the kindness w hich the house had received tees i Sir le. Grey's) former explanatioa. (Loud cheers.) Alter a few words in CM/W.041.10n triter:oKr. WORTLEY, which did not reach us, Mr. MUNTZ said that es the corruption proved to exist in kberwich in 1842 had bees pressed over for so m x eny yens, it was incumbent on the house to loth no time in visiting the also of recent commission with punishment. Among large constituent bodies great doubts existed as to the sincerity of the declaratious ot either or the great parties in the house, that they desired to put down corruption in the electoral bodies of the country. It they were sincere they might get rid of the system in a week, and it steps were not speedily taken to do so measures would lie take's out of doors of a very serious nature. Mr. I). WADDINGTON, who spoke from under the gallery, was understood to :ay that the electors of Harwich, increased as they were in numeers in 1847, ought not to be visited with the this of the elector , of 1842, who were much fewer in number. Capt. ELLIOT, as a member of the Harwich com mittee, reported that they had made a most searching inquiry ; and, in answer to the assertion that the house was not honest and sincere in its wish to put down bribery and corruption, he would merely rereerk that in the case of o f every petition pr. seated this session on the ground of bribery which had yet been doggerel of the members peti tioned against had been unseated. Mr. B. OSBORNE herd that there WAS no assimilation between the cram of Lancaster, Carlisle, and Neemele, and that of Harwich; the former had hitherto been pure. whilst the latter was noturiumay corrupt. It waherel issue the writs to all. Unless corruption was put down, Englai.d, Scotland, anti Ireland would Dot be eatitfied, and a new Reform Bill would be d.-manded with a voice of thunder. Sir W. IIEATLICOTE defended the hen. member who hal moved the writ from the charge ef pursuing a th different rinse Item that which ho had 'greed to take on e pre ceding clay. He hid cons: ate' to wait ;ill the report— not e evideuce--eras in the heads of members. ( lit ar, hear.) I the evidsuce..ioim in the httada t,f m,mt'erv. lI ar, hear,) it was open to the house to :csolve on a further post _ .. ponement. Mr. RUM 'el exhorted hon. members not to mske public questions matters of feeling. lie h )ped the matter would now be allowed to close. Alter a few words from Mr. BLOTHEILTON, Mr. MOWATT said 11 , .: had meant nothing personal in the remarks be had made. The motion suspending the writ until the evidence was print. d, was then agreed to. ELECTION ILECOGNISANCES BILL. Mr. WALPOLE , i n moving the second reading of this bill, alluded to the circumstances of the Monmouth, Leices ter, ',nil other petitions, cad said that the select committee which had been appointed to eternise into those recogni- Inones had had si riuus doubts as to the sufficiency of these recognisance'. Such being the case. the sitting members might be materially injured. To prevent this result the present bill had been introduced. which secured, on the one hand, the rights of the 'juin' , members. and, on the other, the rights of the constituencies. In the Leicester case, though the dehet in the recognisance had been pointed out to the examiner, he had held it good; in the Walsall case, which was still stronger, the ersm.ncr required a new recog nisance on the grou uf presumi.d informality • thus, in both cases, hepetit'oners had been deprived of their rights nrainst the sitting members by • mistake of the exa miner or his clerk. It was just to the constituencies that thuse petitions should go on ; the committee had sougetted four Cousin by which this might be done, the most s hg(bk of which had been embodied in this hill. It gave the peti tior cm pow. T. • inter rito fresh neoiiinitaii s peed then pros* cu. p. !awn Two cilicet o • hod urgt d t this —flat would be an , lash., law, and that the menitlitr • :• ; rail himself of any infirm ty n the of 0 .• .. the law stood, is u rho examiner had once indorsed on the beck of the petition that the recognisance& were sufficient, the peton must proceed, whether the recogniaanom were sufficient or not ; and this measure only gave the n protection, with regard to colts, to the sattiag seemlie'.Equally unfounded was the objection that the measure unduly favoured the petitioners, by allowing them to remedy informalities in their proceed ings. If any other method than the one he proposed could be devised for regulating this question, be should be glad to accept the suggestion. Mr. SPOONER moved, as an amendment, the subetitu. tion of the following words in one of the clauses nted of the gbil l st ; —"That the orders referring the petitions prese a the returns of members to this house for the boroughs of Bodmin, Cheltenham. Leicester, and .Valsall, the city of Dublin, and the county of Longford, to the general commit tee of elections, which petitions are mentioned or referred to in the said bill, be discharged, and that no further pro ceedings be taken on the said petitions." He had great difficulty and embarrassment in opposing the course recom mended by his hon. and learned fnend the member for Mid. cant; but he approached the subject solely ia • judicial character, and without any party feeling whatever. The preamble of the bill excited his surprise. It assumed the existence of doubt. whi re none had exist wied ; thout for as the law stood, no petition could be proceeded on recog • nisences in the form prescribed by the act. Perhaps it might be said that matters of form oug mo t to be strictly la r ded;rr but he had always underatosol, , the matter nisance', the form was most essential. But the great objection was that the bill was an ex post facto law; and thS was a principle which the house would never recognise. (Hear.) Because the petitioners had not chosen to regulate their proceedings by the law, it was now sought to regulate the law by their proceedings. The hon. and learned member spoke of preserving the rights of the constituencies ; habud t w hat became of the rights of the majority, those who returned the sitting members? (Hear.) It was said the sitting members would not be injured by this bill; but was it no iujury to them that their return should be questioned, which could not be dune under the law as it now existed ? Even if a prisoner were convicted, and the indictmeat after wards quashed, he must be liberated ; and would the lc gis lature think of passing a law to resider him punisbahle t it was said the petitioners ought not to suffer by the fault of the examiner, or the officers of the house; but let it be re membered that the fault was originally with til t petitioners, in committing the informality which MU now *ought to care by making a law in their favour. With regard to the Cheltenham case, it carried great sus. picion on the face of it. The recognisance' were drawn cor rectly in London, but they were altered in Cheltenham, the important words " each and every one" being lett out from it. It was desirable to know whether that alteration was intentional or otherwise. He did nut think the law ought to be altered to meet a special case, or that an ex post facto law ought to be made. That was his main objection the bill of his hon. friend. His hon. and learned friend asked the house not to throw any obstacles in the way of inquiry. tie was as anxious as his hon. friend for inquiry, but be did this* the house should proceed in the regular way, and not make skew retorting to the past. He should, therefore, move that theerier of nierence be discharged. Sir G. GREY said he was opposed to the original re serene of the petition to a committee, sad what bad taken place since had not led him to alter his opinion. Ile con curred in the suggestion of the hon. and learned geed• man, the member for Midhurst thinking that it afforded a rebsedy against the evil to which the sitting members would be sub. flirted in case costa were awarded ta them. He gave his own individual opinion , a nd he did not wish to biro the opinion of soy otter hon. member. The committee had carefully ab stained from saying that the recognisances were invalid. They merely said, that there were conflicting opinions, and that doubts existed wheel- ouoht to be remedied ; and all the members of it were of opinioa that the wouldy wee ay act of parliament. Ile hoped the house not agree to the amendment proposed by the boo, member for War wickshire, because that would be to interfere with an act of par li a ment by a resolution of the house. (Hear, hear.) would give ruse to all the scandals which were formerly ex periences! when a majority of that house decided on the riht of members to a seat in it, initead of a committee sworn upon oath. For these reasons he was opposed to the amendment, and would support the bill of the hon. and learned member fur Olidheirst. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAW thought the hone greatly indebted to the hon. and learned gentleman who introduced the present measure, but he dissented from it in the shape in which it was pre seeded to the house. He admitted that the object in view could only be accomplished by an act of parliament, but he thought the bill could be altered so as to give more effect to that object. With regord to the Cheltenham petition, the recognisance' were on the face of them clearly invalid. Every petition endorsed by the examiner of recogniunces, must be sent to a committee to try its merits. The act of parliament was impt relive upon that point. Itdid not give the committee the power of determining whether they had any jurisdiction or not. He thought that all that was necessary ICU to introduce a bill, giving a committee the power ot jurisdiction with respect to the recogniunces, and to examine witnesses upon oath. lie could not support the resolution of the hon. member hir Warwickehire. because he could not consent to alter an act of parliament by • resolu tion. (Hear, hear.)_ The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the question no before the house was whether the order of reference, in w the case of the Bodmin petition, should be dig. charged or not; and it the house came to the oonehision that ft should not be discharged, then came the question whether any remedy should be applied ; and if so, whether the rem. dy proposed by the hon. and learned I member for lffidhuret we. the proper one. In the case of the Bodmin petition the defect was in the affidavit, because it was ambiguous what kind of estate the securities in the recognisance" were possessed of, and whether it was *efficient to cover 1,0001., the !tenant of the r. cognliances. No opinion of counsel was taken on the one side or the other. Under these circumstances be did not think that the house would come to the conclusion that the order should be dig charged. The sitting members had a right to what the law gave them. But if um examiner of recognisance. bad been misled, were they the only parties concerned 5 Had not the , 1 public a right to inquire into the matter ? Were the in- tenets of the public to be overlooked, and was all inquiry to be stifled because the sitting members possessed a vested right ? He did not think the house would come to any such conclusion. Then came the question whethi r any remedy should be applied , For himself—and he only uttered his own individual opinion, and not as the organ of the govern ment—he had a coneiderable objection to any iuterference at all. (Hear, hear.) He doubted whether it was wile to have referred the question to the committee at all, nut being referred to them, e ither they had the power of deciding the matter re:erred to them, or they had not. if they had not the power, then on act of parliament must be pasted for that purpose. His objection to an act of par- Lem ut was that it would take the privileges of the house I out of the hands of the house. He did not approve of the I euggestion of the bon. and earned gentleman (Mr. Law). there were difficulties surrounding the quertiou. But the I oropositiou of the hon. anti: learned gentleman the member ,'or blidhurst appeared to him to be the least objectionable. Mr HILDYARD was opposed to the second reading of the bill, but he could not support the amendment of the hoth member for Manchester. His objection to the proposed measure was that it involved ex post facto legislation. Ile con tended that if any one of the r.cognisances under considers- 1 lion was defective in itself, no proceeding of Mr. Booth, in certifying its reception, would render it valid. He pro posed, instead of acceding to either the motion or the imendment, to refer it to the Court of Common Pleas, a competent tribunal in such matters, to decide whither any of tho recogeirancesi was ipso facto void. The hon. and learned Recorder manifested very little practical acquaint ance with the subject when he affirmed that it was no hard snip for a sitting member to be brought before a committee, Inc it was perfectly well known that no member came from before a committee, whatever the decision re peeling him, without suffering severely in Hs pocket. Sir It. INGLIS entirely concurred in the objections stated to ex post facto legislation in the matter, and convey. ng to the House of Lords a power of deciding upon parti cular cases affecting the particular return of indie ideal l members. He hoped that both propositions before the house would he negatived, desiring the law and practice of the souse in these matters to remain as they were. At the end of the session legislatien en the subject generally might fitly be adopted, if the house so desired. Mr. ANSTEY supportid the amendment. He contended that the proposed measure was essentially a private bill, end, es such, ueprovided us it was with that requisite for private hills—the consent of all parties concerned —might, if it passed, he at any time impeached in a court of law by auy one of the non.aseentient persons. The house then divided on the question that all the words after " that" be omitted — Ayes l2B Noes 124-2 The house next divided on the question that the following leeringb inserted after tar word " that": " The orders re the petitions presented against the returns of mem bers to this house fur the boroughs of Bodmin, Cheltenham, Leicester, Walsall, the city of Dublin, end the county of Ltineford, to the generel committee of elections, which pcti titres are mentioned or referred to in the mid bill, be dis- the charged, and that no furt her proceedings be taken on said petitions " Ayes No es So that at present the only word left in the main question is the word, " that." Three was no time, however, to take any further division on the subject, the hour of six being arrived oast; and the Speaker vacated the chair. ELECTION CO)INIITTEES.—YESTERDAY. i)I:NDALIC.—The committee appointed to try the ' merit- of the petition against the return, met for the first time yesterday; Lord Harry Vane in the chair.—Mr. Sea jesht Kinglake, in opening the case, said that the sitting main's r seas Mr. C. Cerro' MTavi.h, and the petitioner M i T. M-Cullagh, the unsu ccessful candidate at the late .- tine. The seat was challenged, because Rat t' bving an alien was disqullified from grounds of bribery ing. If these points or any of them n he were esta lbishehouldd, the petitioner prayed a serutiay, whe tru he s be able to prove that his client had had a real majority nu the pull. The learned counsel then stated that Mr. hl.Tarish was horn id Baltimore, United States, his father being a British born subject, but not his mother. An objection was also raised on the ground of qualifi ation. first business was the production of the poll-books, The against whit': a technical objection was raised, but being overruled, the c;•mmittee proceeded to hear the evidence. The first Witl• fn called was 'Mr. Hyties, a soli , itor, who stated that lie b I acted at the election us inspector fit Mr. M'Cullagh. 1 This witness molted conapietaliie ainuirnt by his Twa t; , n% ot the speeches cu( Mt l''T iti-h'e me t liJrte, made i • ii I', biistings, in all n• woiie'i the tier of the hoe. member h .;:, • an Amtrscan rids I:sr:eider. h upon with much fervour 1 0,:.'. • ,:area, Th.: r-5• wOnes , echo,. was Mr. )l'Tavish, eon., who said he was a native of Suantland. He b b ady. ad e migrated to Baltimore, and married American The sitting member was born in Baltimore, but was sent to England at 10 years old, and educated at Stoseyhurst. The passport was then produced describing Mr. M'Tsvish as a person " with light hair ;" but Mr. Roger', for the sitting member, objected that Mr. M`Tavish had dark hair. The point was under diSCuMion, when the messenger announced that the Speaker was at prayers. ATLCSBUR I .—The day's proceedings consisted of the examination of tavernkeepera as to the treating alleged to have been carried on. BEWDLET.—Evidenee U to the treeing on th part of the late members, and am to the treating by on T.Win•e nington in Stourport, occupied the sitting. fte l~~e• MMLS Tie Wept ladle Malta, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, llamas., me , eeeee. New ci e Newa. Vera Cruz. Tampico, I\ll4 Porto Bah Martha and i nc l u ding those for Madeira, Jaemel, Carthagerm, Manta , a w e., panaroa, West Mass of tioath America, end At. J oan-de- Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of Me 17th March. The overland mails Mr I:Mealier, Malts, ae, the me loom, Islands Egypt., en Ad, India , Ifong-Kung, end (lune, Southampton and up on the mornieg of the tOth March. The mails for New Mo uth Wales, Van Menses's Land, ad New Zealand will be made up be the 'arming of the 31st Much. The is for the West Omit of arise and Madeira will he made up Oil the evening of Me 31st March. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, ant Uibraltra will be made up on the morning of the 17th March. The sable for the Brani4, the Hire? Plate, Monte Video, Perlis boa li a ble Madeira, and Baas Ayres, will be mode up on the evening of the 4th April. Use overlaid elmed male, Maresilles, the Mediterranean Zgypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong to ong Kong. Lac., will he made up on Me *vain of the 24th Apt U. The made for Uriush North America, Bermuda, and the United elates. will be made up en the evening of the 1411 April. NOTICE. Tue number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY EWS by the authorities of t he Stamp-office, during 1847. w N al From JAN. 1, to Dec. 31, 3,447,0 09 This, we believe, is within eight per cod. of the number ber Issued to the Morni n g Herald, Morning c Morning Post, ALL PUT TOOETHCIL In addition to the rbove,issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, TEE EXPRESS, From JAN. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714 Which we. more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening F.ipers. TO COItREBPON D ENDS. Isp m e verburee..• Isteadee n.. ress mew ww4 Le em s IN tlou.eM+tw.t.N M Tem day of puNWti. [Mal WATER AT LON DON RattlflE. P ts— 0100.10 A 00 Ala poet Aflame. 0 stIA ism 0 Mos —ldorAt o S. it Ala pest 0 Afters...oA b• W. p.m 0. LONDON, TIIURSDAY, MAR. 16. THERE is one very remarkable feature in the pre sent time of revolutionary effervescence, and one which mainly distinguishes 1848 from either 1789 or any former epoch of the kind. It is the utter absence of individual influence,authority, or popularity. Never was the press more feeble : its columns arc devoured for their na ws,butaltogether slighted fort heir opinions. Never was there such a lack of popular outcry, or popular idolatry. The Paris clubs, all open and in full swing, do not produce a man. But they throng with members, as if the many-headed multitude had little to listen to, but something to say from every one of its heads. The people in 1789 had politics to learn. The moral and social principles flung forth to them, however villainous in to o man y instances, were a - least new, fascinating, and exciting. They were accepted with greediness, and set the blood and the mind in motion. But there is no novelty now in what demagogues may write or preach. Revolution, an d a ll appertaining to it, is an old story. It is, moe over, a prosaic one. it h as lost its poetry, its illusi, its disinterestedness, its fanaticism. What your chief republican looks for, is place and position; what hour r ort mob republican looks f or, is g ood wages and sh labour. Or, perhaps, he is a communist, and will have his share of the produce of the laud, or the 1 profits of stock. 'the " rights of man" are no longer 1 in the abstract ; tie 7 are reduced to plain, practical, tonglble demands. They may require the logician oe the sophist to expound them ; but trey are not a theme fur eloquence or rant, or fine phraseology. They will not make a MIRAREAI; or a Worris. We arc, therefore, not at all surprised to find, that in England mobs have no heads, and that their heads have nothing either to say or to dare. In Ireland, indeed—that happy island .—where men and ideas do wonderfully contrive to be generally a century or so behind the res of the world, here is an attempt to waken the n old spirit, and tre-enact the old tree dies of '92 and '9B. But even there the " unreal mockery ' of the thing is too evident. The press, er one or two members of it, do indeed fling themselves into the old, traditional attitudes and contortions; they mouth the same bombastto treason, and ma pros in-ke the s ame old clap-trap appeals bigotry and 1 cialism. But the mob of Ireland, like that of France,' thinks more of " tenant right" than" repeal," and', more of the " organisation de travail" than of either liberty, equality, or fraternity. We were, therefore, very sorry to hear Lord done Busses'. the other night, when speaking of Ireland, allude to it as if there was a formidable conspiracy in that country, against which it was requisite to undertake a campaign with an army,and to send a distinguished general with a bundle of coercive and exceptional laws. If Lord JOHN treats the turbulence of Ireland in this way ho will merely compliment it and increase it. The pre sent is a moment when the servile herd of political imitators may be expected to bluster. They should be allowed to strut their fretful hour unnoticed. No power, save that of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, could preserve them from contempt and from oblivion. In Paris—it is very remarkable—there is scarcely a print, or article, or an orator, who preaches a sub versive or anarchic doctrine. There have been some that may be criticised, but on the whole it is impossi ble to conceive a popular revolution, giving the utmost licence to tongues and pens, which has been marked by the sprouting and development of so few dangerous ideas. The artisan and operative, panting from the conquest of a dynasty and a parlia ment, have no doubt thronged the ante-chambers of the government of their own creation. Yet, what have they demanded ? A ten hours bill, such as passed a British parliament, with some few more demands, but Ilene more revolutionary or subversive than that I proposed and carried by Lord ASHLEY. It is certainly not to be desired that a government should exist whose entire support is that of the work ing classes. But neither these classes nor this go vernment in France sought their present supremacy. It was thrust upon them by the blunders of the other classes. Undoubtedly the paramount influence of the government must return by some mode or channel to I the middle classes—to those possessed of property and education. And it is to be hoped that this titilla tion may gradually and naturally take place without collision or bloodshed. By the last accounts it ap-i pears that the middle classes are exerting themselves, that their bond of union and expression of strength is the National Guard, and that in the reorganisation and efficiency of this force, as well as in the elections, they will bestir themselves, and show firmness, ac tivity, and moderation. At the same time it Should be borne in mind, both in English and in French politics, that nothing can be more dangerous and fallacious than to draw lines of distinction between lower and middle, middle and' tipper, dames. No su h line can be drawn defi nitely. For instance, in Paris, the theoretic denouncer of the lower class would confound the industriousl operative with the idle youth who has seized a' musket, scaled the palace staircases, and become en rolled in a plundering band. No two classes can I be more distinct. When the nand of three or four , hundred idle ruffians refused to evacuate the Tuileries, which they persisted in plundering. the honest populace outside, clad in blouses, and evidently accustomed to daily work, were indignant, and clamoured to be al lon ed to act the part of police in punishing the vaga bonds. Such a populace as this is not the populace of 1789 and consequently there is no chasm between the middle and working classes that may not be bridged over by moderation, fairness, and good sense. Some writers on this side of the Channel, however, persist in mucking every effort of the popular party, in throwing all the blame of the commercial crisis and bankruptcy upon it, and seeking to excite the contempt and fanatictsm of the upper classes for those beneath them. Such doctrines—such a resusci tation of the worst spirit of old toryism—could, if suc cessful, have no other effect than to excite, both in this country and in France, a servile war. Neither in France nor here do any Jacobins exist. Let us then, for Heaven's sake, have no anti-Jacobins. So ciety and political power in France have been thrown into dieorgarisation and chaos, and this altogetnsr through the faults and exaggerations of the coaseeva fives. Let it not be supposed that this disorgnilisa- Ron can be remedied, and this chaos remove!, by trusting to the exaggerated counsels and com plaints of these same conservatives. The liberals only an salve the tremendous difficulty, and no wty of them can do it alone. The middle and wealthy class must satisfy the excited operative, and must come forward to do so, instead of shrinking into inactive despair. Both parties may, we believe, come to a common understanding ; and we do hope this, because we see no fanaticism, no hallucination. The differences which exist are those of interest and matter of fact, and leave the eight and the sense clear to perceive how they may be made to agree, w i t hout pushing each other to mutual destruction and ruin. In the midst of these, we repeat, it is fortunate that there are no leaders to conduct any party astray.. The far press , instead of being a source of agitation, is calmer and duller than the people. There is not an orator that could command a hearing. And there exists not one individual, civilian or soldier, who could command a following of twenty. We observed, some days ago, how much and how fast the French were Americanised, and every day we see farther proofs of it. It is the surest sign of their settling, if not under the "best," at least under the only possible, of republics. __— A SMALL measure of alteration in a corner of tho game system has been prevented by Mr. Coavine to the House of Commons in the form of a bill, "to enable the occupiers of land having a right to kill hares on that land,to do so by themselves or pens authorised by them withou t bein g required to take out a game certificate." As a practical abatement of the evils of the game laws, the bill is too trifling for notioe ; but as an admission of those evils it is some thing. It is plain the squires feel they must do some thing to save their feudal code, and this measure we presume is intended to propitiate the farmers. If so, its author will find it a failure. It will not reach the case of one farmer in fifty, and will afford but imperfect relief to that one. All the rest of the mis chiefs of the game laws it leaves altogether un touched. The preamble of the bill recites that by three acts of parliament, of which the tithe are stated Vi t., C. 55 52 Geo. 111., 3 and 4 Viet., c. 17), certain duties of assessed taxes were granted, upon every peraon who should use any dog, gun, net, or other engine for the purpose of taking or killing any game whatever, or who should assist in any manner in the taking or killing of any game. And it recites that, by divers laws now in force, penalties are imposed on all persons taking, or killing, or assisting in taking or killing, game, I who shall not have obtained a certificate of the due payment of such duties. We are thus particular because it is well that the full effect of this certificate duty should be understood—that it may be seen how minute is the modification proposed by Mr. Omelet:. The bill then recites—and this from the squires is an important admission—that it has been found that much damage has been done by hares to the produce of enclosed lands, and that great losses have thereby accrued, and do accrue, to the occupiers of such lands, and that it is expedient that actual occupiers should be allowed to take, kill, and destroy hares thereon. without the payment of the game certificate duties, and without incurring penalties. The bill then pro poses to enact that, after the passing of the act, any person being in the actual occupation of any inclosed lands may by himself, or by any other person directed or commanded by himself so to do, destroy hares upon the land in his occupation, by any save certain excepted means, without liability to certificate duty or penalties. The next clause exempts persons directed by occupiers of land to kill hares from liability to assessed tax duty as gamekeepers. Then comes the excepted means, namely, coursing or hunt ing hares, by which if occupiers take or kill hares, they are to do so subject to the certificate duties and game law penalties. This exception marks the tone of the 'iliiirearchal mind—the amusement to be derived from killing game is still to be paid for as a class privilege. Coursing is to be no amusement for farmers. How small and invidious is this discrimination of the means by which farmers are to kill hares ! 'This is a point which will not be lost on the agricultural community. The bill then provides that nothing therein contained 6111111 extend to make it lawful to pat any poison or poisonous ingredient on any ground, whether open or inclosed, where game usually resort, or in any high way. Why the farmer who lays poison for the smaller vermin, rats and mice, should he debarred from re sorting to the same means for destroying the larger and more destructive vermin, hares, we do not com prehend, unless we as‘ume that the proposed law is only meant to be a sham, and that the squires have no real intention that the farmers shall destroy the hares which infest their farms. The next clause is, that where any tenant now is, or hereafter shall be, bound by any agreement not to take, kill, or destroy any hare upon lands included in his agreemeut, then nothing therein contained is to ex tend to authorise the tenant to destroy any hare upon his land. And, by a subsequent interpretation clause, the ward agreement is declared to include "covenant, proviso, promise, undertaking, condition, or reserva tion." Now, as game is almost invariably reserved to the landlord, there probably will not be a five-hundredth part of the agricultural land in England and Wales— to which alone the bill applies—that will be affected by the act. The remaining provision is that which enables the occupier, who comes within the operation of this act, to sell hares to licensed game-dealers with out having obtained a game certificate, as at present he must do, even where he has the full and exclusive right to the game on his farm. In the comparatively few cases in which such a law would have any opera tion—that is, where occupiers have a right to the game, and their lands are infested by hares bred in the preserves of their neighbours—relief from the certificate duty and game law penalties for themselves and their servants is something ; but it is not enough. In such cases they should have a right of action against the neighbours who breed the vermin. We know a gentleman occupying, in Norfolk, a farm of about 7.) acres, his own land, who is compelled to keep a man constantly employed to destroy the hares which invade his crops from the preserves around him, and even so he suffers much injury. Why should he not recover from those neighbours, who so use their own land as to injure the land of others, the expense of his vermin killer as well as the actual damage done by hares and game besides? If the damage had been done by useful creatures, by the horses, cattle, or sheep of his neighbours, they must have paid his losses ; and why should not the game preserver, who stocks his land with noxious creatures, be amenable to the same measure of justice? That in Mr. BRIGHT'S promised bill we shall have a more real' and effective measure we hope and believe. But, taking Mr. CoLvii.es measure as one, though minute, of reality and substance, why should not the occupier of land be enabled to protect himself against the depredations of pheasants without paying taxes or penalties? Nothing is further from the truth than the assertion sometimes made by game Ipreservere, that pheasants do no damae. They I do quite as much injury too o farmers' g crops as an equal number of domestic fowls would do if left to I ! find their subsi e stence in his field. On ts point we find Mr. Hin, one of the best and largest farmers in East Lothian, told an Edinburgh audience last week : " As for the pheasant, there is not a bird alive more destructive to the crops of the farmer. They scrape up the seed, for a long time after it is sown, as effec tually as barn-door chickens. In summer they trample and tread down the growing crops in every direction ; and thenmaturity,, as soon as the grain begins to approach they are at it again. In a wet or damp season many of the heads trodden down by them spring up, which deteriorates the value of the sample several shillings a quarter ; and even after the grain is in the stack-yard it is hardly safe from their depredations. This autumn, passing a stockyard a few a ilea from where I live, shortly after daybreak, I was astonished to see more pheasants in it than I ever saw barn-door fowls in any other. On my approach they teak wing, and literally darkened the air." And this will be corroborated by every farmer who has been afflicted with the plague of pheasants on his farm. We trust that all the members who desire a real reformation of game-law evils will reject Mr. Convlne's make-belief bill. TIIE SUDDEN DEPARTURE OF THE DUKE AND Ductless Or MONTPENSIBB. for Germany, on Thuteday layt, 1 partnaturally enonah canoed cen-iderable surprise ,• ore icularly as it took place before the expected arrival tithe I) lito of ihnenada, who had been commissioned by the Queen of Spain to invite her sister to Madrid. It is now, however, stated that their departure was caused by the dis cover. of a cirrespnvidener, in the Tailerirs, which, In irg colmueicated to the British government, rendered the rest t'ence of those augipt persqnsers in' this ceuntry as dit igret - 04., to the court of St. James's as it would lave ft been con un , pleasant to themselves. It is added that they le in ' terety with an ictitaatioa front the l'oreigu-:gice. 1 THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE. PARIS, WZDNItSDAY, 11 A IC The agitation and alarm excited by the menifeato of M. Ledrultollin, which I signalised in my letters of yesterday morning and evening, go . on augment ing. Among the most wealthy, influential, and intelligent sections of the republican party the most profound regret has attended the situation into which they are thus thrown. The members of the government itself, those upon whose moderation, independence, and integrity, the intelligence and property of the country place most reliance, share this feeling. They would willingly shake off the complicity with such proceedings, in which their position involves them. But they cannot. To quit their posts would be to surrender France to anarchy. To remove the source of the mischief from the go vernment is for the moment impracticable. 1 gave you yesterday the comments of the Constifutionnet on the instructions of the Provisional Minister of the Interior to his proconsuls in the departments. Those of the Sircle this morning are in the same tone. The report of the Bourse which 1 sent last evening will have apprised you of the continuance of the financial and commercial crisis. One of the most prominent causes of the continuance of the general decline in prices, which had already been supposed to have fallen to the lowest conceivable limit, has been the agitation and alarm produced by , the circular of M. Ledru Rollin. The Threes have fallen to 48, and the Fours at one moment to 71.50, the latter being equi valent to the rate of 7 per cent. interest. The shares of the Bank of France fell to 1,400, being a decline of 325 francs on the last quotation. This great fall was ascribed to a large sale of these shares which was made in consequence of the liquidation of the affairs of an agent.de change recently deceased. The extra dinary tall in the Fives is ascribed to a fear on the part of the holders that the interest on that stock will be reduced. The fall on all descriptions of shares was considerable. The Orleans Railway shares, not long since quoted at upwards of 1,200, were done at 725. The Northern were down to 335. The Bank of France is extending much aid to the restoration of confidence. The amount of its discounts for the last fortnight has exceeded 100,000,000 f., being at the rate of more than 240,0001. per day. This does not include the discounts made in the provincial branches of the establishment. It is announced that the Provisional Government is about immediately to nominate a committee of finance to consist of the most eminent financiers and capital ists, to consider and report upon the great questions which now agitate the commerce of the country. Last night a number of persois paraded in a tumultuous manner the Rue St. Denis and its neigh bourhood, and tore down the tricolor Hags, shouting in favour of Henry V. The new ministry appointed at Tutin, reported as forming a more liberal system of policy than the former, is as follows :—Count C. Balbo, Foreign Affairs and Presidency ; M. Lisi, War ; M. Lelopis, Justice ; M. Guilin, Public Instruction ; M. Pareto, Interior; M. Ricci, Public Works; and M. Cavour, Finances. We have advice* from Rome to the 6th instant. The senate presented the following address to the Pope, to intreat his holiness to expedite the procla mation of the constitution : The events which have lately occurred in France are of a nature to have a great influence throughout Europe, and especially in Italy. The subjects of your holiness, your friends and those of the throne, profoundly preoccupied with these events, feel the necessity of laying before you their fears and their hopes. In order to direct with prudence and wisdom that movement of the political passions which can not but be manifest , d in present circumstances, your :sub ject, consider as indispensable, the early publication of a constitution which may largely correspond with the inst tions of the other parts of Ital y . It is necessary that all the forces of the country unite far the defence of internal order and external independence. If the public had before de manded unanimously a homogeneous, compact ministry, liberal and equal to the imminence of present events, this necessity has now become of greater urgency than ever. Any further delay would cause the most fatal and irreparable consequences to enure—consequences which your generous mind has always recoiled from. Men capable of supporting ouch a weight, and who are already invested with public confidence, are not wanting among the laity of your states, and public opinion has already pointed them out to your choice. You who, in be stowing your blessing upon Italy, have, in the face of the wo rld, associated her cause to that of religion, will compre hend that your temporal power is closely united to the des tinies of our common country. And that act which will draw down the greatest honour upon your poatificste will be to avert from Italy those evils which the tempest , now preparing in Europe menace to inflict upon her, and to be able at once to preserve public order, found our liberty, and recover our independency. The following is the answer of the Holy Father : The events which succeed each other, or rather precipitate each other, fully justify the demand you have addressed to me. Every body inows that I actively labour to give to the government that form which your lordships demand, and which the people desire ; but everyone also comprehends the diffi .ulty of such an undertaking. That which, in a secular state, can be accomplished in one night, demands the most minute examination in a pontifical state, as it is very difficult to trace an exact line, to mark the limits of the two powers. I, however, trust that, in a few days, my labours will he completed, and the constitution published. May God bless my desires and labours, and, should a result spring from them which may prove useful to religion, I shall kneel down before the crucifix to return thanks for those mum he has allowed ; and, still more as the prince of the church than as a temporal prince, I shall rejoice if those events tend to pro mote the greater glory of God. M. Rossi, the French ambassador, refused to re ceive those who called, or to give any information. Meanwhile enthusiastic manifestations were made at the Academy of Fine Arts and at the French Club. On the .sth, the populace, in immense numbers, paraded the Corso and the principal streets, decorated with tricolor coAcades, and bearing national banners. They went to the Quirinal, where they assembled under the windows, shouting in favour of the con stitution and the French Revolution. It was pro posed to go to the French embassy and tear down the arms of the monarchy of July ; but they were dis suaded from this violence. It is confidently reported, says the Pali - le, that Car dinal Ferretti, having left Rome to proceed as legate to Ravenna (a post lately assigned him), has disap peared on the way. and has not been heard of far several days. This strange event has given rise to a variety of conjectures. HOLLAND. 1,300 militia men left Amsterdam on the 13th inst. by special train, in order to join their respective corps. The garrison at Maestricht will shortly receive a re inforcement of 2,500 men. A battery of artillery and a company of sappers and miners are also expected there. It appears by the Ilandelsblarl of the 14th that the funds took on the previous day a sudden turn for the better on the Amsterdam Bourse, after having been gradually depressed during more than a week. It adds that fortunately it has no important (Many ,- Ile) failures to announce, that much business was done in the Dutch funds, and that all the foreign funds were more in demand, although not much business was transacted. On the whole it is evident that affairs are looking up on the Amsterdam 'Change. From the Hague, under date March 12, we learn that the government has ordered the purchase of a large number of horses for the cavalry and artillery. Duke Bernard of Saxe Weimar, lieutenant-general in the service of the Netherlands, is expected at the Hague. The Ilandelsblarl of this day (14th) says that he is again to have the command of apart of the Dutch army. The military preparations are going on with much rapidity. LOLA MONTHS AGAIN AT MUNICH. Lola .lontes has again been playing one of her bold tricks. She came unexpectedly to Munich, on the evening of the 9th. The news spread like wild fire, and various were the stories afloat as to the time and manner of her arrival. The truth soon became known however,—Lola had been for a moment at Munich, dressed in man's clothes, but had been ar rested by the gendarmerie by order of the king, and carried away from the town. This time she passed i through the chief streets under the charge of the police, on her return to Linden. ; and, says the i -lugxburg Gazette, it is to be hoped that this will bo her last Bavarian adventure. In the evening, never ' was there such a Beene of e nthusiasm as presented itself in the theatre when the King appeared; the cheering and acclamations conti" , :. t I upward:, of ten minutes. ---------- NovlcE.—lf the individual eallinz himaelf John Smith, who kit a wig atthe Curio n Bku lan, at port,old in France, does not reclaim his property, the saute will he s to pas czecnacs.—Pßsids, GERMANY. PROGRESS OF REFORM. The Wiener Zeitung of the 10th of March, which is the official orga's of the Austrian court, contains th e following article, which seems to be issued as a kind of proclamation: . 1 he Emperor, in view of the weighty events which have recently taken place, thinks it necessary to express himself, on the subject or the present situation—on what has happened and what may by the decrees of Providence yet take plate. to kit token Mn ap pr eh e ns io ns .aj place t doesn Franca n t w TheUhis consideredbt e v e r go vern m entc a s by :° n h y h Majestyu ws toh speakingpro vi det oneas affecting the internal arrangement of very country. The Emperor culla& re it his duty to protect within bisdoininions the institutions and laws of the ream, and to promote the wele fare of the people. This du'y he will kiwis how to fulfil in the present state of Europe, and if, contrary to expectations, the frontiers of our own states or those of the German con federation be threatened by the violation of existing treaties, the Emperor would prevent such a breach of peace by s it those means with which providence has furnished him. It is the will of the Emperor, at this juunture, can fully so that Austria may be strung within and fortified against all attacks from without. But his Majesty will also watch that no efferA may be made to overthrow order," The Allyemeine Zeilung, an Austrian semi-official organ, says : The Minister of Finance has given publicity to the budget of the bank, in order to allay all fears ea to its ability to meet its engagements. The Northern Railway ales has published ' its balance of last month, and of the same month in 1847, end shows a natisfutory increase. The hank continue' to pay every demand, and the savings banks the same, and we do not hear of any stopmenta of payments. Id.de Itadowitzkus enured here from Berlin to concert with our government re specting the measures to be adooted in the event of any hoe taints. They are wholly of a defensive character. The following is an extract from a letter dated Dresden the Bth : In l'rague and Vienna the minds of the citizens are greatly agitated, and neither the fascinations of the Elysium or Strauss in the latter city, have now the power to turn the thought from political events. A few days ago, a consider. a ble number of the liberal or reform party amongst the no bles of Bohemia, held a private meeting in Prague, and decided on • deputation to the Governor, Count Stadion, to express th e ir conviction of the dangers which threatened their country ; as also their wish that the states should be convulsed as speedily u possible. In this CM, the deputation prowised that the liberal members would do all in their power to keep up public cre dit, being willing to yield many of their privileges of caste in favour of the middle classes. Now, notwith standing that only a few days before the Vienna bankers had plainly told Prince Metternich that the y would not advance the government a farthing without the guarantee of ,he several states, Count Stadion treated the opi ni ns and wishes of the deputation with contempt their fuze as idle. There have been, however, in Vienna, serious deliberations lately se to mskine concessions to the states, and attending to the wishes so strongly expressed last year in the chambers of Austria Proper and Bohemia. Ka lowrath was in favour of libe sal measures, and 60 was the Emperor himself, but they were in a minority, and Miner. nich and the Archduke Louis declared '• they would sooner see the monarchy tirter and tumble to pieces than yield a jot." If this be true, as I have good reason to believe, the doom of Austtia is sealed. Italy cannot be put down, and Lombardy held. Fearful scenes of slaughter must be ex pected. The IitISS4OII are already on their much to the frontiers of Galicia. The Austrian troops in that country have quitted Cracow, and are now on their way to Italy. Funds have been raised in the following manner : Rena has given fifty millions of florins, Mode'a and Parma thirty millions, and the imperial family one hundred millions by way of loan. I had almost forgotten to add that a new court dew ee has been published empowering the Governor of 80. hernia en the meeting of the Chambers (Stands), whenever this takes place, to impose silence on any speaker who pro poses aurthiog not previously announced to the government and approved of. The aristocratic representatives of We the land, with all their feudal privileges, are but s are on the threshold of great events, violent changes, and pro bably of a total disruption of the bonds of society in the Austrian dominions. My next communication shell con tain some sketches of the political and e , cial institutions in these dominions, which will show that my conclusions us not based, as the Germans eay, on vapour. The only news from Prussia in the Universal Prussian Journal, of the 13 , h, is a review of ahistory of the thirty years' war. 'lbis silence of the official organ is somewhat significant. The Coloyne Go:etle, however, supplies its place. On the 11th the muni- cipal council of Berlin voted an address to the King, demanding all the reforms which have been so often - , eated as urged by the whole of the German states. The delegates of Breslau have had a personal in terview with the King, and have in the frankest manner expressed rici race the wishes of their towns ' men respecting the immediate convocation of the Diet, I of .o n f it: :: : r a l i i Berlin Germanico haazetetpeireosstfuoeithdtehtehle:rdsthtr, liberty of the press, and the arming of citizens. Ths pol s T ice e l:e in a g P uth t r h us e l t a i i e r i ee s orders to public-housekeepers not to allow any popular meeting to be held on their premises. i w e p t : i u a i b t - introduces the freedom of the press, and , oppresses the cen -1 lishes the following royal ordonnance : sorship, but with certain guarantees against the abuse of this liberty ; considering that the bases are thus given upon which 1 long ago proposed to make • new law of the pros for the Confederation, I should not hesitate to introduce into my states the freedom of the press with the necessary guar antees, were I not restrained by the desire of attaining is this, as well as in all other important mire, a general right; consequently I have charged my . minister of state with taking the necessary steps fo r bayin g my propositions ea amined by the Diet. If any unexpected obstacles arise at delays take place, I will in the meantime make a gnat re form in the laws of the press setting aside the censorship, 1 referring to the ulterior advice of the state.. In consequence I will make such preparations that, in else of need, a law is accordance with my views may be promulgated. According to the C'augne Gazette of the 14th inst., the Prince of Prussia had been appointed by his royal brother Governor-General of the Rhine pro vince. lie will take up his residence at Cologne. On the 11th, the deputies who bad been sent from Ilauau to Cassel, to urge the King to grant those re forms which the people demanded, were about to leave the capital on their return, having been unable to obtain an affirmative answer from the Elector, but their departure was p revented b y the people of Cassel. Excesses then took place 'before the palace of the Elector, and it was then that he yielded to the reiterated instances of the deputies by granting all they required, and giving that de claration personally to the electors, adding that he solemnly . engaged to perform what he promised. A new ministry has been formed of more liberal men. M. Schwedes has been named Minister of Finance; M. Weiss, Minister of War; M. de Trott, Foreign Affairs ; and M. Lot; Minister of the Interior. A letter from Dresden, of the 11th, in the Leipaic Deutsche An ger:eine Zeitung, says, " It is not with out good grounds that a rumour has spread of a con gress of German, states that is to meet in a few weeks, in order to consider how the fraternal bonds which unite Germany may be increased, and the German ' nationality strengthened. Many princes will take part in the deliberations. Dresden has been chosenll in reference as the place w here this congress wibe held." These facts are also stated in the Hamburg Borsenhalle, with this addition, thet the deliberations will be on the subject of external and internal affairs of Germany, leaving aside all idea of aggression. A letter from Frankfort, dated the 10th instant, says :—. In the sitting of the 9th the Germanic Co ar n e - f e deracy have decided that black, red, and gold henceforth to be the colours of the Confederacy, and that the double-headed eagle was to figure on the scuteheon of the Confederacy." The King of Bavaria appeared on the 10th at the theatre, for the first time since the events of February , accompanied by the Queen; and their majesties were received with great applause. At Nuremberg, on March 9, a number of pease had assembled, and made a demonstration, and un tended to have a second on the following day. At Grafenlls and several other places the peasants are discussing the speedy redress of their wrongs. From Wurzburg we learn that the palace of the Prince Von Hohenlolie, at Niederstetten has been burned by a riotous mob, who also demolished the residence of the councillor of state, who effected his escape throug h the window. They have also reduced the residencere of Count Clareberg to ashes. The tary we sent from Heilbron, and the Prince and Pfilleeta instantly left for Wurtzburg. The Prussian Minister of Foreign Affsirs has in; formed the local authorities of Stettin that severs, hundred thousand Russian coins have liken forged l i England, and have been forwarded to Prussia and across the Russian frontiers. The H h av e come Hamlets/dads/dad states that the golernounts of Hanover, Denmark, and Mecklenburg, an agreement to reduce cor.siderably die Elbe dunes or tolls. The reduction will take place oa the Ist 01 to April next. =----- BRUSSELc, 'MARCH ii. It M not true, as stated off in some Bel Asa journals, boo that a treaty of alliance, ivo anti defensive , been entered into by this country and ifolland. Au article in a recent number ot the servo t i dici.d journaen l ot the cva account of the very frieLdly terms etr.ployea.lo D u t c h g overnment g 9 .ve rise' o e "tateest , that article with reference to the relation. eskstultr, pro 1 the cu vet d'. 111