The Express. — London, England, 1847-12-08 00:00:00

..r-..~~ 2 • jpslidaadasel, and not the souk el mamma=; be wished est the threw beset a.kpaen the idle of the people, and Mat Oa the WI let dab ; sod Lay, be wished to Brad tddllelfthe era. cod set the in of the slave. amides.arihrspalenerie aesve " That a eel= Oen abate leap V ile fessieted report on the moor by whisk the of the pedement of Imbed was dead on dream ad= mean apse Uteri and spot ti e labourers to husbnerby sad operstbee I mannfac tyres in England; and on that prehable oraseraisems of eon. tiauing the legislative union Mtwelea the two countries. Mr. I). CALLAGHAN einaried the motion. Pir G. GREY was may the hoe. gentleman (Mr. O'Connor) felt uy ground to complain of Ins (Bir G. Grey) having pat him In au unfair position by the request be had made early is the day, that he would postpone his motion for dm preemie and allow the public humus which pressed to be proceeded with. But after the speech of the bon. member, he (Sir G. Grey) could not help thinking that the hon. member would have exercised a wiser discretion if Le had acceded to the proposition for a postponement. The most discreet part of the hoe. gentleman's speech was its conclusion, when he read the terms of the notice of motion which he had placed on the books on the first day of the session. If be had not read the motion few hon. members who had heard the speech could have conjectured what the hon. gentleman was about to propose. (Hear, end a laugh.) The hon. gentleman had, by going through the history of Ireland, from the time of Edward, shown that, since he was last a member of that Louse, he had acquired much antiquarian lore, but he (Sir O. Grey) thought that many of his histo. rical facts had been combated on a former occasion by the , right boa. baronet near him (Sir R. Peel). Certainly the hon. gentleman had favoured the house to night with en autobiography from an early date down to the period when, by the professional services of two hon. and learned friends, he had been acquitted of charges brought against him. AU this had nothing to do with the motion, which he (Sir 0. Grey) could hardly suppose was seriously intended. The hon. member had detailed the evils of Ireland, but those evils load ell occurred interior to the date of this Act of Union, and, therefore, could not be attributed to that measure. If the hon. gentleman really thought the repeal of the union was desirable, why did he not, instead of moving for a committee to inquire into facts which were already matter of historical record, take the opinion of the house openly and manfully by moving a committee of the whole house on the act of union, with a view of moving a resolution that it was desirable that act should be repealed. This would be a much fairer mode of dealing with the subject. The hon. member has utterly failed in laying down ant ground even for the appointment , of a committee, still less for the larger question. He com plained that Irish lebourers were interfering with the wages of the labourers in this country, but did he mean be repeal. Bog the union to prohibit the emigration here of Irish la b3orers ? Jutted of malting so complete a clearance, parlia ment ought to endermour by wise legislation, by kindness, plummy, and justice, to consolidate the union, and by en. ' tenting the hand of brotherhood te make the two countries still morn closely united. He regretted that the honourable gentliman should have endeavoured to make this question one as between protestauts and Roman catholic., when it had been the object of every sue °melee government to get rid of that sectarian bigotry which had marked the legislation and the government of former times. (Hear, hear.) Thinking the committee proposed would be a mere mockery and delusion, end end in no bene &lel result, but, on the contrary, would lead to mischief, be hoped that instead of leading to a long debate the motion would be at once negatived. (Hear, hear.) Mr F. O'CONNOR was ready to adopt the appeal of the right hon. baronet, and at once move the resolution pointed out by hint in a committee of the whole house, if the right hon. baronet would undertake to second it. (Laughter.) Sir G. GREY said he had made no appeal—he had merely remarked that such would have been the fairest course to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GRATTAN said that as the hon. member for Notting ham had scattered his shot on his (Mr. Grattan's; aide of the hello, he bgg dto offer a few words. He denied that his late father had ever been a rebel, and declared that such a statement was false. (Order, order.) He did not apply that to the bon. member, but to the paper he had introdeced, which contained a falsehood. The hon. member had lib, lied both the late Mr. Grattan and Lord Charlement. The charges made against them were base and unfounded. Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan were never in the list of united Irishmen, and though Lord Castlereagh had joined that body in Belfast, in 1791, to had nothing to do with them in 1796. Such conduct was unbecoming ; he wished not to quarrel with the hon. member, but he would fight him un that ground with the last drop of his blood. (Laughter.) He regretted to see t lents so perverted, in the revival of obso lete animosities, setting one sect against another, animosities which ought now to be forgotten. (Heed.) Without call ing this a claptrap motion, be must say it might tend to frustrate an object which the lion. member professed to have at heart. (Hear.) He charged the hon. member with three or four libels, and he hoped the house would convict bins on their honour. (Laughter, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he preferred to see this ques tion brought forward by the member for an English consti tuency. Though he did not think the motion most oppor tune, he could not refrain from expressing Me sentiments. At a moment when it was doubtful whether there would long be an Irish people to whom to grant a parliament-- when coercive missiles were preparing for that country — when the rancour of religious animosity was in full force— such • motion as this was moat certainly ill timed. As to the first part of the proposed inquiry—the means by which the union was effected—he did not think it well that these misdeeds should be utterly buried in oblivion ; to reesl them might serve as is warning to future statesmen. The means by which the union was carried were the delft. rate fomenting and fostering of a rebellion. It was proved before the secret committee of the Irish House of Lords that eleven menthe before the union one of the colonels of the United Irishmen, named Nicholas M'Ouire, was in constant communication with the government, that after every meeting he studio neon to the castle to report their proceedings, and that he was received and encouraged there. At that time the English ministry had found that the old devicesof misrule end injus tice had become powerlen ; the feeling of nati moiety, both in proteetants and catholic., had waxed too etrong for them, and the aid teak of sowing dissension and spreading division mom Magee imeadte. an became necessary, therefore, to home lieshbei sea rata= whereby the minister sought to elect hit solleleeel=o* Bribery and corruption were dee te. Lead Costiereagh unblush ingly=tast =if seta= lied hoes expended in this way, end that use= arse might be necessary. Notwith standing the eloquent irmasianons of the late Mr. Grattan three millions were spent in this wholesale eorruption, and these millions more in =Wag down the trammed= srlikh lad =en fomented for tiepin's**. Still the deed wee not • gra. By a inn men umetiog no damp ioloonee imesahae were indeed to =lsm their sea= into whit& wire thrust sad ,arise odenesed phis= ; * era thus was the union sleeted. The nand pan at the asegesed inquiry was armed to the oressaimme of the isles. Let say sae cob wished to know those ewe= (=sees look to the patent state of Ireland, its starving , its mad lam= with famine and ever f stalking • =Me land. Could the condition of the country have been peetbly reduced lower under any Irish parliament miliedeemen, than it was after 47 years of imperial misrule ? Dam the union the state of the country was most pros. WM. The Earl of Clare, one of the artificers of the ham whole= kimeidfoompletely to the ends of the British sommiaredoliodased thee no nation in the world had made =WEI allailnalla, arts, and manufactu can tmsoi.tliird enleral ler imieenaieet legislature. Pitt, Mr Hub ble= awl adman, hod avowed that up to 1780 it had been spyeen sheet sf nit tountry to cripple the resources of awl eranhitale iM nob and manufactuns. The pyyt tir =ha heated a mad contrast to that which it; this was abundantly peeved by the report of e easenenn. As to the former period, Lord biamelf,MlBo3, had declared that Ireland, during r i tol al a "k raut front 1790 to 1800, had made a progress which gellenidied Me world. The effect of the union on England leilwe easther branch of the proposed inquiry. Though anshall ads= be happy, Ireland would ever be a bitter deep is bar asp, as long as she wee neglected, as at present. ',bat Innen& whin for relief they were told to rely on themeetno. ant their complaints were disregard and bashot M. Ile emateated that Ireland had a right to pee miry gelid, la aeee of having been deprived by this orinery o ther local mem of employing capital. P r rom a nalemant of the outgoings of Ireland, he found that the ab ated= wale essounted to fire millions; interest cm mort- Wdee Millions ; for English produce and manufao aft= millions ; in all, twenty-one millions, tha air= only amounting to fifteen millions, leasing a &sit of in 'Mona Such a country could not be in a Mate. Then, the potato rot and its conaequencee M Pl ab=sil sixteen or seventeen millions of espital ; and did SO thet esentitute • chitin for relief ? The potato might be hid to represent a considerable part of the Irish currency; prima the wages of labour, the rent of land, the Ida ef clothing ; oonsequently, the failure of that crop had heft eingivalent to destruction of so much of the climate. Mug medium. By the terms of the Act of Union it was pro vided that Ireland should not be subjected to the debt of Greet Britain contracted before the union • the amount of that debt we about 420,000,0001., while that of Ireland was only 28,060.0001. The set provided that these debts should be kegs separate, and that Ireland should contribute to the general expense of the empire to the amount of two-seven. esenela. This estimate, made by Lord Castlereseh, bad been se lyehestght too high, and had been so admitted by ant ilitPah ministers. In certain contingeoties— cae of , the paying off of the national debt, wee impels. eale-4he taxation of the two countries was to be equalised. The ben. member proceeded to contend that by the conaob talien the excheqeers, the act of union had been violated, and the Imperial parliament itself had sanctioned this un amelitatimlll and illegal measure. During the first seven teem role tf easeaticlation, Ireland paid 13,000,0001. of tau- Woe MIMI them OM was entind to. The hon. member then reeds vet ameba el ihnuaeasta with the view of proving Mat meet bee pod a meek greater share of taxation than she might to hove tea, blasting that up to 1846 she had ; Yrs ealleity pahandei 60,000.0001. more than her share, sad lid • ram spin lila Wintry for that amount. The anew= ef Make isopeeed upon Ireland had been double the amount ef that of which she bad been relieved. meaMmeen were in the habit of taunting the people with the large sums which had been remitted to yes teen this The remittances from the British satheman to Dime do onion amounted to 7,500,0001., mfieseass the coon L sent Lea Ireland to England amounted =meow Tile hae. member for South Lancashire • be a mera which viewed that notwithstanding the eager ef Mk no 111111 Na 600,0001. had been remitted Imo the Wit etethegete le this country, making an Immo orbhh vemllimeme ie lbeleed English reuuttancee, to ' • Ile ommot aMelO,OO Ol . The hon. member for pYeAss le the bad effects of the union on arer demo to Nostend. That was a part of the "subject , Ni deserved mime attention. One of the evils which THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 8, 1847. Inioad *odd be woeful, and litatt It wild be tit& tine to tone raid et fay, " Agra your own battles." He (Mr. Beth.) *Mold be sorry if that state of things should Omar, but as ea honest man he was boiled to say that If they re fused to tearer Ireland's grievances the day might come - whim, Juiced of finding her a friend, they might find her an open and declared enemy. Major BLACKALL said if this motion had been brought forward under other oireumetances he might have been die. posed to vote for it. But he wee bound to consider the dm cumnanose under which it was brought forward. SARI no faith in the patriotism of the hon. member for N ham, and he did not think his conduct in that house bire been calculated very greatly to add lustre to the Isiah name. But, indeed, if there were no other considerations, the coulee pursued by the hon. member in resisting the very moderate request of the Home Secretary to postpone his motion woad have alone induced him (Major Blacken) to oppose it. 'lle government might fairly take his own and ether members' votes that night as indications of whether or not they wore prepared to give the government a factious opposition. (Hear, hear.) For his own part, be must candidly say that be thought some measure of coercion necemery at the pre sent time In Ireland. The conduct of the Irish landlords during the past year had, in his opinion, been such as ought to have saved them from any reprobation. Mr. M. O'CONNELL thought the arguments of the hon. member ought to be coacluwee in favour of the present motion. They were to judge men by their actions, and by what they did on the floor of that Douse—(ironical cheers) — and when they fiod an advocate in the hon. member for Nottingham, he felt bound to accept his measures, in pre ference to those of a government who offered them a coercion bill instead of repeal. The hon. member for Teriatock, whe hod spoken that night, knew evidently infinitely MOM about Queen Pomare and her wrongs than about Ireland and the sores that were iankling in the heart of the people of that country. Was Ireland to submit to a course of legisla tier. from persons so ignorant as the hon. member ? There was the hon. member for Bolton (Dr. Bowriug). He knew something—at least he thought he did—of every country is the world; but of Ireland ho knew so little, that he could not summon up courage enough to descant upon her grievances. He (Mr. O'Connell) remembered when the first coercion bill was passed. It was the first Irish measure after the Reform Ad. He denounced it as an omen of the worst character, that the whips should commence the first session of a new mons. meat with a measure of coercion for Ireland, and cautioned the government to bear in mind that it was et= coercion for Ireland that had turned out the Grey tration. It was contemptuously said that the country was weary of this constant Irish howl. Let the govern ment and their eupporters take care that they did not convert this howl into a war-cry. (Oh, oh.) At a moment when peace on the Continent hung on the merest thread it behoved the government of this country to consolidate its in • ternal strength by the most amicable relations with every portion of the empire, and not to irritate an important mem ber of the state by measures of coercion. Mr. FAGAN denied that any measure of coercion was necessary. As to the question of repeal, he contended that it ought to be fairly and fully discussed, since fully seven out of the nice millions of the Irish population were deeply interested in the subject. For himself, while he wholly de preciated a national severance of Ireland from England, he (moldered that a repeal of the Act of Union would be bene ficial to both countries, for the internes of England were intimately connected with the prosperity of Ireland. As far as the connexion between the countries being affected by the repeal of the union, he thought that that was merely a bugbear raised up by three who were inimical to the • prosperity of both. (" Question," " Divide.") He com plained of the way in which the affairs of Ireland were con duct( d in a British Howie of Commons, many important bills being posed at the close of the session after the great majority of Irish members bad left town. For this the only remedy we" a domestic perliament , and be trusted that in time that proposition would receive the attention of the house. (The boo. member frequently referred to some notes he held in his hand, and was as coustendy interrupted by cries of " read, read," and loud laughter.) He would not be put down by clamour, but if again interrupted would move the adjournment of the house. (Cries of "Oh," " Bar, bar," and other exclamations herebecame so frequent as to render the boo. member's further remarks wholly in audible) The interruptirms continuing, the hen. member concluded by moving the adjournment of the debate. (Cries of " Oh, oh!" " Hear," and " Adjourn, ') ' Mr. J. WALTER —The speech of the hon. member for Cork, and that of the boo. member for Tralee—(Cries of " Order! " and "Adjourn.") Mr. FAGAN appealed to the Speaker to put the question of adjournment. The motion having been made, it was not competent, he apprehended, until it was decided, to con tinue the debate. (Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER understood that the hon. gentleman the member for Cork having moved that the debate be ad journed, the hon. member for Nottingham rose to second the motion. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. WALTER again rose, but it appearing that his ob ! Jett was not to second the motion, be was interrupted by Mr. E. B. ROCHE, who seconded the motion that the debate be now adjourned. The SPEAKER then pot the question, when Mr. WALTER, essaying to speak, was met with cries of " Order, order." Mr. DISRAELI apprehended that the question that the debate be adjourned having been put, it was open to the boa. member for Nottingham to speak ' to that question. Mr. WALTER said the hon. member for Cork and other hon. gentlemen on the same side had gratified the house with their opinion as to the qualifications of the Irish people for self-government. He had always understood that one great and necessary qualification for self-government was business habits ; but, judging from the specopens of busineee babiu exhibited by some Irish members during the present debate, he should say they were as fit for self-legislation as the blacks. (Cries of " Oft, oh.") In fact, the blacks bad a proverb that,' If nigger were not nigger, Irishman would be nigger." (Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to order. He appealed to the chair whether it was consistent with order that this buf foonery should fro on ? (Hear, hew.) The SPEAKER—The hon. member for Kilkenny is out of order in applying the word buffoonery to the observations of any hon. member. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. O'CONNELL—I bow, sir, to anything which may fall from you—l therefore beg to retract the word which you have decided was not in order, and which I only uttered under th e influence of the strong feeling excited in melmind at hearing Irishmen and Irish members spoken of as they have been by the hon. member opposite. (Hear, hear.) Mr. WALTER resumed—The proverb be bad quoted was from an eminent authority—that authority being Bishop Berkeley, and a distinguished Irish bishop. (Hear, hear.) To judge bj the speeches they had heard during that debate one would imagine that the subjects of Irish grievances arid Irish distress were quite new to the house, and that hon. mem bers could never have heard of the exactions of con-acre or of the system of ejectment' before—whereas the fact was that there Owes no one present who bad not heard those (nations discussed hundreds of times. But whatever might be the weight and importance of those subjects—tad that they were important he did not deny—this was not the time to bring them under discussion The house had met for a different purpose, vie, to protect the lives of the people of Ireland from systematic assassination, and were they to be told that they were not to take measures for pre venting murder until they should have inquired into all the grievances of Ireland? (Cheers.) What would have been said if, when it pleased Providence to visit that country with famine, and assistance was called for to keep the peo ple from starving, if English members had replied—" We will not give a farthing, until we have examined into the cause of the potato rot?" (Hear, hear.) Let those who, when money was the question, would admit of no delay, but whose cry was continually give! give! be conshtent now, and allow parliament to afford protection to life before entering into matters which were of • less urgent nature. (Cheers.) He concurred with his bon. colleague, that for ordinary crimes, ordinary laws were sufficient, but an organised system of assassination was no ordinary crime. (Hear, hear.) We must (said the hon. member) deal with the murderer and the anemia as Dr. Johnson said madmen should be dealt with—knock them down first and reason with them afterwards. (Hear, hear.) We moat supplant those rough mg-heeded kerns; Which live like venom, where no venom else, But only they, hen privilege to flue. (Mere.) - - Mr. B. B. ROCHE observed that the hen. gentleman's speech partook very much of the spirit of those envenomed articles against Ireland which appeared from time to time in a certain daily newspaper, and which cast vitriol rather than oil upon the troubled water , ' of Irish grievances. (Meer. hear.) But the hon. member's speech, though remarkable for its smartness, was not to the point, which was, whether or not the debate should be adjourns I. (Cheers.) His hon. friend the member for Cork, who was well acquainted with Ireland, hnd been meet ungenerously and improperly inter rupted in his address, and unless he was allowed to proceed he hoped be would press his motion for the adjournment. (Hear, hest, and cries of " Go on.") Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON should in that ease move as an amendment that the hen. member fer Cork be called upon to continue his address. (Loud laughter.) He felt it due as an Irish member to acknowledge the admirable atten tion and patience which, up to the present evening, bad been shown to Irish members genteelly since the meeting of parliament. (Hear, hear.) It was. due to English members to acknowledge with gratitude the spirit of fair play they bad hitherto shown to Irish members, and he hoped they would continue their generceity to the hon. member fur Cork for a few moments. They should remember too that interruptions often renewed those energies which, if left to themselves, soon exhausted themselves. (A laugh.) Sir G. GREY said the hon. member whe last spoke had done but justice to the desire of the house generally, to give a fair and patient bearing to every hon. member so long as he confined himself within the subject of debate. And until the bon. member for Cork had occupied the house for a very long time in an address which was interrupted by many very long pauses, owing, he supposed, to the hon. member's want of knowledge of th e umiak of the house, every atten tion was paid to him. He had no doubt, al so, that if the hon. member would resume his address and confine himself within moderate limits, the hones would continue to give him its attention. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. O'CONNELL thought his hon. friend, who was not on well acquainted with the usages of the house as older members, had not been treated with the courtesy he might have expected. The hon. member for Ennis had been so long absent from the house, that he appeared to have for gotten what had occurred. He (Mr. O'Connell) bad been a member sixteen years, and bad never witnessed such an attempt to put down and eraah Irish cli.cussimis as in the present *mien. (Criss of "Oh, ob.") Were Irishmen to be hooted down became_ they did not closes to lay their country at the feet of English memben ? (Cheers, and "Oh.") He repeated that in no previous parliament bad he seen so much intolerant" exhibited as in the present. (" Oh, oh.") Re called on his hon. friend to persist in his motion. Mr. FAGAN said that if he had isoweeleed that any ex- Crhe had used had given rite to the interruptioa he perienoil he should at anise bow ; but he was not aware he had done so. He thought it due to his constituenta as well as to himself that he should show to those who had interrupted him that, though a new member, he was not to be =imbed when he was endeavouring to put forward, in language net exhibiting much talent and in arguments not exhibiting much conciseneu, his reasons w he thouhtthe repeal of the union would be beneficial both hy to Englan g d and to Ireland. For himself he feared nothing, but Le grieved much that the cage of his country should have been so treated. Ile bad thought the battle of repeal was to be fought on the door of the House of Commons, lout he greatly feared, from what he had seen to-night, that the Trials people would not obtain any of those rights they claimed through the agency of a repeal of the union from the British parliament. He did not Irish, however, to exhibit any angry feeling, and with that view he should net perse vere in nix amendment for an adjournment of the debat.... The amendment having by leave been withdrawn Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that as t he debate had already been confined to one side, he really felt that he had nothing Ito reply to. With respect to the strictures which had been made upon his patriotism by the hon. and gallant mem ber for Longford (Major Blackall) he regarded them as the idle wind; but, at the same time he must observe, that it was rather extraordinary that the hon. and gallant member should urge as his only excuse for not supporting the present motion, that it had been brought forward by an Irishman who represented an English borough. He had heard in the house, and seen it stated in the newspapers, that the hon. and gallant member was one of the newly pledged repealer', and hence he thought the course he had pursued to-night was still more extraordinary. Thank. log the house for its attention he should now divide the house upon the motion. Major BLACKALL explained. He denied that be bed given any pledge, or that he was fettered in any way upon this or any other subject. The house then divided—For the motion 23 Against it CRIME AND OUTRAGE (IRELAND) BILL. Sir G. GREY postponed the second reading of this bill till this day. RAILWAYS BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER postponed the report on the Railways Bill till Thursday. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. In answer to a question from Sir G. HUEY, Mr. ANSTEY said he should press the second reading of his bill to-day PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND.) Sir R. FERGUSON (La the absence of Sir F. French, by whom the notice had been given) obtained leave to bring in a bill to facilitate tho completion, in certain cases, of public works in Ireland. The bill was afterwards brought in, and read a first time. The house adjourned at a few minutes after 12. tint nemenee wwheabeedly geedwited,_inn awn • ge e adp•dist y i n byga WWI irefwal. pi ogle 4( t. awaramy were peembleed the nrembee of par bio come emer bert to eta esepleywrat, mad be owdmodeml the last of do Id& pas-law Toon be to that swiped' ell>h farther. The *ft Ma. Weed bpi th• espial hetet' of 1834. The meths ea the salesot of meek which had been made at that time was relosepl by ma inerwhelming majority, it was true ; but, at Ne eeme time, • solemn pledge, to which the king lords. sad WM mons of England assented, was made in dee edema* the crown, that both houses would apply thamenhelelle milmen all just causes of complaint, and to remedy the jLeaew ei Ireland. There they were now in the 13th year diet that pledge had been maele—and had it been fulfilled ? Sol It not rather been violated ? The landlord and tenant studies was yet unsettled; and there was no attempt to remedy the grievances of a defective municipal reform act, and a dun's- Med elective franchise. A thousand other grievances edreme He believed that • repeal of the enters re would alone offer the proper remedy. It would put a stem to that great source of evil in Ireland—the absentee drain. It would afford an inducement to the gentry of Ireland to re main at home. It would keep the poor of Ireland at home. It would increase the prosperity and wealth of the country, and, therefore, would offer a better market for the manufac tures of England. Thus, both countriee had an interest in the question. He believed that it would be a means of mu- Mal support—of mutual enrichment; that it would confer order and prosperity at home, and give irresistible strength and power &bend. (Hear.) Mr. TRELAWNY, who was but indistinctly heard, mid that the hon. gentleman who had just sat down told them that there was a great deal owing from this country to Ire land. He believed that was the case, and that the income tax and the assessed taxes ought to be extended to that country. He hoped the house would not be induced by the constant howl of the Irieh members to delay passing the measure which had been proposed by her Majesty'. govern ment for the purpose of checking crime ill Ireland. lie thought that if the repeal of the union were granted it would produce a civil war between the protestant* of the north and the Roman catholic*, and that this would lead to a military despotism The hon. gentleman would propose a tax on the abeenten. That class of persona would then be placed in this position, that if they lived in Ireland they would be abet at, and if they remaieed among us they would he taxed. The hon. gentleman asked the people of Eng land to contribute more money for the relief of the people of Ireland ; but he did not think John Bull would convent to char, seeing that the bon. member had &mellowed the debt which had been already incurred. He damn see but Ire. I land was to be improved, except by in tor the purpose of cultivation end econ t o t rigrl=r i a hie coo tel not be done white the land was so much subdivided ends pauper population suffered to look to the potato esthete ode means of nippers. He highly approved of the esereila bill, end sincerely regretted that he opposed the coerekm hfa of 1846. It was a mockery of and satire on.legialation allow things to proceed as they did in Ireland. (Hew, hear.) He was surprised that boo. gentlemen should inter- pose delays to the passing of a measure which they must be aware was absolutely necessary. if those members were likely to be auccessful in delaying the measure, the govern ment might to act without the bill, and then all for a bill of indemnity. He hoped that the government w o uld e nforce' the poor law measure, and see that every farthing of the Mae was paid. Unless they showed vigour and decision, the murders which were taking place in Ireland would not ewe. Kr. O'FLAHERTY said, the hon. gentleman who had just eat down was evidently totally unacquainted with the state of Ireland, rad the subject under discussion. No mem ' es- was more *mem than be (Mr. O'Elaherty) to put a stop to those atrocious crimes which disgraced Ireland ; but he believed the ordinary law, if carried out with vigour and impartiality, would prove quite sufficient for the ruppression of those outrages. He was aware of some instances in which the law had not been so administered. The hon. gentleman eluded to the Irish poor law. He was an active adminis trator of that law ; but, under present eircumitances, he be lieved it was nothing less then a confiscation of property without any couatenailing advantage*. I* might eventually he prohective of good ; but, ciriumstanoed as Ireland was just now, it was a most pr:Tortereue remedy. Mr. REYNOLDS thought that the restoration of the rights of self-legislation to the Irish people would improve their condition, b dl socially and morally; and, believing that, he could not but regret that the hon. member fns Not tingham introduced the eubject at so inappropriate a period. He should, however, support the motion for a committee of inquiry, because, on so important a eubject, he thought that was the reasonable mode of proceeding. He heard the speech of the hon. member far Teviatock (Mr. Tee lawny) with surprise, and he could not but think that It had been prepared to be delivered on the Coercion Bill de bate, and that the hon. gentleman, having had no opportu nity of delivering it on that occasion, sought to dovetail it into the present discussion. (Laughter.) lie thought the hen. gentleman's attempt to do so was most unfortunate. (Hear, hear.) The bon. gentleman raid that Ireland was not sufficiently taxed, but he was at a loss to know how the honourable gentleman could justify that assertion, bear ing in mind that the landed property of Ireland was rated at 13,187,0001., and that it had to bear exclusively an enormous amount of taxation, which hail been im mensely increased by the introduction of the poor law. He was acquainted with an estate of 8,0001. a year, of which 6,0001. was eaten up by 'membranes* and mortgages; and was it fair to ask the man who bad only 2,0001. to pay poor taxes on the whole amount? (Hear, bear.) He was in favour of the poor law, but he believed it was susceptible of much improvement in its derails. The hon. gentleman seemed to think that if the people were ejected, they had an alternative in the poor-law. He (Mr. Reynolds) would be able to prove that In certain districts the poor rate was not sufficient to meet the poverty of those districts. From a return made by the poor-law commissioners during the present month it appeared that on the 4th of last July there were 2,600,000 paupers receiving rations. An Hon. Maxima asked, what was the amount of the poor rate ? Mr. REYNOLDS.—That was a very proper question, but one which he was unable to answer. (Laughter.) The amount varied greatly in different districts; but in the county of Mayo the entire rental would not afford 11. per annum for the pauper populatitn. The aggregate number of persona receiving rations in Leinster,?dunater,Connanght, and Ulster, was as follows : able-bodied men, 163,463 ; women, 101,160; families, 674,983; total, 842,606. How was it passible when such was the state of things, that the poor of Ireland could be supported by means of rates? In principle he admitted that the property of Ireland should be made to support its poverty ; aid be was glad that that blister, at least, had been put • upon the backs of the landlords. (Hear, hear.) He had no wish to say much on the immediate subject of the motion — the repeal of the union—knowing that it he did so his words would only be received as a " thrice told tale." The:mo tion appeared to him to be simply one of pounds , sh n and pence. (Hear , hear.) He believed that the eiILM the union had been to impoverish Ireland without entillhig England ; and that the interests of both countries; come volved in the consideration of the question. (Hear, hese.) Formerly, gentlemen who supported repeal were charged with something like sedition. The case, however, was ma terially altered. (Hear, hear.) He knew Ireland well, bad been accustomed to travel through it by day and night, and he had found that every clam, from the peer to the peasant, felt that they wanted something. (Laughter.) He under stood the• cheer, and after the tiresome debates which they had bad for the last three or four nights, he rejoiced to hear it. A laugh put the house in a better temper, and rendered boo. members more capable of discussing the question. (Laughter.) Now, formerly it was said that Roman catholies alone were in favour of the repeal of the union. Protestants, however, were now beginning to fold their aims, and ask themselves in sober earnestness, " What benefit have we derived from this union ? It has diminished our bench of bishops, and substituted a rent charge for tithes; it may soon go further." The repeal of the union was, in fact, no longer a sect ,rian questien ; some of the staunchest supporters or protestantism were also supporters of repeal, while some of its strongest opponents were Roman catholic members, representing Irish constituencies. (Hear, hear.) In the city of Dublin there was a general feeling that the only chance for the inhabi tants lay in the restoration of their parliament ; almost to a man, the people were favourable to that measure. They felt that the question had never yet received fair consideration is that house, but they thought that it VMS now likely to do so on account of the comparative absence of party in the new parliament. He believed that the strength and stability of the empire were involved in the question of the repeal of I the union ; nor ougbt the people of Ireland themselves to be thrown overboard in the consideration cf that question, forming as they did a third of the population o f the United Kingdom, while their country bore an equal proportion in point of geographical extent. (Hear, hear.) The majority of the members of that house were no doubt desirous to ameliorate the condition of the Irish nation, but unfor tunately they did not know how to do that. It had been the misfortune of Ireland, almost from time immemorial, to be quacked. It was time that quackery should be brought to an end. Ever since the set of union Ireland had been getting worse and worse, uu'il at last she was nothing better than a great mendieity institution; her pauperism being so extensive that it visited almost every nation on the earth. Let bon. members read the accounts of the arrival of emigrunts at New York and at Canada, wafting pestilence and femme across the Atlantic, and involving even the Americana in an enormous loss of life. (Hear, hear.) He would not weary the house by bringing forward figures: in that aspect the question had already been sufficiently die cuseetL lie would only say, that no harm could P arise from inquiry, and, whatever might be the fatacra motion, he hoped some hon. member would test the h ouse, by bringing forward a bill for the express pupae ofpeal: log the union. Dr. BOWRINO said he had intended to speak upon the question before the house, not because it was Important he itself, but because it had become so on account of a growing feeling in this country in reference to it ; but, en ha} gathered from various indications that it was the wide fifths I house that there should be no delay in proceeding with ' thee question of paramount importance he should, on tint merman, abstain from making any emeriti. (" Hear, hear," and cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. E. B. ROCHE said that, repeeaetiog so large a ewe stitemay, be weld not give a aitat vote. The grounds time cob he wineated repeal WOOO TWO in number. The Brat mom Weeiml sec It was an lallerleal fact that the impede *Mature bad always aalepeessa Ireland, eves when attempt had bees ark be peers the country =let e prectically it had Mai f a br is a n t tat ad people. For 47 yews t ad b lueekedeeil Winieeti over the of Ireland, and I the meg wan poverty and iiromboot fa every no. wipe imam who wetwori beltuadtt OMSK SO Web OMNI UMW, kat dor psi gen it *el they woo* ael yam Oise. aim They Two ponds amid LW. al So ipor al allalimilas. They were now is • data pew m a t hem et pielparllFL but the dare WO amid whoa ea maw of the pm* ad ght epproig. MAILS The malls for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Wrenhat will be made up ou the morning of the 17th December. The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, *fa cone. *fondness, New Orleans., Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and including those for Madeira, lacmel„ Carthagena, Banta Manias Chaves, Panama, West Wait of South America, and St. Awns.:les Nicaragua, will be mode up on the morning of the 17th December. The mails for British North AmMea, Bermuda. and the Unite Staten, will be made up on the evening of the 17th December. The overland mails for Gibraltax, Xiolbs,Urince, the lonian Wand, Wtpt., Ades, Ceylon, India, thing-Kong, ems Chum ria Sonthasupto2 wifi be made up on the morning of the 20th December. The mails for New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31st December. The malts for the Brazils, the hirer Plate, Monte Video, rernam• bow, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Agree, will be made op on th cowing of the 4th January. TO CORIVIVONDENTS. Ilheetts..ol. Weeded Oa Tlio Expiates: . Leedom edraidd paper. boast at bka odlod, ob Dogma, 'WM, by Two Wctork oat tiro day of publeatwa. IMOD WATER A? LONDON DAIL/OZ. T 2.11 D .T—Matalm. 12 Ma. NAM 1; Anammo. 31 Mo. pm; 2. 7.31022011 22012g132. 60 min. ma A. AMAmm. 7 1...1 3. LONDON, WEDNESDA Y, DEC. 8. ON Monday hot, Lord FARN lIAM, in the House of Lords, and Captain HAREM, in the House of Commons, put questions to the government ae to the state of the law respecting the alleged de nunciations from the altar, of persons who have been afterwards assassinated. As the public feel ing of England, if sot of Ireland, is at present a good deal excited on the subject, it may be as well to furnish a more definite answer to the ques tion than was offered in either house. The Attorney- General, with a prudent economy of information, explained to Captain HARRIS, that if any person could be proved to have instigated and excited any other person to commit murder, the person so instiga ting and exciting might, on sufficient proof thereof, be convicted and punished accordingly. We have no doubt that the Attorney-General is perfectly aware of the state of the law on the subject: but, in the particu lar instance, it would really have been quite as sa tisfactory and useful to state that, if Archdeacon LAYFAN bad blown oat the brains of a " cowardly Saxon," he might, on sufficient proof thereof, be con victed and punished accordingly. It needs no Attorney-General to come from the Queen's Bench to tell us that an accessory, before the fact, to a felony may be convicted as a felon—the question is whether a denunciation from the altar, followed by a murder, is such an act in contemplation of the law, as makes the denouncing priest an accessory before the fact. Lord LANSDOWNE, in answer to Lord FARNHAM, gave a similar explanation of the difficulty at greater length, quoting the words of the statutes, by which an accessory before the fact can be indicted separately from his principal. That he might from time immemorial have been indicted at common law, with his princi pal, it is hardly necessary to state. Lord LANs- DOWSE adds the important information that in one case, at least, of denunciation, sworn informations have been furnished to the LORD LIEUTENANT, and submitted by him to the Irish law officers. The question is still unanswered, whether a denun ciation from the altar will support an indictment for murder, as accessory before the fact. The priest of Strokestown is reported to have publicly attacked the character and conduct of Major . Manor+, to have called him a " Caostweax," and finally to have asked " Does he yet live ?" A few hours after wards, and possibly in consequence of this infamous profanation of the altar, Major Mianols was mur dered. We will suppose, for the sake of argument, that the utterance of the words in question was fully proved, and the jury were satisfied that they tended to excite the assassins to the murder. It still remains to be considered whether the neces sary averments of the indictment would be borne out. The count on which alone a conviction could be ap plied for, must state that the accused priest "did feloniously and maliciously incite, move, procure, aid, counsel, hire, and command (or some of these words) J. S. (or, as the case may be, some person or persons to the jurors unknown) to commit the murder." It will not do to state or to prove that the accessory urged A., 8., and C., who formed his congrega tion, to commit the murder, which wan in fact committed by D., who very possibly was not present. The connexion between the priest and the assassin, as principal, and accessory, must be fully proved. It must be shown that the priest not only meditated the deed, but that he selected thg instrument, either alone, or as one among many. It will not do to allege or to prove that helibelled and calumniated Major 'Autos, that he wantonly en dangered his life, or that he was the indirect cause of his death. Ile must be shown by distinct evidence to have deliberately intended his murder, and to have communicated his intention to those who afterwards committed the act, for the purpose of inducing them to commit it. In stating concisely the requirements of the law in such a prosecution as Lord LANSDOWNE seems to con template, we virtually explain, that according to the evidence which has been alleged to exist, no such pro ceeding is tenable. We pass over the difficulty of proving the exact words which have been used by a public speaker. Innumerable prosecutions for sedi tion have broken down before this incidental obstacle, which would present at least equal difficulties in the case of a trial for murder. But we will assume the words to be proved. The only phrase which could be alleged, as containing a substantial proof of guilt, is the inquiry "Does he yet live ?" With the fullest disposition to sympathise with the general indigna tion which the denouncing priests have called forth, we find it utterly impossible to interpret these words into a command or en exhortation to kill the obnoxious landlord. It is diffi cult to believe that even a seditious and malig nant priest could intend such an effect to follow his words. We confess our own utter incredulity on this point. We think that if the denouncer had wished such an event to take place, he would certainly not have need language so plain and opea on the subject. But the question is not whether there is ground for believing in his guilt. The prosecution would have to prove it, which is impossible. It would probably not be easy to show that the assassia heard the words. It would be mach more difficult to rove that they bad any relation to his act. The Irish are too much in the habit of using violent language in public' ; which is, happily, not always followed by violent acts. It is not unnatural for them to think that they may talk dagger, and use none. Their mob orators and agitators pitch their language several keys higher than that which is used in England. It m a bad practice, but it diminishes the apparent criminality of some of their declamAtions- The only case in the . books which would support a conviction of a demount iog priest for murder is that f o o f rt F a A n G ate lN I mined any act stated in the` histor y which could, on in as div re irua rte l wdasitht' , ungelidvewriTthwoiust4h"avTinhagtcounm: any construction, be tortures into a crime. The re. porter even forgets to state 'filet he was tried for, or whether he was tried on any eLtarge in particular ; if on any, it must have been as accessory to a murder. We rather believe that he was, is truth, sacrificed to the moral sentiments of an indignant public of readers; and it is on a similar feeling that the prospects of in dicting the priests who have denounced Irish victims entirely depend. Irish judges, however, will hardly be as accommodating as their colleagues who exist in fiction. They will require an indictment for a definite offence, and sec that the allegations of the charge are borne out by positive evidence. Although we consider the remedy, hypothetically suggested by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, utterly inap plicable, we are far from asserting that the conduct of priests who denounce individuals is beyond the reach of the criminal law. An indictment for language tending to a breach of the peace may possibly lie in such (vase ; but, as we have already stated, an indict ment for words uttered in public is seldom to be depended upon when the allegations come to be proved. It would be difficult to explain the phrase " be is a Cromwell," by any inners& which would hold water. It is probably a most irritating phrase when used to Irish peasants, and yet many would think its application to themselves rather complimen tary than otherwise. Such language as that of Archdeacon LAFFAN could evidently only come under some such criminal cate gory as that it tended to produce a breach of the peace. That, in fact, it was suggestive of murder is certain, but no murder can be proved to have resulted from it. Mr. J. O'CoNsieu. is constructively encou raging murder, when he defends the assassination of Mr. Hoe, by arguing the question as to his merits as a landlord ; evidently countenancing the popular belief of his countrymen, that tokill a bad landlord is not mur der. But even if Mr. O.CouriELL was not protected by privile-te of parliament, every one would admit that his language was not indictable. He is even at liberty in law—about morals the less that is said in such cases the better—to quote against the memory of Mr. Itor., a long letter from a gentleman, who, it seems, is brother to one of the prisoners now com mitted on the charge of this very murder. Mr. LAFFAN may have gone a little further, but it is not by gauging the comparative noise of two declaimers, that we shall arrive at any legal distinction between felony and legal impunity. At presete, we do not believe that any priest in Ireland has deliberately caused or promoted the murder sf any individual.. At any rate, we believe there is no Is gal proof of any such act. We have intentionally avoided all ques tions as to the policy of such prosecutions as those which seem to be proposed, but it seems desirable to remind the public of the legal merits of the question. IT has been remarked that, before deciding on the beet method of dealing with the plans anew railways, there occurs a previous question—namely, how far the process itself is important under present circumstances; what scope, in fact, now remains for its operation at aIL That a judicious trial of all applications for new works of this kind would have been highly beneficial some years since, when the chief lines were still in em bryo, no one familiar with the subject will deny. At that time, could a tribunal have been established, endowed with sufficient capacity to determine rightly, and sufficient power to regulate positively the course of private enterprise, with a view to the most effectual and economical laying down of all new railways as parts of a comprehensive and well-ordered whole, —the benefit to the country by saving its capital, the bent fit to the railway companies themselves, by preventing useless contention, would have been con siderable. Whether, in the confused state of opinion then prevailing on the subject—while the idea of doing good to the country by running " competing ' schemes" against each other was popular with most statesmen—any tribunal could have been found to exercise a wise discretion • whether the views of such , a direction, from any public department sufficiently in advance of the time to have discovered them, would then have been ratified by parliament,—may be se riously doubted by those who were used to transact business at that period in either quarter. But, leaving this matter of opinion, it will be suffi cient to observe the matter of fact; that nothing of the kind took place. All the main Eng lish communications were laid down without any applied to their treat- general views whatever being went by the legislature :—each new measure was dis posed of as an insulated project, and by a different set of judges ; and it has often happened, that., in the same session, the principles advanced as the ground et a decision by one committee, were negatived by another; and the success, or failure, of a given scheme was like the chance in a lottery, in which no one, by calculations founded on any principle whatever, could foretell the blanks or prizes. In this manner has the existing railway sys tem struggled into life, under circumstances in every way disadvantageous. The communications that were really wanted have been purchased at a cost of trouble and expenditure greatly enhanced by the rivalry of the parties allowed to contend for the right of making them ; and not a few have been established, which, although we cannot term -them wholly useless, may at least be described as pro ducing, in • costly manner, accommodation that might, on a well considered system, bare been more cheaply procured. In this manner, however, by one means or another, the chief railways of the kingdom have now got themselves finally placed on the map: and, considering the random way in which they have been dealt with by the legislature, it is satis factory to observe how nearly, on the whole, their direction and distribution correspond with the objects that must have guided any more com prehensive view of their plans. We owe this to the circumstances of their origin. The promoters, seeking their reward from the profits of traffic, naturally sought them by following its main channels; and the changes to be made, were the whole system to be settled de noro on a blank map, in compliance with the practical wants of the conatry, would not be con siderable, as far as the main outlines of the system are concerned. It is also important to remark that, in most instances where some change might be thought desirable, the occasion will be found to have arisen not from any mistake of the promoters in taking a wrong course intentionally, but from their having been compelled by powerful private interest, in par liament and elsewhere, to deviate from their original intentions. - - • So much for the past. With regard to the future, it would appear that, excepting on the gauge dispute, to which we have alluded in former articles, the space now left for official direction, to any useful purpose, is become very narrow indeed. Of the new lines still remaining to be applied for, the greater part are of the nature of branches and feeders to main trunks already in ex istence; concerning tho utility of which to the country little doubt can exist: on the course of which there is not much room for dispute, and—what it is of im portance to observe—the profitable aspect of which, ae independent schemes, is not at all to be compared with that of the principal extant lines. It will be highly convenient to the public that such branches should be made; there is not much probability of their being attempted, unless by the proprietors of the greater railroads that lie in the way of such com mumeations, or at least, by parties in connexion with them. On the merits and direction of these supple mentary lines, we apprehend there can be little scope for official determination, to any good purpose. The only business respecting them, which a public depart ment might undertake with much advantage, will arise in cases where two great rival companies may be contending for the possession of some branch or lateral communication ; and the decision of an umpire, competent to declare bow and by whom it shall be made, might be practically useful, in more ways than ono, provided, let us repeat, that such competent decision were made thorough and final. the amount of the business of this particular class, it may be ob served, cannot be very considerable ; to the country, its transaction by a public board will be of no corn mending importance; and the appointment of • tri bunal for minor purposes, seeing the manner in which ; those of great consequence have been left to chaise, settlement, will be ato strike some observers with a rathir ludicrous e ffect; and suggest recollections of the adage that tells of shutting the stable door when the steed is stolen. However, to the appointment of a tribonal_ em . powered to regulate the appendix to the railway system, after the main body of the work has b een suffered to find its way to the public how it could—there may be no serious objection, pr er id ott the two following conditions are observed. Th e that it shall be composed of well-qualified person s _ not of noble Masters of Buckhounds, or of lea rne d gentlemen trained in studies albikcether for e i gn to the subject—but of men whose decisions w ill r % liii be " entitled to public confidence." The next, th a t for this not very considerable office, neither th e country nor the railway interest shall have any very considerable charge imposed on it. It would be an injustice to make either the one or the other pey dearly for even the best performance of a clan of work which it is no longer of pressing importa nce to have done. _ _ To one case of exception on the subject of thr ee general remarks, we have already alluded. It hi e been observed that there is a fit and considerable ob. ject for interference, whether official or legislative, in the settlement of the gauge dispute; and it may b e added, that of those cases of contention bet ween rival companies, described above, as offering th e principal remaining field for the useful determination, by some competent authority, of new rail way proj e ct this very dispute has been the most fertile source ; so that a decision of the main question would greatly narrow the sphere in which its other operations might be necessary. For the adjustment of that epe e . Lion, however, which, if capable of settlement, must be settled once for all, no perpetual hi. bunal can be requisite ; and while the subject is, of all others, the moat important now re. wining within reach of any kind of general det er . mination, it is also one that, by its very nature, will be beet disposed of by a body deputed ad hoc, whose existence need not be prolonged after its work is ao. compliahed,—if accomplished it can be. The expediency of a government board for what we have termed the policc division of the subject, to be judged of on considerations of a totally ddiereat class; and may be a proper subject of further dis. elusion. W !THIN a month from the present date the officers of the county courts will no longer be paid by fees, but by fixed salaries. Saturday's Gazette contains the requisite preliminary month's notice of her Ma jesty's intention to make an order to the effect:— " With the advice of her Privy Council." We hare never ceased to urge the expediency of this change, which has not come before it was wanted. The mis chief of the fee system had already begun to operate in these new tribunals. The symptoms of the plague were apparent innnnecessary adjournments,quibbhug constructions of the fee tables in the act, insolence of officials, and grumbling of the public. Another year of the present system might have exposed cheap justice to undeserved discredit, and have reared is the county courts a miniature crop of dwarf abuses of the same germ as those in high flourish on the gigantic scale in the fatter soils of Westminster and Lincoln's Inn. The roots, rise, and dimensions, of this luxuriant growth are as yet only partially revealed to the public. Mr. WATSON'S committee has published a first portion of its report, affecting only certain de partments of the Court of Chancery. The revelations furnished by even this first instalment of the evidence on the fee system are instructive enough in themselves to warrant copious notice. But they have a double interest just now, in connexion with the proposed change in the county courts. The disclosures at present before us extend over the lunacy-office, the petty-bag-office, and the offices of the Masters in Chancery. The popular notion of that court, as a limbo of lingering suits, a chaos of pro tracted causes, a maelstrom which sucks down un happy suitors, a quicksand which swallows litigated fortune*, absorbs acres, and devours dividends, is to. lerably well justified by the description of Chan ce ry processes and costs, which fills two-thirds of the com mittee's first report. Down to 1833, it was impossible to approximate to the actual amoimt of fees received in chancery pro oeedinge. In the happy times, up to that year, the officers of the court received the fees to their own use. When we state that the amount of fees from the Court of Chancery paid over to the Accountant-Ge neral in 1846 amounted to 137,9931., it may be con ceived that tho sum received and pocketed by the offi eers under the old system did not fall very far short of this sum—at all events, for the later years preceding 1833. Besides this amount of actual fees, there wu paid in that year towards the expenses of the court 91,5481. out of the accumulation and interest on the 2,385,000 L standing unclaimed in the Bank to the ac count of suitors in chancery. Those times of undis turbed fee-taking must have been happy times for the officials. It is they who have really suffered by the change of system. The suitor, unhappily, has not be nefited by it in any corresponding degree. Out of his pocket must come not only the payment for work done, but the compensation for work that has ceased to be done. Gentlemen who received 8001. a year for doing nothing continue to receive 6001. for " compensation," since that nothing has been taken away from them. Vested rights have been reverently regarded in our law courts. The " compensation" system has been uniformly acted on. No matter that an office was useless, it was still an office. The holder was to be compensated when the idle machinery was swept away, and of course the suitor was to pay for it. Chancery fees seem in many cases to have been arranged on a principle akin to the Newtonian law of attraction. They vary in amount inversely with the importance of the work done for them. Light work is rewarded with a heavy payment. Heavy work is counterbalanced by a lighter remuneration ; and the officials who do nothing are paid best of all. There is, for example, a functionary who attends the mas ters' public office, to hand in affidavits and hand oat deeds. He has also the onerous responsibility of keeping the order book, or rota of masters. This gentleman, whose duties may be supposed to re quire about as much intelligence as those of money taker to a theatre, bating the mental arithmetic, requi site for occasionally giving small change, and the fortitude to remain collected is a rush, receives about 7001. a year in fees, with 300/. compensation forother fees, which he lost on the appointment of writ-clerks in 1842. A Master in Chancery, on whom falls the most weighty part of the business of the court, is paid by a salary of 2,5001. In other words, the office porter receives in fees two-fifths of the Master's salary. This, then, is the first law of Chancery fees. They are apportioned in salaries varying in the inverse ratio of the officers' labour. The second law equally defies ordinary human reason to account for it. Chancery fees are the same whatever the amount of property in litigation. Mr. FIELD furnishes the committee with an admix- able illustration of this law. Only this last day or two I have had instruction from poor woman to get her the interest of a legacy that coma body left her of 1001. in the Three per Cent. Consols it weskit to her husband, or some other party, for life, and was that to mane to her ; it was part of a large estate, and was car ried over to a separate aooonat in the accountant . gen eral, s books. The order was node at the expense of the estate, at the time for paying the income, for the previous treat for life, for his life ; his life is now ended, and the 31. a year is to be received by this poor woman. I had to get as order for her to receive it ; it is one of thorn eases which Fe not infrequent, in which you cannot dream of allowing such poor people to pay a farthing ; but I must pay the court just what I should have had to pay for an order to getan income of 30001., and I have put upon paper the items which 1 must pay the court in order to get the poor women her money. In the first place comes the fee for the 'earth must go to the records of the courts to see exactly what the original order was, and a variety of particulars showing her title, in order to prepare a regular petition to the court to ask for the payment to her ; to show, in fact, that it is hen. To do so, I must go to the report-office, where all the orders are entered and the reports are copied. I shall have, I dare say, to pay many shillings there, for when I find the order, besides paying for *earthing, the officer will not let me make the least bit of a copy myself; if he saw me with a pen ie mi hand, he would say to me, you must not do that ; he ha! , care that he shall make the copy, and I must pay 4d. a folio for it ; of this he gets for his profit the lid, for deßrq i and then he pays the rest over to the fee fund. Au this , must do before I can know anything about thew orsens title. That I dare say may cost me 10s., end poribly might cost me 11. if I have to go far btu k, for they charge roe **cording to the length of my search 6d. &year. Thee I shall have to present the petition, and shall have to pay the chancellor . ' secretary I ls. for answering it, and 41. 104. for the swearing and office copy of the affidavit of having served it upon the trustee, or some party in the suit who might be required to be told of it. I should then have to pal counsel's fee, which either may or may not he taken into consideration. It is a tax in the cal! I em stating, for it is quite needier. The suitor le famed to go to a counsel, because the court will not let and body eke open his Rooth. I should have to pay fic to mussel ; but there are few counsel in court who would not willingly, upon my stating the circumstances, torte the