The Express. — London, England, 1847-04-16 00:00:00

insist that there should be a special ease; bet that in any case is which it seemed fit that avaistance should be gives, the committee would grant aid to schools not in connexion with the two societies. Lord Lansdowne had also referred, is his answer to this application, to the minutes of the com mittee of council of 1839, by which it was declared that, in all the wheels aided, the authorised version of the Scriptures must be used. That decision, made in 1839, had not since been departed from. although some two or three cues of Roman Catholic schools had been brought under the consi deration of the committee. Bat Lord Lansdowne had thought it necessary, in order to prevent any minconcep tion on the part of those to whom that answer was given, to state that, sltheugh the minute declared that the authorised version of jhe scriptures must be used in their integrity in those school en which aid was given,—that neither he nor the committee of council would feel them-' selves at all precluded from preparing and agreeing toanother minute, by which aid might ,be given to other schools, in eases in which it sou thought fit, considering the conititu lion of such schools, that such aid should be granted. Those to whom that information had been given had stated that they understood that the present minute confined the aid to be given to schools in which the authorised versicn of the scriptures was used; and that when those further minutes were prepared sad agreed to, the committee would be prepared to consider such applica tions, and to offer them such aid as they might think it their duty to afford. He had only further to say, that no such minute had yet been agreed upon,—that he thought it a subject which would require very mature deliberation. He was not prepared to sty that there might not be cues of Roman Catholic schools in which it might be fit to give aid ; but the terms on which such aid was to be given would require very mature deliberation. The terms of those minutes would be fully considered, and those minutes, when upon, would be laid before ths house, before any ai a nt il granted under them. Sir J. GRAHAM said he understood that, u the minutes of council now stood, no aid was given to any school in which the authorised version of the scriptures was not used. Lord J. RUSSELL begged leave again to repeat, that this was not by any minutes of council of 1846, which were now ander consideration, but that it followed from the minutes of council of 1839. Mr. T. BUNCOMBE begged to ask the noble lord if he intended to persevere with the educational scheme on Monday nets, or at least to call upon the house for a grant of money in aid of that scheme. Because, after what had fallen from the noble lord, he thought it was only due to the house that the noble Iprd should postpone the censideration of the sub ject until after the altered minutes had been laid before the louse? Lord J. RUSSELL said there was no need of waiting for those further minutes to be prepared, because everything that would be asked for on Monday would be expended un der the minute already before the house. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the minutes of 1839, they had lone ago been presented to parliament ; he was sorry they had not met with all the attention which be thought they ought to have re. ceived ; indeed, it seemed, with reference to many parts of this subject, as though what had been done many years age was now to be undone. Lord J. RUSSELL (in answer to a question from Mr. Wean r, which was not heard in the gallery) said the intention of government was, that the grant of this house should be expended under regulations which were fully known to par liament before hand; and any alteration with regard to those minutes, which would not at all affect the application of the 100,0001 , would be duly signified to the house. The committee of council would be glad to receive any suggestion from one who had laboured so long in the cause of education as the hon. member (Mr. Swart). COLONIAL GRANTS FOR IRISH DISTRESS. Mr HAWES ?merited papers, including a copy of • despatch addremed to the noble lord at the head of the foreign office, from the governor of Jamaica, accompanying the first instalment of the subscription in aid of the Irish dis tress; also a despatch from Barbados', announcing that 2,000/. bad been voted for the same purpose. (Hear, hear.) WRECK OF THE THETIS. Viscount INGESTRE moved bra select committee to inquire into the circumstances relative to the recovery of trea sure and public stores sunk in her Majesty'. late frigate Thetis, ott Cape Frio, in 1830. That wreck took place in the night on a steep shore; the treasure was sunk in thirteen fathoms of water; and had it not been for the skill and ingenuity of Captain Dickinson, that amount (164,000 f.) would have been lost. But 157,0001. had been recovered, and part of the public stores. The eit corastancrg of basard and difficulty under which that service was performed, justified him in asking for • select com mittee. No allowance had been made by the Board of Ad miralty, not had they sanctioned the attempt at recovering the treasure. The noble lord then read some portions of a correspondence which had passed between the Board of Admiralty and the parties concerned; from which it ap peered that a counter claim had been set up by the Admiralty for the use of the vessel employed in recovering the treasure. He wished to know what had become of the money ' • it was said that it was referred to in the navy estimates. He hid looked carefully over the navy estimates, and he could not dad it. He did not want a grant of money, but all he asked for was a committee to inquire whether • certain sum of money which was unjustly detained should not be given back to a worthy body of individuals, instead of making a deduction which left them only lid. for fourteen months' ser vices. They ought to show a proper sense of the exertions of the seamen, which reflected great credit on them. With respect to Capt. Dickinson, he had done immense service. He humbly prayed that the house would sanction his motion. Capt. PECHELL said that of all the cases that ever pre sented themselves to h is notice,this was the most extraordinary, and he would be greatly astonished to find out why any per son shouldopposs this motion. Here was a vessel wrecked off the coact of the Brasil, in 200 fathoms of water. He could not conceive how the government could recover the treasure without incurring vast expense, and yet Captain Dickenson, who had been selected for the duty, had accom plished his task in a manner beyond all praise; but it was it the sacrifice of his health and prospects. The party em ployed under Captain Dickinson endured all manner of hardships. They were exposed to every inclemency Of the weather; they were lying at three miles distance from the scene of their operations; they were, before reaching that spot, obliged to risk their lives in an extraordivary meaner, and what was their reward ? They were first com pensated with the promise of one-third of the treasure re covers& ,• but, afterwards, the account of the Admiralty of 1831 and 1832 was sent in, and it beat in atrocity and ex tent* the bills of the new Admiralty Courts of the Cape of Geed Rope which had been exposed the other night. Why, Mr,only charged for the wear and tear of their ships but they positively charged fee the food and wages Mall men. The government, after charging for the use of • *gun brig 1,4631., also charged 2,5431. for the emenasof victualling. Here was a clear case of excess of victualling of 2,5431. Captain Dickinson was then charged for the use of ships, and twice as much as the government should charge. He 'maid be glad to discover why it was that the government did not charge for convoys. What was the navy of Great Britain inten ded for, but to protect the merchants of this country, and much more for the recovery of government property' If Captain Dickinson was unsuc cessful, would the government have charged him 13,0001. for the use oldies. ship, and theircrews ? He was of opinion that they would not. The case was of a novel dew:siphon, and he tasted, for the honour of the country, that it would remain se. At all meats it would give • lesson to parties that be fore they lodged money in any court they would first take oars to remunerate themselves. He hoped that the parties who had the money would be obliged to disgorge it. The sable lord said that he looked over the records of the Admi ralry, and be could not find any reference to it. The noble lord was not, perhaps, aware that there was a way of mysti fling these matters ; he was not acquainted with that magus] word "miscellaneous." The matter lay between the Board of Admiralty and the Treasury. The latter being the masters of the former, it remained with them to give the necessary explanation. Mr. PARKER had no desire to prejudice the case of Capt. Dickiason by making any reference to the long evlsM had intervened between the time when the took place and that at which the noble lord asked isr iaguiry. The transaction took place in 1830 ; and when the galhat member said that it was an extraordinary circum stance that the Admiralty should have sent in a bill, he should also recollect that It was an extraordinary transaction. The case came before the High Court of Admiralty in 1833, ' and when the claim of 13,0001. was made the parties' had the opportunity, and availed themselves of it, of apposing against the bill. He would not say whether the claim was reasonable or not; it, how ever, had been made. The case was afterwards m imed to the highest court in the land, and no alteration whatever had been made in the charge of the Admiralty. Re had thus shown the house that by the decree of the board sod that of the committee of the privy council, this claim had been substantiated. The matter had been referred to again in 1842, and again at a subsequent period. Here they were again, in the April of 1847, re-opening the sub-* ject ; and he trusted that the house would not revive a question which had been set at rest by several of the consti tuted courts of the country. Sir C. NAPIER said, that he did not think that the Secretary of the Treasury had given a satisfactory explana tion. Sir J. GRAHAM said, that he had a right to take the responsibility 01 the decision which was complained of, Neff which was arrived at when be was president of the Boma Admiralty. Two hon. gentlemen opposite, who bolleoWl to that board at that time, would, no doubt, OM firm what he was about to state as to what then occurred. The decision of the Board of Admiralty was adopted, after full consideration, in which two able officers then at the board—Sir Thos. Hardy and Admiral Dundas—concurred, officers who, he need hardly say, would be actuated by a strict sense of justice, but at the same time by a love of the public service. Capt. Dickinson was bent to recover as much of the treasure as payable—his service lasted fourteen months, and certainly a great portion 'o the treasure as recovered, but both Capt. Dickinson and his ship's company were in the receipt of their pay, as they would have been if they had been employed on any other service, and they also received the salvage awarded, the decision of the Court of Admiralty baying been appealed from, and the amount in creased by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council; and the only complaint which was now made was, that the Admiralty, considering all the circumstances, thought it ;asst to deduct the amount of *ores used on the occasion . He thought the services of Capt. Dickinson had been *AI- Sandy rewarded, and any further payment would be a waste tthe public money. iff Mr. WAK LET thought the eau of Capt. Dickinson and odious was une of great peculiarity, and ought to be at. rely diseased ;' whereas the observations of the right baronet who load last • addressed the house hod alone heard, the right hon. baronet's statements were so clear, that it was impossible not to understand ; and when he was net sincere, so mild and bland was manner, that he made the house believe him to be at. laugh.) It appeared that the case of Capt. Dickinson and the Admiral ;int to He thou Mandy r of the pt XL V • his oaks ten hen. " ti been h always them; its man (A laug was decided when the right hoe. baronet was First Load of the Admiralty, and therefore he defended that deeision. The right hon. baronet had followed an hon. gentleman now in office, and it was a matter of course that the ins and the outs always agreed upon such subjects, although ho had , hoped in this came the right honourable baronet, as in other instances, would have acknow ledged tnat he had been greatly in error. (Laughter.) Hay. log gone fully into the facts of the ease, the Ism. member concluded by saying that the house was bound to sanction the inquiry, and the government would, in his opinion, suffer in character if they refused the committee. Alter a few words from Captain GLADSTONS, Mr. THORNLEY said the question very much depended on whether the Court of Admiralty in awarding the salvage knew that such a charge was to be made by the Board of Admiralty ; if they had known it probably they would have given • larger sum. Sir J. GRAHAM said the parties appealed from the Court of Admiralty to the Privy Council, and the charge of the Board of Admiralty was taken into consideration when the additional sum of 12,0001. was awarded. Dr. NICHOLL said the demand made by the Admiralty was unprecedented; they might as well have charged for sending out ships to the chops of the channel with provisions for a homeward-bound fleet. When the matter came before the judicial committee of the privy Council, that court had only to decide the fit Pala for the underwriters to pay for the saving of their property, and they determined that 54,0001. was the proper amount of salvage. Although the judicial committee were well aware that the admiralty had claimed 13,8001, the effect of their judgment was, that they had no power to deal with such claim, and all they could do —without reference to the claimants—was to declare that 54,0001. was as muck as the owners of the property ought to pay for salvage. Mr. HUME observed that, although the right hon. hart. (Sir J. Graham), had stated that all his colleagues at the board of admiralty concurred with him in the demand made for stores, wear and tear, and so on, he was authorised to say that Sir Thai. Hardy was not one of that number. (Hear.) The statements which had been made must have convinced the noble lord. He hoped he would be just: he did not want him to be liberal. (Hear, hear.) The LORD ADVOCATE said that the hon. member for Finsbury had by his able and ingenious speech disguised the real state of the case, the facts of which lay is • notahell. After the wreck a claim was made by Capt. Dickinson and others as salvors a claim was made by the admiralty for expenses; and there was also a third party, the owners or consignees, who watched their own interests. The cancans, before the Court of Admiralty, and the result was that 17,0001. was awarded to the salvors, and 13,0001. to the Lords of the Admiralty. The allowance of 17,0001. was considered too small by Capt. Dickinson, and the matter was brought by appeal before the privy council. They affirmed the decree of the Court of Admiralty, bat awarded 12,0001. in addition to the 17,000/. to Capt. Dickinson. They affirmed the award of 13,0001. to the Board of Admiralty, and they came to this decision not in the absence of the pastier, but with the partite present. They said that the claim for expenses wee& just one and they allowed it ; though they gave to Captain Dickinson in consideration of his merits 12,0001. in addition, or 29,0001. altogether. It was now proposed to reverse this judgment on the ground that this claim, the quantum of which was not disputed at the time, was so absurd and extraordinary that it should never have bees made. He thought it impossible that the house should accede to such a proposition, for there would be no security wherever the crown or the treasury was • party to • suit, darter a case was solemnly determined it was to be reviewed and upset on the ground alleged in this instanze. Capt. BERKELEY said that, the hon. member for Mont- Kos having stated that Sir T. Hardy did not concur in the decision which had been come to in this matter, he could only say that he was not aware of that fact; and if Capt. Dieliimon had informed the hon. gentleman that ouch was the case, he must have been mistaken. H Mr. UME said he had it under Capt. Dickinson's own hand. Lord 0. BENTINCK thought that this wu the most paltry and humoring attempt ever made by any government to mulct saloon. Mr. B. B. CABBELL said the house would not be doing their duty if they did not grant a committee in this case, and endeavour to do justice to a much-injured and much over-looked officer, by giving him that so which he had a perfect and clear right. Lord J. RUSSELL did not see anithing in what had been said by the hon. gentleman who hadjuat sat down, to impugn the conduct of the Chancellor of the Exehequer. (Hear.) It wee better that be should have all the circumstances be fore him in writing, than to trust to what might pass in • conversation. He did not think it a fair argument to say that the ships must have been employed somewhere, and, therefore, there ought I. be no claim by the Admiralty, be cause the Admiralty, unless the request had been made of them, might have ordered these ships home ' or sent other ships to the station. It was a question for the Admiralty of that day to decide, whether they were not, in consequence, obliged to keep up a force which they would not otherwise do. This matter had been referred to his right hon. friend the member for Taunton, the right hon. gentleman opposite, Sir T. Hardy, Capt. Pechell and his hon. and gallant friend near him. He considered that this was a fair tribunal to consider such a question; and he certainly saw no reason to disturb the decision at which they arrived. What had been said by the right hon. gentleman the mem ber for Cardiff, as to the view which the judicial committee of the privy council took of the matter, was pure imagi. nation. As was stated by his right hon. friend near him, the various parties appeared before the Court of Admiralty and afterwards before the judicial committee,whomight have disputed the award of 13,0001.. but they did not say that it ought not to have been granted, or that it was excessive. There was, therefore, the strong presumption from the silence of the different parties, that they could not dispute a tingle item of the sum. But if there was any doubt of the rice of the claim for 13,0101.—if it was • paltry and I altering claim to make, he confessed he thought it ought to go to the merchant& who owned the money, and not in any way to Captain Dickinson, who was awarded 29,0001. for his services. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Finsbury seemed to think tha t every government, the " ins and outs" as be called them, had great satisfaction in refusing claims of this kind On the contrary, he thought the right hon. gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham), the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the present Chancellor, would have great pleasure in saying, Here is a rum of 10,0001., which we give to a gallant and ingenious officer who showed [Feat merit"—(hear, hear) — and it was not any satisfaction in refusing it that prevented them from giving it, but the strict duty by which they were bound not to give away the public money entrusted to them. (Hear, hear.) Let him also tell the House of C• 11113101111 that this responsibility . weighed more strictly with one, or two, or three individuals bound by their duty to look after the public money than it weighed with • popar assembly. (Hear, hear.) Though the house had no satisfaction in granting the demands of the crown for the public service, there seemed to be something very popular in . granting it to an individual. He begged of the house to res ist the temptation of indulging in this very laudable sad praiseworthy feeling, for, depend upon it, if every case which had been before decided was to be brought before the house with success, hundreds of other oases, which might seem at first to be severe, would be brought before them, and the time of the house would be wasted and the public money squandered. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend the member for Montrose had said" this money is in the exchequer." It was in the Exchequer in 1834 (laughter); but he hoped his hon. friend, than whom no one was a more easy member of that house when an individual came to ask the public mosey, would, on this occasion, do what he was sometimes in the habit of telling government to do—re-eon sider the question and guard against an expenditure of the public money (Laughter ) Lord INGESTRE replied, and the house divided. The numbers were—For the motion.. 32 Against it VAGRANCY IN IRELAND • • ••• Lord J. RUSSELL obtained leave to bring in a bill for the punishment of vagrancy in Ireland. The noble lord said that he would state the provisions of the bill, which were vary simple, at a future stage. SUNDAY TRADING IN THE METROPOLIS. Mr. HINDLEY moved for a select committee to inquire into the subject of Sunday trading in the metropolis. Mr. FIUME should divide the house against the motion. He was as desirous as any one of seeing a deoent and respect ful observance of the sabbath, but he did not approve of toy further limitation en the subject. Mr. ESCOTT also objected to the motion as narrow and partial in its tendencies, and unwise in itself. Sir G. GREY reminded the hon. gsntlemsa that the hon. member fer Ashton did not seek to inquire into the general observance of the sabbath, but simply into the ope ration of certain laws which 4leclared ul S m itai trading in the metropolis illegal, but whititi, it was a , did not at all prevent such trading and it was th at' if these laws were unnecessary, they should hardly remain on the statute book ; if good and desk, that then they ought to be made e ff ective. A fosmelcommittee had, indeed, inquired partially into this isbject,and he was himself not very san guine as to the eke* of further legislating upon it, bat still if the hon. genders:an really thought that benefit might arise from the proposed inquiry, he had no objection to grant it. Col. T. WOOD considered that the observance of the lab. bath in London had much improved of late years. He saw no good that could be derived from the proposed committee. Mr. HAWES said that he had received representations from all ported the metropolis complaining bitterly of the injury done to the better-disposed tradesmen, and the con duct of those who, in defiance of the law and of the sanctity of the day, opened their shops on Sundays. In many dis tricts there wee regular marketing going on all the Sunday forenoon ; and it was the object of his hon. friend to inquire into the nature and extent of this illegal and most improper traffic, and into the subject of enforcing the laws existing against it. Dr. SO W RING opposed the motion. He considered that morel mores were operating a great moral improvement in the cher:icier and habits of the population of London. Mr. WILLIAMS said he understood that the object of the proposed committee was not the better observance of the Sabbath, but to make certain regulations among small tradesmen. He thought that the best thing they could do, would be to leave tradesmen to manage their own affairs, es they understood them better than any member of !hothouse. He thought that the principle on which they were proceed ing was entirely erroneous, and therefore should oppose the committee. Mr. COWPER thought that the beet thing they could do . would be to grant a committee, and he trusted that the house would consent to us nomination. Mr. WAKLEY wished to know whether there was no Sshbath breaking anywhere but in the metropolis, and yet , the motion pointed exclusively to London. ouch piecemeal I legislation could never be successful. The right lion. the Secretary of State seem,! also to point to London—perhaps . the state of things might be Jose es bad in Deronpert. ( A laugh.) The fact was that no inquiry was necessary; go- THE. EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 16. 1.847. if . ho.a , ...... 4MC PO II co b' fFI than. - /I ! Mr. .si would, support the ' wife Mt to refer to • wag observance of ," Yut If is rd• ferred merely tit the .poorer .-' . give it bit : decided opposition. Captain PECHELL contended that Do mush of the trade of the poorer classes dealt with perishable articies--ftsh for instance—that the proposed legislation would be insprats• tie.M. 7.r i nfil i ziwzgrAVlditAr he wirotios if it r to •art c the 6attbsdk, but . merel elutes h* amid s. Mr. CHAPLIN mid that until they altered the market days in Smithfield, and some of the great markets of the north, there would be great difficulty la interfering either with Sunday trading or Sun jay travelling. Alderman COPELAND complained of the constant and open trading carried on in the Broadway, Watuniester, every Sunday in the year. Ile thought that some leer lative steps should he taken to cheek so disgraceful • practice. Colonel SIBTHORPE doubted the practicability of legis lating on the subject. After a few words from Mr. HINDLIBY and Mr. COLLIS/ (Athlone), the house divided — For the motion 5l Against it THE NAVY. Mr. NUMB moved for a copy of the instructions from the Board of Admiralty to the committee of naval construc tion, appointed to inquire intethe state of naval architecture, and copies of the several reports which that committee have made to the Board of Admiralty on the state of the ships in her Majesty's fleet. Also, copies of all orders issued by the committee of construction, or by the Beard of Admiralty, in consequence of the reports of that committee respecting the alterations of those ships laid down or in progress of building. It his motion were acceded to, he meant to call the attention of the house to the subject on that day fortnight. Mr. WARD said he was perfectly ready, on the part of the Admiralty, to furnish the hon. member with the copy of in issued from the Board of Admiralty to the com mittee of naval construction, but he could not consent to give copies of the several reports which that committee had made, u they were of it strictly confidential nature. After • brief conversation, in which Mr. W. Williams, Mr. Ward, Capt. Gordon, and Mr. Wakley took part, Mr. HUME consented to withdraw his original motion, and to move for a copy of the instructions from the Board of Admiralty to the committee of naval construction ap pointed to inquire into the state of naval architecture, which was •greed to. TOWNS IMPROVEMENT CLAUSES BILL. On the motion of LordMottrttrn, iltdsbill was referred to the following select committee :•-Viscount Morpeth, Mr. Greene, the Attorney.Oeneral, Viscount Sandon, the Lord Advocate, Sir William Heathcote, Sir William Somerville, Mr. Brothertoc, Mr. Esoott, Mr. Loch, Mr. Beckett, Dr. Bowring, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Morgan John O'Connell, and Viscount Ebrington, ARMY SERVICE BILL _ Mr. F. MAULE moved the third reediag of the Artily Service Bill. Sir H. DOUGLAS assured the house that in pevisting in his opposition to this bill, he was not actuated by any factious motives towards the government, well knowing the difficulties with which they bad to contend. He had already spoken twice on this measure, and therefore it was not his intention to trouble it with any lengthened ob servations. He wished, however, to state in the strongest terms that he adhered firmly to the opinions he had for merly expressed—opinions which had since been strength ened and confirmed by oosnmunications he had received from several commanding officers of cavalry, infantry, and artillery. An influential naval organ had recom mended that pensions should be given at the end of ' fifteen years. As they were now granted, they formed no inducement whatever to enter the service. Under a proper regulation of pensions, it was of little consequence what was done with regard to limited enlistment. Let the govern ment declare what were their intentions on this subject, and then much of the opposition to this bill would be disarmed. He moved that the bill be read a third time this day six months. Captain BOLDERO seconded the amendment, and said that before this measure was adopted the house ought to be in possession of the opinions of the commander-in-chief, and of the military authorities; otherwise the house could not form a sound judgment, and the interests of the army would be sure to suffer. The object of the bill wee good, to improve the class of men in the army; they might get a higher class of men, but it was impossible to get a better class of men on the fue of the earth. Col. REID rote simply to draw the attention of the house to one point. It was the position in which the soldiers of the present array would be placed by this measure. There would be two classes of soldiers, the limited service and the unlimited service men. The former would have the right of claiming their discharge gratuitously at the end of ten years, which gave them a great advantage over the latter, whose discharge depended entirely on the will of their commanding officer. This was a most flagrant injustice to the soldiers of the present army. He thought that on this ground the pensions should be raised. Lord HOTHAM thought that those who expected that • better class of men would be attracted to the army by the proposition of the right hon. gentleman would be much dis appointed. - - Mr. F. MAULE said that he wished to assure the members of this house that this bill would not receive the sanction of the crown without giving the highest officers of the army the opportunity of expressing tneir opinions on it. One great improvement which he anticipaied from the change in the period of enlistments was, that by shortening the period of enlistments, and the great improvements in the condition of the soldiers, they would get out of the agricul tural population if this country the superior instead of the inferior class which they got as soldiers undet the present system. The honourable gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that the house would pass this bill and allow it to go to the other house, where it would not only have the advantage of a full discuuion, but also be sub jetted to the approval or rejection of the first military autho rity in the country. Col. WOOD said that it was not only novel but extremely inconvenient to have the mode of enlistment regulated by two acts of parliament, for in tha Mutiny Act, as well as in this, there was a schedule giving rules for enlistment. It would lead to great confusion, so these before whom the recruits were sworn would be at a loss to know what act they were to be guided ►y. He did not at all agree with the right how. gentleman in thinking that this system was calculated to increase the efficiency of the army. Col. LINDSAY approved of the principle of limited ser vice, but thought fourteen years a better limit dm ten yearn. But he attributed more importance to the increase of pen sions after the second period of service. That was the only security they would have for the soldier re-entering after the expiration of his first period of service. Lord J. RUSSELL thought the time had come when there must be a very great change as to the mode of enlist meets and the time for which they should take place. It was most desirable that there should be • larger class ad persons from whom recruits for the army should be obtained, and he thought when men saw that there was a limited period, at the end of which they would be relieved from military service, and be able to devote themselves to other pursuit., it would be • reason for their enlisting in the army on sober and steady calculations instead of doing so in a moment of haste or despair; and he believed they would be more contented with their position than they would be under the present system. This was one of many measures by which the government hoped to make the condition of the soldier more satisfactory to the men who were serving. It was all very well to Pay that we had a fine army 30 or 40 years ago, but it did appear to him that they should, by this teemze, induce • spirit by which ow soldiers would be more eseartted than if the old modes of government were ee -1 tied; and this was a reason why he thought some change WO requisite. He admitted fully the inconveniences which I th e hon. and gallant general had pointed out, but he thought the general enactments were sufficient to overbear all each considerations. He could aware the hon. and gallant gentleman who spoke lest that the coosideration of pensions would not be lost sight of. The warrant of 1838 was my useful, having too, as it had, the consent of Lord Hill and the military authorities of the time. It had the effect of putting an end to much cooftuion ; but, with the altered circumstances of the time, some further improvement was necessary. When men were enlisted for ten years only, if trey were found to be rod soldiers, and it was desirable to re-enlist them, the amount of their permits= might he in creased. These and other suggestions would he fully esmi. dered by the government after the bill had passed, which he hoped it would do. The house then divided. For the third reading 91 Against it 42-49 Several dames were struck out the bill. Col. T. WOOD propoeed to strike out the following swords in clause 2 ' After completing the term of limited service for which he shall have first engaged, and being ap proved by his commanding officer, or other competent mili tary authority, as a fit per-on to continue in her Majesty's service as • soldier." Mr. F. MAULE said he could not agree to strike out the words, because by so doing the soldier would be exposed to the coaxing or other temptations of his commanding officer, with a view to reinlistment. Col. T. WOOD said that wu an unjust imputation to cut on the officers of the army. Any officer who could have re course to coaxing or other temptations, was unfit for the service. Col . SIBTHORP said that the bill originally contained eight clauses, five of which were now struck out by the Secretary at War himself. What a way that was of doing business (Hear, hear.) He would only say God defend them from such legislation. The motion was withdr►wn, and the bill read a third time and passed. SEDUCTION AND PROSTITUTION BILL. Mr. SPOONER moved the second reading of this bill. After a few words from Mr. C. BuLLza and Mr. HUME, the second reading was postponed till Monday the 26th. The house then adjourned at half-past twelve. POLAND.—WAINAW. MARCH 29. Tho Pat Ampg t;asetts of Frankfort says : " The sad events of the last year in Galicia have unfortunately found imitators in Russia among the peasantry. It is stated that very recently thirteen landowners of the environs of Witepak wan killed by their peasants." HAMBURG, APRIL 10.—The Emperor of Russia has recoiled General Von Vansum, who fur many ram has bet u his representative in the ceminibsion for military affairs, and has appointed him ambassador at the court of the King of Hattori r ; and has directed his ambassador, Baron Von Mayendurt, to go in a few days from Berlin to Warsaw. The Emperor of Austria has bent Simon Von Werner to Berlin to be in that city during the sitting of the Diet . . . fit . ierljr -- 'OO. MAILS. The We* Duda map., oxeluding those bit Med" Tbeitesess, and aballseatutah, mettles made up on tho seeralag litho Oth Apr% The meth for Vigo, morninga" Madeira, Cadin, aad Othealter, bo mods uo J . f the 17th April The overload made Mr tietrallor, (imam, the loafed Wanda, thdia, ithog-kongan i fivis i o, Somoompton, ..lirpt i rogTo=d ° mails, Mancillee, P ro * the Medi Egypt, Ad" Ogles, thrla, Hang dong, nox, .111 he mods up on tho siallis of eiellb iipeL Tbs tai der liguth NW" Vaa Diesnonb Land, and deo Zealand mil be 111110theleal tbss=xit the 30th April. The roods tit mos NMI Isnanda, mad th o United Maim, •111 la orb up is lip wiffilig ard May. Ths maps dm Da Ibmate L lbs Nem Pisis,Moado Video, Perna's. :Znf lib rae l t Mr" ' 'lll be op se the 111011 HATS AT LON DON.BRIDOE. Tun MT—Norge,. 27 MI3. pot I ; J 7 72 . 7 .00 0. 20 .tn. W O7 7 . Tcogoaaow —Morning, ob. pest ; Altermoom, $6 m 33. P• 27 LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 16. WE greatly regret the rejection of Mr. WATSON'S bill by the House of Commons. It is true that no Immediate consequences would have followed from its adoption; that priests will not be imprisoned or popery persecuted, because the remnants of an obso lete code of laws mill are left in the statute book. But even the practical inefficiency of the enactments which it was proposed to repeal is a proof of the weakness or dishonesty of those who have for the present succeeded in maintaining them. The argu ments which have been brought forward on the side of the majority are composed in different proportions of twaddle and insincerity. The speeches of the ultra-protestant section of the house, represented by Mr. PLIIMPIRE, Sir ROBERT INGLIS, and Mr. NEw- DEGATE, are rather feeble than dishonest. They express the genuine sentiment of tke speakers, hatred to "the Pope, that pagan full of pride , and the wish, as they cannot injure, at least to insult him. Thrice-told stories of Catholic persecutions, perfectly true, no doubt, and perfectly irrelevant, are brought forward as reasons why protestants, who under pre sent circumstances cannot conveniently persecute them in return, should at least pretend to . do . so. We have net observed any attempt on the part of Bir Roriza - r Inctis to show how the remaining penal laws tend to protect us against the dire machinations of Dominicans, Capuchins, or Jesuits. On the con trary, the anti-popery party exaggerates on occasion the success and the power of the ls= religion under the existing law. It believes, or pretends to believe, that the influence of a foreign spiritual head is every day more and more extend ing itself, to the detriment of the constitutional supremacy of the crown : it does not even pretend to believe, that the laws, which were framed to resist such encroachments, can be enforced. It contents itself with thinking that according to the constitution this terrible influence is considered to be non-existent. As a portion of the legislature, the party persists in dearmr the propositions, which as a body of anti-popery agitators, it principally devotee itself to affirming. Such are the reasons against the bill which fall most proparly under the head of twaddle ; and though twaddle—the sophistry of illogical minds—is always, like other sophistry, more or less dishonest, it perhaps may rank, intellectually, a little lower, and therefore, morally, a little higher than the official diplomatic mystification by which Mr. GouLeuari, on behalf of the less fanatical part of the majority, indicates and attempts to conceal the real objection which has prevented the abolition of the penal laws. Mr. GOULBURN thinks that the settlement of 1829 was a great compact, and ought not to be disturbed ; he thinks it better not to raise religious discussions ; not to persuade the Roman Catholics that they are oppressed; above all, not to disturb "sensitive pro testant minds." The questlon is, for whom is it better? Is it better for the esthetics to be insulted by the continuance of these foolish relics of antiquity ? Is it better for the " sensitive " protestants themselves that their preju dices should be countenanced and encouraged by a legislative body which itself despises them ? Or is it only better for members of a parliament, now in its last session, moat of whom have some " sensitive protestant minds" among their con stituents, not to lose or endanger the loss of a few supporters, by giving an honest and independent vote? Some of Mr. OUULBUISX'S suggestions, in deed, would be worthy of attention at the proper time. It is evident that it would be impolitic to endanger the public peace by Catholic processions among a hostile population ; and we should support to the utmost extent the right of government super vision of monastic ceders ; but Mr. GOULBURN well knows that these points might have been raised more properly in committee, and that a large majority would have supported him in any provision necessary for such purposes. By rejecting the whole measure, the house precludes itself from the benefit of the reasonable objections, which might be raised to certain clauses of the bill. It prohibits processions, not on the ground of policy and public order, but because they are idolatrous ; and it refuses to recognise monks because their vows are supposed to be doctrinally wrong, and not because monastic institutions are civilly dangerous. The government is debarred from all inspection and con trol of convents because the law declares that convents do not exist. The most dangerous, obnoxious, and anti social of Catholic institutions is left in entire independ ence, merely that it may be deprived of the compliment of legal recognition. These references to " sensitive protestant minds" are the more dishonest arguments of which we have spoken. The electioneering purposes for which they are brought forward relieve them from the character of mere twaddle; bat as we have already observed that that great branch of style is always tinged with dishonesty, so we cheerfully admit that even the most insincere opponents of the bill have mixed up abundance of twaddle with their more wilful sophistry. If it was possible to be surprised at absurdities which are rapeseed every day, wo might wonder at the utter misapprehension of the point at issue whisk was exhibited by many of the speakers in the debate. Lord ARUNDEL, as a Roman Catholic, declared, with manly frankness, that while he demanded for his creed political equality, he so far believed in its reli gious superiority as to hope that it would ultimately annihilate Protestantism. What less could • sincere and zealous Catholic hope? Exeter Hall, with infi nitely less external appearance of probability, hopes to evangelise the Catholic world, including Ireland ; and Exeter Hall is, on its own principles of exclusiveness, in the right. The man who believes any practical proposition to be universally true and indispensably necessary, is bound to wish and entitled to hope for its universal reception. Popery and protestantism are both anx ious to proselytise. If either is in the exclusive pos session of religious truth, it will undoubtedly prevail in the end. Lord ARUNDEL shares with the vast majority of the inhabitants of western Christendom the belief that his church is in the right, and to es tablish her right he only asks for fair play and freedom from persecution. We, who differ from him, also ask for fair play for his church, without the least apprehension that she will re-absorb the world. But the violent anti-popery section of the House of Commons are of opinion that Lord ARUNDEL has made an admission fatal to his cause. Annihilate protestantism, indeed ! they say. la this the religion we are to tolerate? Are these the schemes we are called upon to farther? And in favour of such a religion as popery too? a religion under which Queen Buz...BETH was excommunicated and ESCOBAR wrote, the religion against which we have been declaiming ever since we learned to speak? Do the papists openly avow what we have always said that they were plotting, the universal dominion of her of Babylon ? We begin to think that we meant something after all, and that there is a real danger to be resisted. _ And yet Lord ARUNDEL merely said, what every person, we presume, who holds to catholicism pro fellers to think, that his form of religion was true. The remainder of his proposition was made to his hands, and has often been repeated in a general form. Truth is great, it is said, and will prevail. But statesmen of the Inglis- Plumptre school always hold that there is one thing stronger than truth, and that Popery must be tied hand and foot to make truth a match for such au an tagonist. It would, we admit, be difficult to find a Catholic student who could not refute the superficial ad ,aptandum attacks upon his creed, whicil Mr. SriaiNra and Mr. NEWDEGATE for the twentieth time bring forward. There are innumerable reasons why religious discussions should be excluded from the house, and one of those nations is the excessive weakness of the arguments which religious poli ticians always tender for the acceptance of a popu lee andience. The attempt to it'spose in a few sen tences, of difficulties which have mastered the most subtle minds, and furnished matter for . centuries of discuicsion, to any thinking man Mlles own condemnation on its face. The House of Commons, in listening to the controversy, was .as useleesly, though not qaite as indecently, occupied, as the con ference at Crosby-hall, who, on the same day, re oeived, as we are informed, " with b iisterous laughter" a discourse of a certain Dr. Km Isis on " the forms of the church of England, parties tiarlY baptism." Those Anglican members of the Howse of Commons who can satisfy themselves in a few tepees that catholicism has not a leg to stand upo.'t are hardly entitled to complain of the "roars laughter" which their own religious convictions excite in the candid, enlightened, and tolerant minds of the agitators against reading and writing. Indeed, both parties act on the same principle. One thinks that, in the absence of persecution, Popery, though self-evidently absurd, will prevail ; the other, that education must lead to a universal adoption of the infinitely objectionable forms of the English church, as a step to the still more repulsive, and yet inevitable, abominations of Rome. If it is agreeable to the ultra-protestants to repeat the usual popular and inconclusive arguments against popery in the proper regions of religious controversy, let them by all means indulge their taste. If they can convince any person whois not convinced already, that catholicism is untenable, we shall be surprised, but no way grieved. Only let them abstain from urging their reasons on parliament. The legislature of a kingdom in which one-fourth of the enfranchised inhabitants are Roman Catholics, is altogether precluded from acting on the assumption that popery is founded on falsehood : and even if a religion is false, its falsehood is no reason for persecution. St. Stephen's is not Crosby Hall. Roars of laughter on the peccliarly facetious and mirth-inspiring subject of baptism may be inju dicious, as offending the feelings of a great majority of the English people, including nearly the whole of the higher classes ; but as long as the laughter only shakes the sides of those who have hired the hall for their temporary use, it is not for us to interfere. On the whole, it is, perhaps, a more harm less occupation than agitating against reading and writing, for nobody will be laughed out of his religions opinions, and the poor may possibly be agitated out of their right to education. But the House of Commons is not hired by Sir ROBERT INGLIs and his party for the purpose of venting their peculiar opinions. The duty to be performed there is not to give a decision which no one respects on points of doctrine, but to make just laws and to re move iniquitous distinctions. This duty was neglected on Wednesday. A new parliament, without the im mediate fear of "sensitive" constituents before its eyes, will probably settle the question in accordance with justice and common sense. THE opponents of popular education being at all furthered or aided by the state, have certainly con trived to kick forth a convenient stumbling-block in its way, being the question of how the Roman Catholics are to fare under the proposed scheme. Mr. BAINES and his friends have made the most of it; for, whilst some of them in the Conference have denounced the government scheme as decoying the youth of England under the banner of l'useyism and Rome, others, and especially Mr. BAINES himself, denounce the same scheme for not admitting the Catholics to all the favours and privileges held forth by state education. Sir J. GRAHAM brought the subject before the house last night, and Lord J. RUSSELL took the opportunity of explaining the present position of the government with respect to the question, with its future inten tions. That it is the principle and purpose of the government to extend the benefits of whatever money the state may grant for the furtherance of popular education to that portion which so much needs it, namely, the Roman Catholic poor, the Irish and their descendants in England, no one at all acquainted with the political sentiments and career of Lord JOHN Russut and his colleages can, for a moment, doubt. But the fact unfortunately is, that no pro vision of the kind has yet been made for Roman 1 Catholics. The minutes of 1839, framed for the furtherance of education, at a moment when the anti Catholic effervescence was at Its sot, did not contemplate, much less permit, eny grants to schools not making use of the scrip ture in the authorised version. Those of 1846, developing an old, not creating a new system, contemplated vaguely some mode of extending grants to schools which did not admit the reading of Scrip ture. But we understand, as the matter came to be discussed, much greater difficulties than were at first contemplated started up in the way of a simple assi milation of scriptural and non-scriptural schools. Several towns have a numerous lower class of Catholics. To afford them the means of education would be the most desirable of benefits. But a great school opened in one of our manufacturing towns, under the superintendence of the Catholic clergy and teachers, would of course not refuse Protestant scholars. How is unfair proselytism to be avoided in schools over whose mode of religious teaching government exercises no control ? No doubt such unfairness can be obviated. But the solution of this requires time, and could not be forthwith achieved No as to satisfy at once the zealous Catholic and the sensitive Dissenter. It is much to be regretted that, owing to this cause, such Catholic schools u object to the use of the authorised version cannot take advantage of this year's vote. But we have good reason to think that they will not lose by waiting; and at all events the grievance—for such it is—is one for the Roman Catholic body and prelates to weigh, not for the avowed enemies of catholicism to make use of, as a factious weapon, against state education. If we bear in mind that no grants have yet been made except to two classes of schools ; and that all the rest were placed in a category apart, to be dealt specially with by the government, it is too much to expect that all these specialities and their respective difficulties could at once be met and provided for. But it is no reason, because we cannot do all, that we should not do acme& ma we can. The Chamber of Deputies was engaged on Tuesday and Wednesday on the debate on the project of law respecting the affairs of the Bank of France, when the report, of which we gave a summary several days since, was brought ander discussion. The report, which is prolix, contains only three points of practical importance. The first is the proposition to authorise the bank to issue both in Paris and from its branches notes of 200 francs and upwards, whereas the limit imposed on the value of notes to be issued is, by the project of law presented by the government, 230 francs. It is understood that this modification will be acceded to by the government. But an ameadment has been moved to red ace still more the limit of the value of notes to 100 francs, which is advocated with much ability in the chambers; and as it is energetically sup ported by the Journal des Debate, it may be inferred to be not unacceptable to the cabinet. It is, however, understood that some of the influential agents of the bank are opposed to it. The second proposition of the report is to destroy all local banks, and to replace them by branches of the national bank • and the third is to eve full liberty to the bank to invest its capital, eitb er in the public funds, or in any other securities it ms.y consider advantageous. The actual amount of metallic carrene7 circulating in France cannot be precisely asoerta;ned ; but no one estimates it at much lees than 'eighty millions sterling, while some contend that it is considerably more. What is certain is, that v.ithin sixty-three years about two hundred million* sterling have been coined at the national mint, of which considerably less than twenty millions have gone to the colonies, including Algiers. Making, then, the largest allow ance for the efflux of specie in oth e r direc tions, it is certain that Frame possesses in proportion to its populatiou, wealth, and commerce, a greater amount of metallic currency than any other country in the world. It is contended, therefore, that a great extenrlon of the paper cur rency of the Bank of France may be permitted, with advantage to commerce, and perfect security to the public. The section which has seceded from the minis terial majority in. the Chamber, under the title of progressist conservatives, continues to acquire a strength. This party pledged itself, when M. de Itmusat's project of parliamentary reform was in the bureaux, that without giving its concurrence to the details of that measure, something nevertheless must be done, and in the face of this manits station, the ministry, with an ill grace, withdrew its oppo s i. tion in the bureaux, and the debate on this impot taut project was to commence in the Chamber on Thttni. day. It is contended by the parties of the Left that the progressist conservatives ought, in consistency, to vote in favour of the first stage of the measure. If they should do this, it is expected that the cabinet will be beaten. Parties therefore looked with much interest to the debate on Thursday. The oollision between the committee on extraor dinary credits and the government, occupied the atten tion of the leading j ournals on Wednesday. It appears that it was on l'hursday last that M. Dufaure, as chairman of the committee, placed in the hands of the Minister of War a note stating the reasons of the refusal of the committee to sanction the credits for an e ;pedition against the Kabyles. This note having b ee n brought under the consideration of a eabinet enan ,^il on Sunday, an answer was addressed on Monday to the chairman of the committee, declaring, i n then ame of the government, that the proveding adopted by the committee was an unconstitutional act, being a manifest encroachment on the prerogative of the exeoltive, to which alone it appertains to decide questions of peace and war, and that conse quently the cabinet has seen itself compelled simply to return the note of the committee. On the recept ion of this communication roach ex citement was prothiced in the committee, which im mediately adjourns' without modifying the resolution objected to by the government, and the matter became afterwards the sullied of animated conversation in the Salle des Conferences. The ilulaburg Gazette affirms that the mediation of Prince Metternich is likely to bring to a speedy and satisfactory solution the existing difference be tween Greece and Turkey. It is proposed that, at the suggestion of Prince Metternich, M. Coletti shall write to the divan that King Otho is ready to receive, with suitable marks of consideration and respect, any ambassador whatever which the Porte may send to Athens, and that this proposition shall be accepted by the sultan as a sufficient manifestation of the good disposition of the Greek cabinet—that the affair of M. Nlussurus shall be allowed to drop, the sultan vo luntarily sending another ambassador. The price of bread will be reduced in Paris, for the latter fortnight of April, from 62c. to Mc. per king., being equivalent to 21d. per lb. The correspondence and journals from Madrid of the 9th instant have been received. Since the minis terial crisis, which resulted in the rout of Queen Christina's party from the cabinet and the palace, and the arrival of that personage with her family in Paris, Spanish affairs have engrossed much attention in the French capital. We announced on Wednesday the departure of General Concha for Paris. That officer it appears arrived there on Sunday night, and immediately sent to the Rue de Courcelles to request an interview with the Queen Dowager. It was understood that the answer to this application made by her Majesty, was that if General Conchs sought the interview as a private indisidual and an officer in the service of the Queen of Spain, her Majesty would receive him on the same evening, Mondsy, at 8 o'clock, but that if he sought the interview as the bearer of any commission from the Queen of Spain or her ministers, in such case her Majesty would require that the Charge d'Affaires of Spain should be present at the interview, and that it should be conducted in all respects as an official reception, such answer an her Majesty might please to give to the communica tion being witnessed and recorded by the Charge d'Affaires, and that the reception in that case would be accorded to Gen. Concha on Wednesday morning. When the general received the communication from her Majesty, he immediately protested against being the bearer of any mission whatever, either from the Queen of Spain or her government, and assured the queen dowager that in seeking an audience he had no other object except to avail himself of the oppor tunity of his visit to Paris to express to her Majesty the homage of his loyalty and devotion. On this assurance, the Queen received the visit of the general ; and we are assured that nothing directly or indirectly passed on the occasion re lating to the mission with which it was supposed the general was charged. El Hereildo of the 9th inst. gives It as punitive that the mission of General Concha to Paris has no relation, as some of the journals had stated, to the affairs of Portugal, but has reference to the return of Queen Christina, who was understood to be about to leave Paris on the 10th for Spain. An erdonnance, dated Madrid, April 8, and signed by the Minister of War, announces that the Queen, with the advice of her ministers, has ordered to be suspended the proceedings which had been in stituted against General Serrano, declaring at the same time that there is nothing in the affair deroga tory to the high reputation of that officer. The parties reported to be concerned in the late ,:tneute at the palace, have one by one shown their eagerness to dis avow the conduct imputed to them. The Marquis of Santa Cruz has done so in the name of his mother. El Tienwo says that the ministry contemplate presenting to the Cortee a project of law for a civil list for the king consort. El Ihraldo states, that the Queen has released the Count de Combres- Altas from the sentence of banishment which had been pronounced against him, and that her Majesty will allow him to remain at Madrid, and to receive the salary which he enjoyed as grand equerry. OPENING OF THE DIET. SPEECH OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA. We have rcceived a copy of the Prussian AlOenteitil ZeitUll9, dated Berlin, April 12, containing the Speech of the King of Prussia, delivered on the 11th, at the meeting of the United Diet The following is the translation : " Illustrious noble Princes, Counts, and Lords—my desz trusty orders of Nobles, Burghers, and Commons—l bid you from the depth of my heart welcome on the day of the fulfil• merit of a great word of my father, resting in God, never to be forgotten, King William 111 , of glorious memory. The noble edifice of representative freedom, on the eight mighty pillars of which the king, of blessed memory, founded deep and unshakealay in the peculiar organisation of his provinces, is to-day perfected in your assembly. It has re ceived its protecting roof. Toe king wished to have finished his work himself, but his views were shipwrecked in ths utter impracticability el the plans laid before hint. Time from arose evils which his clear eye detected with grief, and, before all, the uncertainty which mad.' many a noble soil susceptible of weeds. Let us bless, however, to a the conscientiousness of the true beloved king, who des his own earlier triumph in order to guard his folk from ruin, and let us honour his memory. " I give up beforehand all co-operation thereto. lie suffer time, and, above all, experience to have their asp; and let us commit the work, as is fitting, to the (manna, and forming hands of Divine Providence. Slope the caw mencement of the operation of the provincial diets, I have perceived the defects of individual portions of our retires** tative life, and proposed to self conscientiously the Foe question—how were they to be remedied ? My resolution . ' on this point have long since arrived at maturity. Immedi ately on my accession 1 made the first step towards reeling them bp forming the committees of the provincial diets, s" by calling them together soon after. " You are aware, lords and gentlemen, that I have now made the days for the meeting of those committees ciodei ad, and that I have confided to them the free wor the Provincial Diets. For the ordinary run of affairsth e ir deliberations will satisfactorily represent the desired p oint of union. But the law of January 17, 1820, respective g the state debts, gives, in that portion of it not es yet carried sat, rights and privileges to the orders which can be coercion neither by the Provincial Assemblies nor by the commfitets. "As the heir of an unweakened Crown, which I must and will hand down unweakened to my descendants, I knew that I am perfectly free from all and every pledge with rt Tea to what haa not been tarried out, and, above all, with respect to that from the execution of which his owl true paternal conscience preserved my illustrious predecease. The law is, however, carried out in all its essential pats: an edifice of justice has been built upon it, oaths have sworn on it, and it his all unfinished so it is, maintained itself as a wise law for 27 years. Therefore have I proceeded. with a cheerful heart, indeed, but with all the freedom of my kingly prerogative, to its final completion. I am, how ever, the irreconcileable enemy of all arbitrary peocee.dt h rt and must have been a foe, above all, to the idea of b ringing together an artificially arbitrary assembly of the orders , which should deprive the noble creation of the King, dear father, I mean the Provincial Diets, of their value.. It has been, therefore, for many years, my firm determinaum i only to form this assembly, ordained by law, by the fusion togethir of the Provincial Diets. It is formed' I have recognised your clean to all the rights flowing from that law ; and, fir beyond —yes, far be end—all the Pio' miserof the Bing, of h',essed memory, I hove granted yo u r within certain nem wary limits, the right of granungtasa.— a right, gentlemen, the responsibility of which weighs /a more heavily tt,an the honour which accompanies it. This ' important teaeuibly will now denote important periods the existence of our state, which are treated of in egi : I pates{ of the 3rd of Febnory. As coon as than