The Express. — London, England, 1851-05-02 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THCIUMAY, MAT 1. TM LOAD CPI•NCILL0111 took hit seat at are o'clock. PETITIONS PRESENTED. COUrrT COCIttA.—By the Earl of CARLISLE, Soot Darrykrids.•, in favour of county court extension. ?Arai. Aooocuitom.—By Viscount WILTON, from ono& place., againlt papal aggression. LAW OF PATENTS ITENTS. Earl ORAN Vaii postpo n ed the c o mmittee on the Law of Patents Bill, whisk stood for to-morrow, until Mon day mat. Adiournt.d. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, MAY 1. The Set Aims took the chair at 6 o'clock. PSI VATIC BUSLNESS. The Charerg-erter Bridge Bill sad Royal Naval Scb 00l Bill ems simony read a thinl tine and pealed. The Illaseries bills were considered and agreed to:— Perth, and Dundee Railway Bill; Great North l e l l= Railway Bill ; Landon sad Blackwall Railway Pm lbs) Lake sad Blackwall eztension railway to Tilbury, BEL PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS PRESENTED. Ansinntow Orii;rl4lOPinTin;inr7--3y Lord LEW ISHAM, horn Staffordshire ; Lord BUILOHLEX, hoar tts• county of Lincoln, &Own. _ _ Qcaaisa 8411110;111 -.. COCKTE (laawro).—By Mr. MIOIOIIEII, from the solicitors of the counties of Cork and Waterford, complaining of the schedule of fees an noted to the bill for extending the jurisdiction of Quarter fissions Courts in PAPAL AOOMESSION.—By Mr. MASTERMAN, from St. Domtaa's in the West; Mr. DAVIES, from Ca:menhir-- shire ; Lord HERVEY, from Brighton; Mr. LOCK HART, from several religious congregations in Scotland; End Lord LEWISHAM, in favour of. BCVLISIASTICAL TITLES ASSUMPTION BILL,—By Mr. SADLEIIt, from the Roman catholimuf Runcorn, Cheshire, the bill. amnions os KsowLeoog.—By Sir O. STRICKLAND, Bans Preston, in favour of the abolition of the tax on news papers, as also the excise duty on paper. HARWICH ELECTION. The members of the committee appointed to try the merits of the petition against the return for Harwich, ap peared at the table and were sworn. SUPPLY OF WATER To THE METROPOLIS. the the reunion of Sir U. OUT, this bill was read a first lime, and referred to the seise' committee on private bills. iNTItAMURAL INTERMENTS. Mr. W. WILLIAMS wished to know from the right ben. :4vcretary . for the Home Deportment when the system of intramural interments in the metropolis would cease ? A very strung desire prevailed that the sydem should be &listed as quickly as possible, as it was fraught with in jurious consequences to the health of the inhabitants. Sir O. OBEY said the Board of Health was endeavour ing to get po.ussiou of the various cemeteries, with a view to closing them. For several they were in treaty, and fur the 1194%.,0111 of those which would not be volun tarily yielded up the necessary legal means would be taken to enforce it. (Hear.) AYLESBURY ELECTION PETITION. The SPEAKER informed the house that it bad been determined not to proceed with this petition. OATH or MO URATIoN (JEWS) BILL. Sir It. INO Lis presented several petitions fru:a various localities against this bill. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the bill be then read a second time. Mr. IN EWDEO AT E roue to oppose the second reading of the measure. He wished to know what was the nature of the bill then before the house ? It was a Lill to create a new qualification —a new religious qualification ; and no attempts on the part of the noble lord opposite would avail to persuade the country that the measure was anything but a direct invasion of the Christian character of that house, or that it would not have a grievous effect in altering the character of the legislature, and bringing that house into culliaion with the other branch of the legislature. (Hear, hear.) lie begged the house to recollect what had occurred in the last sem . Baron Rothschild, not content with the assuninee given by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) that the session was then too far advanced to proceed with the aseasure, took the matter into his own hand., although a immunity.; of that house was appoi nted to investigate the whole ilu“tion involved in t he decision of the house on is homer occasion, and although the committee reported it was contrary to law he could take his seat without first taking the oath prescribed. (Hear, boar.) Nut bowing to that decision, Baron Roths child Caine to the table of the house—not following the precedent of Mr. Archdall or Mr. O'Connell previous In 11429 —and followed the clerk through the oath until he tame to the words on the true faith of a Christian," and when he ante to these words he did not declare kis objec tion, but ventured, on his own authority, to alter the sub stance of the oath, arrogating thus the power to alter an oath and an act of parliament, which the house declared Itself incompetent to do even by resolution. (lieu, bear.) begged to call attention to the fact of the admission of Jew. into the French parliament, the emesequenee of which was the alienation of the church from the state, and the growth of ultramontane • is, which paved the way to the overthrow of monarchy in ISIS. lie asked the noble lord, did he consider if this measure would have the effect of driving many excellent men out of the national church, who would not consent to have that church allied with an anti-Christian legislature ? The noble lord ought to take warning. Ile could not tamper with the religious character of that house without raising up a feeling in the breams of earnest members of the church of England. (*.odd the Pope of 'tinny have a stronger proof of their apathy and iudiffereuce than was indicated by the introduction In her Majesty's minister. of this measure ? It was not, then-fore, surprising that the Pope should have thought the time was come when he could supersede the national church by establishing his own hierarchy. (Hear, hear.) Year liner )ear, and session after session, this ques tion was introduced, and the two branches of the legislature brought into collision. Let it not he supposed that the 'louse of Lords would ever consent to the passing of this measure, barked as they were by the support of the great max- of the people of England. It could nut be contended that the oath of a witness was to he (-mailer,' with the oath taken by a member of that house previously to taking his scat. A member declared un the true faith of a Christian that he would act iu all legislative matte. according to the doc trines 411111 morality of Christianity; and could the oath of a witness be compared to that . It might be well to see what other countries had done in this matter. Simultaneously with the first attempt to introduce Baron Rothschild into that house, the .11111 C question was agitated in Prussia. In 1847 the parliament of Prussia refused to admit Jews, and declared its determination to uphold its Christian character. When it was afterwards proposed to admit Jews to municipal utters the parliament of Prussia adopted, by a majority of 67 to 33, a resolution &elating that the Jews should be admitted to municipal Dices, provided they would abjure the dogmas and due trines in the Talmud and other Jewish books which nine seated midair dealings and actions towards Christians and Christian communities as of Divine authority. What hap pelted in consequence ? Why the Jews nut back the boon, refusing to abjure any part of their traditioual reli gion. Yet the noble lord the prime minister of a Christian Queen would have the English parliament at once admit Jews, not as individuate, but as professors of the Talmudic religion, to a seat in that house. The more he reflected upon this measure the more deeply convinced wee be that it was fraught with evil consequences. The has. and learned member for Shefßeld (Mr. Roebuck) always objected (as was understood) to any appeals being =Mk to his meow or religion. Mr. Ice :BUCK (with much excitement of manner)— Whe -hoot.' you my that? N Et% DEOATE had land...tiled the hon. and learned member to object to any one appealing to his scale of religion. Mr. ROEBUCK would appeal to the Speaker whether that was a proper mode of treating the question. There were imputations made, without any actual words being employed, and imputations which everybody must under stand. The SPEAKER said the hon, and learned member was irregular in hi. interruption. lle would hate an upper. toady of spimking elements. Mr. NEWDEGATE said if he had uttered anything ofcusise he begged to impe tus his regret. (Item, hear.) Ile would. however. proeted. In Austria the Jeers were nut rmisidered capable of exercising certain civil lUnctious; and the ornate of Ilainburgh had determined by • majority of 21 to 7, that Jews should not sit in that sesenslsly. Ile kat* that that house was not likely to be gnidad by the preeedents of other countries. hut he could not help saying that in nu other way could they east so great a slight on the Christian religion as by admitting ,Jews into their bode, fir there was no other of which it was a fundamental article that Christianity should be re jected. The Almighty had decided by his providence that Jews should nut legislate fur themselves. and be could not coos-rive. therefore, how they were qualified to legislate FM a Christian couatry. (Hear, hear.) For a thousand years this had been a Christian country, with a Christian legidature. As • Christian country the .11rnighty had ex tended its power from the confines of a narrow island to a dominian on which the sun never set; and he could not leak upon the proposal to dispense with the Christian cha racter of that assembly without mingled emotion of sorrow and alarm. (Hear, hear.) Mr. IsOEBUCK said he took the hon. gentleman as • typo of the objectors to this bill, and so taking him ha would deal with him. Boning by all personal allusions to 1 himsclf. which were wholly out of place, he a ould remark II that tLe first question which the hon. gentleman asked of • pertinent nature had reference to the eharacter of those i whom it was sought to admit by that hill to the ordinary priv::• ?es of a subject of her Majesty. Now, before 'Wing ion. that inquiry, be would ask what it wee that they swore at the table and how it was that they swore it ? There never was a greater mistake than th a t ma d e b y the hen . gentle man, in supposing that there was somettung Tartly instiller in their oaths as legislators which separated it cnurely from the oath of • witness. What did they swear? First, they , aware that they would be faithful to the Queen; the next Ina war the oath of supremacy, which related to the ca tholic religion and the power of the Pope; and the neat was the oath of abjuration, which was now wholly mekssi, seeing that there was no Stuart in existence. Let hurt. member understand what they were quarrelling about. They swore fidelity to her Mejeety ; but how did they swear it, and what was the meaning of an oath? The • Je:e r..,11e to the house and swore that he was a faithful • subject of her Majesty, and that he would continue faith ful ; sad, I. doing so, did he not appeal to the God of the Jew and of the Ch r i st i an, to that religion from'' erbibia ova., saa.reu all tae great priaMgles ua• aiv • tumour, PS.. IMC reillm. 7 saas •••••••• •• WM. 1114: gam or anjuration, w hi c h was now wholly ;bhe of the Socitty of Friends, or be he a asuanaul Morarian, he ancie L.C ut o authors, oho. useless, seeing that there was no Stuart in existence. I was equally eligible to sit in that house. Nay, they , had right of holding land Let hon. member. underatand what they were quarrelling ! gorse further than this. They had enabled Quaker. and , subject. In the thus about. They swore fidelity t o h er M a j esty : hut how did Montclair s to take tittle scata by making &simple declaration created all the didic tJew hey swear it, and what was the meaning of an oath? The I and without imposing on them the takingof an oath. They the true faith of a ..,te to the house and swore that he was a faithful 1 might my that theywerrjustitied:lnlitnagtuisbecaw.eQuakers thou, should it now 1 subj.rt of her Majesty, and that he would continue faith. and Mora‘ians tier, Christians • but testa, Lad linen an act their just rights? 11 ful ; mad, in doing so, did he not appeal to the God ' p asca l not long since, by whici, caneognence of differ. thought necessary of the Jew and of the Christian, to that religio n from Fences among th e Quaker s,ct, me whium mi tt 4 . 4 , va.a a ll toe great agaatad la :Wows had it in its own pr :per of ' that '• ti any pinata OM MB boa q Ilseher, •tt• A. *Gable THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY lIYANIZJG, MAY 2, 1851. their mossilig, rod did M ass Wail .hinnolf in tbirworld add Ow mat dos strougest pessibissikick 211. amid sew ? What, then, wee ' of au , 1f Os Jew teal one, it was as I. nen • epos Ids renseassee as it would be upon that Olio mongolian* Christian. Tho Jew bad lsizaselk,. If th 6 with mewl our. thing at all, to be oindiout ih: od ho w tovervign of thr lbeme elms of Jews bong Sheep that elifhllis lam 2;ia they we* won sort& Another claw-be im the ineasrldity of the soul, thought that the tow of Ood would panne them in life and after death if thy, Win it Then, the hon. gentleman (Mr. Rende ssaid that the legislature was Christian. He Roebuck) wished that a 1 the hon. members of house were judged _by *sir deeds and not by their prothigions, by their kind's* towards othen, and not by this doloitioo which might be pot opon their deed,. Ho desired sissothing that would onnothes their asperitieserf and prowast don from ling, they possessed perfect masgoiy of wisdom: 'no Itaa. • , pirmin (Mr. Newde gate) seemed to mono M bistolftlso character of infalli bility. But, did it never occur to his mind that a man might be brought up is the Jewish religion, amiable in character, commanding in intellect, perspicacious and in quisitive in finding out what was true? And if so, why should the hon. gentleman, because he was educated in the Christian faith, stamp the Jew with ignominy? (Hear.) Let the house think of what they were doing. He (Mr. Roebuck) acknowledged frankly all the wonderful consequences of the Christian dispensation, but could be shut his eyes to the fact that the Jews were not bad subjects, bed fathers, bad husbands, or bad citizens ? He supposed that in the ordinary class of life they were not inferior in intelligence to other people. If, indeed, they resembled the hon. gentlemen (Mr. Ncwde gate) he should hold a very poor opinion of them, for of intellect and charity he had given a strange example. He (Mr. Roebuck) did not agree with the hon. gentleman in any of his opinions. - - Mr. WIGRAM said he could not understand why any legislative distinction should be made between the Jew and the Mahomedan in a bill of this description. As the law at present stood the Roman catholic could not take his seat in that house without swearing that he , 4 (mid not use his pri vileges against the institutions ot• the country. (" No, no.") He thought that if the principle of the present bill were sound persons of every religious creed ought to be admitted without exacting from them any pledge whatever. If they could convince him that Baron Rothschild's religious opinions were to be no bar to his civil privileges, be was not sure that he would decline to vote in favour of the bill. He, for one, looked upon the representatives of that house as the servants of the public, and the house was bound to decide the present question with a view to the benefit of the nation at large. In framing the consti tution of the English senate, hon. members should always endeavour to command the respect and confidence of the people at large. He would give his vote against the prin ciple of this measure, because he was convinced that if that house were to be constituted without any reference to the profession of christianity amongst its members, the respect and confidence of the people of this country would not be obtained. (Hear, hear.) In a great country like England, there were large divisions of the people who always re- I garded christianity as of great moment; and in that house christians hart ever sat, and none but christians had ever had seats in it. The words in the oath, "on the faith of a true Christian," had been inserted, because it was taken as a matter of course that none but Christians could sit there. If this bill should ever become law it could not but be con sidered as a most impolitic act towards the people of this nation at large. (Hear, hear.) The SOLICITOR•GENERAL had listened with satis faction to the speech of the hon. and learned member (Mr. Wigram), though he certainly could nut concur in its senti- ments. With regard to the observations of the hon. mem ber for Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegatc) he had taken what might be termed common ground—he had cited the Scrip tures as the guide which they ought to take in dealing with this question. Did he (Mr. Newdegate), however, suppose that other members of that house would profess to be less guided by Scripture principles than himself, and was at right in him (Mr. Newelegate), in an assembly which he boasted was Christian, to assume, as the foundation of his argument, a ground which he knew could be equally assumed by every member of the house? (Hear, hair.) He (the Solicitor General) would not enter into a religious discussion, but he would remark that the arguments now urged by honourable members op posite were very silllll.lr to those urged on the occasion of the proposal to admit Homan catlio:ies to those privileges to which they now proposed to admit the Jews. They had then been told that the doctrines of the Roman catholic were immoral—that the Roman catholic, were guilty of . . . idolatry, and ought therefore to he excluded friim civil privileges. It was high time that all such arguments should be thrown to the winds, and that they should come in a fair and liberal spirit to consider whether a large por tion of their fellow-subjects were still to he denied civil pri vileges on account of their religion. There might be some vacuole for bringing forward the arguments which had been used at the time of the discussion of the cathulic emancipa tion question, fur then there had been a policy which was about to be altered ; but on the present occasion his (the Sulicitur-General's) great difficulty was that in place of reasoning on a policy they were reasoning on an accident. (lien?, hear.) The hon. and learned member (Mr. Wigram) had, unlike the hon. member for Warwick shire (Mr. Newdegate) put the matter on tangible ground. His (Mr. Wier Ant's) tenet observation was, that if this Meet sure were rig ht in principle it did not go far enough—that I the legitimate consequence was, that if they admitted Jews they ought nut to exclude Mahurnedane. (Hear, hear.) lle (the Sulicitordienetal) had been surprised to hear that sort of argument from the hon. and learned member (Mr. Wigram) who knew that in the last charter granted to the East India Company there occurred the clause, "That no person whatsoever shall be excluded from any office, civil or military, by reason of his colour or his religion," and that at this moment a Mahumedan might he governor general of India. (Hear, hear.) His (the Solicitor-Gene ral's) answer to the honourable member (Mr. Wigrum) was this, that if they permitted a large body of Mahumellans to live in this country, and imposed on them the burdens of citizenship, they could not, in justice, deny them its privileges. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member (Mr. Wirers) had put another point which he (the Solicitor- General) apprehended was the strongest view in which the matter had appeared to the mind of the hon. member. !le (Mr. Wigram) had said that they ought nut to coned tote their legislature so that the public would not hovel confidence iu it. It was, however, remarkable that the gentleman whose case had been so much discusses! (Baron li.thechild) should have been more than once returned to that house by the second constituency in the kingdom. Seeing that this was the ease—seeing that public opinion had thus been tested—he (the Solicitor-General) put it to the hone- whether the hon. member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Wigram) had not begged thu question when he argued that this measure would be distasteful to the public. (Hear, hear.) Why, here he (Mr. Wigram) had the large constituency of the City of London telling him that he' was mistaken in opinion, and the feeling by which the constituency of London was influenced was par ticipated in by the large majority of the people of England. (opposition cries of "No, no," and loud cries of " Hear, hear" from the ministerial benches.) The people of England were opposed to injustice in every shape, and would not tolerate the existence of any disqualifications which did not arise from the incompetency of members to discharge the duties imposed on them, but were boldly placed on the grounds of religious sentiment. (Hear, hear.) At present they excluded the Jew, nut from any legisla tive diopialification, and it was • farce to refer that to legislative disqualification which had happened by mere accident. At the time when they had been levelling their legal enactments against the Roman catholics, they had introduced words which happened to suit the case of the Jew, and hence the present position of matters. The honourable and learned member proceeded to argue against , the exclusion of Jews from the privileges of citizenship' on account of their religion, and quoted a pump from Lord Bacon, which had, on a former occasion, been referred I to by Sir Robert Peel, to the effect that the law of Eng land did not warrant the exclusion of parties from civil privileges on account of their religious belief. If they had intended to deny the Jews the rights of citizen ship, they ought not to have accorded them admission into the country, but once having granted them admission they were not entitled to come forward and say that they should have nu share in a legislature which they assisted to sup port. They ought also to recollect that for 13 years alter the Jews had been admitted to this country there had been nothing which could have excluded them from sitting in parliament, and he had to repett that their exclusion was the result of a mere accident. The hou. member (Mr. Nee - dee:etc) Alarmed them with the dread of the divine vengeance. They had admitted to the country about forty thousand Jews. They allowed them to trade here, to pay our income tax, and to sit at our tattles. They al lowed them to marry our daughters, and we might marry theirs. 'limy had already admitted them to serve on juries, and they had allowed one of them to act as sheriff of a county, and by virtue of his office to summon these juries. They also admitted them to municipal corpo rations. All this had been done without the di vine vengeance falling on them ; but they were told that if they proceeded one step further, and ad mitted the Jews to that house, the vengeance of Providence would noureelly follow them. (Hem, hear.) He (the Solicitor-General) had wished that while the hon. member (Mr. Needegate) had been quoting from the Talmud, he had quoted that portion where Abraham was represented i sittoug at the door of his tent, and an old man of fourscore 1 year. asking Admission. Abraham had admitted him, but seeing that he did nut offer • prayer to God on sitting down it* hie repast, he had expelled hint. Abraham had then bean' a voice seeing " Abraham, where is that stranger 1" 1 Abraham had said, " I have expelled hint, because he I, did out worship thee ;" when the voice replied, " I (have write with hint eighty ;rears, why could not you hear with him one day :" (Hear, hear.) If the hon. member (Mr. Need e gate) were correct the , Hews he had exprenell, he ought to introduce a bill to expel these forty thousand Jews altogether from the roan-' try, for their admiesiou to the country and the denial to them of the rights of citizenship could not he properly re- cow:lied with each other. lie (the Solicitor-General) held . that is discussing the rights and privileges of the people of'! this country they had no right to mix ran these demur C ons the religious element. They had 'already raid that be 4 mass of the church of England, be he • Homan catholic, be he of the Society of Friends, or be he a Moravian, he was eqwAlly eligible to sit in, that house. Nay, they had I w ad farther than this. They had enabled Quakers and k orariane to take their webby making a simple declaration land without imposing on them the takinitol an oath. They 1 might wy that theywerejuetifinKut gluing tuishceaumeQuakers and Moravian. were Christians • but Wire had been an act passed not long s i nce , b y which , In consequence of differ cures among the Quaker sect, it MS •11180ild that 4 tl aay poem not hr 'emusq issier s or a Mom' vian ' may he take the Quaker declaration on all aeamites." Honourablemembm ONISSIIe, to besonaistent, eseadeavuur ta Areal thalliet be the coelP Wm, did while partial not over serspulowt, w ad. witted, SOON who telt and acted socordiag to caillhollh, were exchada. Ile cauld awn% the honourable 11/1111. her Newdegate) that he had thought as much ow Me matter as ha bad dotes, and he conceived it be Ida Christian duty to place Baron Rothschild on • level with his tellow.ektisens; he conceived. it his Christian - - Os tie as ha would bedons . by. (Hear, h ear.) Thiry Nesomided fa tior a ll not ontrikan Id imelens at • but from all corners of the world, • kip biby of af -intelligence and station to witness widebsiedisatien bad made in this kingdoot— to the ellbein of thirtti t y v e n ars of peace on L ip civilization and plipms of kad. It was true that they had dam this with re ce to science and art, and not with newt to legislation. But it was equally true that Europe had looked to this country fur many years, and especially for die last three years, and had envied it for its emestitution, and its steady progress in civil and religious fremilem, while exempt from the turmoil and contusion by addikeellue esentika had been distracted. This gratifying @Mee at maim MI insulted from the concessions made at ad them le die %lie of public opinion, or, rather, he would ..Meta AM hellos of sympathy which had generally bait Otinelell for the public opinion of the country. That Msted hitherto not unfrequently been manif e sted an civil and religious liberty ; and he (the Ile& ) should feel as it were degraded if the. Mempre who had been summoned from all the deilleod countries in the world to witness our Is dis other arts of civilisation, should find us re trogr ii Ike matter of legislation, and falling back as it were into N. dark ages of persecution instead of advancing in iiv strsightfora ard and enlightened course, which would justly secure them in the affections of all the subjects of the realm, while securing to them the blessing of that Provi dence who, dispensing justice to all himself, could not think it right that justice should be withheld (ruin any sect of hie 1 creatures. (Hear, bear.) Sir H. INGLIS denied that the Jews were excluded merely by the terms of the oath, they had been excluded from the earliest periods in the history of the country, be- cause they had not the faith of Christians. The hon. and learned gentleman had referred to the thousands who had assembled in Hyde Park that day, and had asked what 1 foreigners would think of them if they would not admit a Jew to take the oaths at the table? Why, so long as the property qualification remained there were very few of the community who could sit in that house, and of the half million of people assembled in Hyde l'ark that day pro bably not live thousand had the requisite property qualifi cation. Talk of the common right of all subjects to sit in that house ; Wtiy, it hail always been limited. The hon. and learned member fur Shethehl talked of the speech of his hon. friend the member for North Warwickshire in a manner which did not surprise but which certainly pained him. He would appeal to any one who heard the two speeches which deserved the character of being the speech of a creature .` spit in spite." (Hear, hear.) He would not follow the speech of the hon. member for North War wickshire, but he could not leave it without thanking him for his appeal to the Cluistian sympathiesof the country. The further consideration he had given to the subject had only deepened his conviction that the question was an important one in its prsetical bearing on the destinies of the country, and that the Jews were at this moment excluded because by common consent that legislature was considered Chris tian ; and if that bill were once passed, there would be nothing to prevent any one of her Majesty's numerous Oriental subjects from being admitted to a seat in teat Mr. J. A. SMITH said before he addressed himself to l the general subject be would, in order that there might be no mistake, answer the complaint of the hon. member for Warwickshire, that on the hon. member fur the City of London coming to the table of the house to be sworn he concealed a paper which he afterwards produced. Now, he really did not believe that the hon. gentleman would condescend to state that which he did not believe to be true, and he therefore wished to 'peak in the most tem perate manner of the unhandsome insinuation which the hon. gentleman had thrown out. lie had no other means of repelling that insinuation than that which he now adopted, namely, giving it a most explicit and positive de nial. He had this further corroboration of his assertion in the fact that the precedent followed by the hon. member fur the City of Loudon cowing to the table of the house was us closely and as strictly as possible that which had been taken by Mr. l'ease, the member for Durham. Mr. Pease came to the table of the house and took the oath in the form in which the house permitted him to take it, and signed a declaration prepared and written out, not by the officers of the hums; but by himself, and having signed that paper he placed it on the table of the house and tilers left it. It was not for him to complain of the decision of the house in not dealing with Baron Rothschild as they did with Mr. Pease, but he thought an equal measure of justice had not been dealt out to them. As the chairman of the committee of the electors of the City of London, he would now allude to an insinuation also thrown out by the hon. member for North Warwickshire, that bribery existed at the election of 1848. He begged also to meet that assertion with a full and explicit denial, and he would further tell the honourable gentleman that in that election bribery would have been as useless as it would have been un lawful, when there was a majority approaching to 3,600. Mr. NEWDROATE said he alluded to the election of 1847. Mr. J. A. SMITII said he begged the hon. gentleman's pardon, but he referred to a story as to the withdrawal of witnesses, which he applied to the election of 1848. lie would tell him that the election of 1818 was conducted with the most urgent desire that no imputation of bribery could be made. With regard to the election of 1847, he could repeat with equal confidence that pains were taken to avoid the imputation of bribery. With regard to the gene ral question, he had for some years taken an active part in promoting the object of this bill. lie claimed fur himself as earnest and as sincere a devotion to the faith which he professed, as had any of the opponents to it ; but he had done his best, and would continue to do his best to promote the admission of Jews into parliament, because he believed it was inconsistent with the Christian faith to allow of civil disabilities, lie agreed with the Solicitor- General that the shreds of argument opposed to this bill were such as to give hopes that there would be no collision between the two houses on this subject, and he trusted that the members of this house would not be de terred by the timidity of those who counselled them not to pass the biU lest there should be a collision. A great majo rity of the people of this country were desirous that they should remove the last remaining acts against civil and reli gious liberty, which, he regretted to say, still disgraced their statute book. Mr. GOULBURN said it was important that the house should rightly know what this measure was, and the actual course of legislation which had been proposed. The first measure brought in by the present government was in 1816. That bill was not like the measure now on the table of the house. That bill began by stating that the oath of abjuration was required, and was a qualification fur office ; and it went on to say that because Jews could sot take the oath a new oath should be formed, which should on all occasions be applied to Jews. But did the bill stop there ? By no means. Those who brought in that bill hail sufficient regard for the constitutional liberties of the country, and fur the religion of the country, to introduce a clause imposing restnctions as to particular offices; they were restricted Item the offices of resent or lord chancellor, and being the Queen's high commissioner for Scotland. They were excluded from all ecclesiastical and university offices, from the mastership of schools with royal foundations. That bill was rejected by the House of Lords. After two years of mature consideration, in 1849, another bill was introduced, differing from the former bill most materially. This bill still maintained that the oath of abjuration was a qualification for office, and the bill altered the oath, and continued the disability of Joss to office. In the bill now before the house, however, the oath of abjure don was not held to be a qualification fur office. The preamble stated that Jews were by law capable of being elected members of the House of Commons. Why, who ca was not pable ? Who could prevent the electors, if they were wild enough so to use their fran chise, from electing a Turk or any one else ? Under this bill the noble lord admitted the Jews to every office, even to those from which Roman catholic' were ex cluded. This was, therefore, not a mere question of the admission of Jews to parliament, u the Solicitor-General had represented it, but to every administrative office from which they were now excluded by the terms of the oath of abjuration. They might fill the office of regent even, or of lord chancellor, exercising therewith a large amount of ecclesiastical patronage, and being bound to advise her Majesty in all matters of conscience, and yet the sovereign was required to make a declaration of her attachment to the established religion. (Hear, hear.) It would be ex tremely wrong fur a Jew to be placed in such a situation of authority that he would have to act on the religion of the country. There bon. gentlemen who thought that a Chris thin principle ought to pervade the legislation of this coun try certainly ought to vote against this measure. Mr. ANSTEY said that an analogy had been drawn be tween the ease of the Jews and of the Roman catholic.; and it had been argued that this bill should no t b e a d opte d because it would render the Jews eligible to offices which Roman catholic, could not fill. But the question was not one of a new constitution of parliament, or whether Jews ought or ought not to be admitted ; the principle to be es tablished was that every one elected by a constituency ought to be eligible for a seat. They had no right to tender the oath of abjuration to anybody coming to the table of that house, whether Jew or Christian ; for the committee who sat to inquire on the subject had shown that the oath expired with the decease of George 111., and there was now literally no authority for enforcing it. The journals of the house of last session had authoritatively recorded the right of the Jew to take the oath in the form which he deemed most binding; for the amendment de claring the seat full had been carried by the house. This led the house into a difficulty ; and the noble lord bail very properly thought that the best way to obviate the difficulty was by paining a declaratory act, such as the one now pro posed. Baronponnts of the measure did not pretend to say thatßothschild had not been lawfully elected, but merely contended that he could not sit because he was ! a Jew. Anciently, when parliament sat in separate estates, it was well known that the Jews had their representative . assembly, in which they voted money like all the other estates of the realm. The writings of Bruton, and other ancient authors, showed that at their time the Jews had right of holding land and all oth er r i g ht s pertaining t‘,., the subject. In the time of William 111. the act wh , d i how created all the difficulty, that containing the 'words "on the true faith of a Christian" was not fo rce wh then, should it now stand in th e way of tt,;je...„..joyi4 their just rights ? He regretted that this bill should be thought necessary at all. Ho believed the house h a d it in its own power to dispense w ith t h e objec lionahis amok by declaring that the Q.:.. aer In whatever torus the party thought ,• . It had been thought better, however, to ''"'" i n • and when the measure reached the ot her • , law is would Cut be so treatedu to precipitate • conflict the two houses. Till the question was settled, the important City of London was deprived of its I full share of representation. Lord Stanley, when Colonial Secretary, had sanctioned the passing of a bill by the Canadian legislature having much the same object as the measure now before the house, by dispensing with the very 1 words to which Baron Rothschild objected. Were this the cameo( the Jew alone, he Omura not feel half the enthusiasm in its supper[, which he did from the consideration that it suctioned a principle which* would admit Mahomedan Indians and all other Gasses of her Majesty's subjects to • free pa ) rticipation in the privileges of our free constitution. (Hear Colonel SIBTHORP thought the noble lord had taken what he conceived to he a seasonable opportunity for forcing on this measure, in consequence of what had occurred at the Crystal Palace that day, where he (Cu!. Sibthorp) was not, because paramount duty and paramount considerations kept him away, in order that he might show that he was not deficient in the proper feelings of • Christian and in a desire to maintain fur this country, and for its legislature, its Christian character. Ile deeply regretted that the head of a protestant church should there have invoked a blessing on that which he considered to be injurious to the welfare of this country. (" Oh," and " question.") Ile should cor dially support the amendment of the hon. member for Warwickahire. If Baron Rothschild were admitted, why should he refuse to obey the Speaker's order to attend on the Saturday, as he (Col. Sibthorp) must do? Why should one man have a privilege which others had not? (" Question.") lie could tell the noble lord, though he might pass his bill through that house, ho would not carry it through the other, where he had not the advantage of a body of supporters who were bound to follow his bidding. Lord J. RUSSELL was aware the house was anxious to come to a division, and he had no desire to detain them front it, but there were some circumstances with respect to this questi differing from any by which on any previous occasion it had been attended. The question in itself related simply to the admission to his seat of a member of that house who had been twice elected by a large body of electors. (Hear, hear.) 110 would not dispute with the boa. baronet the member for Oxford University whether parliament had the right, and could with discretion exercise that right, of placing restrictions on the admission of lumbers elected by the constituencies. The ques tion, however, was, first, whether parliament meant to make disqualifications of this description, and next whether it was wise or reasonable to do 10 ? ‘l . it h regard to the first, whether parliament ever intended to establish restric tions, it was important to the consideration of the ques tion, to observe that while there were certain matters which wore matters of substance, and with regard to which mem bers were required to take an oath, there was no oath or declaration now required that the member presenting him self to be swain was a Christian, as there hail been in the parliament of the Protector Cromwell, when it was desirable that every member should be a Christian aud a protestant. (Rear, hear.) New, we had, as the hon. and learned mem ber for Bath had said, an oath of fidelity to the Queen—an oath with respect to the supremacy of the crown, excluding the supremacy of any foreign power—as protestant* took the oath ; of any spiritual supremacy and of any temporal su premacy, as Roman catholies took the oath ; and we had the oath of alnuratiou, abjuring the title of any other than the reigning family to the crown of these realms. These were the three important oaths required to be taken by mem bers of that how., ; and Baruu Rothschild having been elected at two repeated elections was ready to take all the oaths— the oath of allegiance, the oath of supremacy, either in the sense is which it was taken by protestant or Roman ca tholic members, and the oath of abjuration ; and when he was called to the table fur that purpose he was penuitted to take those oaths until he came to the concluding words of the last oath, the oath of abjuration—vim., the words " on the true faith of a Christian." Now, these words, be it observed, were not intended as any part of the substance of the oath, but to bind the persons who took the oath by an appeal to a higher power, and therefore only the words ' on the true faith of a Christian were used." When Baron Rothschild came to these words he objected that, as he was not a Christian, he could not conscientiously subscribe to them, whereupon the house declared that he could not be admitted to take his seat unless he used the words. But upon that question considerable debate arose, and his (Lord J. Russell's) hon. and learned friend the Solicitor-General maintained, with great poser of argu ment, that it was not necessary that the Baron Rothschild, not feeling the words binding on his conscience, it was not necessary he should use them as part of the oath, and that argument was supported by one of the highest authi ) yon such questions to whom they could look—the authority of the lute Mr. Charles Wynn, who had long made subjects of this nuture his peculiar study, and than whom there was no higher authority they could consult. It appeared to him (Lord J. Russell), he must confess that the weight of argument inclined—but only inclined to the side that Baron Rothschild could not take his seat without using the words' in question. But there was another reason beyond this, which made him most unwilling to come to any resolution by which those words of the oath should be passtal over; that was that he thought it might appear that by doing so the house was taking legislative powers upon itself, and that the Rouse of Lords might consider that on a question on which their ,concurrence. sari another branch of the legislature had decided without asking their consent. lie saw great evils in taking a course which might entail upon them such a consequence; but he should say now that the house hav ing acted with such deference to the other House of Parlia ment on this subject, was on a question affecting the right of members of the House of Commons, and of every elector in the United Kingdom, entitled to a fair consideration from the House of Lords in their difficulty. (hear, hear.) And as they had shown that they would not step an inch beyond what the letter of the law would authorise, out of deference to the House of Lords that house ought to con sider what was due to the people of the United Kingnum and the privileges of the Commons House of Pothunter:lL (Cheers.) It was in this respect, then, that he said that the question was iu a different position from that in which it had hitherto been ; and uu man would deny, he believed, that so far front there being any other objection to a Jew taking his seat, that had Baron Itorlis child, like Lord Bolingbroke er Mr. Gibbon, made no objection to the words, and used them, that no election committee would have been able to disturb him in his seat. (Hear, hear.) This was the position in which the house stood, and it was one in which they were bound to consider the claims of a gentleman who had been elected by a large body of constituents. The only argument he had heard to-night on the other side war. that urged by the right honourable member fur Cambridge Lni versity, in reference to the position which he (Lord J. Russell) had always laid down in that house, that they were not justified in depriving any of her Ma jesty's subjects of their political rights and privileges on account of their religious opinions. The right hon. gen tleman said this was begging the question, and that it wee iaot on account of their religious opinions, that Jews not debarred front taking their seats, but because the Mee would not enjoy the confidence of the people if Jews twee admitted, and that all legislatures were bound to take am that those who framed the laws should possess the con fidence of those who were governed by them. And the right hon. gentleman added that if he were advising a Jewish legislature lie would advise them to exclude all Christians. 'f his at first sight seemed to be merely chang ing the question, though in fact it was merely removing it a little further. For when they considered the question of how the oath should be framed to obtain the confidence of the nation they should remember that they were themselves representing the constituencies, and were iu a position to judge whether they would or would not lose confidence by admitting Jews to sit amongst them. In this respect the presumption was entirely against the view of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) In the first place, the Baron Rothschild bad been elected by a large majority of the electors of the most =us city in the world on two repeated oc (Hear, hear.) Next, they had the evidence of the repeated elections of members who had voted in favour of extending civil and political privileges to the Jews; and frequent as the elections had been he did nut remember an occasion of a member losing his seat because he hail voted for the removal of Jewish disabilities. (Loud cheers.) The real question was whether the Jews should be deprived of the power of obtaining political privileges by reason of their religious opinions; and so far from the country being in favour of that view he believel the general opinion was in favour of the entire abrogation of all civil and political disabilities imposed on religious grounds. (Hair, hear.) The country considered that such disabilities were no longer necessary, and should be removed. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman had found fault with the tenni of the present bill. Ile (Lord J. Russell) would not enter into that argument now ; for though he believed then were no ground. for complaining of those terms, that was a matter which had better be discussed in eon mitnv. (lieu, hear.) The question now simply was whether, having removed disabilities from protes tant dissenters and from Roman catholies, whether having removed disabilities from the Jews also in many instances, so far as in that they were permitted to hoe the office of magistrate, and other appointments connected with the corporations—whether having admitted them to hold municipal and other offices they would now put the crowning work upon this policy of the removal of dis abilities on account of religion—whether they thought it worth while to keep these 40,000 persons under the - badge and stigma which the depriving them of the rights of other British subject, imposed, or whether they were prepared to carry out the principle of religious liberty. (Cheers.) The house then divided— For the second reading For the amendment 177-25 The announcement was received with loud cheers troll, the opposition benches. - - VALUATION (IRELAND) BILL. On the order of the day for committing this bill bring read, Sir D. NORREYS declared his determination to take the sense of the house as to whether a measure of *rich im portance should be entered upon at that hour of thr, night. Sir W. SOMERVILLE considered a quarter after eleven o'clock not a late hour to enter on the bid. Mr. S. Crawford, Lord Naas, Mr. Stalely, and Lord Bernard, severally urged Sir W. Somerville not to proceed w ith the measure, nut so much on account of the hour of 1 the night as the absence of sevens!. Irish iss oth e r s , severa l of whom had sat on the select committee in reference to the bill. Sir W. SOMEAVILLE said that, whilst acceding to the request made to him, he should 01-„, e rse that if Irish mem bers did not think it worth whil e to attend in order tu en able important measures, swfu as the present, to reach the house of Lords at a sufkiently early period of the session, he should wash his hands of all responsibility in such cases. (Bear, hear.) r Col.. RAWDON regretted exceedingly that the right I hen. gentleman did not press the bill, that the Irish people might see how their representatives attended to their in terests. (Hear, hear.) The order was then withdrawn. CIVIL BILLS (IRELAND). On the order being read tor the second reading of this bill, Mr. SADLEIR hoped that, in the absence of the At torney-General for Ireland—C' hear, hear," and a laugh) this bill would nut be pressed—(" oh, oh ") particularly as it should be considered a bill of a legal character. Sir W. SOMERVILLE was understood to say that the bill should then be proceeded with. (Hear.) Mr. SALLEIR said that In that case he would proceed to state his objections to the bill, which, in the first place, he did not think was deserving of the support of Irish members. Ile would not then enter into details ; but he could not help calling the hon. gentleman's atteution to the fact that by the bill no provision was made for the better execution of the decrees of the local courts. He hoped that that matter would be attended to in committee. 't he evils connected with the local diocesan courts were so great that it was surprising that the government had not pro posed to remedy them ; and he would suggest that a consi derable portion of the jurisdiction of those courts should be transferred to the Court of Quarter Sessions. The only qualification at present for a diocesan judgeship was the being able to show that you were not a papist. It was of the utmost importance to all classes in Ireland that the local courts should have monthly sittings. He perceived from the bill that it was intended to return to the old sys tem of stamp duties. It was proposed to impose a heavy stamp duty in cases of ejectment ; and he hoped that that Matter would be considered by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer. With regard to the professional charges of local practitioners, nothing should be dune to prevent the pre sence of respectable practitioners. The efforts made to improve the law in MOWS of legacy duty had been defeated by the fixing of too low a rate of remuneration. The wisest and the best policy would be to imitate too scale of remuneration secured to local practitioners in the county courts of this country. lie trusted that in the select com mittee full opportunity would be afforded to introduce the required amecdments. Attys& few words from Mr. F. FRENCH, Sir W. SOMERVILLE said he would not then enter into the objections to the bill, as there would be ample op portunity of considering the details of the measure before a select committee. Ile pledged himself to introduce this measure when the County Courts Bill was under discus sion last year, and he had now redeemed his pledge. The bill itself was sufficiently extensive, consisting of 160 clauses—(laughter)—and by it no less than 31 acts would be totally or partially repealed. Ile believed this was ono of the most popular measures that he had ever introduced ; and there was an understanding before Easter that after the Easter vacation the bill should not be discussed on the second reading, as it was to go before a select committee. Mr. S. CRAWFOItD did not rise to oppose the motion, but to protest against the manner in which Irish measures were treated. Why was not the bill discussed earlier and in a proper manner ? Would English members submit to have English bills treated in the same way ? if Irish mea sures were not to be properly considered it would be best to have no Irish legislation at all. Mr. SCULLY said he had received representations from his constituents to the effect that the bill required careful The bill was then read a second time. APPRENTICES TO SEA SERVICE (IRELA.ND) BILL. The order of the day for taking this bill into considera tion waa discharged, it being understood that a new bill upon the subject would be introduced. FEES ON PROCEEDINGS BEFORE JUSTICES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. Tho house adjourned at a quarter after twelve o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. 1101:SE 01: COMMONS. ADMISSION OF JEWS INTO PARLIAMENT. Norms fur the second reading of the oill : Ayes, 20. t; Neu 177. ATEA. Ahdy, Sir Manias N. Fitzroy, lion. Henry Owen, Sir John Adam, Hugh E. Fitsmili an, finXi.W. Paget, Lord Alfred A A ito c , i, by i Henry A. liir o l r ev ;ce J 4 ','°:. a . IL 1 1 : 1=rs i* to r n d , ( ‘ ' ' ' r enes t Anderson, Arthur Forster, d Aube, Pao ki r, John Ansley, 'lmmune C. Foe. W. J. PVC!. il. , Ir Geo. B. Armstrong. Sir A. Yroestun, Col. P.. I. Frederick Armstrong. Rob. B. French, Foastephen Pendcrves, E. W. W. Arundel mid Suer, y, Oaskell..Limes M. Pity .tt, Francis Earl of Greek Charles C. l'Utingt n, Jones Bagartaw, John Glyn, Oconee C. Pinney, William &tines, AL lion. M. Granger, Thomas C. Price, sir llosert Baring, Rt. lin. Sir Y. Grovel, C. Pascoe rwey, Pullin BAriet, lion. V. Grenhll, Choke W. Ittwdon, Colonel Bass, Michael T. Grey, Itt• Hn. Sir G. Ricardo, John L. limier., Richard M. Grey, Ita:ph W. Rice, Edward N. Berkeley, Admiral Grosvenor, lord It. Itieti, Henry Berke! y, lion. 11. F. Guest. Sir John Roebuck, John A. Berkeley, C. L. O. Hall, Sir Benson a Homily, Colonel se, nal, Ralph liarderistle, Joseph A. ICmil.y, Sir Juba Bellied, Richard Ilarria, Richard linseed, Lind John Br ckl burst, John Halle, Alexander trussed, F. C. 11. Brothertoo, Joseph Hawes Benjamin Soiled.. Julin Smarr, Nli 1.1111 Henry, Alexander Salary, Colonel Nu Iceey., Sir H. B. HaTwocd, James Scholeneld, W. Butler, Piro 8. Hey worth, Lawrence Scully. }rands Buxton, sir It. N. Hinoley, Charles Fs ymour, Lord Cardwell, Edward Hohbour, Thomas B. Shelburne, Earl of Carter, John 1. Hogg, Sir J. W. Sneridun, RichaN B. Cruldtlekl, Ja Lie' M. lloramm, Edward smith, Bt. Ron.R. V. Cavendish, Hon. C. C. !Inward, turd Mirth. Smith, John A. Cavendian, W.O. Howard, lion. C. W. S m yth e , li on. G . Chliders, John W. Hume, Joseph lionservale, Sir W. M. Clay, James Humphrey. Mr. Ald. Syssaman, Henry J. clay, sir W. Hutchins, Edward J. Mansfield, W. It. C. Clements, Hon. CB. Hutt, William Stanton, W. H. C,erk, Rt. 11n. Sir G. Jennyn Earl Strickland, Sir G. Cockhure, Mr A. J. E. Johnstone, Sir John Stow t, Lunt Dudley Coke, Hon. F. K. Kershaw. James S u lli van, Mi chael (olefns:Am, Sir I. E. king, Hon. P. J. L. TONI', C. R. M Collins, Wuthon labouchere, lion. It. 7:inroad, Henry W. i 'onyx, Charles Langston, James H. Tenisn, Edward K. Cowper. Hon. W. F. Lenard, 'lmam 11. Thicknone, Italph A. Craig, Sir W. 0. Loris, George C. Thompson, Colonel Crawiord, Wilxam S. Locke, Joseph Thornely, Thom,. Crowder, Richard B. Imithington, Csarles Tollemactre, lin F. J. Currie, Harked M'Cullagri, W. T. Townley, Itichod Cr. Dalrymple, John M'Gregor, J o h n Tr, lawny, John S. Davie, sir H. R. F. Maher, Kith 'las V. Trevor, lion. Thomas Dawson, lion T. V. lialuksc, Nom 0. Tuffneii, Rt. lion. H. D'E)ticourt,lion.C.T. Marshall, William Vilirers, Hon. Charles Disraeli, renjamin Matheson, Col. Vivian, John 11. 'Swett, Edward Hattie, Rt. lion. F. Watley, Thomas Duff, George S. Mcigund, Viscount Watkins. Col. Lloyd Duff, Jam. Midi, r, W. M. E. Wass, John T. Duke, sir Jame. Mitchell, 'Gomm' A. Westhesd, J. I'. It. Unman, George Monerieff, Janis Wilkes, B. II tibia .sodas, Admiral Ma ison, Sir W. Williams, John Dundas,itt.llon.sirD. Morrie, David Williams, Witham Ebringhm, Viacount Mulgnsve Earl of Wilson, Jame. Ellis. ILL lion. E. Lunt., George F. 'Ninon, Mathew Lilts, John Murphy, Francis S. Wood, Rt. Ile. Sir C. Elliot, Hoe. J. it. Nicholl s Rt lion. J. Wood, Sir William P. Enfield, Viacount Norreya, lord Wrightson, Wm. B. Evans, Sir De Lacy Nurreys, Sir D. J. Wyvill, Mannadukc Evans, John O'C anor, Ft Argue Evans, William O'llaberty, Anthony T.LLIRS. Evart, William Ogle, senile, C. 11. IEII, lord Marcus Fergusua, Col, Ord, Wiilijn Hayter, ItLlin. W.O. ----• NOES. Acland, Sir T. D. Emlyn, Viscount Moody, Charles A. Addeeiey, C. 11. EEeourt, J. B. B. Morgan, Ones rug Arkwright, Uteri. Farnham, Edw. B. Mulling,, Joseph B. Adder, Lord Ferrer, James Muf.dy, William Haag', William Player, John Naas, Lord • Begot, Hon. W. Forbes, William Napier, Joseph Baird, James Foe, 5 W. L. :geoid, John Bar ruck, Edward 11. Ereshfleld, James W. Neel! Joseph Buldwus, Charles. B. Frewen, Char or 11. Noel, lion. Gerard J. Banker, iderge Fuller, Auierstus E. Ossulston, Lord IS :now, William 11. Galway, Vecount Padse, r harks W. Itatsva, Thomas Gooch, Edward S. lakington, Sir John Beckett, William Geoid, Wyurillain Paltrier, Hebert Seurat, Phthp Gordon, Admiral Peel, Sir Robert hentinek, Lord H. Cioulburn, itt. Iln. 11. 'Bowden. W. 11. C. here tad, William Greene, Thomas Prime, Richard Bernard. Vleesunt Guernery, Lord Renuledum, L frA Hod, John H le, Robert B. RI .h irds, Richard Blackstone, W. S. Helloed, bar IL Itushout, Captain i Blair, Stephen HA Colonel bandana Joseph litandford, Marquise! Halsey, Thome. P. Itemiser, Henry Ker redden; henry 0. ILimliton, Gru. A. Sibthorp, Colonel Booker, Thomas W. Horns, liori. Capt. Smyth, John U. Burgh, Sir Ibrtert 0. Hayes, Sir Edmond Somerset, Car tain Kosice, Admiral 'fetid, James Bs:heron, T. 11. S. Illrumstua, Thue. W. Henesge, U. U. W. summer, Richard Brcoaridgc, Richard Henley, Jraeph Stutford, Augurtus lirouley, Henry Ilirvey, Lora Alfred Stanford, John P. o,Brooe, Lord Hildyward, Robert C. Stanley, Hon. till Lewis W. HIP, Lord Elwin Stephenson, Robert Belief', Sir John Y. Weigel.), William N. Stuart, Henry Burghley, Lord Hereby. John Stuart, John Burrell, Sir C. K. Huth Mi, Lord Start, Henry 0. larrouglies, IL. N. Dribs, Sir R. H. Messer, Sir F. Cabbell, nenJunin B. Jollier, Sr W. 0. H. Thompson, Mr. Al& Carew William H. P. Jona, (Monde Thornhill, Gomm Chan Ws, Marquis of Kerner" Mr Edward Toilemeebe, John Chatter.,,, Col. Knightly, Slr Cuadra Trevor, Hon. G. Rios Mid, Smith Lacy, Henry C. Trollop. ? Sir John Christopher, R. A. Langton, Wm. H. P. Tyler, Hir George Cobbeld, J. C. Lennox, Lord A. G. Tyrell, Sir John T. Codringum, Sr, W. Lewisham, Viscount Verner, Sir William Cola% Henry lasckhart. Allan E. Villiers, lion. Fred. Colville. Charles Lockhart, William Vysai, KichardiLß.H. C.lmpton, Henry C. lung, Walter Waddington, Ilan, B. Con.lly,'llmenm LilMea. Sir Kalish Waipse, SpeSeet. H. Cotton, tin. W. H. B. Lowther, Boa. C•L Walsh, l ed John B. MM., I), rid A. 8. Lowtber, Henry Welby„ Olysse &fie Wear, William Lygon, lion. General Wellseley, Leal ChM. Dick, QUistin Maellaghteli, la P.. W Idiom", Thomas C. D el. John W. Mahon, Mooted Wigram, Laßue T. Duckwertlt,Sir J.T.B. Mandeville, Viscount William.. Thomas P. Duncontlei, Ho. A. Manners, Land C. S. W &mighty, Sir IL Dunconius, lion. 0. Mennen% Lord J. Wodehouae, Edmund Dandy, George March. Eurl of Worneater ilsrquieof Du Pre, C. Chores Mastennan. John Wynn, Herbert W.W. East, Sir Jansen B. Maurail, Thomas P. Torte, lion. Eliot T. Edvsurds, Henry II f awell, Hoe. J. P. e• i LAM. Er,erton, Sir Philip Mena, Sir Henry New mote, Ch. N. Lorton, Wm. T. Mike, W. Plunaptre, John P. PIRATES' HEAD MONEY (BORNEO).—On Saturday, • return to parliament, obtained by Mr. Hume, was printed, from which it appears that 2,640 persons, officers, men, and boys are to receive head money f or the natives of Borneo dest royed by her Majesty's and the East India Company's naval forces, on the night of the 31st July, 1849. The gross amount of head money was 20,7001.; but abating 2,1171. 14s. 9d. for law charges, agency, and Greenwich Hospital, leaves i net sum of 18,5621. ss. 3d. for distribu tion. The sum of 201. per head is to be paid on 500 per sons captured or destroyed in piratic prahus and 51. per head on 2,140 persons who were alive at the beginning of the attack, but who were not taken or killed. DEATH BY LIGUTNING.—A most melancholy and fatal occurrence took place during the thunder storm on' Thursday evening last, near Lichfield. Mr. Adams, a highly respectable farmer, residi ng at the lions Farm, was returning home durivg the thunder storm, when he was ,truck by the lightr.lng, and instantaneously deprived of life. The electric tub!, from the appearances presented_, had entered the left temple ; and the clothes of the oloomaad from head to foot were thoroughly scorched, and the right of was tern.—.` to lqr4.lh ire Advertiser. I O FFICIAL CATALOGUE. Ostirg ti the la rge demand at U. lEshltAtlnn Bundler. the OFFICIAL CATA. LOt.UE cannot be FL BLISII EU until 1 U FBOA Y. Msy dth. 81.1CHIL BIM WEIL+. And W. LION L, end :4ON3. 29. New Bel 'go - street, Blnek'rfors. Eke erortoo. TO CORRESPONDENTS. • Second Llbion •• an/ Ewers," e.wteisln,T he same eeepi.:ea Gazette," Ls published every Tuesday and rnday ei•ht, is thee far pot . - Adverneeinentnietended for "The Espreem," Gorton Evening gager, main be et the i ntice, to, Bouvene•street, by Toe u'ciock so the day et pubiicatiois. 111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE Tale DAT—Morning, 2b. 41,. Afterwm, 21, 59f. Toraipasow—lioctusg, 3b. ISis AEU...ma, 31i. 51a. LONDON, FRIDAY', X.ll - 2. TIIE first of May, 1851, was as genial and bright as if there had been no holiday to bo spoiled by its being otherwise. Accordingly, all London was astir betimes. Front Charing-cross to Kensington, and from Ilol!writ to Whitehall, every thoroughfarewas by ten o'clock thronged with undulating currents of guy passengers; the other parts of the metropolis presented, to those whom accident compelled to visit them, much the same aspect as they do on some find summer Sunday, when all the church-goers are in church, and all the rest (with the exception of a few domestics engaged in cooking the dinners of zealous promoters of bills fur shutting up Sunday cook-shops) out of town. It is no exaggeration to say that the spectacle within the Crystal Palace fur exceeded, in impress ive beauty, what the most sanguine could have anticipated. To the surprise of those who had seen the interior of the building only a few days before, the arrangement of the costly and valuable articles exhibited was complete; a minute inspection might have shown defects, but the general effect was perfcct and satisfactory. The beholder felt himself in a lightsome, airy, spacious world, under an invisible cover, protecting him from all in clement airs. The brilliant and contrasting colours of the holiday dresses of the thronging . visitants— the silvery living play of the fountain in the sun— the gorgeous magnificence of the guy eastern wares and arms—the breathing poetry of the statuary— the fresh rustling of the leaves of the trees—all were sources of intensely pleasurable feelings in them selves, and attuned the mind to the impressions it was subsequently to receive. This state of preparation was carried to a higher pitch by the music. The " God save the Queen" accordcdwith the sentiments of the auditors, and the grand chorus of the " Hallelujah" swelled out in harmony like the noise of many waters heard in some apocalyptic vision, making the hearts of the hearers vibrate like the glass of the edifice that inclosed them. Anything trivial, common-place, or unsympathis ing•, in the human performers, who were to breathe a living soul into this aggresate of elementary charms, would have spoiled all. But the task had devolved upon performers worthy of the occasion. The reverend grace of the Archbishop of CANTEIt- BURY imparted a charm to the brief end unostenta tious act of devotion which hallowed the whole. Her NIAJESTY entered into her part with a heartiness and vivacity that curried the willing sympathies of all around her. Every one of her attendants caught the genial contagion, and in not the least degree the veteran hero of Assays, the Peninsula and Waterloo, the statesman who gave us catholic eman cipation, and whose resolute zeal brought the House of Lords to their senses when they let full the corn law from their reluctant grasp. The Duke of WEL LINGTON contemplated the scene with as much of pleased vivacious interest as if it had been his twentieth instead of his eighty•second birthday. Viewing the spectacle as no more than a gay and glittering ovation of industrial triumph, it was a scene such as earth has never before witnessed. There never was before an industrial exposition to which so many remote and varied lands and com munities had sent their contributions. There never before WAS one in which so much of mere material wealth, enhanced by the immense amount of inven tive, persevering intelligence and industry to which it bore testimony, was accumulated. There never was one spread out to the gaze of the spectators in a structure every way so worthy of it. It was worthy of our QUEEN, and without even the suspicion of flattery, we may add, our Qui:EN was worthy of it. Our retrospect would leave more than half the talc untold, did it leave unnoticed the motley groups who crowded the park while this im posing ceremonial was being performed within the Crystal Palace. Homely many of them might be, but all seemed happy. Doubtless, there is a great accumulation of foreigners in London just now, but they were lost in the ocean of London population, swelled as it is by the influx of pro vincial visitors disgorged during the last few days from all the railways. The aspect of the crowd was entirely, exclusively English. And a more good-natured populace than that of England, and of London in particular, does not exist. If any of these "raw-head and bloody-bone" ementiera who have been haunting the waking and sleeping dreams of tory and protectionist old women for the last few weeks were present yesterday in Hyde-park, they must have felt instinctively that it was no place for them and their vagaries. They must have felt that they were among a multitudinous crowd of which not one had the remotest sympathy with their savagery, and who were strong and numerous enough to have crushed them by simple pressure, had they attempted to move a finger in the way of doing mischief. The Prince of Parsst t, who was a guest at this feast, may take home with him a lesson from the events of yesterday, as well as any red republi can or socialist who may have been prowling about. He saw the QUEEN of a country, rent at this moment by the contending ambition of protectionists, Irish ¶ultra-Romanists, and other parties too numerous to recapitulate. But all carry on their contests within the verge of the law, meet in harmony and good humour on holiday occasions, and send up one unani mous, heart-felt acclaim in honour of the sovereign of their hearts as she passes attended only by half-a-dozen guards for form's sake, not protection. The military were nowhere to be seen ; the police required a close and searching gaze to find them out. This safety of the throne, this bro therly forbearance of the people with one another, is ' due to no superior wisdom inherent in our nation. When we look back on our constitutional history, we find records of conflicts as fierce and aim less as any that Prussia or Germany have lately passed through. Out of these we have emerged; less by foreseeing wisdom than by judicious acqui escence in the lessons of experience. Let the royal family of Prussia take the hint. They have it in their power to rear on the love and contidenerst of the German people a throne us secure and pleasant to occupy as that on which Queen VicroutA is r.ow seated. A more suitable and appropriate day could not possibly have been chosen for the second reading of the Jews' Emancipation Bill, than that which will long be memorable, on account of the opening of the Great Exhibition. In the midst of mutual gratula dons, and at the opening of the spleraid festival of industry, of which our country is so justly proud, there was a peculiar propriety in Parliament having determined to devote its special attention to the alle viation of the lot of the only unprivileged and un righted race amongst us. At noon, all tongues and kindreds were wel comed to the feast of industry and peace ; and at sun-down, the legislature fitly applied itself to the performance of the sole remaining act of justice which, of its kind, remains still unaceouvlished. All nations had been in the morning =dr, to feel as brethren, so far as social courtesies Fuld the frank icwgnition of equal freedom were cer,cemed ; and in , the evening, what could be worthier of the senate of a great people, than the dedieuti-Ju of its deliberative powers to the liberation of tk.e only political bond ! men within our borders ? 'Every wise and good man , in the realm will anreciate and approve the not unintentional select/era of such a day for such a work, let there were found a dozen individuals to object, and, by their votes, anxious to thwart so just and generous a design. But, as if conscious of the unseemliness and ungracinesn , ..wof utat they strove V