The Express. — London, England, 1851-06-26 00:00:00

T IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDSZSDAT, JUNI 25. The hams met at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The St. Andrews and khasbec Railway Bill was read a second time. PUBLIC BUSINESS. VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.-111R WILLIAM DENISON - Mr. AN STET, having pat some questions to the Under . Secretary of State fee the Colonies relative to the state pn owner, Mr. 311.Manui, is Van Diemen's Land, Mr. HAWES mid that from the information which the governamet had at resent received it appeared that )(Nauss—ft Mk time he believed • prisoner—lead applied to the court kr • writ of habea: corpus, and was in COOK qumce brought before the court, when the return was in sufficient, and he was again arrested. The question was likely to be raised again before the supreme court of the colony. The has. and learned gentleman should have all the information en the subject which the government might receive. PUBLIC HOUSES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Is mower to Mr. A. Hamra, Mr. F. MACKENZIE said that he was anxious is eft ea with this ball. If the base would allow him to talks the second leading today, hr had no objection to its= ire ferns. on the understanding that th diwuseioa be taken at the next stage. Mr. HASTIE observed that the feeling in Scotland eras against the bill. UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Before the order of the shay was mover, Ell 0. CLERK presented a petition against the bill frost the General Assembly of the church of Sootland,which had been unanimously agreed to. Mr. K ELLICE, junior, also presented a petition against the bill from the University of St. Andrews. Mr. COWAN, in moving the second reading of the bill, said he wished to remove objections which might rest upon the minds of English members, who might suppose his measure was some thing like that which had been brought forward by an honourable friend of his fur secular education, and fur the abolition of religions testa at the universities. To those members WWI MO neacquaintel with the Scottish universities he wiled to soy that there was scarcely any similarity in the constitue tion of those and the }l nglis h universities, particularly as regarded the established churches of the two counties. Student. in Scotland were not required to reside within the walls of the college., or to take any obligation when they entered, or when they took honours or their degree. The hen. memo r here read an extract, destriptive He Scottish universities, from the report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into those institutions, and which was made in 1e26, and then proceeded to give a brief outline of the history of the Scottish universities. lie reminded the house that • lose; and fierce religious contest had been carried on in the seventeenth century, and when the epireopalians gained the ascendant all the chairs of the universities were occupied by professors belonging to that party. But at the revolution, when the race of the Stuart. were in exile isnot William 111. upon the throne, the aspect of things changed, and King William reluc tantly assented to the establishment of the presbyterian religion in Scotland. In 1717 a test was imposed upon the universities by the Scotch parliament, which was directed Reinert the prelates and the papists. The object was to prevent infidels being placed in the chain of the universi ties, or eatholice, or rouse who belonged to the party of the Stuart., and the measure was carried out fur the purpoec of ejecting *enrol of the professor who were known to he at tached to the peel stie Caine and adheren ts to the dynasty of the Stuarts. Ile denied that the Church of Scotland, as now established, presented any of the essential features of the period to which ho had alluded. In 1690 an act was depriving lot row, of patronage, in the church, whie d they had long poseessed, and ending them in the hands of the heritors of the parishes. The patrons, thus dispossessed, were, in every instance, he believed, paid a suitable sum of money, accenting to the valuation of the patronage* they hail surrendered. It wee well kn own that at Doe time of the Union the Scotch commissioners and the Scotch people would not consent to that set, unless, it provided that the doctrine and discipline of their church should be unaltered and unalterelde. But he held that the treaty of the Union had been violated since 1711. Never had been perpetrated a more infamous violation of national faith, solemnly pledged and guaranteed by the two, kingdoms, than by . the introduce of patronage into the church since the union; to that source might be traced the religious contentions which hail +ince occurred in Scotland, and the two schisms in 1742 and 17.52. 'the object of this bill was simply to declare that such things had taken place; that various bodies hail during the present century been driven out by acts of the cued power, and it was but fair that they should not euffer injury or exclusions from those rights which as British subjects they lead a right to enjoy. The test imposed upon the universities was aimed at the episeopalians, the prelates, and thew who were hostile to the Hanoverian succession, and intended Lo prevent them from being admitted as professors to the chain of the Scotch universities. But now, seeing that episcepalians filled a great number of those chairs, and, as he mint acknowledge, filled them with much credit to themselves and benefit to the country, the object of the bill war, to enact that they were not only entitled to those chairs de f eels, hut de Jere; and that other dissenters—for bishops and epireeralians were dissenters in Scotland— should fer the future be legally entitled to hold professor ships. The hon. baronet the member for Oxford university appeared, from some observations he had made, to have assumed that religion in Scotland only existed in the esta blished church, and seemed to ignore the eretensions of various bodies who did not submit to the government and diripline of the ootahlished church. The honourable member here quoted several details from a return pub lished by the free church of Scotland relative to public echoed*, by which it appeared that up to the end of March last 99,019 *cholera were receiving in 'treenail in the schools supported by the members :Attie free church, and that during a aeries of eight year the sum of 2,17.1,616/. had been subscribed by them for education, church services, and the various enterprises they had car ried on abroad and at home. Re did not mention these marten as tionoting of the body to which he had the honour to belong, but simply es a fact which, in relation to one of the poorest countries in the world, was not unworthy of attention. But the hon. member for Oxford university had assistant it to be necessary to preserve these tests fur members of the established church, in order that the Teti interests of the country might not suffer. rrwas unfortunate for the line of argument the honourable baronet had taken that he had not been et the last sitting of the Assembly, about four weeks ago, when several ministers of the este- Mieled church were Ilepowd for various offenees—sae for poaching on the Sabbath, and another for gross and revolt lag immorality. The object of legislation ought to be to give equal titans to all, and not to exalt one dam above another. Ile gladly bore testimony to the good the men of the establishment did shout the country, but he thought the tests ought not to be continued, fur they hail peeved to be the greatest absurdity that could welt be devised. There was one test which required only the simple signa ture of • person entering the university, and that, he be lieved, constituted the whole conneeios between the uni versities sad the established church. It had been said there was no necessity fur legislation, because the testa themselves were inoperative, and he must acknowledge that in Edinburgh, with which college he was most con nected, no teat had been required for 60 or 70 years. As many epiempriliens,, therefore, were introduced into the chain of the footsie lk universities, he asked, was it fair to men who bed bees educated in the English universities, and had them swam to support the supremacy of the mows, to call upon them to perjure themselves when they seemed the border to educate the youth of Scotland ? He amid not conceive em basset man unless he had entirely his religions splatem, taking such tut He did artat re belies that 1•••1 4 / ‘ .6 i.ry the prohowes had the books of dogmatic and yet they wars= upon to swear epos • ' volume wiled the Owl* Moo of Faith, that that was the andkation of disk hith, It meet also be borne in salad that la Het was required by law was that the test amid he signed. There existed no provision fee edhothe sentiaued holding of the test. Ama W a in his sentiments the very day alter he slywdE and the law remained inoperative. There was me power by which an individual who had proved himself ea unworthy or aniltithful professor might be got rid se More this this, an WWI whgerwald ham fm wimple is swallow ing Oes lest, oath cost be hope eat of ths chairs. Ile could nethstp here in s is ia n tbe wash way in which the University of was was . The allowance by government to the war meth below that to mem of the same Amen esneges isethiad, sad very dillweat teemlto that ssesalee le tit= mestel esillswee Iffelemd. tem r by mein the mend Med ia( of the bill. r. A. HASTIE seamed the melts& Mr. LOVICHART apposed the 1111, as calculated to de stroy the ?dieing art peoteetant simmeter of the Scottish naivereitles. - The yelariple of the bin was simply to shalt prohneilye men wise, =that they were bound la eramleare M premeir as ef Might melte yes M whvalegse ef l U i l i tl e tion to Meal ewe the met dews= eligibles inereks. The tests bed resolved is causer of the alma miasma Miriam mse Sc-Ise drial Dv. Mavens sad all die Mbar distinguished sass of the has etre& bed at an dime awl under an air 'motorail, meet selieihhady edvecelad their wristrasaes, ae keg se thry sestina in the sstabilited en t =id:lM they hod seseded they bed alma ewe ia • eel *e of their inn es prsamt the admission to the 'vs of say persons whale ( w him might diem. hen their own. He minutest that as bill obliterated the disdeetive peo lestantiset ea bag preserred la the Scotch universities, was imetrery to the pisolisee of the het of Union, and invaded 11=inenes of the arlabilhed church in the northern of the Hailed lVa Mr. EWART disaisiltke Act of Union, any more Sea ether statoem was bergil theof lia if 44 doloodis "MIS 411M1111 agsWs tigatftenee t. ll Pu e cot • ouPPlated the mania. 8& onnT the validity of the principle on libic testi h in tlZ a.twa bill wegladeweilidlsahmesburasSmlsjoheadist is n the use of the - time and change if eireaaebmsm. There t he lapse of lows moo teak°.°, to Which be belay refeeteci, "T tha e t n een he : doted it isezent to prem the me m, at the present neement, alt houg h, if the division were called, he should , vote in the allsmative. Mr. ELLICE cosearred Ia reemmessidiaa that the bill should be withdrawn. After a few remarks from Mr. Hama in support of the measure, Mr. COWAN replied, end The house divided: dil For at theed second reading t The bin was assapeatly ENCUMBERED ESTATES LEM* eIIMILILI, BILL. lir. M'CULLAGII, in moving the second at Ode hill, said be believed he should be calm Mean of*, Mem by stating alertly do i s Ekt bill lee tibia Ito asked its , saactins. • . . bend MOM Chart was called into. lb? them dein two things. It wits said that the pee. priehe per ry te•patt intent was so enebarressed that they could aetneWements, and do% was usosentry to have • new . In the NOM lei ilbeambo oa that bill the hem baronet the seemher M 'Upon mode • rens* white had bees hay Wee one by the waste. Se sea the dime obyott ems . tn. limp am the mil the mild dish aweembetod era IL la mimes with Yesebbe hem reAtiimia. bit Meilmobt to mem ea est the espesendest mead poem illueig--thet Memo of capital would p , over boa this oinesay le be invested in land in Ireleadl and Mw milaw premed, in the first report laid Wore the hem of lie yonsealbe before Baron Richards and his odkopr thee ant ef dB/ persons who had purchased hod waster the own Y the last 18 months, only thirty we impels where midremse were in this country. There hie it Me aeltlinffi that If they wanted • substantial class itreelhalliel OM" bt Inheil 4111117 mutt seek them not brea IMMO hot within the oameeranity in Ireland. But =eras aneelmo rot ereameed wi th the purchasers einem. It was Mahal then searly hello( the 587 bed benne preprieems of had, he which they WI; 0111 mall Mein LOW., intimating dis lb* that • they tact ma dm competition among MIRA alliffilists. Bat the emend object that WOO paielfini by the ionisation!, seem* commis sion, tie - teen it, was this—that Om • classes should be piss& in the condition that tenants ge nerally wee Is, that of having these about them with ca pital to Ohm the had in working order, or that they should be hilneel thew elves to lay era a moderate portion of capital in the penman improvement of their holdings. But tf they had • elms who, in order to obtain any tenure of the sod, were obliged to invest the whole of their capital in its purchase, it was evident they must wait a consider able time before they could obtain that improvement which was desirable. Now, he thought every practical man would admit that if it were possible to find • condition by which the occupying purchaser would be called upon to lay out only • portion of his capital, they would obtain the best sums that could be offered fur the estate; he meant buying the estate subject to • rental. Now he proposed that power should be given to the Commissioners of the Encumbered Estates Court upon the valuation which they made in order to sell land, and which th e y mi g ht make more stringent if they thought it was not sufficient, to grant • lease to • tenant who had been in possession for a certain time, and who placed himself out of arrears, and who held to the amount which they had decided entitled him to the elective franchise,—that he should be entitled to come in and ask fur • lease after an absolute order fur the sale of land was made. Now, whatever hon. geutlemen might think of the rights of property, he thought it must be confessed there was no interference here. No one could he injured. The new purchaser would, of course, be subject to any leaves so made, but between the out going of the old proprietor and the incoming of the new, they would Five a security to the occupying tenant which would induce him to invest his labour and capital. Some honourable gentlemen might be apprehensive of frauds or at least of interference with their vested rights as landlords, and therefore he had inserted a provision to protect that class of persons. Where a mortgagee, in order to realise the amount of his incumbrance, came into court, and afterwards the incumbrance was paid off and the land lord returned into possession, the lease would not be made as against him. Ile did not know that it was necessary to detain the house any longer by dwelling on the details. If the house would consent to read the bill a second time, they might be considered in committee. But he again urged on the house whether something of this kind was not necessary under present circumstances. lie did not think that any one bill would be a panacea for the ills of Ireland. lie did not profess to provide for those evils , in this bill. lie only asked them to deal with one Ist class. A great deal more remained which this tr ie tii i i not touch, but it did not interfere with further legislation, or greater legislation, which could only be successfully attempted by government. But if he bad shown the house that there was a class of tenants really worthy of consideration, he would respectfully ask the house not to dismiss the only proposition for their relief without at least some consideration. Mr. F. FRENCH said he trusted her Majesty's govern ment would not for a moment listen to this bill. If it was a bill intituled "shill to prevent any purchasers from being found for any encumbered estates in Ireland," he could un derstand it. The o'sject was that land should be altogether leased in perpetuity as against the purchaser. Under such circumstances, was it possible that any purchaser could be found ? Mr. NAPIER said, if he had thought there was • bona itik intention of going on with this bill, he should have given notice that it be read a second time that day six months. To pass this bill would be to put an end to all property in Ireland. It was this interference constantly going on that prevented the inane of capital into Ireland. They never knew for three months together whether some new scheme would be introduced. Indeed, he had some times said that what Ireland mainly wanted was to be let alone, with security to life and property: The bill provided that no lease should be made till the land was actually sold. Now, suppose that • sale was made in the Encumbered Estates Court, what right had the commissioners to in terfere with the rights of the purchaser ? Cul. DUNNE had disliked the Encumbered Estates Act because it was confiscatory in tendency, but the present bill was far worse and amounted to absolute robbery. Mr. E. 11. HOULE approved of the bill so far as to wish to have it sent before the committee for consideration on the clauses. --- Hr. HATCHELL said he should have risen earlier, but he was ultimo to see whether there was a second member of the house who would support this bill. He conceived that it was objectionable, nut only in its details, but in its principle. He thought there could not be a more ob noxious proposal, unsupportable by any principle, that any body of commissioners appointed for a particular purpose with a temporary power, should be constituted into • body to administer the property of the landlords in Ire land which was encumbered. to • greater or less extent. To say that land should be leased out on the terms prescribed by this bill was utterly irrecoucileable with the rights of property, and therefore it was that he opposed the bill. In conclusion, he begged to move that the bill be read a second time that day three months. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that, under existing circum stances, the occupying tenant had no motive whatever for improving the land. The improvement .hould be made by either the occupying tenant or the landlord. The landlord, even if he had the inclination, had not the means of ex pending capital in improvements. Therefore some system should be adopted, such as compensating the occupying te ' nant for any capital expended by him in improvements, to remedy the present defective state of landholding. (Hear.) What was the cause of the low rate of purchase obtained for property under the encumbered estates commission ? Simply because the purchases were valued at a nominal income. (Hear, hear.) In the last session the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's government, pledged himself to bring in a bill this session to remedy the present state of things; but it bad not appeared. He hoped the right honourable secretary for Ireland would give the house to understand that a measure would be se• riously considered by her Majesty's ministers, if not in the present at farthest in the next session, with a view to be brought forward to meet the difficulties of the case. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided— For the second reading Against 94-79 LANDLORD AND TENANT BILL. The amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to; and the bill (waned to be read • third time to-morrew (this day). GUNPOWDER STORES (LIVERPOOL) EXIIMP TION REPEAL BILL. This bill was read • third time and passed. MEDICAL CHARITIES (IRELAND) BILL. The hones having gone into committee on this bill, On clause 1, Lord NAAS observed that the bill involved a novel principle, and one of an important nature. It was the first time that a proposition was line& late that braes for the levying of taxes tMegi*Abe maim of As posolow ma chinery for purposes for Arm aloe semodoest by that art. Sir W. SOMERVILLE oloonot that the reason was this, noting omeli be mew oosidestsey than tip poossat mode of =milli as sopoisl sena Tbs alteration to nobs INN_ fa new, as, with regard i t e o . Clbeuffnistuffiffiqpne in order to justify grand juries to smostion a pletieular amount of rate for their empg=it wee nentsfeng {bra en equivalent sum slid* ha = halo or pubis subscription. The poetise slob vow Is be Ulm from the landed proprietor ea Iteretofiwe repoonoloi by the subscription which he pia. The returns of sob. scriptious and amounts of taim voted for the support or these establishments ehseeed dot in 1845 they came to 170,0001. ; in 1646, MASK la 1547, 122,000/. ; and in 1843.113,000/. IntAngestleffille number of dispensaries .vu ;41 ;in '46, 670; 1011,4111 1 111; 48. 655. lin opinion was that if these dispensaries wens properly distributed over the country that a knee number would be amply sufficient. Ile believed 465 well distributed and well managed dispen saries would be sufficient for the wants of the population. Now as regarded the infirmaries and hospitals, their num ber was considerable. In 184,3 they amounted to 108 ; in 1316, to 137; in 1847, to 130 ; in 1848, to 107 ; and he be lieved that, by adopting the system of district hospitals, • very large number of them would be done away with. (Hear, hear.) From the calculations he had made he be lieved that, if the districts were properly marked out and defined, 74 district general hospitals, each with 66 beds, would be sufficient for the treatment of all diseases. They were also to take into consideration the great expense of the temporary hospitals which had to he erected occa sionally in certain towns in Ireland in consequence of the defective system now pursued. A great saving would also be effected in respect to vaccination, which had hitherto proved very cep: naive, while, at the same time, being very defective. He thought be bad dispelled the allusion as to the increased cost of the new system now proposed. Ile hoped he had also shown how large was the conside ration due to the poor of Ireland whom it was, by this new system, sought to benefit Mr. G. A. HAMILTON, who thought that the state ment of the right bon. gentleman was, on the whole, satis factory, moved the first of a set of amendments of which he had given notice ; in clause 1, line 3, to strait out the word " and," and substitute the word " or." His object ' was to do away with the restriction as to the qua/Imi= THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 26, 1851. la the medial emulation*, who u the clause now stood kd have to ho botk physician aud.aurgeon. BOXYRVILLB would not object to the mead-. meek Afters few weeds from Xr. GRATTAN lad Mr. O'Fka- Iflllir, Colonel DUNNE tlionght that the house ought not to go on with the bill without some more definitive statement as to the exact amount of taxation which was to be anti cipated. It was not Ices important to know in what we economy was to be secured in the administration of the bill. lie should vote in favour of all the amendmente of which notice had been given, for the purpose of resisting the ..___•__ proposed centralisation. After a few words from Lord BERNARD, Mr. OTLAHERTY appealed to the lriah members to disease the clause, and not the general question. The amendment was then agreed to. 1 After further conversation, the clause was agreed to. On clause 2, Sir R. FERGUSON moved an amendment, at page 2, line 29, to omit the words " or hospital district or dis tricts," and all subsequent clauses as to the formation, dtc., of hospital districts, or which confer on the commis sioners any power over hospitals, except that of inspection. His object was to restrict the operation of the bill to dis pensaries. He did not deny that the present hospital accommodation in Ireland was inadequate and defective, but he believed that the house was not at present in a con dition to legislate on this branch of the question. Mr. REYNOLDS objected to the amendment. Sir W. SOMERVILLE hoped that the committee would not consent to the amendment. He was satisfied that the abuses of the hospital system in Ireland were quite as bad as the abuses of the dispensary system. The amendment had simply for its object to spare the richer classes of society. Mr. F. French, Mr. S. Crawford, and Mr. OTlsherty spoke against the amendment ; and Mr. Vcsey, Lord Naas, Colonel Dunne, and Mr. Conolly in favour of it. Alter some further discussion, the committee divided:— For the words in the clause B5 For the amendment. The house then resumed, and the chairman obtained leave to sit again on Friday. The house then adjourned at a few minutes before six o'clock. Mr. Philip Bennet paired off against the second reading of the Universities (Scotland) Bill yesterday with Mr. Ilardeastle, in favour. Mr. Fuller paired on Monday in favour of Mr. Ralpole's amendment on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill with Sir De L. Evans. Sir 11. F. Davie was accidentally shut oat from the di vision on the second reading of the Universities (Scotland) Bill, in favour of which measure he had intended to vote. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Oxon for wound reeding said ; motion made, and question pro posed. "That the bill be now read a resucki time :"—Amendment proposed, to bare out the word " now ► ^ and at the end of th e gime. Doti to add the words " upon thin day 'three month.." —(11r. Lock • hart :)—Qaeetioe pat, "That the word 'now' stand part of the question."—The house divided ; ayes, 63; was, M. AYES. Adair, R. A. S. Guest, Sir John X i !, Vassals Andersen, Al thur Harris, Richard otos, Juan Aniadong, Sir A. Heinle, Archibald Bodily, Oaks ti Boom*, Ile. E. P. Ilatehell, lion. John &ally, Francis Brown, Wl' ham Hayter, lin W. G. Smith, John It. Campbell, fin. Wm. Heywood. James Boaierville,Hn.nir W. Carters, Hon F. Hepworth. L. Stanfield, W. R. C. • Cootenoke. Sir T. E. Higgins. G. 0. 0. Stuart, Lord Dudley Craly, Mr W. 0. Howard. Philip 11. Stuart, Lord James Crawlord, IL W. Howard. Sir Ralph Tamen; Hobart J. Dawes, Edward Hume, Joseph Thicknose, R. A. Mandator's, Yawl. Jackson, it Wilda Thompson, Colonel Duncan. George Johnstone, Junes Trail, George Ellice, Edward Keogh, William Wraith', tag. Lloyd Elliot, Iln. John E. KeTIIIAW. James Wawa, John T. Evans, William Lemon, Sir Charles Willcox, B. M'Ottio Ewart, William litCallagh, Wm. T. Williams, William Fergus, John 11•Tagyart, Sir John Willyania, 11. Fitswillima,Un.G.W. Hel.e•lnl, Vi , -Owni Walid, at- bin. Sir C. Fos, William J. Moffatt, (Jews/ French, Fithatephen Ram is, Sir D.J. TIILLIRS. Greaten, Charles W. O'Brien, Sir T. Cowan, Chuise Ores,, Et. an. Sir 0. (Manor, reargue Hasith, Athaandor ROES. Arbathnott, Hon. H. Honda., George Lynne. Hon. Oen. Ark wright, Georp Da Fre, C. Owego Mackie, John Bailey, Joseph Farm, James Illsonaghten, Sr E. 81111*, 11. J. PI, John MeIiDITS, lard C. 8. Baled, James Fo rbe s, Witham Mailings, Joseph IL Marina% Vigor% Yoroater,Roa.O.C.W. Napier, Joseph lard Vicary Freshileld, James R. Saadara, Deorp William Fuller, Asaavtaa E. loon Be,o. Made Soaker. M. Cliareav, Ma. W. Z. Smythe, John Richard Rana, Omsk Riaavd I. Spooner, Richard i lreriort i rr John T. Gordon. Atillild bulked, Augustus Witham M. Orson, Edwsed Stanley, E H dward IL Sir A. I. Gwyn, llossit Stanley, on. E. = Cam% W. 11. P. Hallewell,EdmiadO. Timmy -r W. Cherlerton, Col. Hamilton, O. A. Vesey, ' llan. Thomas Udabssier, Lord J.L. Hants Hon. Capt. VT's, Rkbard H. It Closimeley, for M. Hayes, Sir Edmund Sk addi 11. S. U.S.a• r, it. A. Flaw" 0. 11. W. W by, Sr H. e on. Oa 0. Henley, loses la W. Waltham, Dimond Dodos. David A. S. Hope, Sir John Toung, Sir John =tri Jones, Captain Mr J. T. Lockhart, A. E. 1.11.1.111. W. L Dank MIA Long, Walter Loekhart ts W. r. INCUMBE.RED ESTATES LEASES (IRELAND) Oman for the mooed reeding read ; motion made. an question pro posed, 4 . That the bill be now read a mood woe : "—Amendment prupned to hare out the word "now. " and at the end of the quo n Bon to add the words " upon this day them manta"—(Mr. Anta -1 rises-Oenerel for Mcleod.) —Question put. "That the word now' stand penal the queettos."—The Oman divided; eyes, 15; nom of, MUIOIIITY. Butler, Pietas S. Korth, Willis. Benny, broads Corbally, Matthew E. O'Brien, Sir Timo th y homers, John P. Crawfora i W. S. O'Connor. Planes Will William Grass, 01 ter D. 1. An thony t (button, Henry Perfect, Previte/ph, W. T. Midis., O. U. 0. ?models, Jolla Berlin, L B. SOUTH AUSTRALIAN CONTANT.—The fifteenth annual general meetingof this company wu held yesterday, at their Ohm, No. 4, New Broad-street; Mr. 'l. Ruddell Todd in the chair. The report stated that the inventories of the company's property showed a very considerable im provement. They amounted to 333,8041., which the direc tors considered was under the present actual value of the ert~. The amount of rent received during the quarter the 31st of October, 1850, was 18,4851., being an in swing of 3,989!. over the receipts from the sources of the ing year. The company now possess wharfs extend -904 feet of frontage to the river, and the receipts for and warehouse accommodation for the months of No limber and December last were at the rate of 5,2001. per core. An increase of outlay .would be remunerative. The total number of acres of country lands leased and occu plod for pasture, at 29th September last, was 37,587. Since that date further leases of 1,282 acres bad been advised, leaving 17,775 acres unproductive. Of this quantity, there were 11,314 acres of mineral lands, which were I being gradually leased in mining belts. The season's clip of wool bad been remunerative. The quantity received was 464 bales, which realised 6,2521. ; of the present quarter's clip, 32.5 bales had arrived, and 44 bales more were daily expected. The sales of sheep bad brought 2,2581. The expenditure in mining operations bad been 4,2401., while the value of the ore raised had been only 3,378/. The report then went on to say: "Looking to the increased expenditure which will be required to carry out the improvements and to maintain the value of the property at the port, considering . also the limited number of asses of country lands remaining un leased, sad the importance of securing a further guantity of good agricultural land as favourable opportunities occur, and feeling the necessity of maintaining the cowpony in a perfectly independent position as to Its finances by . the liquidation of their debentures and other debts, the sissyc tors are of opinion that the present is a fitting time to in crease the capital of the company, and they accordingly now ask the sanction of the proprietors to do so. The directorapropose to effect this necessary object by the issue of one 251. share for every four now held, giving to each shareholder the option of taking his proportion_on or before the 24th December nest ; if am all erad kr and a deposit of 21. 10s. per doe plea _ea or blew Ilse Ow Ile residue will have to De divided pre on emseeet One shareholders who may wish to increase their number, or, in default of this, disposed of to the public on the most advantageous terms above par which can be obtained for them." The statement of accounts showed the set income of the company to have been 17,4131., out et which the directors recommended that a dividend should be declared at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum on the paid w segital. The report, in conclusion, alluded to the grow if gemperity of the colony, and to its future prospects, and ememetalated the company on the position of their affairs. Atter ems conversation, resulting in the adoption of the Imp the meeting bec ame special for the purpose of cored asides and sledding on the proposal to issue new shares, the puma eletebolders having a preference, and to make such alb ea den as might be deemed necemary. The proposal wee not diefeted, and a resolution, moved by Mr. Divett, M.P., sat esesuded by Mr. Gurney, was passed, to the elect that, is order to meet the necessary additional outlay , which might be required for the improvement of the ear psny's property in the colony, and to liquidate existing bilities, the meeting authorised the board of directors to issue, at par, one new 2.51. share for every four jmesent held, which, when paid in full, should be plen the same footing as the other shares of the company. The pro ceedings then terminated. TUE CHARGE AGAINST THE MASTER OP ST. PANCRAS Wousuoosz.—Yesterday a numerously *A. tended and special meeting of the vestry of St. Pancras took place at the new vestry-rooms, Camden -town, for the purpose of receiving a communication from the board of directors, referring to the vestry • letter from Mr. J. H. Eaton, the master of the workhouse, requesting the pay meat of the sum of 431. 10s. Id. costa, incurred by him in defending himself from the recent prosecution, on a th eme of having violated Elixa Smith, an inmate of the workhouses. Mr. Churchwarden Baker occupied the chair. Alter s dreg discussion • show of hands was taken, when there • —fur the motion to pay the bill 11, against it 42. Ulf rls sion being demanded, the numbers w ere—for the motion 11, against it 49 ; majority rejecting the payment of the 38. MERCANTILE MARINE ACT.—A return has been üblished of the memorials presented to the Lords of the at Privy Council for Trade against the opera• gees et lbw pees of the Mercantile Marine Act which re- WA es Ile enersesummt and diseharge of crews at the ship and to regulations fur maintaining discipline appears from this return that memorials of ahem lied have been sent in from the ports of Shields, Sunderland, Seabees, Hartlepool, Middlesbo. Stockton, Hull, Lynn Regis Arbroath, n, Dundee, Newcastle, and Yarmouth. ST. MARTIN'S HALL—Her Maj.euy U. Queeu Wag twarend HEIR KAUFMANN with Un teamed to pa soothe, MAI lo EE MUSICALE on his Mee•tiesl lustreenets. Tome/row, st Beekinsbant r.1.0e. the pubhe Is hereby ninetrutly isfornsed that kl* SITOND CONCERT (u alssedy maena is d) POSTPONED to MONDAY. Jae 30. the ervrelslS. TO CORRESPONDZ,NTS. & &wed Wiles•t"The Expreee," eostaiests .b semi evaslng's Gazette," Is peelielted every Tuestley mad Friday Wes, Is Uwe ueeteestelsteeded tee " ne Etyrems," Lesion Vistas pew, tr. mut be at the US" 10, Bouverie.street, by Twe Veleta es tle day et relestes. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Trio DAT—llciraing. I Its. 4110 Alterman. 12k. O. To. miukow—Moratiii, lik. Itto. *Reno" IS. U. LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 26. THE principle involved in the motion made on Tuesday last by Mr. MILNER GIBSON is one of wider and more permanent importance than a cur sory perusal of the arguments of the CHANCELLOR of the Excitnitaat and other opponents of inquiry would lead one to suppose. Sir CHARLES IVOOD dealt with the subject as if it were a mere matter of 2,7001. a year of customs establishment charges, which had been hitherto paid out of the local rates, and which it was proposed should in future be paid out of the Exchequer. Really, that is a point with which parliament and the public have nothing whatever to do. Manchester may have the privilege of bonding foreign and colonial goods for its own convenience if it chooses to pay for it. Of course it may ; and a gentleman may have half a dozen gas lamps opposite his own house in a given street if he makes a private bargain with the gas company for the purpose. With that the public have nothing to do : the only question for their con sideration is whether that particular part of the town is to be left in a state of half-darkness in case the aforesaid public-spirited individual should get tired of illuminating the thoroughfare at his own private expense. So it is with the manufacturing district of which Manchester is the centre. That busy and populous region has, for the last seven years, enjoyed the advantages of having bonding warehouses in its provincial metropolis. The cost, being some what under three thousand pounds a year, has hitherto been without murmuring borne by the rate payers of Manchester. But they have very naturally got timl of the practice, and, believing it to be pal pably unjust that they should be the only commu nity in the Cletxx's dominions called on to pay directly for the local collection of the revenue, they have at length demurred, and called on the Treasury to defray this like every other bonded warehouse charge for salaries, &c. Whereupon the CHANCEL, LOR of the EXCHEQUER coolly declares, that he does not care what they like or what they do, but if they don't choose "to pay for the privilege," why then they shall have it no longer. But are such arrangements to be dealt with as " privileges?" This is the question raised by Mr. GIBSON, and which every rising inland town in the United Kingdom is seriously interested in having equitably determined. According to the old-fashioned fiscal rule of thumb, custom-houses were places ex isting solely on the coast. Smuggling and shipping were necessarily connected in the loyal dreams of our grandmothers; and the whole genstfarmerie of anti otrabandists was stationed on the marine frontier. By degrees, however, this antiquated notion seems to have been shaken. The interrogatory, what consti tutes a sea-port? became more and more difficult to answer as each additional canal and improved ricer navigation was opened for the transit of goods. Distance from the sea furnished no longer a distinc tion. Manchester became as accessible to ocean-tra versing barks as London; and the large revenue, annually paid by its inhabitants—not much less than a third of a million sterling—entitled it in the ontimation of tones in office and whigs out of office to be declared a place where goods might be bonded sod taken out as they were wanted for consumption. A pedlar's bargain, however, was driven with the public-spirited municipality of Manchester, whereby they were required to render the borough-rates lia ble for whatever sum might be - - to reimburse requisite the Treasury for the extra expenditure on buildings and officers that would be thereby incurred. Sooner than be baffled in an object which, under a high tariff of import duties, was of more pecuniary im portance than at present, the men of Lancashire submitted to the exaction. But to turn round upon them now, and taunt them with having ever done so, is as idle as the similar reasoning of the landlords, that because industry submitted for thirty years to their extortionate tax on corn, it was very unreason able that it should ut last have resolved to bear the fraudulent impost no longer. Bonded warehouses ought to be maintained for the public benefit and a system founded on principles of public policy, wherever trade is sufficiently great to render them necessary, as well as wherever due re gard for the interests of the revenue demands them. o lay down an arbitrary rule that none but towns whose wharves arc washed by salt, or, at least, by brackish water, should have bonding warehouses, is about as pedantic as it would be to resolve that nobody was fit to be Chancellor of the Exchequer but a baronet, or the near relative of a peer. We have no doubt that both superstitions haunt the brain of certain fine gentlemen in office. But the oftener they are combatted the better; and we think good service has been done by the business like debate of Tuesday, and the exposure of weasel' 1 and folly on the part of the opponents of tho mottos to which it led. A select committee would fitly occupy itself in in quiring how far a wholly different arrangement might be made with a view to the interests of the South Lancashire towns. It is manifestly unreason able that Manchester alone should go on for ever paying exclusively for the benefit of all its neigh bours. We areon general principle, as we have already said, opposed to any attempt to partition the east c collecting the customs revenue among unequal and dissimilar localities. At the same time, it might be worthy of consideration whether facilities of temporary contribution for a common purpose might not be contrived that would, at all events, secure to the most indefatigable and productive region of the kingdom the means of retaining that fiscal advantage which it has heretofore enjoyed, until a better system and more truly imperial notions of finance shall gain the ascendant in the House of Commons. As that body is now constituted, it is clear that nothing is more calculated to excite the exultation of the still pre dominant landed influence than any paltry turn which the minister of the day may unwisely and unworthily do the commercial interest. Si, CHARLES WOOD was cheered by the protectionists as a matter of coarse in his silly efforts to tura the just claims of Manchester into ridicule, and sustained by their ready votes in the division by which those claims were for a time rejected. Where must such leading of such a following end ? LORD BROUGHTON DE OTTFORD'S explanation has not relieved the government of India of the impute- I tines on its sense of justice and honesty of conduct as involved in its treatment of :Alla JOTEE PER MAUD; though it may, perhaps, have abated, from one point of view, the charge of vindictiveness which his prosecution was at first supposed to exhibit. There is no denying that JOTEE PERSNAUD had done great service to the Indian government on great emergencies ; that in three of its greatest wars he maintained its enormous armies in such a manner that want of supplies was never even apprehended by the commanders, much more felt by the troops ; that he had been thanked by the generals for the manner in which he had carried on the commissariat; and that no other man in India could have tilled in these important respects the position he so well and use fully occupied. All this there is no denying. Neither can it be controverted that his accounts from the first were at the time criminal proceedings were taken against him unsettled ; that he pressed and the government delayed their settlement; that it was a promise of the settlement of the Affghan and Owalior balances and of a title of honour that induced the Lalla to enter on the Punjaub contract; that these promises were broken ; that his last accounts were disputed as his first had been ; and that an enormous sum was due to this remarkable and dis tinguished Hind® banker. All this there is no denying. Nor can it be denied that the government of India, 'Wog thus under the deepest bonds of gratitude to /Ono PERSHAUD, and being in his debt a large sum I cit looney-, and having violated its own faith to him, did institute criminal proceedings against this their foremost commercial and financial subject—the BAKING, the BeAsSET, the ROTHSCHILD, the PETO of India; did conduct those proceedings in a man ner harsh and cruel; did invade in their conduct the sanctity of this native gentleman's senana, thereby dishonouring him and its inmates ; ,and did subject his advocate to its displea sure; and that, notwithstanding all the power and influence arrayed against him, so weak and worthless was the charge, that a jury nominated by his prsisecutors, and all, we believe, belonging to its service, without hesitation or doubt acquitted him. All thi s there is no denying. What, then, is it that Lord BROUGHTON DE GIF FORD does deny ? That these criminal proceedings by the government of India were the result of civil proceedings taken for the recovery of his just de mands against that government by the Lalla. Be it so. Then, so far, the criminal charge was not vindictively made ; it was not retaliatory of an ac tion for debt in the Queen's Court at Calcutta. The criminal proceedings may in other respects have had a vindictive origin ; and, most assuredly, they were most vindictively carried on; but, in this respect, there is no foundation, it seems, for the imputation made against the government. But, letting the Indian government have the full advantage of this, what then ? The main facts of delay, of injustice in delay, of broken faith, and of carrying on unsupportable criminal charges against its creditor, remain. These are not explained away; they cannot be denied ; and they will constitute an amount of tarnish on Lord DALHOUSIE'S adminis tration, that the brilliancy of the £oh-i-Noor cannot overcome. But, as Lord ELLENBOROUGH very justly re marked, Lord DALHOUSIE personally can have known little of the matter, seeing that he was not at Calcutta when the prosecution was 'ordered. But that such a prosecution could have been begun in his absence, is surely some proof that Lord DALitoustE is far too much away from the seat of his government. In point of fact, the present Governor-Guncral is seldom at Calcutta, where and where only his great authority can be constitutionally exercised; for there at least it is surrounded with some show of cheeks and balances, sonic pretence of advice and assistance. Where does the reader think the last accounts left Lord Dm.dousic ? Why, on the borders of Thibet ; on his way, for all we know, to Llassa ; there to see the Grand Llama; if the frontier authorities do not politely and civilly place hint back again en route for his own capital. It is very natural in Lord DALHOUSIE to see as much of India as he can. He ought, however, to remember that at present he is carrying on his travels at the expense of other people. For, on these tours, besides the 23,0001. a year he has as Governor-General, all his travelling charges arc defrayed out of the treasury of India. His enormous salary is, therefore, clear gain to him so long as ho is out of Bengal. But the advantage to himself in money is the least of the bud effects to India of these lengthened absences from its capital. Away from Calcutta, the Gover nor-General practically becomes a despotic, whilst there he is theoretically a constitutional func tionary. lie is away from his highly-paid bureau crats ; be is away from his highly paid council ; lie is away front the influence of public opinion. Legis lation is arrested ; plans of improvement are post poned ; the vigilant superintendence of the chief is suspended ; the capital is deprived of a court : but JOTEE PERSHALI) is indicted for felony. Lord DatatoesiE is a very intelligent, courteous, well-behaved, and cautious personage; but present experience of his administration leads to the per suasion that he will leave India, its laws, its people, and its prospects much as he found them; except in-' deed in one point, the right of Hindoo succession, which he has so wantonly over-ridden; and there is not wanting a suspicion that he keeps away from . Calcutta very much to avoid risking pus reputation in any manner. But whether or not, his absences have attracted an attention at home which is unfavourable to his reputation, and it is only right he should know that to be the case. He has a good deal of lee-way to make up yet; and it is at Calcutta only he can apply properly the information he has accluired. r Perhaps Lord BILOUGHTOti DE GIYkTORD will give his Excellency a hint. We arc enabled to state that Mr. Dens has been appointed her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Scot land, in the room of Mr. John Cowan, who was gazetted on Tuesday as a Lord of Session, in the vacancy caused by the death of Lord Dundrennan. FRANCE. PARIS, WEDNEf9D/T EVENING. To-day, after the rejectiOn of the propositions of Payer and of the Rue des Pyramids, M. de Broglie proposed the following : " The Assembly sees l article 111 of the constitution, and declares that the constitution may be revised conformably to this article." This resolution was adopted by Bto 7 votes. Tocqueville has been named reporter by 8 to 5 votes given to Broglie, and 2 to Barret. The best commentary upon this important resolu tion in favour of M. de Broglie's lost wording of his motion, is the speech of that statesman in the last sitting of the committee, of which you will find below a full report. The appointment of M. de Tocqueville as reporter is considered as a pledge in favour of revision in a republican sense. The tour democratic members gave him their votes; not that do Tocqueville is a jot more democratic in his principles than Odilon Barrot, but he managed to steer a point or two closer to the wind in his expressions, and this conciliated the in lexibk Cavaignac and his red colleagues. The meaning of M. de Broglie's new motion is a con cession to the legitimists to throw the votes of that party into the scale of revision. The real point at issue, relative to the latitude of powers which the I I Ith article allows to a constituent assembly, has been adjourned. The legitimists claim for their coa -1 stituents the power of restoring the monarchy. How ever this power be disputed, one thing . is obvious— I I namely, that if the monarchic parties can agree l about the monarchy to be restored, and find diese -1 selves in a majority in the Constituent, no dictum d the Legislative Assembly will prevent them frogs proclaiming the restoration of the monarchy, al- though they may find an awkward customer to deal with in the executive power. In the meanwhile the great question is at last launched; and as soon as M. de Tocqueville's report is ready the debate will open on the expressed wish. M. de Broglie, in his excellent speech on revision, has, you will perceive, given a new form to his mo tion, which now proposes that the Assembly should express a wish for revision, in accordance with the I I Ith article of the constitution. This has the great advantage of waiving the interpre tation of that article, to which each party attributes a different construction, while a strictly legal coarse is recommended. M. de Broglie objects to the introduction of a proviso in favour of the republic as being a sort of formal declaration of allegiance calculated to raise thick opposition. He adopted the sentiments of M. Odilon Barrot, and observed a very similar line of argument. If he were to gauge public opinion by the feelings preva lent in his own department (Eure), he should say that it was perfectly wonderful to observe the in fatuated clinging to the deplorable status quo which was manifested, and the exaggerated fear of revolu tion. So that, according to M. de Broglie, the revisionist feeling is not half active enough, and hence the real danger of the situation by reason of the apathy and torpor of the people on the verge of a precipice. Such is the upshot of the speech of the Duke de Broglie, who said : He would go to the point straight, without any profession of faith. The republic and the constitution existed ; he had not made them. He refused to be mayor in 1848, not to be obliged to read the constitution in the public square. He would deal with the republic, as a good citizen ought, en fair terms. He was for immediate revision, in order to avert disasters in 1852, which ought to be provided against now ; not with the view of restoring the monarchy, but of amending present institutions. But he objected to the ex pression of a wish for such amendment in the name of the committee on the report. Such a wish would be vain in the face of constituent powers, necessarily by their nature unlimited ; moreover, it would be • way of proclaiming the perpetuity of the republican principle ; a sort of formal oath of allegiance to that form of government. Such a proviso would provoke tumultuous protests, while it warred with the letter as well as spirit of the constitution. It was said, and maintained daily, that the republican regime had been established by surprise, without consulting the country. It was added that the Constituent Assembly had not been freely elected; and that, once installed, it MU beseiged by the multitude, and beset by . imueta. Finally the constitution had been deliberated during a state of siege. When the question of two Chambers was raised M. L ama ,_ tine might have been right in saying that circumstances de manded the dictatorship of a single Assembly. After the adoption of the constitution the country was not consulted. The demand for revision aimed at giving to the new consti tution, in a time of tranquillity, a character of freedom un known to the present constitution. But although he was against restricting the constituent powers, he objeeted to the proposition of MM. Creton and Boulder de l'Eeluse. The present Assembly had no right to change the government established. The 111th article established two missions, that of the present Assembly and that of a constituent. The Legislative Assembly can only indicate the evil, put its finger on the sore. The remedy belongs to the constituent, which would be a useless appendage, a mere piece of tauto logy, if the legislative exceeded the expression of a wish. Ho wasted • resolution in these terms: "The le gislative Assembly, in consideration of the 111th article of the constitution, expresses the wish that the constitution be revised in conformity with the said article." The report should develop the motives of this wish. He would have liked to indicate the defects of the constitution ; but upon this point he adlitred to what had been so well said by M. Odilon Barrot, whose just con elusions had been unanswered. It was begging the ques tion, to say that the present evils flowed, not from the con stitution, but from the hands which administered the con stitution. Institutions were made to bring about a good choice, a good direction. If passions and divisions were the result of institutions, these were had. The President of the Republic was made the scapegoat for all that went wrong. He (M. de Broglie) was not there to defend the President, being neither his minister, nor his adviser, nor his personal friend. He only made his acquaintance to send him to the Castle of Ilam, when he was called onto try him. But one must be just. Ile did not believe in the danger of the 18th Brumaire. But suppose there did exist such a danger. Who made the President? The constitution. What other President would not have incurred the same reproaches ? A single President was appointed in • country which was fond to excess of single cen tralised power. If it had been wished to have a presi dent with limited powers, he should have been elected dif ferently. Instead of that, the President had been put at the top of a mat de Coeugne, inviting every one to climb up. lie had been placed between nullity and usurpation, and yet astonishment had been felt that he would not choose the former. M. de Broglie demanded the revision, in order that the conditions of the election of the l'resident should he completely changed. All that portion of the con stitution was an extravagance ; any one would think that it had been drawn up at Charcnton. He admitted that, in virtue of art. 45, the President would he obliged to put on his hat in 1852, and go and take up his residence in a fur nished hotel. Who would afterwards he president? If we had such men as Washington, John Maim, and Mon roe, they would not be named to occupy that important post. The Prtnee de Joinville would not lend himself to it, it the proposition of M. Creton were to he adopted. Beyond t h e princes, there was no chance, except fur a deniorrat en Mouse, who would flutter the people in their misers . , and premise them wonders in l7topian reforms. An enlightened and modest republican could not be chosen by the present mode of election. It has been said that the Constituent Assembly would probably he Bonapartist, like the petition ing which demands it, under the influence of the ad ministration. M. de Broglie, judging by his department, considered that the character of the movement was an im moderate desire for the status guo, an excessive fear of revo lutions. Nevertheless, he said, let us admit that the move- meet is Bonapartist. If we were to resist that impetitosity public opinion we should be very unpopular. It is evident that the party of order which adopted such conduct would not be re-elected. If it be a Bonapartist movement which is to create our successors, they will go fartlwr, and, under the circumstances which would then exist, they will drive out the Assembly.' M. de Broglie declared that in that case he would midst without pretending to be a -Brutus, nor would he vote for an unconstitutional candidate. Our will,' he added, ' would have no more value than that of Louis XIV. when old and dying. In the month of May it might be said what Sieyes said on the evening of the 18th Brumaire, " Gentlemen, you have a master." It is to avoid this result that M. de Broglie advocates the revision, the regular correction of the defects in the constitution which have led to such a deploralii, Mate of tl Inge. What appeared to him singular, is that the con tinual appeal which the constitution makes to the electoral colleges for the formation of almost all the bodies of the state is admired, and yet it is refused to consult the country precisely under the circumstances, when that consultation becomes urgent to revise the constitution. "It has been said that we agitate the country," observed M. de Broglie in conclusion, " but it is the constitution which agitates it. We have more than 100,000 elections to make : national guards, 37,000 municipal councillors, 2,600 cantonal coun cillors, 86 councils-general, the legislative power, and the President, and all this in one year ; and because we demand the election of a constitutional assembly, it is ~aid that we arc agitators. The great agitator, the O'Connell of the country, is the constitution." M. de TOCQCF.VILLE spoke in reply to M. de Broglie's al lusions to his views. As to the defects of the constitution they were agreed. Revision he thought dangerous, but ne cessary. It was not enough to say that they wished for revision, but they ought to prove their wish pratically, by making mutual concessions to swell the number of votes in favour of revision. Ile conjured the members of the com mittee to be swayed by this feeling. ht. de Broglie had not laid sufficient stress upon legality. It is not enough to say that the constitution will be respected if legal revision be impossible. They ought to make it respected by every body. Ile blamed the intervention of the administration an the petition movemeut. Such a test of public opinion was delusive and dangerous. As to the proviso which he wished to introduce in favour of the republic,lhe did not mean any declaration which would go against the stomach of any fraction of the party of order, as a pledge of allegianco to republican institutions. He entirely disavowed the ground taken up by General Cavaignac us to the eternal superior right of the republic. He wished merely on so critical an occasion that the Assembly should give an ex ample of opinion in the country by proclaiming the present necessity of the republic. He would not take is pledge of perpetual adhesion to the republic himself, much less would he wish to impose such a pledge on those who were less affected to republican institutions. M. ODILON Banitoe rejected the propositions of MM. Creton and Bouhicr de l'Ecluse, because they went right ahead on revolution, which he desired to avoid. lie ad mitted the full powers of the constituent ; and he wished neither to tempt nor to provoke that biely by tying them down before hand. But the Assembly having. to ',Macs, a wish ought to make known the motives of its wish. M. BEIIItYER claimed for the constituent the right of establishing the monarchy, if the monarchists should be in • majority. It was puerile to think of limiting the powers of the constituent. If the legislature expressed a monarchic wish, it would usurp the functions of the constituent. If the constituent chose to maintain the republic, they would at least have an improved and amended republic. The pre sent republic was a quasi-monarchic fiction, a bastard,vicious, false state, which was neither republic nor monarchy. As the Legislative Assembly had no right to impeee monarchy, se it had no right to impose the republic. But it ought to an en the latitude allowed by Art. 111. The amelioration of the republic was a subsidiary hope with him, convinced as he was that a monarchic future could alone secure the re pose of the country. His aim, under the present circum stances, was the full liberty of the country, represented by a Constituent Aesembly, perfectly free, and invested with all the attributes assigned to it by the constitution. In answer to M. Charamente, he added that if the consti tuent was not monarchic he would be of the opinion of Xl[. Odilon Barret and Toegueville, who wished sincerely to mead the republic. The Mayor of Lyons and his deputies have handed in their signatures to the Prefect of the Rhone, in consequence of the passing of the Lyons Pollee Bill. The seconds in the fatal duel between Olivier and Ginestous have been arrested. The Carlier-Lemulier-Forcade affair has been ad Journed until this day week. M. Flaudin is engaged to plead for M. Cartier, who will decline the compe tence of the tribunal. The La Plata committee heard to-day the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and was occupied with the in dividual claims detached from the treaties. M. de Lesseps, head of the commercial department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has set out for London on a special mission. The consular posit in California is to be erected into a consulate-general,with vice-consulates attached at different stations in the interior. M. Magne, Minister of' Public Works, has made a voyage to Havre to inspect the works for improving the navigation of the Lower Seine. The fall of the funds is of course perfectly uncon nected with the great event of the day, which would rather have an opposite tendency. The Fives closed at 92.85, with a tall of 30c. The Threes fell 25c., and closed at 55.75. ITALY. The sitting of the 21st of the Chamber of Deputies of Turin was taken up with the discussion of the bill for laying a tax upon liberal arts and professions as well as trades. After the Minister of Finance had made some observations on the principle of the bill, the Chamber decided that it would proceed to the discussion of the articles on the following day. A letter from Pavia, of the 20th, in the Croce di &cola, says that Count Gyulay, the military gover nor of Lombardy, having appeared in the theatre of that town on the preceding day, nearly all the spec tators left the house. The count, on seeing this, retired; as for the few spectators who had remained behind, they were received with hisses by a crowd in the street, when they came out of the theatre. The count was highly incensed at this behaviour, and threatened to declare Pavia in a state of siege, if such an affront were repeated. He accordingly returned to the play on the following night, but whether the public was differently composed or the same, nothing of the kind occurred. I