The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-08 00:00:00

r . ~.~ goorowoo to the Troewary (Yr. Tuba), is Winne* to a bu m food ~ Treasury, Whitehall, 3_s It 1 84 7," which en, ll l i. Mg ill 0021. of the Ileseil m sddreseed to Lord which was as follow : Ng dear --trabsiasifte est *tireless awls/ that any geowersat was amid to prevent yes Mihaly hem asaillisi Ist Osaissik, I Stit t I *lit Mes yew impenmes skald horn Met homempewse et memletime gme woo mho is y- WI me Ohm velgoOSmg Ms Oldest minim In lie Ineeemb. ad the Meting' Mee oirmenterMiend es Ibis enigest le elm epturtom fer tile* inignaled a Mow sasmalasse lig ash to tee. and en. deamend Ipeerymemimprowertoiambpa Mill 0/01bif Ihrwardees —I oft poem truly, B. TIMM. Ns whist Ile NIL the hew. gewthenan wbeiber be watesw lodged the watborehip of that letter ; what was the deowlp =" government Influence " to whidb he referred ; end r that letter had been written by the direction of the noble lord at the head of the government—the author of tke Selliarm Bill ' (Hear, hear.) Yr. TUFNELL said he believed the letter was a correct copy of a private communication, the appeamoce of which in the newspapers bad much surprised him. (Hear, hear.) The means he referred to there were only the ordinary means of diesussion which one friend might use to another. (Hear.) Alter a kw words from Lord 0. Butrince, the house pro ceeded to the orders of the day. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS BILL. On the motion that the house do go into committee on this bill, Mr. V. SMITH said he had hoped that the fashionable course would have been pursued of withdrawing this bill. He urged that it was ill-concocted, and would only have the effect of limiting the franchise. If the measure were deferred till next session, a much more complete measure might be introduced. The subject was one that could not well be considered here ; the registration agents were best qualified to make the requisite suggestions. The bill was made to come into operation at the approaching registration; but he thought this could not be done. Mr. WALPOLE said the bill bad been fur eight weeks on the paper, and its principle was, he believed, generally ap proved of. He only wished the clauses objected to, namely the 4th and the double-entry clauses, to be fairly discussed ; and he hoped, therefore, that be should be allowed to go into committee. His desire was to simplify and facilitate the machinery of the registration of voters, and he believed the measure would effect that object. After a few words from Mr. MIWDZOATZ, Mr. UEATHCOTE objected to the measure, on the ground that it introduced a new set of technicalities and intricacies. The present system was open to great objection, but the bill of the hon. gentleman would perpetuate and aggravate all the existing evils, as well as create new ones. The measure •was altogether too cumbrous and intricate, and be felt bound, therefore, to oppose it. Mr. C. BULLER appealed to the hon. member for Mid burst to give up an attempt to carry his bill this session. It wu not possible that the bill could be fully discussed at this period of the year ; and there were many clauses objected to which must give rill* to considerable debate. He approved of the principle of the bill, but he was sure the hon. geatle. man would alt wisely in keeping his bill for a more auspi cious occasion, and moreover, it was a measure which ought not to be agitated on the eve of a general election. Mr. FERRAND inquired on what day the session would close Mr. C. STILLER did not know, and he believed no human being did ; but every one was anxious to bring it to • close as soon as possible, and there would not be time to carry such • measure as that before the house to a successful termination. _ _ . Mr. J. S. WORTLEY also recommended the hon. gentle man to withdraw the bill. _ After a few observations from Mr. HENLEY, Mr. WALPOLE said there were other bills on the same subject —the Parliamentary Electors Bill, and the Parlia mentary Elector (No. 2) Bill—and he thought if he with drew his bill the others should be withdrawn also, in order that the whole subject might be considered at the same time. Bir G. GREY said he would postpone the Parliamentary Electors (No. 2) Bill if there was to be any discussion on it until to-morrow (this day), as his noble friend, the First Lord of the Treasury, was not present, and he had no doubt bis noble friend would consent to withdraw it. The govern ment had nothing to do with the other bill. Mr. T. BUNCOMBE thought some more satisfactory reasons ought to be given for the withdrawal of the bill of the hon. member for Midhurit and the two parliamentary electors bill than that which had been stated by the right hon. member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), namely, that there would not be time to discuss such measures. The same observation might be applied to the Thames Conser vancy Bill—that great City job—(a laugh)—which had nearly 100 clauses in it, and which he could promise the government would be fully discussed. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Then there was the Health of Towns Bill, which was open to a similar objection. After a few observations from Mr. B. Ewalt, Col. Wood, and Mr. Ferrand, Mr. WALPOLE said he should wish to postpone his motion for a committee until to-morrow (this day). The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there could be no objection whatever to such a course, as it was utterly impassible that it could come on. (Laughter.) The committee was then postponed until to-morrow (this PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORS BILL. On the order of the day being read for the second read ing of this bill, which stood next on the paper, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he should move the second reading, u there seemed to be no one else to do so. Sir G. GREY said he did not understand that the hon. member for Westminster (Sir De Lacy Evans) had given the hon. member for Finsbury charge of this bill, but if it were so, and he intended to proceed with it now, he (Sir G. Grey) must oppose the further progress of the bill. In the absence, however, of the hon. member who bad charge of the bill, he had intended to move that the second reeding be postponed until to-morrow (this day), with a view to its being considered with the government bill, of a similar character. . Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he had no objection to the second reasiiog being postponed until to-morrow (this day), hut as the Ilan. gentleman who had charge of the bill seemed to have abandoned it, the measure was now in the bands of the house, and he had, therefore, waived the second reading. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN objected to the bill being postponed, and said he should certainly divide the house upon it. The CHANCILLOR of the Excnecir en and Sir O. Goer deprecated the house going to a division as a waste of the public time. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said he thought the gentle men who were sponsors for the bill ought to hare been pre sent, and moved that the bill should be read a second time that day six months. Sir 3. GRAHAM said that when the same bill was brought under discussion last session, he felt it his duty to move the previous question, and under ordinary circum stances be should still oppose it; but he thought it would be a hard measure to throw out the bill on the second reading. He would, therefore, move that the second reading be post paned until to-morrow (this day). Sir D. L. EVANS (one of the sponsors for the bill) here entered the house &wield much laughter. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he felt sure that the right hoe. gentleman opposite (Sir J. Graham) would now withdraw his amendment. (Laughter.) He objected to the making the payment of rates and taxes a condition of voting, and he hoped his hon. and gallant Mend would persevere in the second reading of his moderate reform. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said that his reason for taking the course which he had done was, that he thought the hon. and gallant gentleman had been wanting in respect fee the house in being absent one day when his bill stood second in the orders of the day. Sir J. GRAHAM then withdrew his amendment, on account, as he stated, of the arrival of the hon. and gallant member for Westminster. Sir D. L. EVANS said that he bad been attending in the house shortly before, when, observing that one or two gen tlemen were engaged in delivering very drawling speec he s, he thought he might safely go out for a short time to visit kis constituents. (Laughter.) Having now arrived, he should move the second reading of the hill. (Hear, hear.) By the bill which he proposed, the principle of the Reform Bill, as regarded the payment of rates and taxes, was not in terfered with. He wished that, instead of payment being required in July up to the sth of April, it should only be required up to the preceding October. At present many persons were excluded from voting respecting whose right to vote substantially there could be no possible doubt. The house divided—For the second reading 67 Against it POOR REMOVAL ACT AMENDMENT (No. 2) BILL. Mr. BODKIN moved the second reading of this bill. The hon. and leaned member observed that by an act of last session it was provided that after a residence of five years in a particular parish, paupers should be considered irremova ble. In a variety of caste the law as it stood premed with great hardship on the rate-payers, and the paupers them selves were neglected. The object which he wished to effect was that of providing for paupers who had resided in parti cular parishes for five years out of s common fund to be sup plied by the whole union ; and in order that no evil might arise from the experiment, he proposed to limit the operation of the bill to a single year. Mr. C/IRISTOPHER objected te the introduction of a new principle in a bill of so limited a nature. It was aster towards the abolition of the ancient parochial system of this country, and was open to the objection that it was a fur ther development of the principle of centralisation. Sir W. JOLLIFFE did not believe that the evils of the present system could be remedied by the bill before the house. The present law of settlement operated with great severity towards the poor, and he thought the passing of this bill would only add to their sufferings. He must oppose the bill unless in committee a dense were introduced, providing that no person should lose his title to relief by reason of a change of residence front one parish to another in the same union. Mr. SPOONER suggested to the proposer of the bill that he should give to towns which were unions in themselves the same privileges as he gave to those which formed parts of unions. Sir G. GREY said the principle of the bill being that of enlarging the area of the unions, he felt bound, in coolie tency with his previous declarations, to give it his support. Sir J. PAKINOTON expressed his approval of the bill. Mr. FLOYER objected to the bill on the ground that it tended to destroy the ancient parochial system. Mr. HENLEY said that aa his name was on the back of the bill he felt bound to support it. The legislature haring given the poor exemption from removal under certain cir cumstances, the simple object of the bill was to diffuse the burden of their support over a wider area. Mr. WAKLEY said that all the discussions on that sub ject showed that the support of the poor must be made a national charge. (Hear, hear.) There was a principle of justice involved which would over-ride all objections to the establishment of a national rate on behalf of the poor. The burden of supporting the poor was at present most uoequally distributed, ranging between ed. and 10s. in the pound. Such a state of things could sot be allowed to continue. Mr. HABEAS was glad that the hon. member for Fine buy had come round to the opinion which he bad just impreosed, as on a loran occasion he accused him (Mr. Smokes) of wishing to remove the burden from the shoulders of the rats-payers. (Hear, beer.) Everybody now admitted that the Poor Remind Act could not be left in its present state. He had no desire to see the poor of the agricultural districts thrown for support on the manufacturing towns. Mr. BORTHWICK said that the principle of calling upon parishes to pay for an excess by means of what was celled a rate in aid " was as old as the reign of Elizabeth. The effect of the present hill would be strongly to increase the tendency to ulnae settlements; and, as a comprehensive measure would probably be introduced in the next session, he hoped that the whole question would be postponed. The bill was then read a second time. JUVENILE OFFENDERS BILL, The amen to war* and, --- ;l7aan; titi; Waridwed after a short conversation, it we, agreed that the bonne diasents from the principal alterations. The house adjourned at a quarter to six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—RAJAH OF SATTARA. Derision is favour of going Into Committee of Supply, and against sulatitties the charges alleged against the re-Rejah of Setters to the °made:Mica of a select waimittee.—Agen 44 ; NOM, 23. AYES. Arundel and Soz.Oltees, T. M. Macaulay, T. B. Polhill, F. rey, Earl of Gramm, 84J. M•Taggart, Sir J.Prioe, Sir B. Berme, W. B. Orman T. Mestermen k t Rioli, U. Barnard, E. 0. Oreg. Mr 0. Haile, Rt. F.Ratherford, A. Bellew E. M. slllllllllllk W. J. Measles, J. IL Mail, R. L. Bleekbinwe, J. I. Hawes, B. Mandl, Vinci. Somerville, Blr W. Baler, C. Hollsonee, Mr J. Morris, D. Spooow, It. C 11.., Visa. Rom Sir J. W. Morison, Gee. Ward. IL 0. Crag, W. O. Hutt, W. Mange, Ho. E. Wood, Sir C. Dundee, Adm. Jerrie, Sir J. Ogle, S. C. H. swum. Ferrama, Sir R. !cosign, Vial. Pelmerston, Y 4. Tessa, H. Gardner, J. D. Labouelierr, H. Parker, J. Cowper, W.V. NOES. Base, W. Colebrooke, S 4 T.Hermy, Lori A. Thornely, T. Bereeford, Mai. Colsile, C. IL Lawless, Hon. C. Williams, W. Blake, M. J. Duke, Sir J. liKlartly, A. Borthwiok, P. Ewen, B. Mamas, Lord J. anima. Bawer* Ha. E. Emma, Sir De L. Perfect, R. Horse, J. &wring, Dr. Hall. Sir B. Reahleigh, W. Ewart, W. Brotherton, J. Henley, J. W. Thompson, Ald. gilt Oporto. A mall ter the Vella Mita, British Nth& Aietts, &r., will be mei upon** Illth July, for tramminlas by the steamer Wailimpteem lattersewl ppm mut be specially li t sd iffeet a f e e Zriminilmptheue he Mezko, Akaiduras, and the Mmeimmh. *II he mai No am the mendag at the 17th July. the midi he Viem Opielm When, Maberm Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be miter en the itiffsig elle 176 Alp. The melte Mr IrWi Ark Aumelem Nerweede, and the United *Om will be We up an th e ementwe if the I9th July. The weeneml mile kr ellrellet lIMPA,Orme, the lonian Islands, Eints 9 ‘ 9 l. g lenl l o 99 .lllWilln e r h Mina, rid SOUUltallitol2. Wink 1114111 he mceuhep et the July. Thu emetamd elewed math, limeeMee, to the Mediterranean, =gAdeme 0 #7 109 , 1 -"tiat Ran Mmag. die., will be made up on the a:the Mth July. The mai ter Mew dsu Weir, Van Diemen's Land, and New ZeMaithellt be eandle iv ea the emedne of the 3lst July. The=Msde the Bomb.. the River Plate, Monte Video, Perm. hop Ilnieke. i Boma Ayres, will be made up on the alibi 4th Amps/. TO CORTISPONDENTL ... Mortbmille Maid Ow The isrvas, Immig•• muter rpm ...t M ai the Olio by Tin We as the Iv of psbilabOr. MOH WATER AT LORDONAfterros. 4, AIRIDGI. Tuts DAT—lllaniam I Ws. no 10 =WPM T ToMossoor —Manias, 17 Mi. paaln. Abram*. 110 WA- poi 1 1 . LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 8. AT the morning sitting of the House of Commons yesterday, the subjects discussed were the Argyle Canal bill, on the ground of its being a public not a private measure, involving, as it did, a grant of public money; Mr. WALPOLE'S Registration of Voters Bill, which was postponed ; Sir D. L EVANS'S Parliamen tary Electors Bill, the second reading of which was negatived by a majority of d; and Mr. BODKIN'S Poor Removal Act Amendment Bill, which was read a second time. The Lords' amendments to the Ju venile Offenders' Bill were dissented from, and six o'clock having all but arrived, the house adjourned. ALL parties mast have come to perceive by this time, that it is not sufficient to have a majority of dull, mute voters in favour of, or in antagonism to, any measure or line of policy, proned or dreaded. The several changes which have affected land and church, notwithstanding the predominance of these united interests, ought to teach the general lesson, that victory, even in a representative system, does not always follow numbers, and that no conceivable number of blockheads, however obstinate, can succeed in upholding a cause that interferes with the wants and contravenes the growing ideas of the time. What have hitherto been the tactics and the fate of ultra-conservative parties? They have elected and put forth half-a-dozen men of talent and experience, and given them as followers men with the smallest possible quantity of these faculties. The consequence has been the speedy divorce between such leaders and such followers, the former being reduced to act the part of hypocrites, and the latter of dupes. How much better would it have been for both great inte rests had they listened to and communed with their own choice spirits, their naturally leading men, in stead of placing all trust in the fools and zealots of the cause. Indeed, as a general rule, a party must henceforth be ready to take warning, that as soon as its official and experienced members desert a prejudice or a tenet, it is wise for the most obstinate to came to a compromise. For, assuredly, what the brains of a party abandon, the blockheadism can not defend. The most fatal effects produced to the great con servative party in this country have decidedly been owing to the blindness and backwardness of the uni versities in political matters. Looked up to very foolishly as sanctuaries of worldly as well as of spiritual wisdom, they have misled a host of worthy people, accustomed to revere the great sanctuary of learning. In default of put ting the best ideas in the heads of such obedient children, the universities at least ought to have put the bes t arms in their hands. But even this they, failed to do, handing forth from their clerical ar mouries the old rusty weapons of fanaticism, instead of the new and keen ones of reason and persuasion, and sending forth their soldiers to combat the demo cracy of the nineteenth century with the principles and prejudices of the sixteenth. And after all that has passed, after the signal defeats that ultra-conservative interests have received, it is marvellous to see how they still endeavoar to mar rowthe circle,and with it the means of defence. In par liament, indeed, conservative chiefs feel the necessity of affecting . liberal opinions en every point not touch ing. the main one. But the electors of the party, and their committees, seem to dread even the BENTINCKB and the DISRAELI& They would have representatives narrower still—men of a mere shibboleth—,and they would send such representatives to a seven years' parliament, merely for the sake of the one point they are pledged to, utterly unfitted to further and protect the true interests of those who elect them, or the host of unforeseen questions which arise. What do we behold at present ? A large portion of the middle and mercantile class of England meet and discuss and resolve to send to parliament men staunchly opposed to any public favour to the catholics, or to any other creed than their own, even though the former be for the furtherance of general education. This is to be the chief business and the chief fitness of the representatives of the middle and mercantile class of the country. And yet we are now about to select and compose a parliament, whose first and inevitable duty will be to re-adjust the financial burdens of the country. A great measure has been carried in the present parlia ment, the repeal of the corn-laws; a great financial change introduced, the permanency of direct taxa tion. This has been in fact the removal of the two keystones of the arch of an entire system. They necessitate the reconstruction of the whole building. The great difficulty and desideratum is to fix what part each class and each interest shall have in this reconstruction. The ensuing parliament will the treat of questions moat vital to interests, the pockets, the prospects, the existence of the different classes of this country. And yet, in the face of this, we find the most important and numerous of thus classes not casting one single thought on the dangers which await them—not making one single effort for the general struggle—ungirdiog their loins, instead of girding them, and bent upon sending to represent their interests in parliament men without any other quality or thought in the world beyond polemics and The old party of conservatives has been defeated and broken, simply from their attachment either to blockheads who would swallow any pledge, or cun ning men who would not scruple to trick them. There is a new conservative party amongst dissenters and protestants , which is committing precisely the same blunder. They are forgetting the true and vital interests, most exposed to lesion, and directing all their vigilance towards theological interests, not seriously menaced at all. We do not think that any minister or statesman will stand up to propose the payment of the Roman Catltolic clergy, or that any minister would propose giving even the Church et England any increase of power over educational institutions. Public opinion is alone a eunicient check in these matters. By therefore electing members of perhameot exclusively ad hoe, the middle class of this country are sacrificing their real interests to imaginary danger. These real and vital interests cannot fail to come under disciunion, and when they do, it will require more than the brainless tail of the " British Lion" faction, or of the Biloxi,' agitation, to protect and throw the requisite ligkt upon them. THE Health of Towns Bill has, after three days' discussion, dragged one-third of its slow length through committee. The debate on the first twenty clauses has elicited nothing beyond proof how little honourable members know of the measure on which they are sitting in judgment. The bill seems to get more and more into tangle as it proceeds. Mr. WAKLET, who, before the discussion, believed he knew something of the matter, declares himself argued into utter darkness. Mr. J. STUART, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, and Mr. HENLEY, who came to the assistance of the house when it was floundering, Diecoo/4-like. in the 220 sections of the Towns Im provement Bill, and the 112 of the Commissioners Clauses Act, contrived, by their explanations, to render the imbroglio utterly hopeless. It was well the house adjourned when it did on Tuesday. The little divertissement of Mr. HonsoN and Dr. LAY COCK came just at the nick of time to cover the dire confusion of the wind-up of that day's discussion. We cannot bat have a fellow-feeling formembers in the glee with which they fasten on a racy bit of person ality or the veriest ghost of ajoke, that rises out of the cloudy war of clauses. But the country, anxious to see a grave measure gravely handled, will hardly be as indulgent as the journalist Is the House of Com mons a place to which legislators should come to ascertain what they are deliberating about, or one to which they ought to bring at least a knowledge of what the measure is which they are discussing ? It is very easy to throw the blame on the system of con solidation clauses acts. We do not deny there is a difficulty. It requires something more than a break fast-table skimming of three long bills on kindred subjects to discover exactly how each affects the others. But the task is by no means one beyond the powers of commonly disciplined attention and average industry. It is not to be denied that this case of the Health of Towns Bill is one of more than usual intricacy. In one or two points, to which we propose to refer, there does seem some discrepancy between the Towns Improvement Clauses Bill and the measure 'now before the house. But, despite of this, a few minutes' attention to what it is proposed to do and what part of that general scheme each bill is directed to, will,"perhaps, enable our readers, if not our legisla tors, to understand what Tuesday's discussion left in such a very misty indistinctness. The proposed ma chinery of sanitary legislation is complex. There are central commissioners to be appointed. There are also provisions to be made for electing local com missioners. The duties, moreover, of these local commissioners are to be generally pointed out and determined. The Health of Towns Bill, now in committee, pro vides for the appointment of central commissioners, and fixes their powers in relation to the local commis sioners or the town councils. The Commissioners Clauses Act (which is now law) determines all that is general, as distinct from what is special, in the constitution and regulation of the local commissioners ; fixing, among other things, the nature of their election and rotation, the qualifica tions of the electors, and the limits of their powers, as to contracts and legal proceedings. The Towns Improvement Clauses Bill comprises the provisions usually contained in acts of parliament (with improvements suggested by recent inquiries) for paving, draining, cleansing, lighting, watching, and improving towns and populous districts. Thus the three measures form a whole, relating to the general subject of the sanitary improvement of towns. The measure now in committee is the com plement of the two others, fixing, as it does, the cen tral authority, which is to see to, and aid in (when necessary), the execution of the duties generally stated in the Town Improvements Bill, by the local officers appointed according to the conditions of the Commie, aioners Clauses Act. Infinite space is saved, and infinite trouble avoided, by the preparation of these general acts, which are to be incorporated with each other, and with the special acts for the improvement of particular towns. However intricate the mutual relations of the three measures may appear in the hands of mem bers imperfectly acquainted with all of them, we are not apprehensive that any serious difficulty will arise in carrying out their provisions in practice. We would, however, qualify this assertion in one or two particulars—those, especially, which relate to the ap pointment of health officers. The 11th section of the Towns Improvement Act enacts that the local commissioners or town council shall appoint a health officer with certain duties. The `2sth section of the Health of Towns Bill enacts that the central commissioners shall " from time to time appoint so many physicians or surgeons of skill and experience as they shall think necessary, to be officers of health for the several towns in which this act shall be in force, and no other officer of health shall be ap pointed for any such town." By the same clause, the central commissioners are to fix the salary of this officer, which was by the other measure left to the local commissioners, subject to approval of the central authority. This appears clumsy. One act nullifies the other, in all cases, except that of towns exempt from the operation of the Health of Towns Bill, which will embrace all towns brought under it by an order in council, as all places of auy importance will soon be. Save in this particular, we do not detect any incon sistency, or even apparent inconsistency, between these three acts. The general outcry of bewildered members that they do not understand what this or that particular clause is to effect, or how this or that provision of one measure is or may be af fected by this or that provision of another, clearly proves that the complainants do not see their way, but by no means implies that those to whom must fall the execution of the measures, will be in the same predicament. The only objection which sug gests itself to the bill now in committee is ene dia metrically opposed to all that have generally been urged against it. It confers on the central com missioners no sufficiently stringent authority to com pel lazy or refractory local bodies to carry out the sanitary measures which may be necessary in the opinion of the central authority. Their inspector has power to compel evidence, but they can do nothing to enforce local action in consequence. This may show, inter Olin, how little reason exists for the cry that the bill supersedes all self-government It is only at the request of the local authorities that the central body can lend its aid in the preparation of plans for new works, or alteration of old ones. The measure as it stands appears, on a careful re-perusal, to err on the side of deficiency, rather than excess, of central authority. We do not charge this on it as a positive defect, however : to many it will be an additional recommendation. But it shows, if the case be so, what rotten ground has been taken op by the clamorous opponents of this bill, whose re maining clauses will, we trust, make more rapid way th a ro as lh committee than those which have already P through that ordeal. THERE is one proposition of the Wakefield theory of colonisation which we have never heard called in question : that to promote emigration to a colony you must begin in the colony itself—make it at tractive. This accomplished, emigration will flow thither of its own accord. Nothing more is required, and, if we have understood the ingenious and ori ginal author to whose system we have alluded, all his other proposals—respecting the disposal of waste lands, application of the proceeds of their sales to form a fund for affording free passages to labouring emigrants, &c., &c.—are merely means to this end. Concurring entirely in the fundamental principle here expressed, we welcome every movement, either in any of the colonies or in the mother country, that promises to render that colony more attractive. And we are decidedly of opinion that the measures now in active progress to open a line of railway from the port of St. Andrew to Woodstock, on the St. John's river, belong to this category. The most repulsive feature of new settlements to emigrants of the middle and upper classes from an old country is the difficulty of inter-communication. The resources of a new land can only then be fairly developed when facilities are afforded for those parts of it to be first occupied, which, owing to greater natural fertility or other natural advantages (Dom- THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 8, 1847. mail. of water power and the ii;:e) "ze best adapted to reward cultivation. To this an cs.`ertel° presented by the frequent remoteness and ' access of ancu places. The capitalist who dimoovers and would fain turn them to account is embarrassed by the almost impossibility of conveying his produce to market. Even for shorter distances the rude roads, or no roads, of a new settlement obstruct the inter course of the thin-sown inhabitants, preventing, in many eases, the interchange of neighbourly assistance. The productiveness of capital is diminished, the ame nities of life ;destroyed. The country is thus made repulsive to the employing class, the existence of which is necessary to afford the mere labouring class the means of coming on in the world. Wherever this obstacle has been overcome—and in proportion as it is overcome—the progress of new settlements receives an impetus. The mere azitay out of a blazed road has its effect ; the daring experiment of constructing the Erie Canal—the Hercules-in-his cradle effort of the juvenile state of New York — worked wonders, and the railroads (rough and make shift as they often are) with which the citizens of the United States yearly penetrate their virgin forests are working greater still. Tho projected line of railway from St. Andrew's—a thriving Seaport at thesouth. west angle of New B runs wick—to Woodstock, in the heart of the valley of the St. John, will placethat naturally rich and inland region in immediate connexion with the coast. The linepassea through a region as yet thinly settled, but at no great distance from the frontier of Maine, dotted with vil lager of a busy active population. Already the cost of transport for the goods (flour and salted provi sions, West India produce, and British merchandise) yearly conveyed by the existing imperfect routes from St. Andrew's to Woodstock amounts to 17,5001.; for the returns (timber and agricultural produce), to 20,2501. Here, if we add passengers and the in creased communication which always follows im proved means of transport, is a fair prospect of a paying business. This line of railway can pay itself, and it will remove from the region through which it passes the feature most repulsive and discouraging to that class of settlers which alone can form the nucleus of a colony. Entertaining, as we have repeatedly confessed we do, little faith in grand artificial schemes of colonisa tion, we hail with pleasure the opening afforded by enterprises like that of the St. Andrew and Wood stock Railway, in the first place to small capitalists, and in the next place to mere labouring emigrants. The enterprise has the recommendation of being a fair sober mercantile investment ; it has the further recommendation of having been originated in the colony, matured during the lapse of several years, and strengthened by the adhesion of capitalists in the mother country. 'fo a multiplicity of such real business undertakings throughout the colonies (to this and the St. Lawrence and Atlantic, and the Quebec and Halifax Railways, the copper mines in Lake Superior, and ss forth), not to magnificent pro jects hatched in the drawing-rooms or counting ' houses of speculators, do we look for the opening up of a field of investment for our surplus store of small capitalists—of employment for our redundant labourers. THE “TIMES" ON DEAR NEWSPAPERS. THAT the Times should struggle hard to maintain a price which yields it a princely income is intelligible on principles, though not of a high order, yet not very reprehensible if the struggle be maintained on fair pretences. With that magnificence of self-asser tion which puffs its own wares after the extravagant fashion of the Minories we cannot, after all, be very seriously angry—because of a kind of ludicrous' good faith that mingles with the commercial intention. The Times, we are assured, really does occasionally believe that it is a " thunderer ; and nods and winks with an air which it would be cynical not to enjoy. There is a simplicity about the boasts of the Times peculiarly that paper's own. The self-laudations of Punch may be thought to have some touch of it ; but our friend Punch wears his vanity with an essential " difference." It is Punch's especial vocation to make men wise through laughter ; and that skilful jester assumes, there fore, at times, a pompons air of self-respect, and talks of his own influential doings after a fashion which, he assures us, makes her Majesty and Paine ALBERT roar at the breakfast table. and awakens, of course, the merry echoes of the lieges. But the Times does the very same thing in sober seriousness,—and often, we dare say, with the same effect. The Times mouths its magniloquence in a suit of sables—not motley ; and has no more intention to be laughed at than Matadi° had in cross-garters, when it 'declares it is " proud to think that England is proud of its Times!" There is almost as much of cony conviction as of mercantile deliberateness in its insinuation that mankind can scarcely be too " extravagantly taxed for the posses sion and use of the first journal in the world and, therefore, should not grudge it fivepence, that it may fatten on its greatness.—Neither are we disposed to quarrel very seriously with this great journal's depreciation of its neighbours; because that fact is a natural corollary from the first—the common device of both the chapman and the braggart These matters are comparatively harmless,—because the world knows how to make allowance for them : but the falsification of accounts is another matter — and has a name both in trade and morals which men do not use for laughter. All forms of its exposure should be promoted : and we will quote from our con temporary, the Chronicle, in reference to that matter, some remarks which at the same time furnish an amusing illustration of the management of the Times: The Times alone, of all the morning journals, publishes a ' supplement, which costs a half penny for the " stamp" and more than • half-penny for the " paper." This supplement, however, which is with our contemporary a necessary evil, is the real cause of his annoyance. The supplement of the Times is • single sheet, is which those advertisements which are thought of least account are stowed away in a mass, without any adventitious attraction, except some fag-end of an obscure disquisition carried over ftom the other part of the paper, with the ingenious design of alluring a stray reader now and then to take up that very sheet for which he has paid his extra penny. The supplement, it is very well known, is mere dead weight. The newsvenders would sell the paper with out it if they were not prohibited from doing so by law. Sold however as it is, by compulsion, it shows all the signs of a forted circulation. Let the paper be opened where it may, at the breakfest-table or in the railway car riage, the supplement is sure to sink down disregarded. Not one reader in a dozen glances into it. Look into a club or a coffee house, and while the sheet containing the news goes about from hand to hand, the supplement is always to be seen lying in a corner, as neat sad unrufiled as when it came from the hands of the newsman. This heavy ap?en dage our contemporary has to carry in the best way he can ; and, while he does so, the Times cannot be sol d for fourpence without less upon the sale. Here is the rub. 11'1 there be, as beyond all doubt there is, a new circulation to be obtained by a reduction of price, or if the existing cir culation can be more evenly divided, the Times is shut out from the competition. Our contemporary's plethora of ad vertisements has its inconveniences. It condemns him to see a new field opened to the enterprise of rival journals, and to watch passively the result of • movement from which he may loot much, and can gain nothing. Our readers may possibly think that the " plethora" of the Times has its conveniences as well as inconve niences ; and that that journal must be very covetous indeed to complain of its non-share in adrantages from which it is debarred on so adrantageous a ground. The man who grumbled at the excessive amount of his income-tax is a fitting parallel for the Times. Meantime, we congratulate the Chronicle on its conversion to the faith that "beyond all doubt there is a new circulation to be obtained by a reduction of price" in newspapers—and its more recent dis covery that an " assault " like that of the Times " is a conclusive proof, if any were needed, that the intended reduction of price is based upon the soundest calculation." We taught that doctrine ourselves when the Chronicle com bined with the Times to crush us;—and we are glad of a distinguished convert. We entirely agree, too, with the Chronicle, that it is unneces sary for it to defend " either its commer cial or political reputation " against the charges or insinuations of a paper like the Times. England, says the Malcolm of newspapers, requires a thoroughly independent press for the protec tion of its liberties ; and the in*lence which accompanies this announcement would amount to burlesque, were it wholesome that men should let their indignation slumber or, such a subject and dare to enjoy themselves or, ground so vicious. This—from a paper owing ita success to the mean ness with which, on all possible questions, great or small, it has dogged the heels of public opinion— turning with all its turnings, and rejoicing ever in its shadow—till all over Europe it has been de nounced as a panderer to the lowest preju dices of the ralgarest minds! And why has the Times so pandered? Because the prejudiced, 1 the vulgar, and the ignorant, are the grades . number; and that paper has ever counted—as now it persists in counting—its suocess by pence not prin . cl izie--by personal profit derived, not public good d ene . "It is cool enough," says the Chronicle, in a journal wt ;!'" keeps up only a forensic acquaintance with principle, u a part of the machine ry of trade, to l ecture any body upon character . " "It has rimmed into a ' a l lied belief," says the same per " that except upon the Poor-law [and we dis believe the exception] the Times has no opinions at all. He may be anything . this week, and anything else the next. He puts principles off and on like his glove ; and whether the prevailing rage be reform excitement or conservative reaction, hostility to a free trade budget or hostility to a corn-law, Paseyite ex travagance or no-Popery prejudice, his passions, thoughts, eloquence, seem ready to flow along with every temporary current of opinion."—Why r the gross and notorious profligacy of the Times is a part of the stock in trade of the Daily News. It was at once an incitement to our undertaking, and a cause of our success. The wish to defeat the immorality of power by a powerful and honest competition gave a motive to our endeavours in the outset, courage in the pro gress—and ensures a triumph in the end. As to that end—say what it will to hide the fears which its acts betray—the Times does not deceive itself. " We do not mind cheap newspapers at all,"—says the Times to its readers, like a great schoolboy with its finger in its mouth.—lt rather thinks cheap news papers do it good. Why, then, is the Times so furious against cheap newspapers ? The fact is, the wrath of the Times is enkindled yet more by what it sees surely coming than by what has come. "We have not," says that journal, in allusion to ourselves, "lost one subscriber, one copy of our sale, or one advertisement, through the experi ment which has now had more than a twelvemonth's trial." Perhaps not :—but the association of which you formed a part has. The attack of the new prin ciple, of course, told first upon the weakest points of the phalanx that defended the old :—and dare the Times count aloud all that has been lost to the cause? Every point carried brings the invasion nearer to the Times itself:—and when that full share of the public advertisements which must follow a circulation like ours shall enable us to do battle with that journal in all respects on even terms—which principle does the Times think will prevail? That paper sees the end now as clearly as we have seen it all along—looks forward to the day when it will be left alone in the grandeur of its fivepenny aristocracy, and has an evolution ready for the occasion. Let England be comforted :—its " pride" shall not be rift from it. The Times will be no martyr toe principle— no newspaper Means aitting lonely amid the ruins I of its fivepence. We give the world our positive promise that it shall have " its Times" at a reduced price. " We belong to the public!"—the Times will say hereafter; as it says to-day when particularly look ing after itself. The Times shall be a " Cheap John :"—and they who know its bad history and are familiar with the shameless manceuvres of that jour nal may expect to see it, ere many years be p ast, " selling its wares" a figure lower than most o f its rivals can, and asserting its claim to public support as the originator of the CHEAP NEWSPAPER PrasS. The Paris journals and one correspondence of Tuesday have reached us. A new incident is about to give an unexpected turn to the affair of the mines of Gouhenans. M. Pellaprat, one of the four accused of corruption, absconded from Paris on the day preceding the trial. Gen. Cubieres, on his part, has declared that he had never made any offers, or given M. Testa any consideration for services he might be asked to perform. General Cubieres admits, however, that he had had the idea at one time of trying means of corruption with that minister, but had not done so. That idea, he says, was in his mind, in consequence of some conversations he had had with M. Pellaprat, who wished him to do it, and had taken all the shares to himself. The whole case thus falls to the ground; and the accusation, made against M. Teste, of having been corrupt, as well as the double accusation of sacra querie and attempt at corruption, directed against General Cubieres, have ended in nothing. General Menu, hitherto governor of Constantine, in Algeria, is appointed governor-general ad interim of the colony. The French government received by telegraph on Sunday, from Madrid, the intelligence that, by a con vention made between the general-in-chief of the I Spanish army, and delegates sent from the junta at Oporto, the allied troops had taken possession of that city on the 30th June. The report of the intention of government to present to the Chamber a project of law for raising a loan of three hundred millions of francs, which was circulated last week, and produced sensible effect on the Bourse, proves to be without foundation. At least, the pro ject, if it were entertained at all, is postponed for the present session. For full particulars, we refer to our railway department A most gorgeous fite -hampetre was given, on Monday evening, in the park of Vincennes, and in the château, by the 'Duke and 'Duchess of Montpensier. The number of guests entertained amounted to three thousand. Nothing could exceed the splendour of this entertainment. Millions of lamps of all colours were suspended in festoons and arches on the trees ; military trophies were tastefully displayed; brilliant fireworks were exhibited ; and the scene was kept for a considerable interval illuminated with Bengal lights. All the younger members of the royal family now in Paris were present, as well as Queen Maria Christina and her suite, the corps cliploniatigue, &c. ROME, Jana 28. We have been going too fast here, and much diffi culty is found in putting on the drag chain to the political wheel. A diaagreable collision was nearly experienced this week, and it required all the sagacity of Gizzi to keep clear of a crash knidts reitats rota. _ - - The mob, under the guidance of Cieeroaechio, have begun to show clear symptoms of unmanageable wil fulness, and hence the mingled command and entreaty of the Pontiff in his edict of the 22d instant, depre cating assemblies of the people for the future. The mock " Cicero" above-mentioned, whom I knew for years u a cart-driver in town, of formidable temper, is a fellow very capable of mischief, if once he is told the story of Aniello or Wet Tyler, about whom be knows happily no more than about his great name sake, whom he probably suspects to have been some "gran' cardinals" of olden time. A sullen growl is heard against the edict. Those who mingle much among the genuine Romans (with whom the majority of our visitors scarce ever come in contact) are fully aware of their imperious, haughty, bloodthirsty determination to gain any object to which they once think themselves entitled ; and it is hard to say what millennium of popular triumphs and predominance they may not have contemplated as due to them under the new order of things. Some thing of this sort has flitted across the mind of your correspondent in recording from time to time our pub lic demonstrations here. He has recollected the words of Victor Hugo, Bpeking of an old Roman custom, the mono libera" to kings—aux rois de l'Europe. su concert Jove= de la Ike Sphomkra, Se Kerte Ic eri sour du tigre pcgulaire, Qui n'attend que demi], !. "To the popular tiger, its prey is decreed; And the maw of republican hunger will feed On your kinphips to-morrow r'—Frarcr, rot XS, p. 104. - - - - Let us hope for better things; that the incendiary spirit may be laid; that each man will mind his owa business, and nothing mom inflammatory ensue than Falstaff 's " burnt sack, which "punch a la romaine" he prayed might " be the Lome" of all such misander standings. Gizzi was compelled to give a flat refusal yesterday to a distinguished eommtttee who had projected a monster concert is the theatre of Torre di Nonna: he required a detailed programme of words, musio, singers, &c. &c., before be would allow any more such public celebration of the amnesty. They me morialised his holiness, who wrote the following billet to the governor of Rome last evening. It is a nut which your readers may crack for themselves. 27 Juigno, 1847. A Moneig. Clovern.—Conosciuti i apartiti e lette le parole, —che el aoppongano moderate—come moderato nella gran' mama a it lodt.y.liadmo popolo romano—permetta. P;o, PAPA, IX. The grand colossal group to be erected in the Piazza del Popolo, at the exclusive cost, as I told you, of the Roman nobility, is nearly ready, and is creditable to the taste of the Milaneee sculptor Bizzi. The mitre of Cork has not been placed by Propa ganda on the brow of Thcobald Mathew, not because of any hostility felt here to his views 9a the use of , ions not whi rece ch iv ß°m e honour from t alcohol—view , ie: d c a o n n d fe e r xe o rt n as :viref , iated and been proud of; not from any a.ubi is eminent qualifications of mind and heart ; • vi zsl rank, but s i m pl y mere elm , b e cause he had not the vote of Casti.:. l s metropolitan Dr. Slattery, who happened to hoM the proxies of two absent bishops (Foran of Waterford, and French of Kilfenor a ), wh o ., presence at and cognizance of the Cork scrutiny might have altered the result. The Bishop of Kerry did not vote at all, and the oldeat bishop and Mo o t judicious of the province, Dr. Ryan, of Lim er i c k , voted for father Mathew. Since the rescript of 1829 (a sort of Irish coneordal), Rome has never rever se d the verdict of an episcopal majority, however clear was the parochial preference in the firat ballot urn. As it happens, it is, perhaps, well that the illustrious friar does not - ars up te cork what was meant for mankind, since that diocese has had the lock to obtain in its new dignitary Dr. Delany, a profound theologian, a mild and kindly man, full of common sense as well as brimful of zeal, sad in a ()Met way of his own as shrewdly humouring as thr . Dr, Delany of Swift. I went yesterday (Sunday) to the cbsrch of St, Andrea della Valle to see tie preparations for the funeral rites of Mr. O'Connell, which were described as of a most costly character, the Pope himself having contributed to the subscription. On entwine, I found about 30 workmen, with liege brushes, en gaged in rubbing out and covering with fresh pear the former memorial of one who had originally erects! this wooden structure, a ratafalque of 60 feet high, with a statue of Religion on the top. Being naturally curious to know who was the important personage who had enjoyed the maiden prerogative of the architectural timber they reproduced, after having lain for so many years in a lumber-yard, to be thus represented to the public of Rome, I found, on exa mining the defaced inscriptions that the original oc cupant of the califalque was a singularly uncongenial person, the grandmother of Dyce Sombre, the old Begum of Sombroo, which had been primarily erected a dozen years ago in the church of St. Carlo. All the interest which attaches itself to a Palimpsest MS. was aroused on this occasion, it generally appearing that some classic fragment is traceable on the rch ment before it becomes the recipient of a holy f ather; but in this instance the revulsion of sentiment was un controllable. Every one knows who the 13egum was, though her legacies to the church were most muni ficent; her grandson, or son, or stepson (for she was first a dancing girl, and lived to be eight,), is known as a complete jackass ; but her own atrocities in India are current at Leadenhall-hall. Crudelia muter mania m (Maus putt ! Ilk put Wik! Crudelip to quaque mater' On the occasion of her obsequies at Rome a dozen years ago, Dr. Wiseman preached a sensible (printed) discourse, in which, aware of the old lady's peculiarities, he was guarded enough in praise. Indeed he has shown how conversant he is in Indian knowledge by his letter to Poynder, the only witty thing he ever wrote. The old timber mausoleum, for which Dyce Sombre paid, and which was fished up from the lumber-yard where it had reposed, for the nonce, made a goodly show to-day, and the wooden statue of Religion which originally crowned the catafalque, was aloft to-day amid an equal concourse of the priesthood and the faithful. NI iseman had bees cautious in his panegyric of the lady, but Ventura worked like a 40-horse power of eulogy. fir ry' Sp, :11•N r{:•• FJg INK arvArµsto ! Yoa must not credit any rumours of the Pope's unpopularity, save among the mere mob. Yesterday over a thousand students of the University and other Roman colleges took the sacrament at the great church of St. Ignatio; 300 took it from the hand of Pius himself, until our monarch became physically exhaturted. FRANCE.—A BANKER AND /119 NIGHTCAP.—The Journal dm Harre relates an incident, in which the chief actor is one of the kings of European finance. The journal prefaces its observations by showing the danger which there is in delaying the departure of railway trains, a piece of imprudence which has already caused many acci dents. " After such lessons," it says, "as have alrudybeen received, it might be supposed that no motives would induce the infringement of the regulations of the service, and that the fear only of making the public run such a risk, would be sufficient to ensure their maintenance by the companies. If we are well informed, however, an incident very recently took place on the Hares railway, which has fortunately been fraught with no bad consequence., but which shows that, is the balance of companies, the grave interest of public seen 'fey does not always weigh against the value of—s afghtcap ! The circumstances are these a wealthy beaker, king of his kind, was called by important business to Havre. He had decided upon leaving that town by the 10 o'clock train on the Saturday following his arrival. Being made aware at a short notice of the little time left him to get to the train, he quitted the }Mel Frascati, where he had been staying, and hastened to the station, the pre parations for his journey having been slightly hurried. He reached the station just as tile train was about to start. Ho had barely time to jump into the carriage prepared for him, and the signal was about to be given fur starting, when he perceived that that indispensable covering, with which he was wont to preserve from the dampness of the night the seat of those vast speculations which move the world, had not been left ready for him. His servants, being instantly called, said that in the hurry of departure the precious night-cap had been packed up in the luggage, which was already placed in the truck, and the time and the hour did not permit even the thought of gen ting it out. But no regulation, however ngorous, can stand against the danger of exp sing so precious a head to a current of air, which might, by embarrassing the brain, exercise en the morrow a disastrous influence upon the money market, and perhaps change the destinies of Europe. The station master was called, and being informed of the gravity of the matter, gave instant orders for the stoppage of the train, whilst sear ch was made for the article required. A quarter of an hour was taken up in this operation, and after the delay, of which the other travellers vainly tried to atter tain the cause, the train started, and regained by an in creased speed the time which had been lost in searching for the nightcap of H. de Rothschild. This incident gives rise to serious reflections. We merely give an account of it, con cluding with a remark which wee made by one of the pas tongue, to whom the affair was explained, and who felt astonished at all this fuss about a nightcap, saying that he never ahculd have thought of such a thing from M. ds Rothschild, who cannot bat have been born " with a caul." SWITZERLAND.—EERNE.—The opening of the Helvetic Diet, which took place on the sth inst. with great solemnity, is invested with peculiar interest by reason of the importance of the questions which are immediately to be brought under its consideration, the decision of which will affect not only the internal tranquillity of the confederacy, but may even involve in a serious manner that of other European states. Hence the intelligence received from day to day from Switzerland is looked for with more than triad solicitude. Although the advice& received have not yet come up to the sth, yet the instructions given by the cantonal governments respectively to their delegates are before us, and the votes to be given by these deputies on several of the most important questions are known. The diet now assem bled at Berne is the gamed legislature of the confederacy, and the vorort, which as the executive body of the confede racy, is is fact identified with the cantonal government of Berne, one of the most liberal cantons. The questisas to be settled by the diet, are the following :-1. The disso lution of the Sunderbund, or the separate league of the seven catholic canton', Lucerne, Uri, Schwyta, Unterwald, Zag. Friburg, and the Valais. 2. The revision of the federal pact, with a view to provide in future against disorders and distention, such as those which have now arise., endings/. leg the tranquillity of Switzerland and the stability of the confederacy. 3. The expulsion of the Jesuits from the ter. vinery of the eonfederace. 4. The suppression of the con vents of Antenna. The following clasaificasion of the can tons, in respect to the character of their politics, will indicate the course their delegates in the diet will take oa these questions severally. Liberal cantons : Scree, Zurich., Soleuns `Vaud, Tension, Argau, Geneva, St. Gall, Schaffbausen the Orisons, Balenampagne, Glans, andAppenzellvaterieu. Conservative cantons Bile-Ville ' Neufchatel , Appencell interieur. These are exclusive of the seven cantons of the league already enumerated. On the first of the above gar bons, the dissolution of the separate league, peremptory in structions in the affirmative have been given to the delegates of Berne, Vaud, Geneva, Solely', Thiargou, Tusino, and campagne, with full powers u to the adoption of effectual mum of carrying into execution the decision of the diet. lastruetions in the same sense have bees g i ve n to the delegates of Zurich, Glaris, Schaffhausen, Appeesell• extentsur, St. Gall, and the Orisons, but with the condivaa that, in ease of resisting*, the means of enforcing the derision of the diet must be subject to a further reference to the cantonal govenunenta. The dele gates of the Orisons and St. Gall are to vote for the forcible dissolution of the league only when the separatist cantons resort to armed force. A decided liesjority of the delegates are instructed to vote for the up precision of the convents of Argun and for the revision of else (clue' pact, and also to declare that the question of the Jesuits is federal and not cantonal, in other words, that the aantons respectively can only admit the Jesuits with the con sent of the diet. On the manner of proceeding to enforce the decisions of the diet in each case the instructions vary. Thi, opinion prevails in some quarters that the cantons to chi. , c the Jesuits are already admitted will not be disturbed by the diet, but their admission will be prohibited into the reline; It is probable that a committee of the diet will be appoint! to revise the federal pact. The corps diplomatique are al vided—sieveral favouring the separate league, and declii even to fix their residence as usual, at the seat of the MK It was expected that the ministers of England, Foots I Spain, Belgium, and Sicily would be present at Berne at tbe ening of the diet; those of Austria, Russia, Prussia, so Bavaria remaining at Zurich. BAVARIA.—LoLA MOSTRO AGAIN.—We P lajb the following from the Cologne Garete of the 31t1;—ills