The Express. — London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY, JULY 22. The Luca Ca aticauma took his seat at 6 o'clock. PETITIONS PRESENTED. SUCLESSION DI:TT BILL.—By Lord BROUGHAM, from Glasgow, in favour of. ENTAIL (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of the Luny CIIANCELLuIt, this bill went through cummit.re. SUCCESSION DUTY BILL. The Esrl oritiEiiiikEiiiNfil;rd;:iliave to move the second reeding of • bill for imposing a duty on sneers gene. This bill has occupied the attention of the other house of parliament for • considerable time past. It has under gone groat discussion, and has been minutely exandned in all its part.; has been fully discussed, and finally i: hes been lent up I your lordships by a large majority of the other house. 1 his measure has come recommended to Ler Maks ty*s gavernmi ut by various considerations. In the first place, it enables us to relieve the industry of the country from burdens which materially aft et the em ployment of capital, and we have nu doubt that the remiss! of those burdens will operate most beneficially on the industry and welfare of the people. It has also enabled the government 'o make provisien for that security which we deems to obtain for the means of dispensing with the income tax st the period which has been assigned for that porpase. And is addition, it has enabled us, in a cep. tain degree, to redeem that in-quality which has be.m com plained of in the imposition id the income tax. The noble earl opposite, end his friends, complain of the inequality arising from the imposition of that duty, without any allowance being made for precarious incomes, or taking Into necount incomes derived from the exercise of intelli gence and skill, and recommend the principle of differentia tion on the imposition of that tax. On the prestnt a-ce sium we have taxed property equally in all respects. without looking to the sources from which it is derived, or heisting hardly on the exercise of the skill and intelligence of the various dames. Sly lords, this has been the recommenda tion of the measure to us ; but the greatest inducement which we haws had to adopt this bill has been to remedy an injustice long complained of, and which in fact was gradually becoming intolerable to the country. The sense of right and of justice was such that the inequality could not have been much longer endured, and in a very short time, it weuld have been impossible to avoid the abolition of the evil complained of. My lords, we propose that a duty shall be Imposed on every species of sucoession arising in consequence of death, or rather to extend the present legacy duty to every succession of this description. Nu other mode of transfer of property is taken into se count—it is simply in consequence of death. At present real rroperty, whether settled or unsettled, as your lord *bine are aware, pays no succession duty, and settled perso nalty pays no legacy duty. Now, wo propose to redress this inequality also, for there really seems no reasonable cause whatever why settled personal property should not he dealt with in the same manner as that which is unsettled. We propose to apply the same rule to every species of ascension to property. We propose to preserve the same scale of consanguinity in measuring the amount of duty as at present, with idle exception. At present, sons-in-law and daughterminslaw are treated as strangers, and pay 10 per cent. ; we propose to plate them in the position of sons and dived's', and with that exception the state of consan guinity is to be preserved as at present. I know that then N • great differeace of opinion on this subject, whether this scale might nut be advantageously altered. But, on the whole, as it has existed se long, and there being consider able doubt upon the subject, it has been thought better to preserve it as it is, with this one exception. But in applying this to land, it was thought, from various causes, desirable to giro it as much consideration, a nd apply this tax as lightly, as could reasonably be desired. We have, there fore, proposed to 1./Amato all successions to land according to the life interest of the person who succeeds. There are various modes of estimating that life interest, and upon that only, or even less than a life interest, it there should be less than a life interest—the person so succeeding would only pay upon that, whatever might be its amount. It is proposed to levy this tax by eight half-yearly payments, antfirst of those will commence at the end of the fleet year, so that four years and a half will be afforded for dis charging the obligation. That appears to me as lenient an application of the imposition of the tax as could be devised. (Hear, hear.) Now, to show your lordships the operation of this toll, let us take a awe in which • person succeeds to a landed estate of the value of 10,000/. This capital value of 10,0001. would afford a rental of about 3001. a year. We take the average age of succession at 35 years, which I believe is a fair estimate, and is borne out by what has been useertaiiied by taking the average age of succession in this house--36 years is about that period, and 35 years would give 15 years sod • half purchue, taking the duration of We at 60 yews and • half. The sum, therefore, on which duty would be charged would be somewhat less than half the capital value—that is 4,6501. The duty payable in four rims and a half on that sum, for a life interest, would be 461. 10s.; and if the party were to make isuisedMte payment, there would be a dheomet of 41. 13e. • eons*. gamily, the whole amount of daty payable en that sue erasion would be 411. 17s. That is how the duty would operate on • succession to 10,0001., on the average age of 36 years. Generally speaking a sooseesion may be estimated at about 30 yeah. The prOduee of this tax, my leis, is estimated at about two millions sterling. I know it boo bean supposed by some that the amount will be higher, art I think the noble earl opposite some time age an opinion himself. I can only say t hat. as the best calculations I have had any moss to, that dens sot appear to be the case ; and that, Wombs, he sons uncer tainty, which there must be, it appease that about 2,000.0001. would le the fair amount, taking . the whole amount of income payable under the income tax, which is levied on 250,000,0001. Now, my lords, I know it has been said in this house and else where, that this measure has been conceived in &spirit of hostility to the land. I utterly deny that sack is the ease. We have endeavoured to redress inequality, cer tainly ; and in so doing we have imposed burdens from 'which the land ham hitherto been exempt. But that has been done consistently with the c'aims of jostles and expe diency ; and I, Meows, will never maintain that it is any advantage that land should be placed on a different footing from the rest of the property of the country. (Hear, hear.) It has been said in • hasty limner, that we have resolved to lay a tax of 2,000,0001. on the land, totally neg lecting the nature of the tax itself, and the manner in which it was proposed to be levied. Now the fact is, that baud of 2,000, 0001 . being imposed on the land, according to every c a lcula tion that can be made, the utmost that is derived, or expected to be derived, strictly spealdn, from the land is only 400,0001., not • a - fourth part of the amount proposed to be raised. That N exclusive of houses and leaseholds ; the lan d , strictly speaking, will not contribute more than 400,0004. He had now stated the objects of the bill, and the principle on which it rested. He would now make • few observa tions as to the OWN which he understood noble lords op • posits intoolod to take. He quite unoentood that if they Deceived boa the ether house • tax bill, which was so op poseive in to nature and unjust in its principle ' their lord ships might reasonably refuse s eaterrtain suchs, bill. But be eanklMit understand how their lordships could refuse OMB sestet to a bill, the OW* of which had bean generally admitted, and wbidi bad been passed by the either Mum of yerliamost_ hugs majorities. (Hear, bear.) Re odd sot midossisad bow their lordships could alter weans to eater soma a esndderation of the details of the measure, and a be assenting to the principle of the measure, adept a course the practicalconsequences of which their lordships must be well aware of. (Hear.) If the measure was wirelfestly unjust, he would admit the expediency of resisting it at the outset ; but when it be came • question as to whether timber was to be taxed one way or emether, and whether it was to be taxed at all, he thought their lerriehigo split not to adopt • course the practical sossognsomm of 'Mak meat be apparent, should their lordoblyelo onsemand is making any alteration in the provisions of the mammas. He had however sues im plicit madams Is the goad SWIM ad moderation which lid always bees a:Whited by the house ea oecasions like t, shot be was sure they wadi not Magi a ammo wbisi bad boos very rarely practised on ash ,amens. (Heen, hear.) He now begged leave to move the second rending of the bill. The Hari of DERBY said that though he thought the noble awl had exhibited his veered piudsms kt from astsging into the diesomioa of theaolnaills ad aim of has measure and in akin bat a very meagre WI Ofttmptet and dhot of the WO, he could not think he ex sge sea mina in repeating on this omission, • whidt he bad es shin Isms on former ocemions, the tam of oadmarlinsay soll4ndation of his government is th a z i maselluki sum= adtriumphant merits of the edeeste of the ChemeaLlor of the Exche nee. He lisoght the tine wee • dowel's ems for ektioiag sash • Mandel triumph, whoa Wens hatredesiog • meow tibia was obviously the bard of Ids whole Inasekill policy • measure which he has hesitated to c bat width be (Lord Derbi) would take the liberty of are their lordships. Hear, hear.) He gaits admitted the anseolansate ability isplajud in the protest min by the Ace ssibe of the Embsgusr, upon whom almost the whale Modes of maducting the pablic badman fa the other house ot putiment devolved, and in the gnat shill and dex terity which that right he.. gentlemen exhibited in in ducing that house to Mot to bis imonsial propositions. But whoa he claimed mat fee the wonderful seesaw of them miosaggs, the sato mil men pima !dm', sumind him that Om Isemslid atoosons of the girvermisat ipow si s tog of tete gaithsna—one was the attempted emasudea of the Thinly: Cents., which, though at first claimed by the noble earl oggsaitoas an instmos of triamphast sow sees, yet was sew admrMsd M he &signal and minis* failure. (Chown) The semeibkr was the budget, of which this bill was the ossasi.otess and bundation, and without which it would be impssiblo to any tato effect the ether financial abeam of the gogasmilia. The pound en which be defiwebi Obi ialboisslionM Maisons was Asst i that it ambled rho goommort to istogisso a minimise of taxation whisk boos ors the sgokg:at isimsby, and as a kind of eampsusatios Was at ths Immo tax; mad, in the second prom, to mime the Algid bpi which existed, as be mid, la tlig sues of Muslim between reel s.d paesml Moray. _Bolt Obassellos of the Ss &epee was. arise - asmiggliad to oily he *ma sgmbstoss of Wallin on the islogis of the Ft mossong. lab by the allevalty in whisk the lea. guidon= was plass., whoa he nosilsoled shortly beim resift egg" the Er h iss z er .ddeleme laid it down SS SE SWIM that no of the Exchequer was worthy riett e rso wise did ost provide for • surplus of at least • wherein he slosh of his financial schema wWI this, that he remlllsoll M MU out to the Hesse of Ccoo nede s a% ti de MON of 100,0001., provided ireve him gbo . while was to be derived from this bill. Now A son by the merits of this bill, by its junk*, by it s policy, elpialleability, and by its expediency, that th e A nsa - Ili of the prowl admiaistrattos were to be Judged. (Hear, hear.) And it we. upon the passing of this bill that the whole financial scheme of the government roust stand or fall. (Ile-sr, hear.) If the bill, however, was essentially unjust, it it was oppressive and impracticable, if it led to interminable evasions and constant vexation, it it altered the whole character of property in this country, and retrospectively imposes • heavy burden on former set re al. it's, then he sai!, that whatever sleight be the preu ni ery advantages, whatever advantages mieht be derived by other classes of the community—they wou l d be pur chased by the introduction of a measure o f such oppression and injustice as this was, that he did not envy the govern ment which brought forward such • measure, and claimed the applause of the country for relieving other classes of the esmmunity by the instrumentality of this bill. (hear.) They had at length a worthy successor to Mr. Pitt, a Phenix Chancellor of the Exchequer—n Chancellor of the Exche quer who alone has arisen out of the ashes of Mr. Pitt with redoubled lustre, and the only one who had ventured to attempt that which Mr. Pitt tailed to effect. (Hear.) He would leave the house and the country to judge whether if this measure was one of such manifest advantage, if it was so just and fair, some other minister would not be found since Mr. Pitt's time to avail himself of such a re source. (lieu, ;hear) Ho would ask whether such en attempt did not rather indicate • rashness in reviving what had been defeated before than a marvelious skill ii attempt. ing somethieg new. (Hear, hear.) After urging argu ments illestrative of what he believed to be the injustice of the measure, the noble earl said—and in passing, he might remark that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, for the first time in public affairs, resorted to the system which 1 every one condemned as most uneconomical in private life 1 —the raising of mon: y by means of post obit bonds; for on the part of the public the Chancellor of the Exc hequer, in order to raise money for the present time, was authorised to anticipate the payments upon revenions,and to make persona so paying in advance an allowance calculated upon the basis of the time which would elapse before the sums would otherwise become payable. Certainly that was • new mode of raising money, and he cou d not help think ing that the right ban. gentleman must have had some doubts as to the continuance of this bill, and had, therefore, thought it wise to take what he could get as speedily as possible, for there did not appear to be any provision for refunding these payments made in advance should the bill after becoming law, be repealed. lie (the Earl of Derby) would next pass to the machinery by which it was proposed to secure the payment of the duty, a point from which he had been diverted by the consiatrution of these payments in advance. Having discuased the bill in this aspect, the noble earl concluded—he hail now stated to their lordships the principal objection which he had to this bill. Ile had endeavoured to show that there was no reason to impose any additional tax upon the land ; that with regard to settled property, it would lead to little else but fraud and erasion, and that it would plunge the country from one end to the other in litigation. lie hod also shown that the bill, for the first time, put an end to the distinction which had always existed between settled and devised property, and in doing so, by is retrospective operation, subjected the owners of all settled property to a most grievous oppression and annoyance, for which no corresponding pecuniary advantage would be gained; that to carry the measure into effect, their lord ships mast sanction most inquisitorial powers in the tom missioasse—powere laying bare the most private transac tions; tag from time to time they would be free from that MR unpleasant of positions—that of an un disc debtor to the crown. He had shown that the bill would fall with the greatest weight upon the poorer class and he felt justified is that, ere long, if t his bill became law, their table MW lie MeMined with petitions from those classes, can plidais of Ma amts. This was not • bill temporary in its mare la • Immanent measure, upon which the whole finanaleilliala etas Chancellor of the Exchequer rested. Notwitialeibg alb be and hie friends, from a desire not to enthental the illegniel questions of the government, would an diens the laws magi the second reading of this bill, barn Vali IMO 1111111 MI with saying " non.content." At the ease MEI they wait set amennt to allow the bill to pass in he esselitisa mad he mild not ea that he am Mi from the mom wait be proposed to tan by eassidention of :A a villes• of the other hews etpediswent. If their I iesemaable, how ever unjust might be the course by the House of Commons, Mao aught to alter that coarse, it would be better for them to give up their functions altogether, and net p thesesk the awe et having money bills sent We tom et ea. ant he trusted that the of amtmems =old not push matters to amt en extent, as to endanger in any degree the public amiss. He would, therefore, not hesitate to submit to Mei laiships upon going into committee upon the bill, taleefinewis upon some of the clauses. The first amend mentermal be upon the second clause of the bill, in which M nand propose to leave oat the words, .. past or," by whisk the es poefacto character of the measure would be take away , and the bill be rendered entirely prospective in lie ifplication. He did not say that there might not be ISM toe other amendments which he might feel it his lay to submit to the house. There was one sear melnaly upon which he should ask the judgment et ask Iniships, and though he was not yet prepared to gift la what shape it would be in its effect it would ask then wh they were satisfied to adopt this measure, not es anew stgelting over any temporary difficulty, bat as • pammeset means of raising the revenues of the country. (Cheers.) The Doke of ARGYLL having answered Lord Derby's partimdar =helices, urged that they must consider the mem= sea pietism of the aural scheme of finance. He was quite alas', to spare the budget of the pre sent government with that of their predeesmon, for he was certain the pressat would not suffer. In the span et tear seethe than had been two great finan =l salmeents, bon =pens lege remissions, and im pedes sew tans. • pest Ilea of the tea duties was =ltry both, swoe ma =gee= of the area of the x, though le a Mk= form. Beyond these plats et geseitea the mend= of the late govern ment wan stolen sheen to two artielse—malt sad begs, emeenthig to abeam 1. If any new tax whatever wee pepsin, the imentry was entitled to know the esendly et it: - The read.= were wholly In favour of the bah= et the post goverment. The two articles of malt Gad lisp woe eetkely essented with as great article of seeemeglien, mad ea se nide was thee a lee call for a remake el tenets. The taxes en ell the atticles of gewmplism—sere, lea, sad selles, ether —had ha ease mental sr irien • and, as lislS late:set of the atillOntat was esseenied, this Ime the veil last tax they might to remit. The pro peen was made not is math in the inn= et the wasvgase as of the pens=; bat the relief te the lean kneed would hew base very • ' .ki Wein sod a wend Inge asselled ups. non the simmes et the her lin o god the iewlig et that grins= bogies, the hewn arr. The sew lea =gni& by the peewee gnaw him as elate ills legacy duty _MI = saesin snail y le itis nese palish It was madlessi = an n gawk Is make mins= of direst teas as to to deal with and finally to dispense with the =B. The noble earl had treated this =peed with embilleabie bat head made no masa at all that woad how that itf. Theupk it was stew= te way what might happen a MOD—the male el l %tobe la eMes then—(a lano)—theigh they could not parliament to abrade ae inane tax at any Gas peeled, yet they plaided • Ma by news el this bill whisk weld enable penmen le ile so it they wise Oa =alai late cabs, the =son goverwain Ll= the imams tax in awry awkward position; ad a had lima made by the noble earl, which we mat te threw a large Maim= burden ea reel 1 .15- S as atte s zted to 'stabile that ingerees of a duty, bow mad the vale lied have prevented its being multi further t Whim the pee= government sate Wee power heed it weessery Is deal with the teartaX. sad en round for a seilitute, they send led awe mire than Man the legacy thez eklab to duty se gassesisme le property. Far ye= there had beta email maims to haw of such a tan, meekly re sisted by dna= Cheacenen of the Exchequer. Mr. Pitt had originally peeped to Wade real property In his bill of 1805; and the result of lb omission was that while younger seas were subject to the tax, the Year essayed. (Hear, hear.) After the distinct declarationi et the late goverament, thrash their Chancellor of the Ex chequer, that the litisay duties were • system of injustice, the =seat - government could use no course more egerilmit with their pads, and with right and jostles, the to extend the tax cm geseessions to all property. It had bee correctly stated nail new had set buss sigh ponies spina it. He Inked hewed to a madam= of thee of remise= et ha= taxes whisk had been of such signal bombs to the seentry. He wee net ea who regarded the bee= tax as • wee tax entirely. It had sever produced seek beastita es axing the period WON ISti By passing the bill new beim the house they wield, however, have as coppertfr ally of getting rid of that tax is 1810. (Hear.) The Earl of IIALMEBBURY said he could sot eased to Mr. Ohba= =eh ananial experisan —laden, the right ligasegable penes= klemen wield eel lay dais le it ; bat he did nasals lo his as everybody nest do, that high moral ebanarat whisk he had slave maintained, bath by his exazaphi =I If his boas were • tree impression of the dela lisa le g:X lama's sated, and sestalagd • true dieurailien alb hidings, the NW peat otiose le must haw le view mast be the ad weeemset and the easinseswg of • lick moral standard ie all =tan iallasesed by pile e&in. Bat he had =vernier founded all his lamelel Fella open offend& goes engem of the worst peed= alma mien. His mess= upwind ups he suiliege of kemin whin. He pospessi ethane that Wadi an liaresaingiy Ware then nie get le parliameat, but the Ahab et whin weeld fall upon pent= not in a posit slashed 'hingeless. Ie his loss f ee the conversion of et= he baps by attempting • =a people who had seep le the teas fate the ides the conversion of the Three per Own wee aimed • mann et esetainty ; whereas the meet digligelhed paw tied lemegiel authorities living would have Mid Um that gent es west was nearly =possible. Bat the eight hes. palkeign% *en was Se week en the bed mine et ear Men, sin spa es eptillin dein to sesenh to gui an we liessit • gemendea data we Bet likely to teeth their isehhips thmmelves; hamlet of them, se well as the =when sine ether been, had probably inherited as much ' se am mgeaed to get ; mad it was • most immoral thing to sealle_pelenty with demands they ought to pay . them - ' selves. Me bed said this was a tax cowardly in its principle. Its asthma is 1798, like the right hon. gentleman, thought they ahead Gall have to face one man at a time. Each erarmarst paid the tax, and then disappeared ; so that they send awn get up any public feeling to bear upon the ineiftr of the day. His (Lord Malmesburfa) anise et • pied tax was that it should, year by year hies an Ilio eremilag amen to the Exchequer. They might mid* say that the amount derived from this impost Mall kb. . seas, as the prosperity and the property of the linlo7 THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 23, 1853. ,increased ; but he thought that the effect would turn out to be quite the contrary; for it would depreciate the value of property, and pretest the accumulation of wealth. But just look at the moral i consequences that would ensue. Of course the Chancel ' for of the Exchequer's only care was to get as much money, I and as quietly as passible. To be sure his bill would make all men Patriots ; for every man would die for itts country, and his successor would " bleed" for its good. (Laughter.) Of course if a man disinherited hit son, and left his pro , perty to his servant, he would be so much the more a patriot, because then the country would get 10 per cent., instead of one. The bill would hardly square, it was true, with recent legislation far promoting the public health ; because it was obvious that I those periodical mortalities, the recurrence of which the appointment of the Board of Health had been designed to check, would be a sort of harvest for the right hon. gentleman. From these sickly seasons the right lion. gentleman would have derived much additional profit, and by that means would be enabled to present many more brilliant budgets. (Laughter.) But only think what would be the effect of the measure upon the Chanellor of the Exchequer's social position. The Chaucellor of the Exchequer was never a very popular character—(laughter) —but inasmuch as • great deal of the taxation had hitherto been indirect, and as even the direct taxation was not at all to be compared for injustice and oppression to this—the ' right hon. gentleman, fur the time being, had been pretty well received in society. (Renewed laughter). But what would his position be now ? lie would be a sort of vulture soaring over society and inviting for the harvest of death. (Laughter.) Ile would be the heir of every man's pro perty ; and every man would hold his property under the crown wl'o had formerly held it independently. (Hear, hear.) Under such a state of things, be could hardly con ceive the right hon. gentleman approaching even his col leagues, and asking, even in the most coeventional manner, after his health. (Great laughter.) He (Lord Mainzer bury) was prehaps wroag in jesting upon a subject of such importance. The proposal to base the calculation of a man's life interest upon a set of tables was manifestly absurd. It might indeed be fair if everybody were placed in exactly the same circumstances—if everybody died at 70—if every one married at 25, and had a sun exactly nine months after his wedding. (A laugh.) The chances of life of a man 59 years of age might be much greater than those of one at 21, but the latter would, Unless, have to pay much more. They did not do so at the insurance offices. If a noble lord wished to imam his life a doctor would be called in to see him; his pulse would be felt, a stethescope would be applied to his chest, and inquiries would be made as to his former mode of life. If there was any blot ho must pay for it; and if his life was a bad one it would be refused altogether. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl concluded by giving notice that he should move amendments exempting title deeds from production, and timber from taxation. Take the case of a person inheriting timber from a tenth cousin and paying ten per cent. It must be borne in mind that this timber already paid an income tax of 3 per cent., making in all a tax of 13 per cent. Now the highest duty on Baltic timber was only 9 per cent., while Canada timber paid only • nominal duty of a shilling, and staves were entirely free. The effect, then, of the bill would I e to impose a tax upon the home-grown article greater than the highest foreign duty, and in some cases five times as much. Even as a financial (operation the proposal was not credit able. (Hear.) The bill was one of pains and penalties; and it was ono that would keep open the ledger with the government till th i ejrave closed over the person in pos session. (Rear, hear. Earl GRANVI said the noble earl had taken the noble duke to task for having indulged in • disquisition upon different budgets ; and then he went off in a compari son of the rival budgets of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli. The strongest possible epithets had been lavished on the bill ; but he did not expect to hear the terms absurd and cowardly applied to it. As to the objection which had been taken to the tables, of course it was impossible to avoid eases of hardship ; but it should be remarked that, in the case of personal property the tax was charged upon the whole value. The proposal of the go vernment, therefore, was • mitigation of the law. So with respect to the consanguinity tables, the question was rather to proportion the amount of the tax to the degree of expectancy ; and if they lowered the 10 per cent. they must increase the lower per eentsges. With regard to natural children, their position had been fixed by the law, and mild not be al tered in an incidental manner by a bill like this. If the present bill were rejected, it would take away from the government the power of giving the great relief to the people at large, which the budget proposed to give. As to the objection that there would be • difficulty in getting a remission of duty where it might be properly claimed, he contended it was only imaginary; and there need be no unnecessary exposure, for those parts of the deeds which did not refer to the particular question, might be sealed up from the observation of the commissioners. Then with regard to timber, if they admitted the principle that pro perty must pay a tax on succession, would any one contend that timber was not property ? It was clearly property ; and on no principle ofjustice could they exempt it from the tax they levied on all other sorts of property. He hoped the noble earl would lay on the table the amendments which he intended to propose, as he was sure he did not wish to take the government, or the house, by surprise. Lord ST. LEONA/LDS did not wish to continue the discussion, because he should have several amendments to move in committee. He wished, however, to know whether he was right in supposing the noble earl opposite to have said that brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law were to be ex onerated ? He also wished to know whether there was to be any alteration as to husband and wife? The LORD CHANCELLOR said his noble friend did not put it quite so high as he might have done. He stated that by the present bill • son-in-law or daughter-in-law would stand in the same position as a son or a daughter. His noble friend might have put it higher; a brother-in law would stand in the same position as a brother, and a sister-in-law as a sister. There would be no alteration as to husband and wife ; they *d no duty on succession now. The Earl of HARROWBY was opposed to the bill. If the balance was fairly struck at the present moment, any man who gave a fair and candid opinion would admit that the land contributed more than its fair proportion to the burdens of the country. One of the effects of the bill would be to make • man a slave to his lawyer, and involve him in greater expense than the tax itself. AU the difficulties they were inflicting on the land would press more severely on small proprietors than large ones ; and he really did think, looking at all the evils which must arise from the measure, that it had been most hastily undertaken. It wee a tax against which no great slaues could remonstrate, end it was much safer to tax classes that could remonstrate than these that could not. He did not know whether he should support any of the amendments to be proposed, but be disapproved of the principle of the measure. The Earl of DERBY said that in answer to the appeal which had been made to him, it would be impossible for him to lay on the table Nu speak amendments which he might move on the or the bill through committee. The bill bad rely besa7aYtmd that morning,and they had had very little time te madder more than the main prin ciple. He could ast, theeseare, say that he would lay on the ts• ineendemmte whisk might be found necessary, or not, In the Meenrelin ef the theme; but he might state that oar enaendrmnt whisk he should move would be on the se cond clams, ma the Whet of it would be to make the appli cation ef the bill eaving es the interests of all existing set tlements. He aboniddra move a clause for limiting the operation of the MU to five years. The bill was that read a second time. The Land Revenues Bill wee read a third tints and The The Colonial Church Regulation Bill was reported, with amendments, and ordered to be read a third time on Monday. Their lordships adjourned at 20 minutes to 10 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FaIDAT, JULY 22. The SIMLA& took the chair shortly after 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Pemberton Leigh's Estate Bill was read a third time and passed. The Galway Harbour Bill was considered and ordered to be read a third time. Ward Jackson's Estate Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. DOCKYARD Lord SEfiiOUR, brought 4th.,l7linT of the con. mittee on dockyard appointments, which was ordered to be printed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. TENANT COIIIIWEeIdi:(Iiiiii.ANB) BILL. The committee on this bill was thin resumed. elisusiisr;s4Weirio. --- - On clause 10, which provides that if after the registration of the requisite declaration by the tenant, the landlord shall, by any proems of law, evict him, it shall be lawful for the tenant to proceed against the landlord for compensation for much eviction._____ _ _ Colonel OREVILLE moved to insert in line 32 of the clause, before the word " default," the word " wilful," with the view of enabling an evicted tenant, whose non payment of rent was not a wilful act, to claim compensa tion for any improvements which be might have effected. After some conversation, the committee divided, when there appeared, For the amendment 47 Against it 65-18 Mr. DISFFY loped the hon. end learned gentleman. (Mr. Napier) would re-consider the clause, with a view to amending it in the manner suggested by the hon. and learned member (or Ennis (Mr. Fitzgerald). Mr. NAPIER intimated that he would do so. Clasen 10 to 13 were then agreed to. On clause 14, providing that the tenant should be entitled to corn for improvements made before the /pass ing of *art if evicted, Viscount KONCH objected to the clause, on the ground that no limit was affixed to the claim for compensation, and that it would operate injuriously to the tenants them ' seine._ He should aa9v, its omission. Mr GROGAN said by another clause in the bill the claim to improvement wu limited to twenty years. Re would move to insert the words, "at any time before the expiration of ten years from the date of the completion of such improvements." Mr. NAPIER t►ought that if the principle of compen sation were a good one, it was so independently of the limi tation of time. He had found the principle recognised in the Poor Law Act and the Valuation Act; and in his opi nion there should in this cue be no limit to its application. The committee then divided on Mr. Orogan's amend ment. For the amendment 42 Airaiast it Lord C. HAMIL lON moved the insertion of the words "Kot sieeedtag four rim yearly rented mane." The committee divided : • For the amendment Mt Against Mr. OROGAN moved to insert at the end of the act, " Provided always that 12 months after the p aring of the act the tenant shall give notice of the improvements effected." Mr. NAPIER, believing that the hon. member's object was to obtain a register, would confer with his colleagues in the committee on the matter, and introduce a provision on the bringing up of the report. After a short discussion, Mr. ROCHE said that If any register were introduced, it would completely destroy the clause. The tenant would serve notice of improvement., and the landlord would serve notice to quit, and the withdrawal of one would be made conditional on the withdrawal of the other. Thus all im provement would be prevented, and the bill would be de stroyed altogether. Mr. CONOLLY protested against the clause uan in vasion of the rights of property. Mr. DRUMMOND said that this clause was of the very essence of the bill, and would, he trusted, remedy the pre sent exceptional state of the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland. When the present evils were removed, the best way would be to leave landlord and tenant to the guidance of common sense, se in this country. Sir A. BROOKE denied that there were any differences between landlord and tenant in Ireland. (Loud laughter.) He feared that if improvements were not clearly defined the clause would lead to endless litigation. The amendment wu withdrawn. Sir J. WALSH opposed the clause as a whole ; and The committee divided : Ayes lO3 Noes 43-60 Clause agreed to. Clauses to 19 inclusive were agreed to without dis euevion. . _ On clause 20, confining the operation of the clause to Ireland, Capt. AIICHDALL, in the absence of Sir W. Verner, moved that the clause be struck out. _ _ Mr. NAPIER exElained that the same necessity did not exist in the two countries. Mr. DUNLOP complimented the right hon. member for Dublin University on the zeal and ability he had displayed in the conduct of the bill. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Dun- AW) had devoted four months to it in the committee, but din not regret the time spent, should it produce the expected results in the sister country. Mr. GROGAN bore testimony to the zeal and attention of the hon. member who had just spoken, from whom the committee had received several valuable suggestions. Mr. LUCAS admitted the attention and care with which the right hon. member for the University of Dublin had conducted the bill. Mr. KIRK feared that the bill would not prove satisfac tory in the north of Ireland. The amendment was withdrawn, and the clause and schedules were agreed to. Mr. SCULLY proposed M insert the following clause " Any judgment or decree obtained under this act, in re spect of compensation for improvements executed by any tenant who has been evicted Cromer put out of possession of his holding, shall be the first charge thereon ; and, in de fault of payment within the time limited by the court in that behalf, shall entitle the tenant to go forthwith into actual possession, or into receipt of the rents and profits of suck holding as mortgagee thereof, and continue in poems aims or receipt until fully paid off with interest and costs." On the question that the bill be read a second time, a division was taken, and the numbers were— For the antis Against it The house then roamed, and the bill was ordered to be retorted on Monday. PILOTAGE BILL. The house having gone into committee on this , Clause 1 was put and agreed to. On claim 2, regulating the granting ofDicenses, Mr. HENLEY moved to add the following proviso : " That no such license shall be granted until three months after the regulations hereinafter provided to be made by the Trinity-house shall have been published and sent to the Court of Loadmanage, and to the Society or Fellowship of Cinque Port Pilots. The proviso was added, and the clause as amended ordered to stand part of the bill. Clause 4 was agreed to. To clause 5 the following proviso was added, on the mo tion of Mr. M. Smith Provided always, that nothing herein contained shall be .leemed to confer any privilege of piloting above Gravesend and Stangate Creek respectively upon any pilots, by whatever pilotage authority they may be licensW, except with the concurrence of the said Trinity House in the cue of each pilot." The clause was agreed to as amended, as were clauses 6 and 7. Oa clause 8. Mr. WOREGOR suggested, in this clause, words might be introduced so far to increase the reduced charges for pilotage, as to keepup the sum applicable to superannuating the Cinque Porta pilots to 8481. a-year. Sir J. YOUNG said as it was now 4 o'clock, it would be too late to go into the question of the superaqnuation fund, end suggested that the hon. gentleman should bring it for ward when the bill was again in committee. The clause was agreed to and the house resumed—com mittee to sit again on Tuesday at 12. Sir J. GRAHAM stated that the bill for manning the navy, and other bills, now standing for 12 on Monday, would stand for 1, at which hour the house would meet in stead of 12. The sitting was then suspended till 6 o'clock. The house resumed at 6 o'clock. __ FAIRS AND MARKETS IN IRELAND. Mr. BUTT asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland, what proceedings had been taken by the Commissioners of In quiry into Fairs and Markets, in Ireland, appointed by the warrant of the 29th day of September, 1862, whether they had yet made any report, and whether their report, when made, together with the evidence taken by them, would be communicated to the house ; and whether it was intended to introduce any meuure on the subject in the present session? ________ _ _ _ _ Sir YOUNG said be hoped the report and the evi dence would be printed, and in the hands of members in a few days. There would be no chance of carrying a bill though this session, and he had not one prepared. THE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE, Mr. DIRIABLI said the noble lord stated the other night that he would take an early opportunity of informing the house what course he proposed to pursue with regard to the conduct of public tamer. It would, perhaps, be convenient if the noble lord would make his statement that evening. Lord. RUSSELL said he should take the opportunity of doing so on moving, as he now did, that the house, on its rising, should adjourn till Monday. He had, in the first I place, to remind the house that it would not be his duty to propose on that occasion that a number of bills which had gone through several stages should be given up. There were two or three bills which, as had already been intimated, would not be proceeded with; but the government had not brought forward any bills except such as seemed to require the consideration of the house with a view to their being passed during the present maks. There was one bill with respect to which he had been asked a question more than once—he referred to the Education Bill. He had now to state that, being exceedingly anxious that the house should proceed with the Charitable Trusts Bill, which was read a second time on the previous night, foreseeing that great benefit would arise from the passing of that measure, he was afraid that the occupying a night in the dhesedes of the Education Bill on the sewed reading might interfere with the progress of the Charitable Trusts Bill, and of soma other public buainess before the house. He should, therefore, though with great regret, move the postponement of the Education Bill. With regard to the coarse of other business, the house would recollect that there were three very important measures which had been for a considerable time under discussion. One was the Income Tax Bill in its present shape as ex tended to Ireland ; and there was the Succession Duty Bill, both of which had passed through that house ; the third was a bill which stood for committal that evening —he referred to the Government of India Bill. As those bills had taken up a considerable portion of time, he had not thought it right to allow any other business to interfere with their progress. He was happy to be enabled to say that the time was not distant when the third of these bills would leave that house to be considered by the other house. lie hoped to fix Monday week, the Ist of August, for the committee of supply, with the view of taking the remain ing votes. There was sufficient business already fixed to occupy next week. They had yet before them many bills of considerable importance ; and he trusted that the house, having regard to the lateness of the session, would consent to allow orders of the day to take precedence on Tuesday as well as on other days. (Cheers.) He was sure that at that late period of the session there would be more public business done, and the public welfare would be better consulted under that arrangement than in the exist ing one. There must be—although he had not looked at them with the view of considering which of the bills could go on—there must be several bills fixed for Wednesday which had hardly a chance of being carried to a successful issue in the present session, and he honed that hon. gentle men who had charge of them would allow public business, such, for example, as the committee of supply, to proceed on Wednesday, instead of persisting in urging forward bills which could not be carried at present. On Monday next, he should move that orders of the day have precedence on Tuesday. He now moved the adjournment till Monday. A WINTER SESSION. Mr. DRUMMOND asked whether an alteration might not take place in the period when the public accounts are made up, in order that the parliamentary session might be held in winter instead of summer? RUSSIA AND TURKEY. Mr. LAYARD said—l will take this opportunity of put ting to the noble lord a question of which I gave him no tice last night. It is now exactly a fortnight since the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, requested me to put off a motion of which I had given notice, because negotiations were then in progress. It is understood that those nego tiations consisted of a joint proposal of this country and France to the government of Rassia I assented to the re quest of the noble lord; and it will be in the recollection of the house that the noble lord stated at that time that be would give me an early day to bring on this question. I have since been given to understand that the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has stated in another place that he will be prepared in a very few days, whether the pro. pool bee bon sacaptod or not, to lay the papers con meted with the subject before the house. Sir, during the last fortnight events of very great importance have taken place in the east of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I will venture to say that in the whole history of the intercourse of nations acts so nojustillable, se outrageous, so dangerous as those committed during the last three months, have never before been committed in Europe. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the government of Russia has sent a large body of troops into Vith proviates of Moldavia and Wallachia. Not oily have they taken military possession of those provinces, but they have actually taken possession of a great part of their civil administration ; and we now learn that they are occupying and fortifying, not only the principal towns of those provinces, but even the military stations of the Danube. Moveover, communi cations, which I must say are very insolent, not only to Turkey, but, as I think the house will agree with me, to this country also, have been put forward in a manner which is unprecedented in the history of diplomacy. (Hear, hear.) A kind of crusade has been preached in Russia—a crusade against a neighbouring power, which has been characterised by one of the most offensive terms that could be used—the term infidel—(hear,hear)— a crusade which has been preached in one of the provinces of that power, while • prince of one of the provinces has been induced to take part in a thanksgiving on account of a crusade which is directed against his suzerain. (Hoar, hear.) And what is the consequence of this ? Net only is Turkey being put to great expense, not only are her resources being exhausted, but she has been obliged to call frem the field those on whose labour the population is almost entirely de pendent for its subsistence. I know, on the hest authority. that at this moment there is very great danger of a general outbreak in Turkey, and that that event may occur at any moment. (Hear, hear.) Now I presume that acts such as these, which outrage the public law of Europe, which put an end to all those treaties upon which the European sys tem, and consequently the peace of Europe, is based, and trample them under foot—l say these acts merit the serious attention of Her Majesty's government. I venture to say that there it not a weak state in Europe which does at this moment feel the greatest alarm at this state of things, I which does not feel that that which has occurred yesterday may occur again to morrow, and that the powerful states may be led to annex the weaker. (Hear, hear.) And, for• tooth, we are told that these outrageous acts are merely ne gociations. (Hear, hear.) I presume that her Majesty's government, having a very laudable desire to maintain the peace of Europe, and to make every sacrifice to maintain it, had, nevertheless, made an unqualified and energetic pro test against acts such as thete, and have taken means to pre vent them from being received as precedents in similar cases hereafter; and I think justice requires —not justice to this country only, but justice to Europe—that any protests which may have been made should be placed before the house and the public, that we may have an opportunity of judging whether they are adequate to the great importance of the subject; and whether they are such as we, as a nation, ought to have made. (Hear, hear.) I must say, further, that if such protests have not been made, then those mem bees who feel as I do on this subject ought to have an op portunity of registering their solemn protests against a policy which would in that case be inconsistent with the dignity, the honour, and the true interests of this country, and dangerous, as I maintain, not only to Turkey, bat to every weak state of the continent of Europe. Every hour's delay at the present moment increases the opportunity of Russia. (Hear, hear.) We know what is past ; we know how far we can rely upon the assurances which have been given, and how much, therefore, we can rely upon the as surances which are now given, and which might otherwise lead us to believe that Russia is inclined to take the pro positions made to her into her favourable consideration. Let the house remember that if the negotiations can only be protracted for a few months longer, our fleet will be com pelled either to violate what Russia has declared to be a treaty, and thus to bring about a cans belli, or to return to its winter anchorage at Malta. (Hear, hear.) We are told that Russia will not leave the principa lities; we are told, by what is often considered an organ of Russia, and is regarded as not unfavourable to its views, that Russia having entered into a contract for nine months' provisions, cannot leave except on the condi tion of being paid the expenses of her invasion. Such a demand reminds me of an old story of the cut, that when an invader had settled himself on the inhabitants of the country, not content with devouring their provisions, he made them pay for the wear and tear of bis teeth in the operation. (Great laughter.) Ido hope that the papers on this subject will be presented to the house a sufficient period before the end of the session to enable the house to form an opinion on this great question before they sepa rate ? I do entreat the noble lord the member for the City of London to appoint a day, either this day week, or, if more convenient to the noble lord, Monday week, whether the propositions made shall have been accepted or rejected, for the discussion of this momentous subject in this house. Lord J. RUSSELL said—Before I advert to the question which has been put to me by the hoe. member for West Surrey (Mr. Drummond), I will state what I think has been the course of proceedings with respect to that very interesting and important question to which the hon. mem. ber for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard) has called the attention of the house. The house will recollect that at an early period, when questioned upon this 'abject, I stated that demands had been made by Prince Menchikoff upon the government of Turkey, which, in the opinion of that government, and in the opinion of her allies, England and France, were in consistent with the independence of Turkey. At a later period, I stated, in answer to a question, that her Majesty's fleet had been ordered to leave Malta and proceed to Bealka Bay, in the neighbourhood of the Straits of the Dardanelles. The hon. gentleman speaks of negotiations. That proceeding hardly comes under the designation of negotiations. It was intended as a proof, it is a proof, how much her Majesty has at heart the independence and inte grity of the Turkish dominions. (Loud cheers.) But, sir, when the hon. gentleman complains that papers have not been laid on the table, and that this house has not ,been placed in a position to give an opinion on the course of pro ceedings of her Majesty's government, I must say that I think of all preparations for war the beat is to exhaust every means to obtain peace—(cheen)— that it is not until all means of negotiations have been tried and have been found wanting, that any ministers would be justified in placing at hazard that peace which has lasted so many years, and by which the prosperity, the wealth, the commerce, and the liberties of Europe have so largely benefited. (Cheers.) But if this be the cue, I think the house will agree at once that while those negotiations are being carried on, they will be better carried on from go vernment to goverment, than they could be carried on by laying all the papers connected with the negotiations before a popular assembly, and exposing to popular debate the conduct of governments. (Hear, hear.) Sir, in saying this, I no doubt ask much from the forbearance of the house—l ask much from the confidence of the house; but I do it on no party grounds. (Hear, bear.) I do not ask it of one party rather than another, but in full reliance on the patriotism of this house and on the consideration which this house will always give to any persons who happen for the moment to be ministers of the crown. (Hear, hear.) I have only to add, therefore, that thou negotiations, so far from being brought to a close, have hardly had a commencement. (Hear, bear.) Consi dering the distance—considering the necessity of applying to Constantinople to learn the wishes and opinions of the Turkish government, the communications that have taken place between France and this country, and the distance, again, of St. Petersburg—l think the house will not wonder when I say that those negotiations are not in a state to be laid before this house. My noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has declared elsewhere that as soon as his public duty will permit, he will lay the papers before the house. Sir, I will own that there appears to be some disadvantage in not making a protest against, or an answer to, papers which have been rather ostentatiously circulated throughout Europe. (Hear, hear.) The despatch which was written by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, has, however, ap peared before the public—(hear, hear)--a most able state ment, containing very convincing reuons—(hear, hear) — stating facts which undoubtedly weaken, if they do not altogether do away with, the statements made in the state paper to which it is an answer. (Hear, hear.) Had it been the custom or usage of this country to give papers sepa rately, the present government would have been happy to have given to the house the despatch of Lord Clarendon on the same subject, in which there is used a similar line of argument ; but in conformity with the wage which has always been followed by parliament, we think it right to reserve that paper till the other papeis can be laid before the house. For my own part, I entirely agree with what was stated at the time when I was absent from the house by my noble friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department. We are ready to rely on the forbear ance of this house as long as forbearance can properly be given. If we were unhappily to fled that those negotia tions would not be terminated honourably, satisfactorily, and peaceably, we should as confidently rely on the pa triotism of this house and its determination to support the honour of the country. (Cheers.) I will only say, further, that the conduct of the Emperor of the French and his government has been in entire accordance with that of her Majesty's goverment—(heir, hear)—that the two I powers are engaged to maintain the faith 01 - 7e7,,7;7 - ' • ' serve, if possible, the peace of Europe, and to preserve it with the honour of both countries unsullied, with a view no the maintenance of the happiness of Europe and the peep of the world. (Loud cheers.) Mr. LAYARD said the noble lord had not said anything about the delay in presenting the papers. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that after what he had already said the hon. gentleman could not expect him to enter Into the question any further. (Btu, hear.) Wi t h regard to the question raised by his hon. frii net the member for West Surrey as to their sitting in the winter and having their holidays in the summer, he wished to soy that he wu one of those who entirely agreed with his hue. friend; but whenever that house had met at an early period of the autumn, as it did last year, he certainly had nut found an advantage arising from it. (Hear, litar.) He thought it possible that next year they would be able to finish the session at the end of June or the beginning of July, and that would perhaps be a proper OC,`lii.oll to have an autumn session, in order to shorten the period of summer sitting, THE PETERBOROUGH PETITION. Mr. BRIGHT said he understood that in the course of the evening the Peterborough committee had been nomi nated in accordance with the resolution. It would be seen that in the motion ho had made he had hi: lowed the prece dent of the Stamford committee, nod bad stated as hi s rea son for reducing the number of the committee from nine to seven that he wished himself to re present the petitioners in the committee, and that another gentleman might be supposed to represent Lord Fitzwilliam, while the other five members might be totally unconnected with the case either way, and therefore in a position to form an impartial judg. meta. In his view that arrangement had been tacitly ati ccpted by the house in granting the committee. Now, however, lie found that the committee had been struck to I consist of seven members, as was expected, hut that his (Mr. Bright's) name was excluded. There might p i chaps b e i n his place some very stiong friend of Lord l'itzwitiam's—h e dared say it would turn out to be the case, but otherwise there would be no gentleman in the committee who knew anything about the matter, and therefore it would be cues nary that counsel should be employed. That would cost something ; and besides he did not think it would be the beat mode of eliciting the truth. Personally he should be glad to be excused, but he had moved for the committee with the understanding that he was to be a member, follow ing the precedent of the Stamford case, upon which Mr. Page Wood, who had moved for the committee, was nomi nated, lie did rot think that Ine course which had been taken was the best calculated To promote a fair investi gation, but, having made these elhczeationn, he khould take between that time and Monday to consider what further steps it would be necessary for him to take in the matter. . ~ - CASE OF PHILLIPS TILE CABMAN. Lord PALMERSTON took that opportunity of stating, with reference to the police case which hail been alluded to on the previous evening, that he had communicated with the magistrate on the subject, and understood the circum stances to be these :—Two persons, a driver and a hirers had come before him (the magistrate) in consequence of a difference of opinion as to the distance that hail been gone over, and the amount of fare. The magistrate on hearing the case decided that the cabman Lad mule an overcharge but added that if the cabman wished to have the gratin/ measured he might do so, on the usual deposit of is. (each) being paid by the potties, as a sort of stake that they would abide by the decision. The fare offered was 4s. 6d., and that demanded was ss. or something more, and the magistrate informed Lim (Lord Palmerston) that the cabman declined the moue:emu:it, without assigning the want of money as a reason. He merely declined generally, upon which the magistrate sea. teased him to a fine of 40s. for charging more than his fare. The fine not being paid he was committed for a month, bat the fine had since been paid, and the cabman was now at liberty. (Cheers.) GOVERNMENT OF INDIA BILL. The house having resolved itself into committee on this bill, resumed the consideration of the 32nd clause. Sir C. WOOD would state the course the govern meat, were prepared to pursue in reference to the questions which had been raised by the amendments proposed to this clause. It was desirable to keep the question as to the admission to Ilaileybury dis tinct from that of the admission to Addiscombe. With re gard to Ilaileybury, the proposal of the government wu that all the admission; should bo open to public competition to the people of India as well as the inhabitants of this country. On the other hand, the amendment of his hon. friend the member for Pomfret (Mr. M. Milnes) by his amendment proposed to retain the present system of nomi nation unchanged so far as the admission to that seminary was concerned ; and his hon. friend the member for Montrose proposed that one-half the number of admissions should be open to public competition, and that the other half should be by the nomination of the dire tors as at present. He (Sir C. Wood) wished to obtain the decision of the committee in favour of the principle of public competition, in which the natives of India as well as the people of this country should be included. (Hear.) They would have to decide, in the first instance, upon the question of competi tion or no competition, which would be raised by the first words of the clause, and afterwards they would, if they admitted the principle of competition at all, have to deter mine upon the amendment of his hon. friend the member for Montrose, that it should apply only to one-half of the whole number of admissions. With regard to the admis sions to the Military Seminary at Addiscombe, he had re ceived strong representations from almost all the member of the Indian committee, stating that under the existing system the young men appointed from that seminary to the artillery and engineering services of the East India Company were loud most competent for their duties, and they were anxious that the system of nomination, which they urged worked extremely well, should not be altered. (Hear. hear.) He confessed that that opinion, expressed as it was almost unanimously by the members of the com mittee and by the chairman, his hon. friend the mem b er for Huntingdon, had induced him to think that he ehould best consult the views of those who were most competent to form an opinion on the subject, by leaving the admission as to Addiscombe as it was—(hear, hear)—retaining the power, or rather increasing the power they now had, of prescribing the nature of the examination and appointing the examiners. He might observe, that he had never in tended that the admission by competition should extend to the infantry and general service, but only to the artillery and engineers —that was the scientific branches. That was all that had been intended ; but it was thought, on further consideration, that the interests of the service would be best consulted by not interfering with the present mode of ad mission to Addiscombe. The last part of the clause re ferred to the medical service, and in reference to that branch he proposed to leave the clause as it was, and to leave the admission open to public competition, is which the people of this country and the natives of India would be eligible. Mr. HUME moved in line 5 to insert words confining the competition admissions to one-half of the whole number. Sir H. MADDOCK opposed the amendment. ' Mr. V. SMITH did not see the difficulty which the hon. gentleman who had just spoken anticipated from hayloft one-half of the admissions nominated, and the other half dependent on public competition. Lord STANLEY was glad that the right hon. gentle man did not propose to deal with the present system of appointment to the military service, but with regard to the civil service he should support the proposition of the govern ment. After further discussion, The committee divided— For the amendment 39 Against it Mr. BLACKETT eked Sir C. Wood to postpone the consideration of the next clause, as to which he had that evening annouaced a change of intention, until more mem bers were present—that is till some future evening. The change had been unexpected, and some consideration ought to be given to the matter. Sir C. WOOD declined to accede to the request. In the course of a further discussion upon the clause, he took an opportunity to make a statement on the part of the direc tors, expressive of their regret at Mr. Bright's charges against one of their number ; and asking him for particu lars, in order that there might be an opportunity for re futing them. A great deal of time was lost in discussing this purely personal matter. Mr. Bright, being pressed on various sides, gave Mr. Wilkinson as his authority, and Mr. Wilkinson being pressed in his turn, stated that the occurrence had happened to hie brother, but declined to give farther information. Mr. Bright was then once mere appealed to, but made it a matter of honour to adhere to his position; and as he showed no signs of changing his mind, the subject was suffered to drop exactly where it had begun. Mr. OTWAY then, referring to the clause, complained that the right hon. gentleman (Sir C. Wood) had acted disingenuously in having induced a number of members to vote for the clause giving the salary, under the idea that the directors would be deptived of the patronage, and then turning round and giving them the patronage. Sir C. WOOD said the argument of the hon. member would be good against any alteration being made in a bill. The clause was then agreed to. Mr. RICH, after clause 33, rose to move a clause giving greater practical efficiency to the 87th section of the act 3 and 4 Wm. 4, c. 85, which declares that no native of her Majesty's Indian territories, nor any natural born eubjeet of her Majesty, resident therein, should by reason only of has religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the said company. It was the intention of the act of 1833 to open the covenanted service to the natives of India, but the promise held out was never fulfilled. It was quite a mockery to say that the service would be opened to those natives of India who passed the examination of Haile burp, because it was not to be supposed that the natives of India would come over here and submit themselves to all the rigours of our climate—the expense of a long journey and residence here, and the probability, nay, the reality, of losing his caste. (Hear, hear.) The natives of India who attended the colleges which now existed along the banks of the Ganges and the Jumna underwent as extensive and diffi cult examination, and the reward of their diligence and exer tions was some small office of 401, or 601., or 601. a year. Did they suppose that they could educate the natives of India up to a certain point and keep them in their present position ? They could not give the people of India a taste for intellectual improvement and European sweats, without opening to them the rewards of intellectual exertion. (Hear, hear.) He could understand Lord Ellenborough's policy, who said that as India was acquired by the sword, it was to be kept by the sword ; because, although he die . agreed with it, there was logical sequence in But ho