The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-04 00:00:00

earciallv when he remembered that only five gentlemen connected with the Eau and West India interests recorded their votes in his favour. He therefore thought these in terests had not a good eau against him when they blamed him !Or adopting the present course. For hinawlf, and be believed for the 130 gentlemen who voted with him, be might say that no committee of inquiry wan necessary to convince them of the necessity of some immediate and substantial measure to relieve them from the position into which they were thrown. I But he wished it to be understood that he precluded neither himself nor others from supporting any measere of substan tial relief that might he berme.% forward. Looking, how ever, at the state of the East and West Indies—having in his I hand a list re 48 houses in England, whose liabilities I amounted to 6,301,0 4 001., which had fallen mainly from the I ruin t, ht on them by the change in the sugar law—be did hope that, by a caln inquiry been a committee. he might be able to succeed in prevailing on the house to change its policy as regarded that great question. The Vice- Presi dent of the Board of Trade had stated elsewhere that he considered the account between the mother country and the enlonies was cloud in 1833. He should be enabled to show, however, that the twenty millions grant d for slave ementination bed in practice proved no compensation fur the losses of the West Indian and Mauritius interest. He was aware that the feeling eeriest slavery had very much sub. sided since the period when it was abolished in our colonies. The cry was all for a cheap article. Those who were omni potent at the election of 10112 had become silent and in- Ooliotlll in in 4 6; and although he retained his opinion un changed that men were hound in honour and good faith to exclude slave.prown sugar, yet he was well aware that it would he hopeless to propose it. (Hear, hear, hear.) In the ration now before them the West Indian. asked for differential duff as, for the free admission of their molasses and rum, the rep al of the navigation laws, and for free pauses ti the tout of Africa in order to °Soaks labourers. Now in respect to the navigation laws he was bound to say that he (oath' not go along wait the West India interest in that dem roil. Was it not a fact that if the repeal of the navigation laws would reduce the rate of freights from Jamaica to England, it would equally reduce them frem Cuba or the Brazils to England ? If Jamaica .agar, there fore, wee cheap, rod, the sugars of Celia and the Bruits wont,' lie chi mimed also ; and so, by the same process and in the name proportion. the freights and prices of sugar from Java and th , sett would be reduced. (Hear, hear.) He came greet to the question of the admission of rum upoi an equality with British spirits. If the West Indiana could prove that an equality in name was an equality in point of justice, then he would be prepared to support their views upon this point. But his opinion was that, when the gnestien earns to be considered, the distillers would be able to show that the incumbrancto put upon their trick at home rendered a difference in favour of their articles absolutely necessary. With respect to the admission of molasses, that was a question in which no one was concerned but the Chancellor of the Exchequer; but fur that meaaare as proposed by the cologists he must else own that he could see no vast benefit likely to accrue to the West Indies. But then he came to the great question of immigration. For one he was not rhymed to interfere with the right of British planters to obtain labour wherever they could get it, so long se the slave trade was not infringed on ; but it must be borne in mind that if the people of Demerara could do the great things they predicted with additincal labourers they would seriously iaterlere with the cultivation of the old coloni , a of the crown. For his own part he must say, upon this point, that he could not thick any description of free labour would he able In compete with slave labour, and he thought this was proved by the case of Barbadires, an island more dense'y populwed than China, or any other country in the world, hut in which the inhahitante, numerous as they wenn we, quire unable to compete uith the slave auger of the Brazils. lie bail heard it nail that Porto It:co was an example to the contrary and that in that island additional lab cur hid been attende d with the twat effects ; but it must be recollected that the export of sugar from that island had never ex ceded 47,000 tons, and that even that quantity was produced by slaves. Ile knew that Col. Flinter had held a different view; but Col. Flinter wrote nearly twenty years ago, and circumstances in Porto Rico since that porker had greatly altered. But he might cite upon this question of Wave labour and free labour, the evidence of Earl Grey himself, for, in the delge. of 1133, that noble lord maintained that it had been proved beyond dispute that the average coat of a slate's keep did not excect 475. a year. For what number of hours did these slaves then work ? Five days and a half a week, at nine hours per day. In Jamaica, now, it was difficult to get the former slave to work seven hours for four and a half days in the week, and the cost of such diminished laseur averaged, its addition to provision fund., no lees than la. 3,1. a day ! lie had it on the authority of a noble lord, that on his .state in Jamaica, which maintained 1,500 negroes, the labourer who worked last year for the greatest number of clays was a woman who worked 164 days in the entire twelve months. The titan who worked the greatest number of days, worked wily 151 days. How could it ever be sup frethat labour like this could compete with slave labour ? etba at the present time the slaves worked 16 hours • day regularly, and in crop time, no lees than '2O hours a day. It war mid that the ar, rage life of a slave in that island was only 10 years. A friend of his, who had visited one of these estate., told him that when the gang was turned out in the morning, it was found that two slaves had banged themselves, but that this was so ortlinary an occurrence that it appear, d tr excite little or no surprise. lie remembered th.t. they used to feel great horror in that house when they heard of a driver going into the ei• lets with a whip ; but in Cuba nu driver or planter went out without a cutlass and • dagger, awl sometimes he teen armed himself with a pistol, and took a couple of blwalhounae to run down aity unhappy runaway. This wan the system we were stimu toting by the admission of free -strewn sugar. (Hear, hear.) Yes • this was the system, and how could it it be suppose d that free grown lab iur could compete with such forced labour as th• ? (lime) Hs had In his hand a statemeht of tiovernor Light, as to the wages of the !adman re of Britiah Guiana, and ho found it therein dated that 25,000 labourer, were receiving no less than 300,000 dollen • month. Surely the Eeglish people, when they granted arid paid for emancipation, never iiitended that the negroes should be raised to a condition sup rior to their own —that they saould repay their generosity in em .ncipating them by idleness and neglect. Governor Light stated the wages in the colony as follow*: for cutting and carrying, for 6 hours, 4.. 62. a day; fur shovel p!oughing, sometimes, Is. 102. a day; relieving and auppleing, 2s, 8.1. a day hoeing, Is. 8d a day; wattling young canes, ls 6xl. a day ; cleaning trenches ; Is. 61. a day ; thresh ing, between 4 and 6 hours, la. 6d. a day ; and he calculated, that on the whole, the average payment was 2e. bid. for a day's work, averaging 5 hour; an 54 minutes. Them were people in Britedi Guiana who thought they could beat down this rate of wage by emigration ; but he (Lord G. Beeline's) thought that idea visionary, for of course immediately you beat down wages to a very small sum, immi grants would cuse to desire to settle. And it would he neeeseary, as he had shown, to heat down wages to the very lowest point, in order to compete with slave labour. As regarded i emigration much might be done by removing restrictions and cheapening the conveyance of immigrants. The limitation placed upon the planter, which pre cluded him from engaging labourers tier a longer period than five years, operated most injuriously Wall partici'. Why should immigrants be restricted from binding themselves for what period they chow, or why should they have a right to call upon their employers to convey them back to their own homes in India, or Africa, or Chino, at the expiration of the five years ? It apeearell to him, on the contrary, that they should not be allowed to depart the colony, until they had reimbursed the employer tho amount he had expended in their transit. He now came to the CU , of the East Indies, and demanded fur the plimite re on the Banks of the Ganges the same jUntiel which he vinilic reed for the West Indian planter. Next, as to the Maori We. 0.. the lest day of the last session, Mr. Howes hail triumphantly put forward, in op position to him, the proposition that in the Mauritius nothing was wanted but tree trade competition to give the planters the utmost prosperity they could fairly aspire to. The committee *ought fur, however, might by its inquiries show the government that it had been woolly erroneous in attributing to the Mauritius a high state of prosperity—sod recent fin:cars would alone show them, iudecd, that out of the nix houses principally representing the commerce of the Mauritius, or.. alone remained Mending, the other five having suspended payment, with liabilities amongst them of not less than '2,900,0001. (Hear, hear.) They had all heard of the I'ons Asinorunt, but a bridge was certainly now re quired whereon the wise men of the north might retrace their steps, with arras reversed, from the fillaciou* tree trade position they had %seemed. Why, in Mauritius, so far from more labour being required, the igenters could not provide work enough for the labourers they had already. The deprecietiou in value of the produce of Mauritius was perfectly ruinous to the teer.hants connected with the trade. Thew merchant* had advanced 4.eir money wake the old system, on the hypothecation of the lands in Mauritius and their produce. What had bees the effect of recent legisla tion on this produce ? Why to reduce its value just BM per ton, so that the annual consignment being 28,000 tons, there was et once a loos to these merchauts of 2e0,0001. per annum, a sum which in ten years represenied the entire liabilities under which the great Mauritius merchants had lately sunk, not from their own overtrading, but from their over. confidence itt the faith of the British parliament. Had the change benefited the cotton districts Manchester had opened the cry, shouting : Give us free sugar ; it is not a luxury, it is a necessary of lite. Give us sugar. Open the trade with Brazil and Porto-Rico for us, and bricks cannot be made for it enough to raise mills wherewith to sopoly the trade that will he crested. How stood the ease? Ile had a return furnished him by Mr Richard Byrne, of the cotton gouda exported to Brazil in the 16 months preceding free trade and in the 16 mor,the after. True, the experts had increased, fur in the 16 months before free trade, the exports of cotton to the Brazils had been 1,981,620 Ilea, while in the 16 month. following it they had risen to 2,264,3116 lbe.—an increase of 282,766 lbs. ; but this afforded no test of actual progress, fur a large amount of ' these exports had been disposed of by forced sales, on long credit, theiurchaxemnotiey not being yet to our exporters. In point of fact, the only real benefit had been derived by the Brazilian government, which, from the export duties it placed on its sugars, had, by our concessions, increased its revenue from 7,000 notes to 16,000 contos ; while, on the other hand, it gave us no advantage whatever, but extended all the favour to France, America, and Bremen. If we turned to the state of our exports to Cuba and l'orto Rico, the result was wholly unsatisfactory. The exports of cotton to Cuba, which, in the sixteen months pre- ceding free trade, amounted in value to 322,4881., feß off, in the sixteen months after it to 210,7321. • while those to Porto Rico fell off from 4,8201, to 1,8294 same period our cotton exports to Mauritius had - from 99,7821. to 41,1891. 1 to Bombay, from to 1,579,0001.: to Calcutta, from 2,816,5851. to .In reverence to Madras alone, there had been ▪ insignificant increase; but in the whole, upon our annual exports to our own Eastern pus ,. ..Wks, we hail sustained diMaaution of not less in Value than 1,871,0001. And what compensation had our cotton manufacturing operatives I got ? It was understood that there were 500,000 persons engaged in the cotton manufacture, and it was further un der,tood that each of these peruse consumed some 23 or 24 or 251bs, of sugar per annum. Well, the effect of the change had been to reduce the pries of this sugar Id. per lb., so that the entire amount consumed being some 7000 tons per annum, these operatives had saved them some 70,0001. per annum, to set against a low of 1,871,0001. on this one article of cotton exports. (Meer, hear.) The noble lord next re ferred to a circular received by the last Indian mail, exhibit ing the state of trade at Calcutta. In the year ending May 1, 1835, the year in notice, we altered the duties affecting East Indian sugars. The entire export trade of Calcutta amounted to 1,574,1821., of which 753,6471 consisted of cotton manufactures. The exports in the years 1434-5 from Calcutta to Egghead amounted in value to 1.5,026,4751.. of which sum 134,2261. was the produce of the augsr-cane. The sugar of the East Indies had been let in, and what was the result ? Why, that in 1845-6, before the law of 1834-5 had come into operation, the sugar trade from the East Indies had increased from the value of 13(,2261. to 169,0321., and in other respects the general export trade from Calcutta had increased during that period by 181 per cent., whilst the ex port trade in sugar had increased by 1,159 per cent. within the same apace of time. Aud the falling off in the import trade to Indio, which he had shown to have taken pee since the admission of slave-grown sugar, was to be compen sated by the increase in the exports to the Brazils of 107,0001. 1 he fell in the price of sugar was one of the chief causes why the East Indies could not eontiaue to furnish the same sup plies that they had done. Wnen the price was good, Bengal alone could supply enough for a great portion of the con sumptiu of the country; but when the price fell below It rupees 2 annas the mound, the producers could not export it with any profit, and the trade was consequently destroyed. The exports of manufactures from England to Calcutta had also very considerably diminished within the last six months. But would that diminished export of cotton manufactures be confined to that branch of trade alone ? Ile thought not. The export of machinery had fallen off within the last few years, and in the year 1647 the value of machinery was only 10,0391., about one-third that of the pre ceding years. The Went Indiana had been told that they ought to go and reside on their property and superintend the cultivation thernselv. s. Whoever bad with, wed the exertions made by them in late years must admit that there bad been no lack of energy on their part. Me (Lord O. }Sentinels) must acknowledge, however, the utter impomibility of putting down the slave trade. The coat of endeavorring to do so had been more than one hun dred MilliOan But to return to the But:beet of eman cipation • let him again ask, what had bun the cost of that experiment ? The advocates for emancipation urged that the maxims of political economy authorised them in predicting a greater produce of sugar from free than from slave labour, and yet the very contrary had taken place. The planters had gained nothing by the change, nor did he exaggerate when he asserted that the abolition of the slave trade and emancipation had together cod the country, during the last 40 years, more than 115,000,0001 •, and yet after this enor mous sacrifice had been completed, and at a moment when some of the slave holding colonies were actually defacing the question whether it would not he advantageous for them to liberate their %laves in order to er.joy the premium given tofreselabour sugar, the government had chosen ro knock down all the country had achieved during 40 )ears, and by the expenditure of a hundred millions, by admitting all sugars to consumption. To enter more minutely into the question, he would call the attention of the house to the fact that the planters did not get the value of their 'laves when the Emancipation Act was passed. The value of the slaves in the British colonies was estimated at 45,00,0001., and this estimate had been greatly reduced as compared with the value of slaves in other colonies. The government then came forward and said that 20,000.0001. must pay for 15,000,0001. worth of slave property. That gave an average of about 121. 14.. for each slave. During the war with the Unit, d States there were captured about 3,400 slaves, and England was hound to compensate their owners. The claim made for 3,401 slaves was 380,0001., and the question was subsequently settled by the arbitration of mixed Eng li-h American commißaioners, who neve the price as against England an average of 731. per head for thee Ami rican slaves, whilst the British planter and citizen only got from his own government 251. per head for property equally if not more valuable. The noble lord here entered into some details respecting the subject, the result of which he summed up to be an aggregate loss to the planters during the twelve years that elapsed since emancipation tak place of 42,242,7401. ( Hear, hear.) Was it therefore surprising that the West ledians were grumbler' ? As to the user- Con that the bargain was closed with them when the com pensation money was granted in 1433, let him ask whether part of that bargain was not the seven years' apprenticeship, of some years of which the planters were subsequently robbed. And was there no other bargain than that? When S:r Fowell Buxton was examined on his oath before the com mittee of the Lords—not that Sir F. Buxton's oath was better than his word, in his (Lod 0. Bentilick's) estima tion—that ardent supporter of emancipation was asked what security the planters bad for the numerous benefits in respect to increased prices and produce. He answered, " Who ever suppose that,whibt the people of England are emancipating their slaves, they will hereafter admit slave sugar to consumption in their country 1" It was only due to the memory of Sir Fowell Buxton to state that he opposed granting freedom to the slaves without first payu.g fir them. Others were not so honest, and the quaker:. exemplified, in that instance, the truth of the poet's observati .n, that saints themselves will sometimes be— Of inns that cost 'ban nothing, free. lie recollected having been told that th first cargo of slave crown sugar that arrived after the duties went reduced was consigned to a quaker at Cowes, and the union of sanctity and avarice was well exemplified in the story of the grocer who called out to his ahophoy " Have you sanded the sugar ? Then come in to prayers." So likewise in the case of the emancipation of the West Indian slaves; the saintly class had made a great pretence of religion, but they cared little about justice. The noble lord then referred to letter which he kid received from a naval officer, describing the horrors of the slave trade as carried on in the swift mailing vessels which are equipped expree-ly to escape the cruisers off the coast of Africa. Ile (Lord U. Ilentinck) agreed entirely with the writtr of the letter referred to in deeming it a ruinous task for England to have to blockade a coast of 2,630 miles in extent. He would, instead of pur suing the blockade and preventive system, strike a blow at the chief resort of 0 c slavers, and would smother the hornets in their nest at Cuba. He had recently seen in the Times a paragraph taken from a New York paper, wherein the views of England upon Cuba were very broadly specu lated upon, and the reasons which would justify her in seizing that island in payment of the debt due by Spain to her citizens set fully forth. Every one knew that the slave trade could not be put down as long as a market existed in Cuba. Destroy that mart and you would at once be able to withdraw your blockading squadron, and further the ends of justice in liquidating the claims of the Spanish bondholders. He would say take paserssion of Cuba, and settle the quest.nn for ever. (Hear, hear.) It would be only &straining for a just debt, and it would have the effect of completely destroyinir the slave trade, . . Mr. LABOUCHERE—WouId you also take Brazil ? Lord G. BENT INCK—Thero was a material difference in the two cases: we bad no just claim against Brazil. In possessing Cuba England would have the key of the thilf of Mexico, as she had in 17132, when she took it with six sail of the line. Then we need have ro alarm for our American colonies, because we could cut the trade of the United Stritis in two by destroying the communication between New York and the Miesiirippi. We should then hear no more boasting from Uncle Sam about stretching his length from California to the Pacific, and turning Cuba into a kitchen garden. He (Lord 0. Itentinek) thanked the house for the patience with which he had been listened to, and he had only to add that in not taking a more decided step for the relief of the planters, ho did not preclude himself from supporting more decided resolutions, if proposed by another. He would go into the committee determined to see if anything could he done for the planters, and he was willing to accept whatever relief might he the result. He moved, " for a select com mittee to inquire into the present condition and prospects of the interests connected with and dependent on sugar and coffee planting in her Majesty's East and West Indian pos sessions and the Mauritius; and to consider whether any and what measures can be adopted by parliament for their relief." Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not rise for the purpose of opposing the motion of the noble lord. Early in November his noble friend the First Lord of the Treasury had promised, that if a committee were moved for he would not oppose it. The noble lord had stated se veral points of inquiry respecting the West Indies, in which government concurred with him in thinking inquiry neces sary; but he should deceive both the noble lord and the hoie‘e, and also the West India interest, if he led them to suppo.e that, in consenting to th- apimin..ment of a committee, Lrr Majesty's government moot to imply the slightest doubt ea to the soundness of the policy of 1846, or the slightest intention of departing from that policy. (Ili ar, hear.) He thought that this statement should be made as soon and u decidedly as possible, because he consi dered that in matters of this kind uncertainty was the worst of evils. (Hear, hear.) He proposed, at the same time, to state fully what the views of the government were, as to the various points of minor importance in which he believed re lief might be afforded to the West India interest. He would not follow the noble lord through his various statements re specting the general state of trade during the :last 12 months, because the peculiar circumstances of the time precluded the possibility of sound inference; neither would he go into his proposition for fore closing our Spanish mortgage by seizing the island of Cuba—(a laugh)—in other words, Wring possession of the dependencies of our ally to secure the claims of tLe Spanisb bondholders. (Hear, hear.) He would confine himself to stating shortly what the government intended to do, and what were their reasons for not intending mere. The claims put forth by the noble lord, and which had pre , viously been submitted to government in the statement of the West India body amounted shortly to this—that the pre se price of sugar was not sufficient to maintain its cultiva ' tor, that that low price was caused by the act of 1846, and it ' was asserted that nothing less than a protecting duty of ten shillings per cwt. would enable the planters to maintain cultivation and to preserve their property. (Hear.) He was anxious in an thong he should say to avoid giving offence to the West India body ' • and if, in defending the rights of the community at large he should occasionally deal hardly with them, he trusted that it would not lead to any inference that he was hostile to their fair rights or interests. In the first place, he thought it necessary to separate a tem porary depression of prices, arising from peculiar circum stances, front that which was owing to the increased quantity of sugar imported ; because, when a reduction of price had fallen upon almost every other foreign and colonial commo dity, lit would be absurd to attribute the reduced price of sugar wholly to the act of 1846. (Hear, hear.) It was notorious that many articles of colonial increased while, on tl but extend( If we tam Rico, the re cotton to ceding fro feU off, in while those In the earn fallen off 1,843,6061. 2,174,0081. an insignia:lc exports to r dimagutio THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1848. produce had bees during the last year tabiessed t to as extraordinary fall In price, as luge or larger than I the fall in seer, and that th at fall was owing, to the i digressing state of easanserce which prevailed dating the I astuen. (Hear, hear.) He sand that, comparing the be- i ssoiag of the month of Jesuitry. 11147, with the same I period in 1848. the pries of sugar fell from 34e. U. par cwt. to 235, 511., being a fall of about 30 per cent. Bat I indigo, which was not opposed to any cecopetition from slave I grown produce, fell 25 per ant. during the tame period. 1 kioe fell 24 per cent, sego 51 per cent., sad the better description of tea 84 per cent. If these falls took place 1 from the commercial distress, wee it not fair to attribute I . some portion of the fall in sugar to the same cause. I I (Hear, hear.) Again, comparing the price of sugar last I year, with the price at former periods, he funnel that during the existence of slavery, the price reached as low • point as during subsequent peeled,. The avenge pr.ce during lest year was 2es. 5d., and in 1829 it was 28s. 7d., while ia the three consecutive van immediately preceding emancipation the prices did not range so high. In 1830, it was 245. I Id. ; in 114 1, 235. Bd. ' • and in 1833, 271.8 d. In saying this be did not maintain that the act of last year had not something to do with the fall in price, he merely contended that ell was not to he attributed to the opt ration of that act. Another point : if gentlemen looked at the pro- gress of entries of foreign sugar for home consumption, they would find that at the period of gr e atest entry the prices did not fall below, but generally ranged above the average, I n January, Ihl7, when the price of sugar was 34e. Id., the importation of colonial sugar sues 22,000 tons, and that of foreign 6,900 tons. Priors rose for the next two months; hut in September, when the price had fallen to 265. 104., the importation of colonial rose to 28,000 tone, while that of foreign was only 3,100 tons. This showed that the reduction in price was not wholly referable to the importation of foreign sugar. (lieu, bear.) is November and December tee 'importation of foreign sugar had fallen to 1.700 and 1,900 torts, and the importation of colonial was 19,000 and 20,000 tons respectively. He was not standing there to prove that large importations did not bring down prices, but he asserted that in the months he had quoted large importations of foreign sugar were coinci dent with the highest range of prices. (firer.) The noble lord had alluded to the general depression o. trade, but he had omitted to mention a main cause of that depression, 'tamely, the high price of cotton. Ile had also mentioned the nee of the Mauritius, but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that Mr. Hawn was quite justified iii asserting the then prosperity of that colony, and he begged to remind the noble lord that is subsequent depression was caused by two failures in this country not at all connected with the sugar trade. (lieu, hear.) Was it not equally notorious that West Indian distress had been in • great measure caused by the failure of the West India Bank, which, by almost de stroying the circulation of the island, had seriously embar rassed the planters? The noble lord did out contend for the exclusion of slave grown sugar. Lord G. BENTINCK.— What he had said was, that he did not press for the distinction of slave-grown and free• labour sugar, because after the declarations of his nob'e friend opposite, and thou of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, he did not think it would be consistent with the Queen's honour, were she to allow such distinction to be made without dispensing with the services of the present mi- nisters, and he was not prepared to run the risk of such a misfortune. (A laugh.) Ile had at the same time said that be was on priaciple prepared to exclude slave-grown sugar, and, if necessary, foreign free-labour sugar along with it. The CHANCELLOR. of the EXCH EQUEIt begged the noble lord's pardon. After to kindly • declaration respecting the present government, he would not quarrel with his words. (Laughter.) He would now allude to the period when the question of compensation to the West India planters was before under consideration. They were then in possession of a large body of slaves, and manufactured sugar much cheaper than at present. The noble lord complained of the amount of compensation then given ; but on this point he would quote the authority of another noble lord, now in the other house of parliament—an authority which he did not think the noble lord opposite would he inchaed to dis pute. Lord Stanley had quoted a number of documents laid before the Board of Trade by the West Indians themselves, in which it was stated that the amount of profit derived from the cultivation of sugar was about 1,200,0001 annually, and on other produce about 300,0001., making the whole Oct annual profit shout 1,500,0001. Then Lord Stanley stated that at the usual rate at which estates wore sold—viz.,ten years purchase, ti•teen millions would he full and ample compen sation. The noble lord added, that this country had given the planters five millions more. Therefore, he (the Chan. cellor of the Exchequer) did not think that the planters had any great claim, or that the consumer should be put under heavy sacrifices for his advantage. (Hear, hear.) It was quite true that the apprenticeship ceased before the time con templated, and that some parties were injured by its sudden termination ; hut it should he recollected that, in one or two islands, the planters abolished it thrinadve s. Indeed, he believed it was generally considered to he anything but be. reeicial. (No, no.) Ile must also state that the claim founded on slavery did not apply to many of the Meet of hardship quoted by the noble turd. It was considered, and urged at the time of abolition, that the Mauritius had no claim for compensation. They had then 40,000 free la bourers, and since then 20,000 more had immigrated. They could not say either that the East Indies had any right to compensation. Therefore he would ask were they, for the sake of the West Indies, from which we got only half our supply, to impose • tax which would amount to 101. pi r ton on the consumer, and this, too, to compensate a party for a loss which they had not sustained 1 (Hear, hear.) Ile thought that nobody would contend that 101. per ton should be paid on 15,1P0 tons to the Mauritius for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, which d d not affect them. (Hear, hear.) If they had to deal with the West Indies alone the demand of the noble lord might be consistent, hut the ground was cut from under them when they considered the various sources of supply. In 1841 a proposition was made by a government not =- friendly to the colonial interest for the admission ol free laheur sugar. lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had stated at the time that the distinction could not he main tained, because we should be indirectly encouraging slavery by withdrawing the fete-labour sugar from its usual markets, thus opening fresh vents far the slave-grown ar ticle. The right hon. member fur Oxford admitted that it would have a tendency that way. A great supply was then expected from Java ; but the result was, that whereas in 1840 the import was 6,000 tons in 18.17 it had fallen to 5,500 tons, showing a decrease of 500 tons in the last seven years, in spite of the encouragement which our admission had given to its cultivation. But independently of that we were bound to admit sieve-grown sugar fur manufacture. Last year he found there was an importation of 3,000 tons from countries where slavery prevails d, such as the Danish vile niee, which we were i.ound to admit under most favoured , native treaties. What wax the ground on which the salmis ; peon of free-labour sugar was permitted by the late govern ; meet? It was stated that we had an inadequate supply of sugar from our own colonies, and we were pro mised an extra '20.000 tons. That year the actual import , was only 4,000 tons, and after three years it only reached : 11,000 tons, in addition to 3,000 tons from foreign slave 1 colonies.. But in 1844 the Secretary for Foreign Affairs gave his opinion that, if we admitted foreign free, we should admit slave-grown sugar, and that the only country whose produce we could exclude was Brazil. (Hear, hear.) What , was, then, our pesition ? Professing to admit free-labour I sugar only, to discourage slavery, we found that we were f bound to admit slave-grown sugar from every part of the globe except Brazil. (Hear, hear.) The supply of free , labour sugar promised at the time was 100,000 tons ; he had ventured to fix it at 75,000 tons, and the result was a supply of 73 000 tons. If, then, the question of slavery were left out, the question they had to decide was simply protection or no protection, and what they had to consider was, whether they should continue that system. He believed that all pro. tective duties were an unjust tax on the community. (Hear, hear.) Another point to consider was whether they would impose a tax of 101. per too on sugar, avowedly to enhance its price by that amount. (Hear, hear.) Why, the con sumption of lost year was, in round numbi is, 300,000 tons, on which the proposed increase of tax would amount to no less a nose than 3,000,0001. sterling. (Hear, hear.) This ' was no exaggeration. Mr. Porter stated in 1840 that pro- I tection cost us five millions; and in a pamphlet it was stated that in the five years preceding 1843 the country had been taxed for protection to the amount of sixteen million', I (Hear, hear.) That was no light burden on the consumer, ' and before they imposed it they should seriously inquire on what grounds it was asked. He was sorry to nay that the finances were not in the most flourishing condition, but on sugar and molasses the duty had increased because they had ' dealt with them on sound principles, a polishing discriminating and protectise duties. (Hear, hear.) In 184.5, the duty was 3,500,0001.; and in 1846, it was 4,050,0001. Last year the duty on sugar and molasses was 4,590,0001. (Hear, hear.) They were, as in the case of the corn laws, required to tax the consumer fur the sake of the producer, and that was a principle which her Majesty's government could not admit. Their principle was that duties should be levied for revenue alone, and not for the purpl-e of enhancing the ' price to the consumer. (Hear, hear.) leaides, the planters had not been suddenly dealt with in abolishing protection : it had been and was gradually vie nishing until its final termini' , ion ire 1851. (Hear.) It had been fully admitted, during the debates of 1846, by all parties, except the advocates of protection, that the abo lition of protection was merely a question of time. This was distinctly stated by Sir It. Peel and the member for Leices- ' ter at that time. Therefore, with regard to the re.imposition of protection on the bill of 1846, he thought it proper here distinctly to state, that the government did not contemplate any alteration. (Hear, hear.) la the papers laid upon the table it was stated that the restrictions to which the West India planters were subjected since the period of emancipa tion amounted, according to their own estimate, to ss. 61d. per ewt. on the produce. Those restrictions, as therein described, were first the necessity of obtaining their supplies of lumber and provisions from the North American colonies. This restriction had keen since entirely removed. The next was the differential duty imposed on the export of goods. This, also, had been repealed, or it was in the p=er of the colonial legidatures themselves to repeal it. The third was that which was consequent on the opera tion of our navigation laws. As his noble friend (Lord (7. Bentinck) had stated, the colonies had asked for the removal of this restriction; and he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) was happy to be able to announce that it was the intention of her Majesty's government, at an early period, to submit to parliament a measure to remove the restrictions which thou laws imposed. (Hear, hear.) The next disad vantage to which it was stated these colonies were subjected was, that their produce, auger, was not admitted into the breweries and distilleries of this country. This disadvantage had been removed by the act of lot session—an act which had not been altogether inoperative, for he found that during the last year no less than 73,000 cwt.. of sugar had been used in the breweries, 20,600 ewes. in the distilleries. It was true that the fall in the price of malt last autumn had since made it more advantageous to distil from malt, and the sugar used for that purpose had consequently fallen off; bat it was nevertheless an important fact, as showing the opera tee *Me set in question, that nearly 94,000 ewes. had been 1 briniest into use daring the year for the purposes of brewing east distilling. Another raftriction complained of was the I high discriminating duty on ram in Ireland and Seetbind. I This, tore had been altered la 1849 and 1847, when the dis- I crimblatieg duty was reduced from Is. Oil. to 9d. a gallon. That this change had been Weeded with advantage was proved by the increased oonsesaptien. In 1845 the quantity consumed was 2,469,000 gallons, in 1846 it was 2,683,000, and In 1847, under the reduced, duty, it had risen to 3.329,900, netwithataading which he was happy to find that the aisteliag trade in those two countries had been in no • degreeiarereei. While upon this subject he might state that his uptake win the same now aa it had been last year, viz., ; that the distillers of this country were entitled to some slit ! ferential duty, hat that sixpence a gallon was sufficient ; and I if his noble friend (Lord G. Sentence) would assure trim of his aid, he would bring forward a measure to reduce it to ' that sum. (Hear, hear.) The next complaint was the want of labour. iota those colonic* where that want was great est a large amount of labour had been introduced last year. His 'sable friend had spoken of the large number of slaves formerly employed in the Mauritius. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed, however, that the estimate made of the number of staves in that colony at the period of eman cipation was 28,000. Since the Emancipation Act the number of labourers had been almost dou bled, 23,000 had been added, and the total number was now 60,000. In Jamaica the number of free labourers imported was not large,—about 11,500, he believed. In British Guiana the number of slaves had been estimated at 90,000; the number of free labourers imported since emanci pation had been 40,000. In Trinidad the number of slaves had been 24,000; the number of free labourer % imported, 20,969. Thus in Guiana there had been an increase of one half of the whole number of labourers, and in 'erindbui the increase had been sepal to the whole number of &leen in the island at the period of emancipation. Therefore, though he was not prepared to deny that there might be a deficiency of labourers, he believed that that deficiency had been much exaggerated ; and he would advise the colonies rather to turn their attention to improvements in their wide of culti vation and manufacture than to depend altogether upon the immigration of labourers. He now came to another ques tion—the admission of molasses for the purposes of brewing in this country. He was sorry to sky that this was a demand to which he could not sec ed e. As his noble friend had stated, this was altogether a question of revenue, and it was as a question of revenuethat he treated it. The house would be aware that the duty was paid upon malt before it went into the brewery • with sugar it was the same, and there was consequently no foss ; but he found, on investigation, that if molasseswere allowed to be substituted, the loss to the re venue would be equal to Bs. 61. on every quarter of malt which would be thus thrown out of use in this way. With regard to distillation, the duty was paid when the spirit was produced. Last year he had stated that if further experience should justify him in doing so, hethould be happy to extend any further indulgence to the West India body in his power, and he was now happy to say, that after the ex perience of the working of the act of last year, the excise did not object to the admission of molasses for the purposes of distillation. (Hear, hear, hear.) Therefore he pro posed shortly to int roduce a bill to permit the use of molasses into distilleries, under similar regulations to those on which sugar was now admitted. It had also been urged that cane juice might, without any injury to the revenue, be admitted for the same purposes. That was a proposition to which he had never objected, provided that the revenue could be guaranteed against lees, sad since he war called on last year to fix the rate of duty at which cane juice should be admitted, he had caused an analysis to be made, an as to ascertain the quantity of sugar contained in the juice, the result of which was, that Ils. 4d. per cwt. was found to be the lowest duty which in justice to the revenue could be imposed. He had been told that this would amount to prohibition, and he had been asked to name a lower duty. It was true that it was difficult to obtain quan tities of the article sufficient to make experiments upon for the purpose of arriving at a satisfactory result, hut from the produce of the small quantity which had been furnished to the excise, this was the lowest rate of duty he should be jus tified in naming ; but if a larger supply of cane juice was supplied, he should have no objection to fix a lower amount, provided the result of the analysis he would rause to be made would enable him to do so. It must, however, be understood that he could not admit cane juice at a duty lower in proportion than that which was. paid on sugar and MatoNes. With regard to the other question the supply of labour—at present the supply of labour to the colonies was derived partly from free im migration, and partly from re-captured slaves. The free immigrants were partly coolies and partly negroes from the coast of Africa. His own impression was, that the immigration ef the coolies hod not answered (hear, hear) ; hut he believed a certain and valuable supply of labourers might always be had from the African coact. It was quite true that many of the Kroomen had turned out valuable labourers, had accumulated large owns of money, and had by their representations on returning to their emu country, induced others to emigrate ; avid others had declined to re turn when offered a free passage, preferring to remain in order to accumulate more money. The means of carrying on this immigration was provided by loans raised in the coln nee'. Ile was not prepared to say that that was a profitable system as far as them colonies were concerned ; but whsn his noble friend (Lord Grey) entered office as Colonial Secretary he found the eyeem established, and that it had been acted upon by his two immediate predecessors; he did not, therefore, feel justife d in disturbing it, though he might not have been disposed to sanction it had it been proposed for adoption for the first time. Nei ther Guiana nor Trinidad hay, however, been able last year to borrow the money authorised by their respective legislatures to be raised for defraying the expense of the immigration now in progress. Under these circumstances, he thought it was only fair and right that this country should step in and assist them. He should, therefore, feel it to be his duty to propose to the house, during the present session, an advance of a sum not exceeding 200,0001. for the purpose of promoting emigration to our West India colonies. (Hear). It had been suggested that it would be an act of humanity to take the negroes by force, and trans port them to the West Indies to be there employed as labourers—this was a coarse to which he must decidedly object. (Hear, hear). He must insist in whatever arrangement might be made that the negroes should go of their own free will—that they should not be I forced. (Hear.) Then, with regard to the liberated Afri cans who were set free under the adjudication of the mixed commissions at the liavannale Rio, and St- Helena—these were universally carried to the West Indies, but the expense of sending them there way now defrayed by the colonies to which they were sent. The government thought it right that, for a time at least, the expense should be mainly (not altogether, for obsious reasons) borne by this country. Leaking at the present condition of the West India colonies, government were prepared to take on themselves almost the whole of that charge—a small portion only would remain to be pied by the colonies ax a security that they really required the 1 ibour, The majority of the liberated negroes were now set free at Sierra Leone—recently they had shown a greater disposition than they formerly did to proceed to the West Indies, and it was thought measures might he taken to facilitate their immigration with advantage to themselves, the West Indies, and Sierra Leone. A committee of the house which sat some years ago had, in its report, said that the effect of the constant intro duction of large bodies of these captured negroes into the colony was to retard the progress of civilisation, and bring back to • state of barbarism those who had adopted civilised habits. lie Madden had also said if the system was conti nued the colony must be enlarged, or means devised for re moving the population. lie believed it would be advan tageous to remove those persons from a place where they were relapsing into state of barbarism to the West India colonies, where their labour was wanted, and where after a time they would be free men, in a position of independence and comfort. The expense of re-' moving these persons the government were disposed to recommend should be borne by this country. (Hear, hear.) Another suggestion had been made, vie, that the repayment of the hurricane loan should be still further post poned. The colonies had already had ten years in which to repay that advance, and government was cFsposed to recom mend that the period should be extended five years further, interest being paid in the mean time. When an application was lately made on the part of Tobago for assistance, in con sequence of the earthquake, a grant was imniediately made to relieve the immediate distresses of the sufferers, and mi nisters would be prepared to make a further loan so soon us they should have received the necessary information as to the amount required. These, then, were the measures the government proposed—first, the admission of motet-es for the purposes of distillation in this country—to admit cane juice provided a rate of duty can be fixed by which the re venue should be guaranteed against loos—a loan for the pur p se of promoting free emigration—the removal to the West India colonies of captured negroes almost wholly at the ex pense of this country—the sosteonement of the period of paying the hurricane loan—and an, advance to the island of Tobago. Ile hoped that the West India body would con sider that this would be sufficient -as far as this country could promote that end—to restore those colonies to prosperity. If he were asked if he considered this sufficient, he would reply that it was not, unless accompanied by a total change ' in the process both of cultivation and manufacture. Without the exercise of a much greater amount of energy in the pro-1 ems of agriculture, no measure could secure the permanent prosperity of the West Indies. Although the wages of fieldwork bad no doubt fallen in St. Kitts and Antigua from 10d. to 6d. a day, and was partly the cause of the present distress, he believed that ultimately no inconvenience would arise from it, as the negro would be thereby induced to work for a longer period of time, and thus in the end realise as much as when wages were high. In a despatch recently received from the governor of Antigua he stated that the working classes would suffer no serious inconvenience from the reduced rate of wages, and would only be obliged to work more regularly, instead of only three days a week, in order to support their families in the same ease and comfort. He was happy to find that the reduction in the price of labour had been well met by the labourers themselves. They had submitted to it cheerfully, hoping that in time their wages would &fain be raised. It was proposed in Antigua to reduce the import duties and impose a land tax, and he believed the result would be to induce the negro to expend more work upon s ug ar plantation. This was meet essentiaL There was universal testimony to show that since the aboli tion of slavery there had not beea that amount of improve ment in the process of cultivating and manufacturing sugar which had taken place in the agriculture and manufactures of this and other countries. In what state would this country now be if there had been no improvement in these respects within the last twenty or thirty years ? He alluded to manufactures as well as agriculture ; for the West Indies considered that they were as much manufac turing as agricultural oountries. Mr. Price, speaking be fore the House of Assembly in Jamaica, said that almost every promos of both was very generally neglected through out the Wand either for want of capital, want of attention, or want of proper energy. lie found statements to the same effect in tide ' Sugar Ylanten' Manual," a book published by De. Evans. He could not, therefore, admit that the consider the propositions which had bees made by the primal keen and distress of the West Indian interest were Chanoeller of the Exchequer. to be attributed to the act of 1846 for admitting foreign The adjournment of the home was then agreed to; sad lave-grown sugar, or to the doctrines of free trade. He the home shortly afterwards adjosuesed, at a few :Mantes found it stated - in a report of a select committee of the MOM- after twelve o'eaock. bly of Jamaica, that of 653 sugar estates 140 had been aban doned; and this he attributed mm's to the act of 1836 than that of 1846. Going back to the period of slavery, andlerhen the slave trade was moat flourishing, he found it stated by Mr. B. Edwards, in hie history of the West Indies, that in the course of 20 years, ending in 1791, no less than 177 sugar plantations had been sold for the payment of debts, 5.5 had , been abandoned by the proprietors, and 92 had still remained ' in the hands of the creditors. He found that in 1804 several British merchants had filed bills in Chancery, but that even when they obtained decrees they declined to execute them. In 1807 things were no better. In 1811 it was observed that I the rain of the original peseesson had been gradual, and that estate after estate had passed into the hands of I mortgagees. In 1832 a committee of that house reported to the same effect; and in 1844 the agent of the West Indies I represented that the abandonment of estates was continuing. I Surely it, was not possiele to attribute that state of things which continued from 1791 to 1844 either to the abolition of . the slave trade or to foreign competition. He fared it should rather be attributed to that baneful want ef energy and exertion which principally arm* out of a reliance spat protection. As for the distrme which prevailed, it would be found to exist as well in colonies where slavery was still eon tinued ; the produce of the West Indies was greater than that; of either Cuba or Java, and that being so he did not sae any around for despair, or any reason for apprehending that with free labour properly directed, and the aid of machinery, the West Indies should not produce as cheap an article as could be bad bylislave labour. There was much testimony to favour that belief. In Trini dad, even berme slavery was abolished, • considerable por tion of the labour was had from gangs of free moo. Mr. Scotland, a member of the assembly of Jamaica, and a resi dent planter, stated that in his opirien free labour was a shade less expensive than slave labour. He attributed their inability to compete with slave growers to the want of a resident proprietary and proper management; and, con trasting Cuba with Jamaica, he observed that in the forme I the proprietor was resident, well skilled in the cultivation of his estate, managing it with a strict regard to economy, and on the spot to correct all abuses ; while in the latter he was not only hundreds of miles away, hot his estate left to the mercy and management of mortgagees. Still mere de- dein evidence was given by Mr. Prince, who went out rims I years ago to manage an estate in Jamaica, and which he had I done most satisfactorily to the owners. lie stated that in 1843, it produced 190 hogaheads, 1'44, 290 hogsheads, in 18+5, 400 tons, and 1846 ,00 tons, while by constructing a new tramway he had effected an economy of 8 labourers and 142 head of cattle, and was of opinion that, by machinery and an improved proem of cultiva tion, he could produce sugar cheaper than any slave owner. But there was one remarkable circumstance to which he must call the attention of the house, as showing that the sugar grown in the French West India colonies, where slave labour prevailed and continued to the present moment, mould not compete with the beet-root sugar cultivated in France. In 1843 a duty was imposed by the French govern ment of :5 francs per kilogramme on beet-reot sugar, which was to continue until 1848, when an equality in the duties was to take place. In Mr. bl•Culloch's " Commercial Dictionary" it was I iid down that this duty upon beet root sugar would annihilate its growth and cultivation in France; but so far from this being the case the cultiva tion had increa•ed in a most remarkable degree. At this moment the duty was in course of diminution, and in Au gust ant there would be a perfect equality of the duty on beet-root sugar and; upon French colonial sugar imported into France. And ye: this cheap slave grown sugar could not now compete with free-labour sugar made in France, and the French col inlet slave-owning auger growers were now making representations to the French government claim ing the n icepoeition of a protecting duty against beet-root sugar. He believed, however, that it was capable of proof by • mere reference to admitted facts that the system of free labour by the aid of proper and improved process may render free-labour sugar as cheap, if not cheaper, than alave.grown sugar. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), therefore, did not despair th it if improve ments in machinery and in the mode of cultivation were car ried out in the British West India colonies as they had been at the Mauritius and elsewhere, those colonies would still continue sugar-producing colonies, and might be restored, by a different system of management oa the part of the resident proprietors, to a comparative state of prosperity. He hoped that such would be the ease, an t if any propositions beyond those which the government was now prepared to concede were made in a select committee moved tor by the noble lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck), they should be e moldered ; but he must repeat, that the government was not prepared to re store the system of protection which had ea lately lama abandoned. (Hear, hear.) Mr. G. R. ROBINSON said, that though he differed altogether from the views of her Majesty's government, he still gave them credit for the declaration made by the right hon. baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the effect, that in consenting to the appointment of a select committee, he would be no party to the creation thereby of • delusion that they would in any degree depart from the Act of 1546. If the West India colonists were not to look for any relief other than that contained in the measures propounded by the right bon. baronet, the sooner thee knew it the better, in order that they might be prepared to meet the conse quences which must ensue, riz. the eventual ruin, if not the entire loss, of the colonies. His argument was, that protec tion was absolutely necessary for the interests of these colo nies. When he concurred in the measure for the abolition of slavery, he little thought that those who hadcarried that glorious measure would ever be the parties to ad vocate the admission of slave-grown sugar of other colonies to compete with the free-labour sugar of the British colonies. The noble lord at the head of the government had stated the other day that he hoped the remedial measures proposed by the government would enable the British colonies to enter into that competition; but he (Mr. Robinson) begged to oak whether the effect of the measure of 1816, when it come to abolish the existing dif linens' duties, would not be to throw open the market in this country to all parts of the world? This would be the result of the free-trade principle. which already had been adopted; and he must remind the noble lord that it would be easier new to retrace the steps ehich had been erroneouslytaken then after a farther onward course ; at all events, if the noble lord would not retrace the steps taken, he ought to pause before he went farther. He was aware it was hopeless now to expect a renewal of protection generally, but if asked what he would do, he would tell the government that he would restore the protection of sugar to the extent of ten shillings per cwt., and, if consistent with existing treaties, he would exclude slave-grown sugar altogether. He warned the government that, although the revenue might not imme diately feel the effects of the falsely-caded tree-trade mea sures, yet the state of the revenue, embarrassed as it was now admMed to be, would become more and more embarrassed, and the consequence would he that the income tax, so unpo pular in this country, would not only become perpetual, but there would be a necessity for increasing its amount every year. In that case what was to become of the masses of the population, crippled as they would be by the transfer from their hands of their trade to the hands of foreigners ? Why the result would be, a vast increase to the pauperised population, already subsisting upon parochial rates, and a still further increase to the criminal records o: the country. The repeal of the navigation lava was now called for by the free traders in their distress : and thus it was that when the protection was removed from one interest, those who suffered sought to take it away from others. Whatever palliative the committee now proposeil might devise for the sufferings of tho West India colonies, unless protection were restored, those colonies must be ultimately lust to the mother country. For where would be the advantage of retaining them if their trade and navigation were to be given up to other countries ? In such case, the sooner we set about negotiating with the United States for the disposal of these colonies the better. (Laughter.) Of course, he did not mean this serieuely ; but he was convinced that our free trade legislation was producing such • feeling of alienation in these colonies, that, in the event of a war, their support and attachment would be very little to be relied on. Mr. lIG!dE said the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck) had laid the foundation for an inquiry into everything relating to these coloniee ; but as the Chancellor of the Exchequer had declared that, whatever conclusion the committee might c to, the government would not go beyond a certain point, and ' would not recede from the measures that had been passed, ' he thought it would be better not to appoint a committee at all, lest false hopes might be excited in the West India colo nists. (Hear, Mar.) He hoped the noble lord would not accept the committee to be so appointed, but would leave all • the responsibility to government. Many of the suggestions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were good, as for as they went; and he agreed in thinking that much of the colo nial dieting now existing was attributable to the want of free labourers in the islands. Had they been properly introduced at first, much of the existing distress would have been avoided. (Hear.) Another evil was, the defective legisla tion in the colonies, by which the employers were unable to keep the hands at work, and hence the squatting and idle ness which had ensued. He was convinced that slave labour could never be put down until free labour was brought into full competition with it. It was imposslble that any colonial minister and his secretary—even if they were en dowed with superhuman talent—conld regulate the affaiis of 40 different colonies; and with the constant changes in the Colonial-office the difficulty was infinitely increased. Acts ought to be passed regulating the form of govern mint of each colony, which the colonial minister should not be suffered to infringe in any way. (Hear.) In conclusion, he again expressed a hope that the noble lord would with. draw his motion. Mr. E. ELLICE said he cordially seconded this appeal. As one deeply interested in the matter, he thanked the noble lord for the steps he had taken, and was disposed to have given him his support; but after hearing the speech of I the right hon. baronet, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he thought it most advisable that the committee should not be appointed. The appointment would only excite grounding expectations of the continuance of a differential duty. Rather let the colonists be told that their posi tion was now ascertained, and that they must adapt themselves to the circumstances. Then the experiment would be fairly tried, whether they could emit under the system now introduced. (Hear.) He had let a portion of hie own colonial estates at an extremely low rent; he had nevertheless been appealed to for a sistance; but he had told his tenants that they must do the best they could, and must reconcile themselves to the existing state of things. ghe erprogs. MAILS The mile for the Brad la, the Riven rate, Marta Video, Parma. = .4 Beisia d :deneira i and Buenos Ayrey will be made ay pp am Thr malls by Vlirs Oporto, U.S,att liadeirs, Cada; and Gantlet ail. he made hp on the maroons of the 7th February. The overised dosed malt, via Marseilles, to to Med-iterruleas fent. Aden, Ceylon, llama Kale, he., will be made up is dip eienang of the to e7ry. The meda for Brawn North America. Bermeda, sad the twit Mew will to be. up on the evening of the 11 J February. Tae Wew ladle 14/Is, ezeleding Bennett; Bees,, limehints !few Palmas Teri eras Tampico, awl Porto Bios end Weleding Uyie /or Madeira, Jared, Cartisseene, Mart* Chaves, Paean; West Meat of South Saari!" end !!!.. Joan•dep bieweguis We be made op on the asnrsdag of the 17th p`.ruary. 71 eardawl wade ler Bibraltay, Malts, Gnaw, Bank ►irr v at,Adeet, Ceylon. IntLe,Flass.itoacaad Mans, no eouthampais. will Se made up as the mond/mei the bitti February. The Ma alt for Sew South Wales, Van uicreen Isar!, and Ica Zealand will he made op On the reacrup of the real Frbryary. The mile for the Wait Oast of Afrda and Madeira eM be mae tap on the remind of the 29th February. Mr. J. WILSON moved the ajournment of the house. (" No, no ;" and cries of "Go on.' ) The motion for adjournment being seconded, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed a hope that the debate might be Enished now. Mr. T. BARING suggested that time should be given to To 0011.RESP(ADIENTS. Tat number of STAMPS lawn.' to tit, DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-offiee, daring the year 1847 was : From JAN. 1,0 Dec.ll, 3,447,009 we believe, u within ei.pd per tnit of tr.: number Mimed to the Mosnang Maraffig CA"tale, tad Morass') Post, •St Pr.T In eftditile to the %hove. :real to the II k NEWS, Mentinti Pape*. there we idneed err the Beevue, Edition, THE EX PEE. 43, Prom hi. 1. to Der.. 21 778,714 114WR, rae hetieee, +or^ Annorl either to the /ribs x .Stae44.l, INS:4f P 40014. ••• Meovonowooeo ..amoodoe "Phojtwop.o.. 14woos ooasloo =NO Po at coo leek .O. Mew. ow Tow 4 4mos lnk 4.• of pa MIeWL ZION WaYES JO UMW, maw. is /ff.. NM a . AA/WM LS oda. losa t. T. 111•6 ••• —Swim 12 Ms. ans 2: aisamsaa. A M pat 3. LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 4. WE confess that oar doubts as to the expediency of granting Lord GEORGE BENTINCK his committee have not been entirely removed, even by the masterly speech of the CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCLIE , trEFL Sir CHARLES WOOD easily set aside, last night, the whole incoherent mass of rubbish thrown down before the house by Lord GEORGE. Having done this, he unequivocally declared that govern ment will not allow the great principle of the act of 1816 to be tampered with. He said they did not mean to oppose the motion for a com mittee, as they considered there were many miner plints with regard to which much might be done to ameliorate the condition of the Wed India proprietors; bat they wished it to be dis tinctly understood, that in granting the committee they had no intention to recede from the principle laid down in 1846, or to tax the community at large for the benefit of any particular class. This early and explicit declaration will relieve the minds of any free-traders who may have feared that ministers had been shaken in their faith by the trumpery fallacy, that protection to sugar was no violation of free trade principles. It will prevent the sugar merchants and planters from suffering by the oscillations which any uncerta nty as to the ultimate views of government would have introduced into the market. So far good. But we fear even this frank ness will not prevent some West Indians from che rishing fallacious hopes that may induce them to waste in ineffectual agitation and parliamentary in trigue those energies which ought now to be concen trated upcn preparations to encounter the unre stricted competition of foreigners at an ear ly' day. We have the word of Sir CHARLES WOOD that ministers are resolved to abide by their own sugar act of 1816. In 1851 there will be entire free trade in sugar, and, in the interim, every year will see a re duction in the actual differential duty. The West Indians may rest assured that, in the existing state of public opinion, no better terms can be procured for them. By refusing to accept of these terms they may accelerate the advent of entire free trade in sugar, but they cannot retard it. And no one who has carefully studied the pre sent position of these colonies, and their history for the last fifteen years, can entertain a doubt that, if they honestly and earnestly set about it, they will be quite able in 1851 to meet foreign competition on equal terms. Against all the irrelevant crudities of Lord GEORGE B ENTINCK —nay, against the more wary and intelligent statements of the acting committee of the West India body—we place the important infor mation received from Guiana by the mail which ar rived the very day Lord GEORGE made his motion. If there be one of our sugar colonies more likely than another to feel the difficulties of growing sugar by free negro labour in their full force, it is Guiana. In Guiana, as in Holland, cultivation depends upon the efficient working of a colossal and complicated system of canals. In Guiana, cultivation has scarce passed the verge of the illimitable forest, and it is easy for the negro to withdraw himself from observa tion and indulge his indolence by squatting in a climate where a little desultory labour ensures the necessaries of life. In Guiana, to a greater extent perhaps even than in Jamaica, a large propor tion of the ei-dernet predial slaves have become small proprietors, or hunters. Yet even in this colony the resident planters are contemplating with hopeful fore thought the result of the earnest struggle to which they are addressing themselves. They do not shut their eyes to the difficulties in their way, but they feel convinced that with free labour they will yet succes,fully compete against the slave-ovnurg sugar growers. On this head the Guiana Gasette—a sober, veracious journal, characterised by general moderation of tone and dis trust of theories—says : The colony, which depends wholly upon its sugar cultiva tion, not only is ins crisis just now, but will have, in ell Fo bability, crisis after crisis to go through, till the Sugar Bill shalt have fully developed itself, and the sugar of the British West Indies enjoy no favour whatever in the markets of the mother country. We entertain some hope that things will, in the end, go right, from a fact which has come under our observation within the last fortnight, and which proven, to our mind at least, that the population can and will bend and accommodate themselves to circumstances. For our part, we would ask no more, in order to tight the battle of free labour with slave-labour produce. It was clearly enough demonstrated to the people, that sugar was not, at the old rates of wages, paying the planter; and the alternative was in many districts submitted to the peasantry either of not working at all, or et working for wages reduced at the rate of 2.5 per cent. With wonderful smoothness and pucidity, all things considered, the people have agreed within the last few days, in the finest and most extensive sugar district of the colony, the Arabian coast of Essequibo, to accept the reduced rate ; and the same thing, we learn, has happened on the east coast of Demerara. This groat change has been effected without any strike, without any sulkiness, without any manifestation of ill feel ing; and shows on the part of the free peasant of this pro vince a degree of manageablewas, which surpasses, we are inclined to think, say degree of submission, which coercive discipline can produce in Cuts or elsewhere. This trait— whic .we own has taken us by surprise—in the character of our free labourers. though it has diminished their wages 25 per cent , has raised our opinion of the proseocta of the co luny at kast 60. - _ - After this we may dispense with any laboured answer to Lord G. BENTINCK'S speech. Who can argue with • speaker who gravely proposes to the British legisla ture and government to seize upon Cuba in order to enable us to put down the slave trade, and stop when ever we please the communication between New York and New Orleans? It is but justice to the West In dians, both those who are resident in this country and at home, to add that Lord GEORGE disclaims all con nexion with them. Ile denounces the col onists for daring to ask the relaxation or repeal of the navigation laws. And he announces that he makes his motion in defiance of the remonstrances of the planters and mer- chants here, because in 1816 only five of them con sented to walk through Coventry with him and vote in his minority. The concessions offered to the West Indians by the CHANCELLOR OF THE ExcliequEit are as follows: He will admit molasses for distillation, but not for brewing. He will admit cane-juice for distilling and brewing if a duty can be fixed by which the revenue will not lose. He will facilitate the immigration of free nerves by means of a loan. The removal of captured negroes to the West Indies is to be effected almost wholly at the expense of this country. He will grant a prolongation (for five years) of the term for repayment of the hurricane loan, and will accede to an advance upon loan for the relief of Tobago. At the late hour at which this intelligence reaches ns we cannot be expected to enter into a minute scru tiny of these proposals. Some of them are no more than just; while to some we demur as scarcely sum cient, 1 longati loan, an We dc mdlesal penies woodrc have a for pros Si fts P that is will no Pe ta: th 64 l i