The Express. — London, England, 1848-05-05 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 5, 1818. i M PERIAL PA ItLIAM EN T. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THuRsDAT, MAY 4. The Luau CHANCIILLOU Wok hig Neat it 6 o'clock. PU BLIC imam Mc. PETMOBIIB.—By Lord Canaan. from Wigton, 1n Scotland, for an alteration of the law of catalL—Tle Dart of %lidos, Lord Hsi, nose, and the Dube of BIAVPOILT, several petitions from carious Woes in fermi. of the bid for legalising Odd Yellows societies. NOTICES OP hitMON.—ArrAla% or Be STAWIST, to. morrow (this day), to call attention to the correspondence between noble lonl the Secretary foe Foreign Affairs and the Spanish govern- meat; and to move for the production of the same. Law RKFOILIC—Iard t. II Ali. on the 18h iast., to bring for. ward a motion on the whole state of our law and the legl.istion of this country, ita welt e.o the mode of Its administration, and to propose a motion for the amendment of the law similar to the one which he made re ran Oirr or Tun Caown.—The Bishop of I.I.ANUAFF, on a future day, to introduce a bill to limit the time during which church livings 1n the gift of the crown should remain ratan% and to more an address to her Modesty that she might be graciously pleased to consent to tie introduction of the bill. Ono Paupers Socorro:a. —Lord Br_ivuoser, on TurraLiy neat, to move the second reading of the bill for legalising Oild Fellows societic , Their lordships adjournod at halt-post tire o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUURSDAT, MAT 4. The Breams took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. THIRD RF.lDlNO.—Brifthton 4040414404 and CAlke Mnsrany Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIUSS.—By Yr. Uttar. liaar, from Woroester, against the ratite Health 11111.—Tho tua of Domto, from Norwich, fur the amendment of the poor laws. --Lord O. Coosiesnow from certain In habitants of London in favour or Unproved tunitatv re 141114144000 for the metrupols.—Lord Deer v, from Bath, againat tke centralisation of sanitary retralationa.—Mr. F. MarLa, ham Mac. in Scotland, In favour 04 the Sara of Chinches (Scotland) IlilL—Yr. 110 nvAIW, from Whiteharen and other placca, earaloat tha sale of aphituous liquors oa riundo. _ ROlMlTTEF.c.—Evieteil Deatitute Poor (Ireland` ; Petty Bag ()thee; Poce.h. was (Ireland; Bills. 1:K1'Olt P4.—Breit Yarmouth Freemen DlahmiteliMement ; Public Work' , (Inland); NOIICEN OF MOTION.—Praue Amor ars.-11:. BON RIM., on the 30;h lust., to move recolution, relahve W the manner of heepinc the pAblie nvountr. -- Its t, w,r C(111111.+10NrAft Acr.—Mr. tvgrl 9n T 1 more for leave to bring in a to repeal the liAfinny yTCYt, LO Act. KETURN ORDERED.--On the motion of Viscount Desists, re. runt of all expired contracts for British nth and !hist Indian and African teak Umber, supplied far the use of her Majesty's ihickyards, together with the quant.tiesdeliveml to this date unit 1' .oiy emoting contracts (in continuation of parliamentary return, No. till, of ses sion lett'. NEW MEMBER. Viscount MANPEVILLE, introduc d by Sir 11. 11. Istotts •nd Mr. FnEwek, took the oaths and his seat for Bewdley. LEAVE OF ABSENCE. On the motion of Mr. Earcounr, leave of absence was given to Mr. Lang for one month, on account of urgent pri •ate business. On the motion of Mr. Tersr.tt, leave of absence was given to Mr. Touiaon for one wee's, on account of urgent private business. On the motion of Mr. M. J. O'CoNkr.tt., leave of ab-ence was given to Mr. T. O'Brien for three weeks, on account of urgent private business. BOROUGH ELECTIONS BILL. The second reading of this bill woo postponed until Tues. day, 9:11 inst. TILE LATE SERGEANT-AT-ARMS. Lord J. RUSSELL, after paying a high tribute of praise to the conduct of the late Sir William Gosset in the public service, both before his acceptance of the office of Sergeant at-Arms, and during the twelve years he tilled that office. moved : " That this house entertains a just sense of the zeal and abi.ity with which the late Sir William Cosset uni formly discharged the duties of the office of Sergeaat-at- Arms during the period of his attendance upon this house." S:r It. H. INGLIS had great pleasure in seconding the resolutioa. From personal acquaintance with their late eminent Sergeant-at-Arms, as well as from his observation of *Dr William Goraet's public conduct, he considered that no testimony to that gentleman's merit could exceed his claims. The SEJSiOn was then unanimously agreed to. BRIBERY AT ELh.O [IONS. Sir J. lIANMER poetponed his bill on this subject from Tuesday next to the following day. SEE OF MANCHESTER—ENDOWMENT. Mr. HOUSMAN begged to ask the rig ht bon. baronet, the Home Secretary, whether any steps had been taken to provide the Bishop of Manchester with an adequate revenue. Sir G. GREY said that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners were engaged in taking measures for the purpose of pro viding the bishop with the stipulated income. SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. Mr. URQUHART, in the absence of Lord Palmerston begged to address the questiou of which hr had given notice to the noble lord the First Minister of the Crown. lie had read an incredible correspondence which had been printed in the public papers, and there had appeared a letter from the noble lord tee Seerstary for Foreign Affairs, desiring her Ms jesty's ambanador at the Court of Madrid to interfere in the most direct manr.er in the internal affairs of Spain. The com munication made by the British Ambassador had received an in lignant re ply from the Duke of Set; mayor, and the letter addressed to that nobleman had been scornfully returned to the ambassador. The question he whited the noble lord to answer was whether the correspondence to which he referred was authentic; and, id s c whether then was any objection to lay it on the table of the house ? He also begged to ask the eoble lord if he could state whether any steps had been taken to reran Mr. Bulwer. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the bon. member, after ap plying many . epithets and qualifications to the correspond ence in:questten,hadasked whether it was authentic. Ile must beg to state, in the first place, that there was a most important omission in the despatch of h • noble friend, as printed in the public papers. Ile thought it necessary to state that the despatch commenced by enjoining the ambassador at the court of Madrid, " if an opportunity should arise for so do ing, to offer some advice to the Spanish minister, dec." It might he as well to call attention to the difference which ex isted between a recommendation to give advice on such a subject, if an opportunity for so doing should arise Cu' of any conversation that might take place between the ambassador and the Spanish minieer, and the tendering such advice in more formal manner. In the next place. it was asked whether the Duke of Sotemayor bad indignantly rejected the advice offered to him, and had scornfully returned the communica tion of the British envoy : It would have been as well if the hon. member who asked these questions had referred to the anterior transietiona by which this country was bound under a treaty to render assistance, by supplying arms and armed tree., to maintain the Queen upon the throne of Spain. Ile would, upon inquiry, have found that a con siderable sum of money was still ,sing by the Spanish go t I vernme::t to this country for the arms thus supplied, and I dia.:op the couree of last year an application nee made to ascertain whether the treaty under which the Queen of Spain had been placed upon her throne was still in force, for if such was the ease this country might still be called upon to make more naval efforts and to spill more British blood in maintaining her • upon that throne. The hon. member would see that if it was not, therefore, unlikely that Great Britain should be again called upon to make some efforts to support the Queen on her throne, it was incumbent on the government to see that any danger to that throne was not uselessly incurred ; and under those circumstances ministers had thought it proper to tender some advice to the Spanish government on this subject. (Hear, hear.) He could safely say, that all that his noble colleague intended was not to offer any diet., tion on the subject of the internal government of Spain— (hear, hear), but merely to impress on the ministry there the recollection that England having made most expensive efforts to place the Queen upon the throne, it was not unbecoming on the part of her anthassador to offer some friendly advice as to the necessity for maintaining those institutions which were necessarily bound up with the Spanish monarchy as established at present. The answer which, on the part ef his nob' friend, he was prepared to give to the question of the hon. member was, that there were no papers relating to the subject in question but what he was prepared to give to the house. (Hear.) Mr. URQUHART begged to ask whether the recent distinction conferred upon Mr. Bulwer was in any degree attributable to the conduct punned by him in respect to the correspondence to which he had referred ? Lord PALMERSTON (whs. had entered the house whilst Lord J. Russell was speaking) said, with regard to the cor respondence between Mr. 13ulwer and the Duke of Soto mayor, copies of it were preparing, and would, probably, be laid on the table that evening. With respect to the hut question, he begged to say that he had tendered advice to her Majesty togive Mr. Bulwer a stark of her royal approval by conferring on him the honour to which the hon. member alluded ; but this was lor.g ago, and lie hod subsequently seen no resem to advise the crown to alter any intention farmed in Mr. Bulwer's favour. Mr. 'URQUHART asked whether the noble lord would have any obj ction to irielude in the papers the correspond ence respecting Mr. Bulwer's real. Lord PALSIERSTON—There is no correspondence on that subject. (SCH L Hear, and a laughllO.) ESWIG-LSTEIN. Mr. URQUHART had another question to put to the noble lord. The hon. member for Buckingham (Mr. Disraeli) had recently brought the subject of Denmark under the notice of the house. lie wished to know what steps had been taken by the government, as the guarantee under the treaty of 1720 was not considered to be such as could be en forced under the circumstances of the case ? (The hon. mem ber was very imperfectly heard in the gallery.) Lord PALMERSTON said that the government of her Majesty had certainly not been able to discover any circum stances in the case of Schleswig that could bring the guarantee under the treaty of 1720 into operation. The good offices of the British g cvernment had, however, been accepted by . Denmark and Priv sia, and conferences between the commissioners appointed for the purpose of settling the disputed points were at present going on. (Hear, hear.) Mr. G. BANKES asked how it happened that the des patch addressed by the noble lord to the British ambassador at Madrid hadfeund its way into the public papers of Madrid before it was communicated to the Spanish minister ? Lord PALMERSTON : I must make the same reply that was made to Charles 11. about the li-li—first establisn the fact. The fret notice of the subject was contained in Leo Prcue,—bow it gat there ho could not tell, for he had bad nothing to do with it. From that paper it got into the Clamor Public°, where there appeared u short paragraph stating that it was understood to be the intention of Mr. Bulwer to present a note on the subject of the state of affairs to the Spanish minister. It was his intention to add to the copies of the correspondence a copy of the paragraph in the Clamor Publico. JF.WISII DISABILITIES. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that this Lill be read a third time. Sir F. THESIGER rose to propose the amendment of which he laud given notice, namely, that the bill be read a third time that gray six months. In so doing, he knew he was acting in opposition to many with whom he had hitherto always coincided In opinion. He regretted the circus...— but must persevere in the course he had chosen. He was swan he should be seemed of being narrow-minded and bigoted. He could not help it. lie was not conscious of bung actuated by such sentiments. lie was at a loos to un derstand the principle upon which it was sought to give the Jews admission into that house. It had been argued that to do so would be to unchriatienise the legislature, for Christianity was so intimately bound up with all the institutions of the country as to render the admission to parliament of its open deniers and du avower. most dangerous. He, however, should not take that ground, or adopt those reasons for opposing the present bill. lie would oppose the admireinn of the Jews into par liament ou the principle that to do so would be en act of gear absurdity. If, as was the case, religion for/nem the of the associations of the state, it became the duty of the government and of the legislature to uphold that form of religion which constituted the basis of the institutions of the country. When, therefore., the question arose whether an infidel should or should not be admitted as a member of the governing body of a Christian state, said the objection to his admission was baud on the grounds of his being en infidel, that objection must govern the decision, and he must stand rejected. If the house abandoned the maxim that the Christian standard of morality was the true one, end ad. mitted the infidel standard of morality as of equal value with the Christian, the result would be to reduce all alike to the 'mature' standard of morality without reference to revelation, and consequently considering the whole system of morals a delusion. The duty of the legislature was to insist on in scribing over the portals of that house " This is the temple of Christianity." (Neer, hear.) Hitherto they had done their best to keep it so,—(hear, hear) —and if any person had played the hypocrite in making the required declaration the sin was on his conscience and di I not rest ou the Louse. But it bad been said, as a reason for admitting the Jews into parliament, that they believed in the same Oal as the Chris bans did,—and when the hon. member for Buckinghamshire had argued that the Jews professed a true religion, though not the true religion, his reasoning was not just ; for nothing short of the true religion could be acceptable or valid in the sense recalled for the security of the institutions of the cone , try. Assuming, for the rake of the argument, that there were as many deism as Christians in the country ; and as gaming, also, that en equal number of deists and Jews were qualified to sit in that house ; the former might very reason ably object, in eau the present bill pasted, to take the oath in its present form, and might fairly demand of the noble lord that he strike out the fag end of the declaration now required in their favour. And if, as he would in that case be called upon to do, the noble lord *hoed,' ac cede to this demand, upon what security would Christianity then stand ? What was the difference between a deist and a Jew ? In his opinion Judaism was nothing but dolma dressed out in the worn-out rubes of the Jewish hierarchy. It had been truly represented of the Jews that they hail no sympathy with the nations aniouget whom they dwelt, said that they cared nothing for the institutions of theta countries. That in his opinion was an additional reason for giving a preference to deists. It had also bees argued that if the present bill were rejected the !egielature would be acting inconsistently so long as admission into that house was granted to unitarians and quaker*. It must be recollected that both of these classes entered the house and subscribed themselves as Christians, and it was also of the utmost importance that the difference should be marked between admitting into that house per sent merely indifferent to the strict principle, of Christianity and those who were absolutely hostile to it. It bad been argued that the Christian faith was impregnable ,• hut that was no reason why an enemy should be admitted a hose first endeavour would be to undermine the strong hold of the Christian faith. He was willing to give the Jews a very fair right and privilege. Let them do as their anceetors were required to do in Babylon—let them plant gardens, let them take wives and beget sons and daughters, 1. t them seek the peace of the land in which they dwelt, and, if they Fleeced, let them pray for that peace. I.et the people of England exhibit towards them the true Christian character, and communicate with them in all good offices. Let us impart to them every right and privilege which, with security, could be conceded ; hut let us at the same time exhibit Christian ceurnge and revile tion. Let us stand up valiantly for the safety of our coun try and the tenets of our religion, and prevent one single en.niy from getting a vantage ground, whence he could as sail that religion on which depended the peace, the happi me., and the security of this Christian country. (Cheers.) Mr. TRELAWNEY said it had been argued against the bill that the Jews were a nation sui geturit, but he wished to know what was to be looked upon as constituting a na tion. Was it a common language If so, the Am• ricans and English were one nation. It the Jews owed allegiance to any temporal Jewish sovereign, such an argument might be tenable, but any government they bad was purely hierarchical, and could no more affect their allegiance, than could the suerernacy of the Pope affect that of the Boman ca tholic. Besides the Jews had themselves solemnly declared that there wee nothing in their religion to affect their allegi ance to any ceuntry in which they resided. Had not the Jews ever Amen themselves loyal subjects in England? Had they not oit the leth April last exhibited as much alacrity as their Christian fellow subjects ? And why ? Because they had equal rights send property to protect. In his opinion it was had policy to have in any country 40,000 dissatisfied citizens. It would be much better to deport them altogether, than to keep them in such a state, at the risk of contaminating the rest. The hon. member proceeded to quote the various hardships which had been inflicted on the Jews by successive Kings of England, observing that he did not mean to con tend that such things could happen at the present time, but he feared that the same spirit animated the oppositicn to this bill. There was uo fear that the Jews would seek pro selytes. It was well known that Lord George Gorden had turned Jew, but that after his death the Jews refused to ac knowledge him. As nothing he had heard in the course of the .e debates had convinced him of the propriety of excluding Jews from parliament, he should continue his support to the bill under consideration. Mr. WESTH END coneratulated the house that they had been enabled to discus; this question uninfluenced by vast public meetings, but calmly and deliberately and without reference to anything but its real merits. He leered that many of the Wesleyan community would be sur prised at the course he was about to take, hut after careful consideration, he Lad come to the conclusion that such course wee in accordance with the dictates of ficelte holy word. A noble lord had quoted Dr. Arnold against this WI; hut in an other passage that eminent divine had said that If the :mis sion of the Jews to parliament was the wish of the universal people of England nu should not oppose it. The hon. hart., the member for Oxford University. had urged that it Wag no greater hardship to exclude Jews on the score of religion than it was to exclude Christians who said not possess a pecuniary qualification ; and at the same time had blamed a right hon. gentleman nut now in the house for undue levity iii talking of protestant cookery and christian horsemanship. Surely the levity was as great to compare a question of religious scruple to one of mere pecuniary qualification. Another objection urged against the bill was that it was for the moral interests and well-being of this country to procure as much as possible unity in religious matters. Now, if there was one country in Europe in which, more than another, unity of religion was attained, and that the Lutheran religion too, it. was Sweden. If much unity were coeducive to a high amount of national morality, surely Sweden should be a pattern to nations. But what was the testimony of travellers on the subjects The Rev. J. Scott, a Wesleyan missionary, who had resided twelve }ens in the country, stated that in Sweden the most rigid means were adopted to preserve unity of religion, but that, judging a tree by its fruits, it did not seem with the moat beneficial effects. There was no difficulty in getting work done on Sunday, the theatres were all open, and tent even the ministers of religion did not hesitate to pass from rho pulpit es the metre box. With respect to morals, Mr. Scott stated that the population returns showed the proportion of illegitimate children to legitimate to be en one to one and a half. Mr. Laing gave lemilar testimony, so that there ISM nut a nation in Europe which must not give up the palm to Sweden is immorality. So much, then, for the arguments founded on unity of reli elm. lie should rueport this bill, not confirming his judg ment by appeals to barbarous times, but founding it on the great charter alike of Jews and Christians, which told us to do unto others as we would that others should do unto us. (Hear, hear.) Mr. O. C. LEWIS observed that two objections had been opposed to the admission of the Jews to the legislature ; the one that they wore aliens, the other that they were not Christians. The first objection had not been much insisted on, and for a good reason—for there could be no doubt that British Jews born in this country were as much natural born subjects of her Mejeaty, owing her the same allegiance, sub ject to the same burilera and obligations, as their Christian fellow-countrymen, :eel were abstractedly entitled to the same rights and privixees. Then as to the religious objet tion, thuuele they di I not admit the truths of Christianity they were not oppose t to any of the great moral doctrines which that religion recognised and inculcated. Then there was no reie.on for seppoting that the admission of Jews would unchristianise the legislature. This hill did not pro pose to nominate Jews as members of parliament, but merely opened the doers of parliament to them should they be elected. And where was the danger in this ? Was there a single constituency in which the majority were not chris liens ? In London even, where the greatest number of Jews was to be found of any town in the kingdom, the Jews formed but a small n inority of the electoral body. Vattcl, quoting Orotius, bed laid it down that emongst lade pcnilent nations difference of religion was no harrier to the recognition of equal independent riqhta. Why should they not apply the same principle to individuals ? (Hear.) Locke said th at the state enould be exclusively occupied with the temporal interests, awl the church with thespiritual interests, of mankind, and that on no account should these two dis tinct provinces be confounded together. It appeared to him (Mr. Lewis), on every ground, that the admission of the Jews es members of the legislature, being in accordance with the proerem of opinion and legislation in this country, and with the practice of the most civilised nations, and being at the same time free from political danger or social detriment, the house would act wise:y by deciding by a large majority in favour of the bill, and thus prevent the re-opening of the question in future years. (11 , ar, hear.) Mr. CAMPBELL, haying supported the motion for going into committee, assured the house that it was not on frivo lous or hasty grounds that he felt himself compelled to vote against the third reading of the bill, or to oppose a govern ment, which was in every respect entitled, especially at the ',resent time, to the warm and cordial support of the house. (Hear.) With regard to the objection that the state in giving the right to constituencies to elect representatives, ought not to interfere with their choice, it appeared to him that while the constituenciis elected members, not for the purpose of representing them only, but to form a representative assem bly for the whole nation, it was perfectly reasonable that the legislature should impose such restrictions on their choice sus the public interest demanded. The hon. gentleman who hail last spoken had said that the majorities of all the towns and counties were christian : if so, what hard ship could there be in requiring them to choose christian re presentatiees Admitting, generally, the &atria , : of ab• street right, which had been laid down by the edema's of the bill, a held that they were not bound to adopt it in every ease, if the result should be the sacrifice of a principle which it was essential to preserve ; and if public virtue and disinterestedness were n ecessary for the efficiint service of the state, he held that christianity was the only 4twante• far those qualities- With regard to former concessions—the admission of dissenters and unitarians—those questions stood on totally different grounds, mad as to the Roman ca tholic' it should be remembered that they had to deal with a country obtained by coequal, disgraced and detcriorati by centuries of misgovernment, a country in which the:Ba ll= catholic religion was that of the Till% majority of the people, and which, at the time emancipation was granted, was in that state that parliament had to choose between the rain of the British empire and the wimissienof the Roman catholic claims. Mr. F. SCOTT opposed the bill on purely religious grounds. The Jews, he observed, had not hitherto been excluded because they were Jews, but because they were not Christians. The admission of the Roman cathelics and dis senters formed therefore no precedent fur this bill, they being Chtistians, and so far eligible to a seat in a Christian legislature. Mr. RAPHAEL said ho had voted against the first and second reading, and meant to oppose in every stage this de christianising bill. Mr. BROTHEItTON supported the bill as an act of national justice, and !Renege ho believed that the people of Eughoid were generally in favour of it. (No.) Well, such Was his opinion, and that opinion was fortified by the faet that 300,000 petitioners had demanded it, while not a fifth of that number had petitioned against it. Ile maintained that it would not militate in the least against the established church, or against the religion of tho hum gentleman who spoke last, who, twenty years ago, was himself excluded from parliament on account of his religion, but who, ho re gretted to perceive, was now ready to abuse the privilege ex tended to him by the bill of 1829, in excluding a portion of his &How-countrymen on account of their religious opinions. Mr. G. It. ROBINSON had voted for the bill believing that the admission of Jews into parliement could not by Toe gibility now, or at a remote period, have the least injurious effect up in the established ehurch. Mr. NAPIER declared his intention to vote against the third reading of the bill, and, without wishing to question the personal religion of any member who supported the measure, he must express a hope that the arguments on both sides should be fairly considered before a candusion Imo come to. The legislature of this country took its stand on the acknowledgment of Christianity so truth; and, if this bill became law, this country could no longer stand upon that existing national acknowledgment. If this bowie disavowed Christianity as the basis of its legislation, could it say that the people might not expect to incur the divine displeasure / (Hear, hear.) He was ,not there to argue against an en lightened toleration ; on the contrary, lie was of opinion that, so long as the Gospel was sustained no the standard of doctrine, and as the common rule of public morals, they might afford to be very telenint indeed. But the coovktion of his mind, after full considera tion of the subject, MO3, that should those be admitted into that house us legislators who called the Redeemer an impostor, and declared Christianity to be untrue, confusion mint f o llow, as the nation would cease to houour Him whom hitherto they bad always been taught to adore. (Hear.) And he must also ink the house to consider what would probably he the effect of this measure upon the Jerre them selves? Their hopes cold not, according to their faith, centre in any Gentile land. They count upon the restoration of their own nationality, and then fore he held that the adoption of the measure could not help forward the removal of those 'diction* this people had so long experienced. On all grounds he called upou the house to paint , lisfere it pc filled the constitution of the country, and before it pro voked the jealousy of Him whose mercies hod e a recently heen extended to us as a nation. He cherished a feeling for the Jews, but he cherished still mole n the true faith of a Christian." (Hear.) Mr. R. PALMER could not acquiesce in the conclusions to which the hon. and learned gentleman who had jest spoken had arrived ; for after full consideration of the question, before and since he had been a member of the house, his mind had been brought to the conviction that, both on political and Christian grounds, the bill ought to be come part and parcel of the l iw of the land. Lord MAHON said that though he had spoken at former stages of the bill, he could not shrink from declaring hits con tinued opposition to it, now ihat it had arrived at its third ' reading. Ile regarded the measure as one which had been shown by the petition of Archdeacon Wilhetfurce as likely I to lead to the separation between church and state. It was tine that he had supported the propositions which had admitted Jews to the magistracy and to hold civic di tiactions ; hut he held there existed a vast difference between those concessions end their admission to make the laws to be so admitestered. This was a queetiou of principle, and it ought net to be argued on grounds of expediency. He was sorry to he unlined to admit that there had been less manifestation of feeling against this measure out of door, than he hail been led to expect ; but should 'he hill be rejected elsewhere, and re-intro:rued, he had no doubt such feeling would be strongly shown. Sir R. 11. INGLIS was anxious to take this lust oppor tunity of declaring that further examination had only strengthened his conviction of the impeller of Chis measure, lie altogether dissented from the view taken by the boo. member fur Berkshire (Mr. It. Palmer), that those who were in possession of a good thing ought to be called on to prove their right, by showing a beneficial exercise of the tool they held. One of the nest popular arguments in favour of the measure Lad been this: Having gone so far, you are bound to advance. But let it first be considered whether they bad done well in going so tar—whether the direction was originally a right one otherwise the argent( tat was sophistical. the house had not to deal with a visionary Chnstianity, hut with one em bodied in • particular form of religion. The members of that house had to legislate on vital questions effecting the church ; and, because they had admitted, perhaps unfortu nately, one discordant element, that could not he made an argument for the admission of soother. Let this weasUre be granted, and the house could not refuse the admission of infidels and men of no religion at all. It had been inked, what bad religion to do with politico ? The connexion was such, that he could not consent to any further element of opposition to the church being introduced into the governing body. Already it was mutter of complaint with some that the prelates were nominated by the prime minister. But who made the prime minister ? A congeries of Roman catholic, churchmen, and dissenters; and surely it was not desirable to admit a new element of apposition. It was unjust to Mourne that the mere privation of political power was persecution ; if this were so, the num ber of the persecuted dames much exceeded that of their persecutors. Pus great objection to the measure was, not that it would utehristianise the country or the legislature, hut that it would prove on the high. et authority that the legislature was indifferent to the religious belief of the cepuutry. (Hear, hear.) After carrying the word of salve tinn to the ends of the earth, how could we justify this in difference in the face of the converts from heathenism? Mr. M. GASIII ELL said he bad come to a conclusion on this measure at variance with that of the majority of those with whom ho usually acted. Ile should have been glad to have been able to take a different course, knowing that much alarm had been excited amongst some classes by the proposal of this measure. Mr. NEWDEG ATE rose amidst loud cries of " divide." He wished to ask the house whether the disconnexion of the church from the state in France, had not led to the over throw of the monarchy of that country, and whether they were prepared to follow a system which had produced such results in a neighbouring country ? ("Oh, oh," and cries of " divide.") Mr. FORTESCVE, who spoke amidst continual cries fer a division, was understood to say that lie could not conceive how the exclusion of the Jews could conduce to the advan tage of the church establishment Lord J. RUSSELL—Having taken no part in the debate on the second reading of the bill, I feel bound, before the house comes to a terininetion of its proceedings with regard to it, to endeavour to give some answer to the objections which have been made to the measure I have had the honour to propose. And, in the find place, I must say that it was • good augury for the success of the bill, and fur the advance of the principle of freedom and humanity, that the lion. and teamed gentleman who proposed the rejection of the mea sure began his speech by abaudonine sumo of those argu ments which had had a great effect in prejudicing the minds of many gentlemen with regard to it. The hon. and learned gentleman acknowledged, supposing the bill to pass ' that Christianity would ho no lons part an d parcel of the law of the land than it was at present ; and he give up the asser tion, which had been ono of the mod successful against the measure, that it will tend to unchrhtianise the constitution and legislature of this country. Sir, I derive encouragthaent from these admissions. I derive encouragement from them, not only on account of the great authority of the hon. gen tleman, but because I think that that authority shows that many o f' the objections to the measure have given way before the progress of discussion. (Hear.) But I still find points of principle and points of practice on which it is desirable that 1I should make a comment. Let me address toyedf to them; and in so doing let me remove the miaapprenension which still appears to prevail, that it was any part of my use. gument that religion hail nothing to do with politics, or that we ought not to be guided by religious feeling in c inducting the legislation of a nation. Sir, my opinion is quite the con trary. My opinion is that religion ought to influence us in the smallest domestic affairs, and in our highest legis• lative measures. So far from thinking that religion has nothing to do with politics, I believe that Christian principle is the basis of legislation. I believe that it was Christian principle that guided in this country our greatest representatives—that it was Christian principle, for example, that inspired William Wilherforce, and those who acted with him to that attempt which resulted in the destruc tion of the abominable slave trade—and to speak of no par ticular law, but of the general spirit of institutions, my belief is, that whereas ancient republics and states not under the influence of Christianity, as they became more civilised be came more loose in their systems, more demoralised in their principles, and more corrupt and debased in their practices, so, under notional rule which has Christianity to en lighten and to guide it, as nations became more civilised they will, solely as they are so guided, become more pure, become more ready to acknowledge and to be directed by the influence of a ditine and holy law. (Cheering,) lluldiug these opinions, it cannot be my view that " religion has nothing to do with politics," or that " Christianity ought to be kept out of systems of legislation." But what I do maintain is, that you cannot by seeded decla rations—bywords introduced into an oath—by forms and statutes imposing disqualificatien—obtain that Christianity which you seek for in your legislation. The object is not to be gained in that way. I proved this on a former occasion by adducing the caste of notorious disbelievers in Christianity who had sat in this house. But if your object is attained in this way, why not carry the principle further i Why not insist upon a declaration from • member on entering this house that he is not swayed by [adieu or by party bias —that be is not actuated by pausal or by corrupt motive, but that his sole aim and object is the good of Me oonntry ? If a declaration is good for saytiffes ono disbar tion ie as good as another. (dear, hear.) And vast lOw tend for is that although your exclusion may bi lend en • negative, it is utterly useless as mating an affirmative. You may, by a declaration, exclude the Jews ; but neither by declaration nor by exclusion can you create a belief in Christianity. (Loud cheers ) That is altogether beyond you—it is far beyond the limits of your legislative power. k Renewed cheers.) And yet, sir, 1 cannot hut think that the want of • duo sense of the importance of this distinction has run through nearly every speech that has been delivered on the question. It is said " You ere anxious to abolish Christianity; you are striving to unchriat ianise the parliament." Why, If a declaration of this sort produce the effect of creating Christianity, I admit there would be great force in the argument ; but as I know that the words of exclusion can have no such effect—that while we declare that the legislature shell not be Jewish we are utterly powerless to declare that it shall be Christian—why, I say, that the declaration is of no effect whatever. (Repeated sheering.) An hon. member, in wham I glad to recognise the son of an old friend—l refer to the hon. motile r for Cambridge (Mr. Campbell)—said just now, in a speech of great ability, that he should vote against this bill because public virtue was necessary in a legislature, and Christianity was the only assurance of public virtue. Then, why not carry the principle of il, claration one step further, and have • declaration of public virtue 7 The rea son why you have not is obvious—that the obligation of pub lic virtue is net to be created by public statute. (Cheers.) But, sir, let me now come to the practical effects which may result 1 from the admission of Jews to parliament. With regard to the Jews themselves, it might be admitted that there are many ex amples in the New Testament so well as in the Old that the moral law to which they consider themselves subject is that "on which hangs all the law and the prophets." With respect to their civil conduct, no one impugns the conduct of Jews as citizens of the state, ae citizens paying du , . obedience to the law, ready to hear their share of the public burden, and to enlist themselves in defence of the public safety in times of war and tumult. Let us cementer, then, what are assumed to be the dangers of giving this people the privilege of parli a ment. We are tail that "we are all Christians, " sad it is presumed that we arc all united. But ie fact is that we hare had many debates of late years in which the opinions of - bodies of Christians, one against another, have been repeated with great vehemence and urged with much violence. On an occasion when the Unitarian Chapel question was the subject of dis cussion, and on • more recent occasion still, when the endowment of Maynooth was the topic of debate, some mem bers ware found to soy that unitarians were not Christians, whilst others laboriously argued that Roman catholicism was a false religion. Tnough we may, therefore, all of us pro fess and cull ourselves Christians, yet it is evident that there are among Christians themselves the differences which pre vail between Christians and Jews. I do net know that of late years there have been any material questions before us relating to the Jews themselves, but there have been and there are likely to be question% relating to Christian sects, and especially to Roman catholics, on which the house has been, and on which we must expect that its opinion will hereafter he, divided. But I see no reason why Jews should not treat these questions as candidly and fairly as any other body. Then, with respect to the Church of Euglend, the Jews, so far as 1 know, have no animosity t.,, nor any disposition to injure our established church. Can any reason be shown why they should not consider questions relating to that church as fairly as any other members not belonging to its communion ? With regard to another class of questions, ler religions in their character, on such questions as the currency and the bank charter, the amount of th, supplies, and the commercial policy of the country, no one will say that • member of the Jewish per seamen is not a most tit person to give an opinion. I:he question is then, after all, whether you shall give up a remnant of the system of religious exclusion (Cheers.) I affirmed before, and 1 affirm engin, that this exclusiou of the Jews is quite coutrary to the spirit of the emstitution of the country. With regard to social distinction, it is the pride of this country that per sons of the most humble birth may rise in the church, in the law, in the state, to offices of the hi,..hiat rank. Such is the constitution of this realm; and is it fair that the Jew should ne the only person within it entirely excluded from the advantages of so glorious a law? It has been said, though the fallacy is so transparent as scarcely to need answering, that this is a case similar ta that of a man possessed of a free hold valued at 39a, who is on the verge of the privilege, but not within it. But we all know that in that case the free holder has only to get Is. better off to ensure his qualification, whereas, with regard to the Jew, you say to him, unless you change your conscience you shall not ponces the qualification at all. (Hear, hear.) But, air, contrary as is the system to the spirit of our constittt don, it is, according to the view I take, far more contrary to the spirit of the Christian system. It is my belief r that a relies ent, guided by the spirit of Christian principle, , and with the greater portion of its members professors of 1 the Christian faith, will lose none of its superiority by the I admission of a few members of the Jewish persuasion. It is my belief that their admission would in no degree affect our system ; whilst I feel that we should be displaying the great ' est proof of our confidence In the doctrines of Christianity by shoeing that we rely for our future, not on a declaration— • not on • statute of tleorge IV.—but on a law which is I written on the tables of the heart. Tare house then divided—Fur the thirdreading 234 Against it The bill was then read a third time tad passed. EVICTED DESTITUTE POOlt (IRELAND) BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. Clauses 1 to 3 were agreed to. On the 4th clause being pro d, Mr. MAUNSELL proposed on amendment whereby the expense of supporting tenants evicted from their holding‘, should be thrown upon the holders of townlands, instead, as proposed, of throwing it upon the electoral division. After a lengthened discussion, the amendment was nega tived and the clause agreed to. The remaining clauses were agreed to, the house resumed, and the bill was ordered to be reported. POOR-HOUSES (IRELAND) BILL. In committee on this bill clauses were proposed by Sir W. SOMERVILLE, presiding means of burial for destitute poor who should die out of the workhouse. The other clauses were agreed to, and the house reenmed. ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. On the motion of Mr. E. DZNISON the following com mittee was appointed :—Mr. E. Deni.on, Sir G. Grey, Sir J. Graham, the Chancellor of the Exclirquer, Mr. Cioulburn, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Gladstone, Mr, Harman, Lord Ashley, Mr. Baioe., Lord Mahon, Mr. J. A. Smith, Sir J. Y. I3ul• ler, Sir J. Trollope, and Mr Stanfield. The house adjourned at baltpaat one o'clock. Zhe erproso. MAILS. The malls for Ttritisti NeithAlll;;ies, and the United Slates, will be made up en the evening of the sth May. The overland clovcd mails, rid Marseille.% to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, trylen, India, Hong-hong, Re., will be made up on the evening of the with Nov. The malls for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the sth Mar. The Weet India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nunn, Havana, Monaural% New Orleans, Vera Cru,., Tampa°, and Porto Rico, and ineluding thoeo for Nladeira, Jaemel, Carthagrna, Santa Martha, Chaim..., Panama, West Coast of South America, and St. Juan-de- Nicaragua, will be made up on the meaning of the 17th May. The overland mile for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Erna, Aden, tX•ylon, India, llong-Kong, and China, rid Southamp tun, will be made 111$ on the morning of the 211th May. The moils for New South Wahl., Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand will be made up ou the evening of the blot 7 d .7. The mails for the Weal (last of Africa and Madeirn will be made ap on the evening of the :11st May. The mail.. fur the Bragila, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Emma Ayreig, will bo mode up on the evening of the 3rd June. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by tho authorities of the Stump-office, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS wu 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number issued to the Morning 'Jerald, Morning Chronicle, and Morning Post, ALL PUT TOORTIIISE. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Month:, Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, THE EXPRESS 778,714 Which wee more, we believe, than were issued either to the Utak or Standard, EveainiPapers. 11108 WATER AT WNDON Tv. DAl—llernin. 1 0 000.1 4043 3 ; Aflerunno, 131^. put 3. 1114.-41usluir—NOreitog, 40 ma. vaat 3, 1.114rw04 . 0/ put 1. LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 5. Tut: resolutions on the general principles of parlia mentary reform by Earl STANHOPE, which we pub lished yesterday, are entitled to respectful attention. It is gratifying to see a nobleman possessed of sympa thies so extensive as to pass the boundaries of caste, and enter into the views and wishes of classes whose position in society is so different from his own. In one point Earl STANHOPE appears to have formed a more just estimate of what is required to inspire the at present unenfranchised classes with confidence in and love of established institutions than any other recent writer on the subject. 1 1 To give a certain portion of the working classes, a voice in the election of representatives will not satisfy them, unless they obtain at the same time the power of sending some of their own number into parliament. This is natural. The burgess class have found that country . gentlemen are but inadequate representatives of their order in parliament. The working class have also a misgiving that none are likely to speak their minds so exactly to their mind as some of themselves. We do not fear to startle our readers by stating that we think it of the utmost consequence that this natural desire should be granted, for we remember reading an expression of the same opinion in the Edinburgh Review —no very ultra-liberal journal—before the Reform Bill was brought in. Earl STANHOPE appears to be deeply impressed with the necessity of an arrangement which will ad mit of working men finding their way into parlia ment. No leas than three of his resolutions aim more or less directly at effectisg this object The third declares that every representative ought, if he think fit, to receive his expenses during the session of par- Bement ; the ninth dispenses with a property qualifi cation be divided ;udt in the seventh five cl as ses--" enthpropoet ! , those ow whotheelec are shall e employed in daily labour forming one"—each of which shall elect its own representatives. By these means it is obvious that the noble lord looks to be able to confer on every working man of mature years and sane mind a vote in the election of mem bers of parliament, and als o to ensure the admiss ion of representatives belonging to that class ti,to the House of Commons without alarming the proprietary cl Coinciding with Earl STANHOPE in the opinion that it is desirable to have the mo s t industrious of those who live by daily labour represented in parliament, and also to have them represented by some of their own order, we approve entirely of his third and ninth resolutions. They are indispensable to that end. But we cannot approve of class legislators. The experiment has been tried in every German and Scandinavian state which has enjoyed any mea sure of popular representation, and in the French provinces under the ancien regime. Its' inevitable tendency has been to foment animosities among classes to the subversion of liberty or the paralysis of administrative government. The sovereign or mi nister played off the different Pats or stande against each other. At one time the priests and the noblesse were banded against the burghers and the peasants ; at another, the priests and the peasants against the other two. The obstruction to all good government arising out of the intrigues or counter-intrigues of these bodies became so inveterate in the course of the last century, that the people of Sweden, to escape from it, aided the King to assume despotic power. Earl STANHOPE'S representatives of five classes in parliament would be five organised in teresta alternately leaguing and quarrelling with each other for narrow selfish purposes. Their legis lation would be narrow-minded and hurtful. Their intrigues would render parliament a dark region, in which corrupt and ambitious statesmen would inces santly plot and counterplot each other, neglecting the public business—purchasing power by the sacrifice of public interests. It is owing, in a great measure, to the non-recognition of distinct classes in the English Commons that we have an English people, in stead of (as in Germany) a Humber of &betide, who have no common views or sympathies; and that this English people may be preserved it is necessary that within their several districts all elec tors shall continue to choose representatives not of landowners, merchants, labourers, &c., but of English men. To us it appears that there is a possibility of ob taining the end which Earl STANHOPE has in view, without introducing castes into English society, and at the same time without encountering the dangers which a majority of the upper and middle classes (with or without good reason) apprehend from univer sal suffrage. By giving every householder—every head of an independent menage—a vote, and by equalising the electoral districts, there will be a number of districts in which the working classes are sufficiently numerous in proportion to the other electors to command when they choose the return of a member fully representing their senti ments and wants. We know that it is objected to the household qualification for electors that it will exclude many of the most intelligent both of the middle dessert and of the skilled artisans. But this may' lie remedied. With the present electoral qualifica ti in, non-elector and elector arc pretty nearly syno nymous with a poor man and a man in comfort able circumstances. This causes the non-possession of the elective franchise to be regarded with increased bitterness. It is a mistake to imagine that the person who has no vote is necessarily without political in fluence. Throughout society we find a multiplicity of domestic or social circles, in each of which the members take their opinions from one or two of the more enlightened or energetic among them. So long as a due number of each class have votes, it is comparatively of little consequence who the individuals are who possess them. MR. lit its: has received, in the events of Limerick, the most powerful support that could have been de vised for his promised motion on the Irish church. In one of the great strongholds of Hibernian nationality, in Limerick, the partisans of open revolution, of war, and hatred to England, have been put down—put down, too, by the weapons to which they themselves appealed—the strong hand of the people. That strong hand, too, was applied, not only with violence, but with contempt. It not orly castigated, but it branded, and exposed the victims to present vengeance and everlasting ridicule. It is useful to recognise the conservative principle that was here at work, and that prevailed in over coming the efforts of these who appealed so powerfully to the passions and pride—dear, after all, to Irishmen. The madness of SMITH O'BRIEN, MEAGHER, and M ITCH ELI., was pat down in Limerick. and is scouted in all the towns of the south by the junction of the priesthood and the citizen class,—by those, in fact, whom the late Mr. O'CONNELL chiefly trusted, and by whom he was to the last enduringly supported. In a mixed population like that of Dublin, full of the professional and miscellaneous discontent of a great capital, it was difficult to get at the true senti ment of the citizen class, overawed too by a mob, whose real force it was not easy to ascertain, and by leaders whose talents, power, and influence it might be difficult to appreciate. The triumvirate, therefore, did succeed in establishing a reign of terror and of doubt h, Dublin ; but the moment they made trial in a pro vincial capital there was no room for such deception, The public knew itself—citizens knew each other's minds—the people obeyed their pastors, and the re sult was instantaneous in the kicking of the revolu tionary triumvirate out of the city. Let the government, however, not be rendered too confident by the triumph. For the classes which put down MEAOHER and MITCHELL are still more for midable antagonists to England, and to the union, unless England will conciliate and do them justice. The Irish priesthood are the true police— s, moral police who cannot be taken into pay. The priesthood and the Old Ireland citizens form together the only middle class, the only deposi tary of intelligence and economy, and the (true sup porters of public order and of progress through peace able and constitutional measures. The government that cannot win the confidence and support of these classes will never be allowed the opportunity or the power of working that cure of pauperism, that trans formation of the inter-devouring antagonism which prevails amongst the agricultural population, and may bid good-bye to peace or to solid improvement. The great false step of the English government was certainly the abandonment or rejection of the appropriation clause. That indicated a policy which might have contented the great middle Irish class, which we have desciibed. Perhaps, however, it is not too late. And certainly the present is a noble oppor tunity. The classes we hint at have just given a most noble example of their wish to preserve amity and union with England. The events of Limerick and the south can be looked on as nothing less than a renewal of the old conciliatory offer of DANIEL O'CONNELL,—that is, of DANIEL O'CONNELL in his character of pacificator. Were our present ministry bold enough to reproduce their own true and liberal policy, and parliament considerate enough to sanction it, a new era of justice to Ireland, and of union between the two countries, might hopefully couimeoi.e. It will bo seen by our Irish correspondent's letter that the government measure for extending the Irish franchise has given very great satisfaction. It will, undoubtedly, be received as a great boon by the citizen class. And indeed it should be also welcomed in England, where ministers must bo prepared to ex tend the principle of a rate-paying franchise, intro duced by their bill into Ireland. A glance at the journals of the south of Ireland would furnish ample proof of what we strive to impress upon English readers—that the citizen and the sacerdotal class, with the masses who trust them, are opposed to violence and physical-force doctrines, yet leagued in one common sentiment of obtaining equal rights with Englishmen, with or without re ' peal. A letter from a valued correspondent, giving an account of the demonstration at Curk, will be read with pleasure, and corroborates our view. A recent debate in the town council of Cork fully' displays the feelings of these classes in the south. Alderman LYONS, on that occasion, denounced speech makers as the bane of the country," whose eons should take a leaf from the book of the hated Saxon, and work industriously, instead of talking of pikes and blunderbusses with the insane MITCHELL. Iu the same discussion the Solon of - ti; of the south, Mr. FAGAN, member et'°r c ommunicated to the town cou nc il, oT e t from his experience in England he came"` i the conclusion that • moral and ' R a ce:l w was of no use whatever." This is certainly markable confession from a prominent repeal er , so biographer also of the apostle of moral fecal, O'CONNELL. After this declaration one expect e d et , read that Mr. FAGAN was about to emulate li t , CHELL as a firebrand, exchange his ponderosa for a portable pike, and seek to retrieve his mai success on the floor of the linage of Commies by becoming conspicuous on an Irish field of 44 It seems that, opining moral foie was o f 00 avail, the member for Cork had determined to t ,„ tire into private life. But he changed his mind a f k, when the French revolution broke out, th eeat , ein " that the English government would peace a bl y gradually yield repeal to the demands of the p eop l e Yet this sapient legislator " repudiated say meat which would lead to social disorganisiition in th e country." So that this brilliant politician's • on repeal may be stated thus, according to hi, 0 , 0 words :—l. " I don't think moral forte of any see whatever." 2. " Not being resolved to use phya m i force I have thought of giving up public life, be c ,,,, lam a man of peace." 3. But I see that pil l * force is producing great changes on the cent ime . therefore I think that fear will make the E og g,,h r. vernment give repeal, and so I will rinmia in paths life!" We beg to ask what fear should influenced * government? Of course fear of physical power, el it e the moral-force member for Cork nu just repudi a t e d ! But there is a moral in this oscillation, thi s *eft. ness for repeal, and at the same time this rep t agge m , of violence. It shows that Ireland may be swig ged if English statesmen know how to set about it. NEWS FROM PARIS. PARIS, THURSDAY, n The subject which engrosses all micas this lere ing is of course the imposing solemnity of the gi ft , ing of the Constituent Assembly which is to tale place at noon. An order has been issued to the ono. mender of the troops to cause the taUond guards, and troops of the line, artillery, &c., to b e called out to unite in and givo increased splendois to the national celebration. The spacious line a road, commencing at the Place Vendtitni , leading sp the Rue de la Pais, along the Boulevard de la Made. laine, the Rue Royale, and the Place de la Concede, to the Chamber, will be lined by national guards's' troops of the line. Artillery will be stationed in the Champs Elyrkes, and on the esplanade of the Inn. lides. The members of the Provisional Goverment will assemble at noon at the Ministry of Justice, re the Place Venenme, and will walk in procession with the subordinate authorities by the line of route Ilure indicated, to the Chamber, the national guards sad • troops saluting. The assembling of the chamber will be Smiled by the discharge of 42 guns-21 from the Invalid; and 21 from the Champs Elysi:es, discharged alter nately. At the moment that the Assembly will proclaim the Republic within the bundler', upon a signal gives the entire body of national ' guard and troops will present arms, the drums will beat, mg the trumpets flourish. The bands of the differst regiments will everywhere play the rational air. The same celebrations will be observed when the National Assembly is constituted. The Chamber is ordered to be placed under the special safeguard of the national guard. A battalion will be placed within it and around it each day at noon, and this duty will be confided successively from day to day to the several battalions. The government this morning issued a proclama tion, exhorting the people to union and concord, by which it says the republic must live. The incendiary manifestos with which the walls have been covered for several (Lys, bearing the signatures of the president and officers of some of the most violent clubs, have created serious nneasines. One from Blanqui's club is very violent. These ruffians are permitted with impunity to provoke insurrection and anarchy, and to excite the dregs of the people to the massacre of all that possess intelligence cr pro. perty. A ferocious attack upon the army, made a the publication of Blanqui, has elicited a well written rebuke from a member of the army, holding no very high rank, but whose spirit in this instance has not been the less approved. At a provisional meeting of the members of the Assembly, to the number of 300, which took place last evening, it was ascertained that 31. Audry de Puyraveau would be President of the Assembly by seniority. Various lists for the definitive presidency, ries presidency, and secretaries, were circulated. Those put forward by the ultra-democratic party include the names of Martin Bernard, Barbee, and Etienne Arago for secretaries. MM. Bureau dePary, Peupin, and General Duvivier, are mentioned u queetors. Besides MM. Recurt and Senart, whom I men tioned to you as candidates for the presidency, the names of MM. Bucher and Volhaye are mentioned. Ihe following list has also been circulated dent, Bucher ; Vice Presidents, Cormenin, Mart, Volhaye, Senart, Trelat, Guinard, Corbon, Asp (Emmanuel); Secretaries, Dehorge, Peupin, Roamed, Martin Bernard, Dormes, Agricol Perdiguier ; Wm tors, Degouaie, Negrier, Chevallon. It is probable that not less than tioo members will meet in the Hall of Assembly to-day. The immediate charge of the Hall of Assembly to- day will be confided to four companies of the 3rd legion of the national guard. A preparatory session will take place at 11 o'clock. The members of the government will arrive about one. A battalion of the national guard mobile has been drawn out in the court of the Tuileries since five this morning. The troops have been all consigned to their barracks, and every disposition taken to trae trate any attempt at emeute, of which very general apprehensions are entertained. NI. de Ls.martine has addressed a letter to M. Entommaseo at Venice. This will probably appear in the Muniteur and the other journals to-morrow: Dear and illustrious Citizen,—lf I have not Wort answered in the name of the republic, I hasten at Ingle express to you, as a citizen, the congratulations with whit! the new and glorious situation of your country inspire* na. I have been happy to see that you have remembered meet the midst of the serious duties with which you are sir rounded. Your idea of me are just; for no heart Europe holds more love for Italy thin mine, nor man admiration and enthusiasm for Venice in particular. Pet wit me to add to this how much attachment I feel for in and for the generous men who guarantee liberty from the ' to the ocean by their union. We have received the Madrid mails to the 29th. The monetary crisis was beginning to attract the consideration of the government. There was no nein of general interest. Mu - quo, Aram :I.—Three per Ceita ,22 214 t.; Fire per Cents.. 134 paper: Pawing, 51 paper ; Coaponn, 9 paper ; Bank (4 st. Ferdinand, ex. dlv., 96 caib; 190 paper. I:sc6ange on LondeNs , Gd dap, 41.30. ITALY.—Oar advices from Northern Italy are not more recent in date than those already given; but they modify in some respects the reports which hare been received. The fact of the surrender of Udine is now called in doubt. It is said that the capitulation had been agreed to by the authorities, but afterwards resisted by the inhabitants, who drove the Austrians out of the city the moment they appeared within its walls. It is added that the troops under General Nugent were not numerous, and that the country Tim fully able to defend itself. It is not true that General Durando had marched in ipmeon with the troops under his command into the Fnoul. He only detached Gen. Ferrari with 6,000 men into that province to reinforce the local militia and keep the Austrians under General Nugent in check. According to the last accounts, General Durando himself; with the main body of his t 1 0 0 1 0: was marching on Mantua, to form the right wing of the combined army under King Charles Albert. An advance on Verona and Feechiera was imminent. At the date of the last despatches the Piedmontese lines were within a league and a half of the latter city. A letter from Florence, dated the 27th ult., states that Gen. Durando had decided on leaving Ferrara, where he would leave only ono hundred men, and marching on Mantua. The letter further 11231: " Lately, on a reconnaissance made before Vicenza, two companies of volunteers having lost 25 prisoners these latter were shot, with the exception of four, who succeeded in escaping. Lately, also, a Roman volun teer, having been taken, was hung by the Aus t ria ns, with this inscription attached to his breast : Coat ai La ai briganti di rie Nene. GE RMA BADEN.—The republics' quelled. A letter from Bri4 die troops of Wurtemberg hil, previous day with a body o. An official account of the 'eared at Carlaruho on the 2 t of the insurgents under Her of whom 23 or 30 were kilt . report some insurgent bands Munstcrthal. A letter from t• the 28th, says that the rune a been driven from the Schus'. arrived at lianingen on the is said that Hecker, who, a few days at Bale, now reper s and exborta to submission called a traitor to the repub c from Strasbourg announces t of the chief republican le . Boustedt, who, it would see. of Dassenbach. FRAN KF ORT.—On th. General Von Gagern took great pomp. Ills remain!. Kandern, and placed in • Duke of Hesse. They wee. vault at Hornau. The cons bets of the federal military !.. guard and tro ass of Austi a at Mayence, the members sf of that of 50, together with fort, were present on the ix! In the sitting of the cow • the debate was engaged or blishmetit of a triumvirate • ultimately it was adopted, • lows: The Diet will be ausmenti • be charged to choo.e a federal the diplomatic affairs between, and further to exercise the gent need, on their own rev° , according to the advice of the in That body, after coming the committees of 17 en. triumvirs to the governmcn responsible for their acts t. main in functions so long does not decide to the con. A motion was then ado. nomination of a federal ge pond till after the nomirn that it be made immedia' el PRUSSIA.—No papes on the 30th. The Siksian Gin.-rtte s ty in Posen. The bands c f place and reunite in an.. . guerilla war. They are n. on their planless and chic they are everywhere be;.te the troops, and then fo anything, but against it. hated Germans and *gains gion. The former senti nobles, the latter by the worthy of the middle a: who speak of the mw de scythemen who have Le - Resykow was very largo' the aeythemcn were kited and taken prisoners, while five were killed and to o AUSTRIA.—We have of Vienna papers. A 1 April 27 says, the preen Archduke Francis Joseph, of Bohemia, is gone to ye of Marshal RadAzki. I Italy, respecting the eubm encouraged the party ...h. Lombardy. The • gloomy. Intelligence from Tries , the English consul hall a declared to the Veneti in would not acknowledge claration becoming . g-m • seeded to the Brutal , c armorial insignia of En• the consul was the imm in a state of anarchy, ,nd deep distress. The Austrian LI y states that operations . menced on the 24th. T are blockading the .3 intercourse with Ven . "ce. BAVARIA.—Comt 29th ult. to the cabinet affairs. The baptism of on the same day. H' Greece, and his nam bert Waldemar. DENMARK /,N A letter from Hen is. Danes have entirely q• Alsen and North Set ,c has been besieged • t n of Count Schakenber officers, 17 subaltern!. , 1 were brought in pris m. The entire eastern c is blockaded by Dan s• interested in the tre le hensive than ever, ar.d ference of the Englis'i SOUTH AMEBA gene. comes to hand f a • thagena to the 20th ult and things were all ge e.. republic of New Grant outbreak at Caracas, ea Belied in El Dia. TY! Vexezuela does not in In neighbour, New Grass la mge to the House of Co It is quite a short docu and flourishing, that the: sages. Oa the subject of Panama, he says " across this isthmus h the company to whom it in their money affairs ••y however, have informed their endeavours to fii, lect this great cnterpr se commencement expire. I I possess to renew it. T the year ending the ti 28,218,920 dots. Ific. ; ad thus showing a Askew•i Gaceta Mercan 1 explosion of a steamer a of February, after and taken more on bc. her departure from th it ati.ly after getting uni.e town,7an explosion wt.- bens of the citizens of B assistance, and broual t ing them allassistanci Beekmen died on th 2 and engineers. Some a little, and others sn vi were the pilot and six o the giving way of or.. great amount of stei.m the engine an fast as cargo has suffered. I i * bet that he would which induced him v. the boiler could bear. dent. It is also miu t board, and be was eh 'c. York about a year sin Magdalena river. Sl e was about 250 tons ('1 WEST INDIES we have intelligent .3 of a more recent received : JAMAICA.—Kt British steamer Tw e. from England, via of the Exchequer hal. as regards the importa • has been made towaros extent, and no further, India proprietors, wh c injury already inflicts t. labourers will confer th e rzPome ' or plai with the United Seat strongly recommends internal improvemer •s constructing railroad. agriculture, &c., whii h were practicable. Ir.