The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-28 00:00:00

the elpreso. MAILS. The mails for British North dowries, and the Untied 114sgss, will be made up on the evening of the 28th AprlL The mad. foe New Mouth to Van Diem'. Land, sad New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the l et Y iy. The made for the Wmit Coast of Africa sad Madeira will be made up on the evening of the let May. The West India i nc l u ding Bermode, Nassau, Havanna. Iloriduras, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Biro, and excluding those for Madeira, darinel, earthmen., Santa Martha, Chaired Panama, West Coast of South America, and St. Jima-de- Nicaragua, will be made up on Weaselling Grebe 2ad May. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Pend, Aden, Ceylon, lndu, Ileng.Kong, and China, sin Southamp ton, will be made up on the morning of the 3rd May. The mails fur the Bride,the River Plats, Monts Video, Pernathe m buco. Bahia. Yodels, and Buenos Are., will be made up on evening of the 4th May. The overland eloved condo, ria Marmilles, to the Mediterranean the , Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, 11°14 -Kong, will be made up on evening of the Nth May. The mails for poo, Lisbon, Madeira, Writ, sad Gibraltar will be made up on t h e morning of We Bth May. NOTICE TO ADV'ERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,00 9 This, we believe, is within eight per . eenf of the number {sued to the Morning Herald , Morning Chronicle, and Xurning Post, ALL etr TOOETHIR. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were imued for the? vening Edition, THE EXPRESS 78,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issue d either to the or SNind;rd, Evening Papers. num WATER AT LORDOII BRIDGE. Tate DAT —Morale', PI 3119. putt 8; A.09/enew. 37 whs. put 9. To•rossuw-70ornin9. io ma. 9•93 W.; Altesaaoe. s l MU. • PAW 10. LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 28. The Vines asked the other day, What is an aris tocracy? As if, for the life of it, it could not discover any ouch thing in England. There was a time it needed no spectacles for such a discovery. See how fully and how nicely society is graduated, says the Times ; the younger brothers of the nobility begin to earn and mingle with the commonalty, the richer members of the commonalty mingle with the nobility. There is no precise line drawn, consequently no marked or offensive aristocracy. The Times might as well say, that no height was a height, because it was arrived at by steps, or that no fortress was formidable or strong because it had outworks and green mounds to screen its ditch and ramparts, purposely masking its strength, and apparently confounding it with the champaign country - round. If the Tieies seeks to know what an aristocracy means in England, let it open the Red Book, read the list of the cabinet, the names of people iu high places, and the Times is quite genealogist enough to trace the whole place and power-holding world to about a dczen families. There are landed aristocracies, social aristocracies, official aristocracies —what would the Times say to an aristocracy that was all three? Now, there may be no remedy for • monopoly of land, as certainly there is no antidote. at least in legislation, for social pride; but an official ruistocracy, or a monopoly of place by a very few families connected in blood, is an injustice which merely requires bold exposure to put an end to. A country which is able, willing, and used to pay for services rendered it, so amply as England does, might to command the best talent, and the best supply of talent for its ser vice. And surely it is not to be expected that all the talent of the country is concentrated in a few noble houses, yet, to consult the Red Book we should say decidedly that it was. Now, we do not think that this exclusiveness, one of the great causes of the unpopularity of the Whigs, is owing to nepotism and narrow aelflshneass, or to a desire to monopolise emolument. But political, and especially official, power is, in this country, so much a kind of freemasonry, with so much artifice about it; the real and internal ma chinery of administering and ruling is so very differ ent from the appearance put upon it, and the external surface exposed to public scrutiny, that not only mys tery is required, but that mutual confidence and hold ing together between ministers and ministerial people, which ensures all that no one will unmask the cheat and betray it. Our well-born politicians do not shrink from associating to them the rising talent, or the man of the people, because they loathe vulgarity. Thelma sitiveness springs from no such pride. But their fear is that the simply honest and candid individual would at once object, be disgusted, protest or betray. Hence the long initiation required for office, the care and scrutiny to observe if the politician be Bien pensant, if his mind can undergo and bear patiently the liga tures of red tape. lf it should seem not,—if he chew signs of restlessness or independence—oh then, no matter what his power of intellect or information —be he a Cobden or a D'lsraeli, Whig and tory will alike eschew him. And he is driven from trust or from office with a Procul este prerini. There was certainly a wish felt, and an effort made an the part of the present ministry, when they came into office, to wipe away the accusation of exclusive- I ness, and of their ruling by a " family compact." Could they have found even an ultra-liberal person of notability, of whom they could be sure, they would no doubt have admitted hint to the cabinet, even though, like the dead body at the Egyptian feast, be should warn them by his aspect, that elevated from the dust of the people, to that same popular dust they must return. But no new man could be found who would not have spoiled the harmony of the new cabi net. Place, however, was offered to Mr. WARD, Mr. H.twes, and Mr. MILNER GIBSON, which they very foolishly accepted. No man in their position should accept place, without having a person, on whose sentiments and firmness they intimately rely, in the cabinet. What a scene was it, for example, for the Vice President of the Board of Trade to go to Manchester and make a speech against military expenditure at a time when ministers were meditating a serious in crease of the estimates, the Vice-President declaring at the same time that he knew nothing of-ministerial intentions, and that although in office, he was quite in the dark as to such important points of policy! We trust that no one in Mr. MILNER Gissos's posi tion, and with his claims to confidence, will ever make such an avowal again. The resignation of that gentleman cannot but com pel ministers to show in what direction they are really moving. Are they for concession, and for seeking to anticipate that great move forward, of which there are stirrings and symptoms in overt' town of any weight throughout the country ? Or are LILL.) bb.t 1. etas of passive resist-' ance, and, despairing of offering by themselves sufficiently bold and firm front to the popular move ment, are they about to seek comfort and support by a more intimate and avowed union with the Peg party ? It is melancholy to see the old traditional libe ral party, forced, at the vacancy of every petty office, to see how they can make the filling of it an accession to their strength. As if all was weakness in and with the government, and all was force without. Such a place that filled by Mr. MILNER GIBSON is one that lit to be given to the most capable and most by. Of all offices, the Board of Trade ought to .ie least steeped in party, the least influenced in measures and appointments by the leanings or exigencies of party. And we will do the President of Board the justice to say, that he amply meets and file these great requisites. But ministers as they stand mot afford to part even with minor places for the we accession of capacity. Mr. JAMES WILSON, for ex iple, however well stored with statistics and other misites, is unclassed as a politician. And no great iy or constituency would entertain the least increase confidence in a ministry because of its enlisting Ar. Witsoe's services. Ministers, therefore, cannot afford to avail themselves of them. And we put credit in the rumour of that gentleman's appoint- ment. It is an important characteristic of the time, that r liament and the country are not o f one and the se spirit—of oar ed the same fling. This mere alone demonstrat n es the great e n ecessity for an ttension of the franchise and a larger constituency. Ministers are perplexed between the two courses of opinion, and the 'elements of power. To fling themselves on the people would alienate and disgust the aristocratic partie, who, thanks to corrupt electors, predominate ill parliament. Whilst to mancenvre so as to rally more votes of the parliamentary majority, will infallibly de popularise and discredit the whip with the country. The moment is critical. It is for Lord J. RUSSELL to choose. And we awn, that the resignation of Mr. MI Nos Giusti:4 makes us doubt the wisdom of the final choice. from associatin of the people, I siticeness sprin that the simpl] at once object, the long Mini scrutiny to of if his mind ea tures of red • ahew signs of no matter who —be he a Col alike eschew or from office There was i on the part of into office, to I 1 ncss, and o' Could they h, notability, of no doubt hi 1 I though, like should warn dust of the must return. would not h I net. Place, BAWes, ani foolishly aco accept plat sentiments cabinet. WI President o and makes time when crease of t at the semi intentions, in the darl We trust t tion, and i such an at The resi il l pel minis l really Inc seeking t which th i . town of g ale cut.) 1 ante , ar I I sufficient] ment, aro I • a more party ? 1 ral party see how their stro governu as that ought t worthy. he the 1.1 its mea exigene i 1 the Boa fulfilsth cannot 1 mere ac ample, I requisil body 01 of con Mr. W afford little c ment. It is partial same o fact al etteno Minis opinic theme and thank pulls votes P ° P ul , fhe 1 / chooo Mu! final l THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 28, 1848. inunism. In the Express of Wednesday it is stated that on the occasion of an address being read to M. DE LAMARTINE from the society of political economists, remonstrating against the suppression of the professorship of political economy in the college of France, the minister declared "that so far from desiring to check the progress of economical science, the intention of the mi nister of public instruction, and the government, was to extend it, by dividing, under several distinct professorships, that which was before limited to one." " The science,' said he, "must not be as formerly, the science of wealth; the democratic republic must and will give it another character ; it wall make it the sci ence offraternity, by which the fruits of labour will be augmented, but a distribution of wealth more general, more equitable, and more universal among the people, will be effected. The science has hitherto been directed to make individuals rich, henceforward it will be directed to enrich the whole people." Now. is this speech either more or less than a pure ad captandum address to the passions or prejudices of the mob—that mob which we trusted the other posit had been forced to retire from its usurped ion as governor of the country, by the energy and the popularity of LAMARTINE himself ? Is it not pitiable that the greatest of modern French men, in order to extend his influence over the " sweet voices" of those without, should feel bound to deliver himself of such a gahonatias I—that he should be guilty of the absurdity of decreeing that the science of wealth shall be the science of something else ; that a democratic republic can convert a question of arith metic into a question of ethics ; and that by splitting a science into a number of parts you can get rid of its essential character? The proposal to extend the do main of the science of political economy, by dividing the public teaching of it, under se veral distinct professorships, would be paralleled but not exceeded in absurdity, by an attempt to in crease the dignity and usefulness of the chair of Moral Philosophy, by multiplying the professors of the science of ethics, and requesting them to extend their useluluess by lecturing on the steam-engine, mesmerism, and the theory of the tides. Political economy means nothing more than the science of the laws which regulate the production and distribution of wealth ; and whether the investigations connected with this science are denominated, as by the inventor, "Inquiries into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations," or receive the euphonous name of Catallacties, suggested by Archbishop WIIATELY, the subject matter is still the same. It is impossible to think that M. 1)e LAMARTINE is ignorant of this. It is impossible to think th-t a man who knows so much of the history of the first French republic and its fearful tampering@ with the manufacturing and agricultural interests of France, can believe in the existence of any science by the knowledge of which " the distribution of wealth may be made more g eneral, more equitable, and more universal." To tell a starving nation that the science which they have been taught to believe explains the laws of wealth has hitherto been directed to make individuals "rich," is a falsehood; to tell them that " h enceforward it can be directed to enrich a whole people," is a delusion, and a delusion, too, whic proclaim it. h will prduce • speedy retribution on those who The thousands of hungry men who are now feeding . at the public cost, consuming everything and producing nothing, enjoying a dolce far niente which is an ely slum compared with their former state of incessant and hopeless toil, lulled to sleep with the dreams of personal happiness, and the glory of the great natio ill ask n of w hich they are now the recognised defenders, w naturally enough of their rulers, where ie this aug mentation of the fruits of labour? when are they to look for the advent of this " more general, more equitable, more universal distribution of wealth ?" The government, by such speeches as those of M. DE LAMARTINE, and by a great number of its public acts, has virtually pledged itself Do to feede bete, people ; can it redeem its b e lieve pledge that these ? th ins t ruc ted among its members pledges can be redeemed? We think not. What then is to protect Franco from a revolution still more fearful than any of its preceding revolutions ? Will not the people, maddened by perpetual disappoint , ment, be forced upon the persuasion that one of the first functions of government is to deceive—that there public is as skilled in this function as the monarchy— and that their own interests will be best cared for, by trusting as little as possible to any government at all ? Did .not the late government fall because it falsified its promises, because it failed to fulfil the very conditions upon which it received power? Bat the charge against Louis PHILIPPE is a mere nothing compared with that which will be made against the republican government. The late king virtually promised to every man in the nation the privilege of voting : the present government has virtually pro mised that every Frenchman shall have a full belly. The king coma nave isn'i hi. h,,t would not ; the present government doubt less would do the same, but cannot. Will not, then, the reaction against the latter be more violent than that against the former party, in proportion to the greater importance of the republican pledge ? A man may put up with the loss of a promised vote : can he put up with the loss of a promised meal when he has thrown away his means of earning one ? Instead of vilifying the science of political economy, M. de Limmtvise, if he has any regard for the stability of I his own government—for the welfare, nay, for the very existence, of the starving millions who are naturally looking up to him and his coll , agues for deliverance from the present crisis, should encou rage by every possible means the diffusion of a sound political economy. He should encourage missionaries to preach to the excited people continual sermons on the fundamental texts of the despised science ; to persuade them that Providence only helps those who help themselves, and that the most certain way to be disappointed of obtaining a mouthful, is to wait with closed eyes and open mouth until a higher power chooses to send it. We have often had occasion to remark on the facilities afforded to wife-killing in the practice of our criminal law. The habit of wife-killing may be said to be confined to the lower classes. But their betters are not without an equivalent for this cheapest lof homicidal luxuries. When the husband in fustian uses weapons, the husband in broad cloth uses words. The brutality, in gratification of which the former employs fists, feet , pokers, joint stools, and other handy implements, the latter refines on by the sub stitution for these of fierce vituperation, obscene epithets, and all the petty and ingenious tyranny of insult, neglectful insinuation, and fouler wrong. When the one bruises the limbs, the other wounds the affections—when the one treads underfoot the body. the other tramples on the hopes and happi- ness. Not but what many a fine gentleman is in no way ashamed of lifting his hand on a wife. The records a our courts, ecclesiastical, civil, and criminal , coa -1 taiu proof enough of the fact. Perhaps, on the whole, there is about as much ac taal matrimonial misery in any one clue of life as in an, other. l'he same indulgent construction which the crimi nal courts put on the brutalities of humble husbands towards their wives seems to be extended in courts ecclesiastical to the matrimonial offences of gentlemen wealthy enough to resort to these expensive tribunals. The magistrate, or petty jury, is as loath to press hard on the coalwlupper or costermonger who breaks his wife's head or limbs, as the ecclesiastical judge on the brutal man of means and station who merly terrifies his wife into miscarriage by violence, or breaks her heart and health by continuous ill treatment, that stops short of blows. The case of " GEMS S. GEILS," in which judgment was given on NN ednesday by Sir H. J. Fesr, is one so repulsive in its details that we would gladly, if we consulted our private inclinations, pass it over with out comment. But the prominence which has been given to that case, not less by its own peculiar loath someness than by the violent attacks on the judge who tried and the officers of the court who con ducted it which have been grounded upon it by one of our contemporaries, forces it upon us as atopic which can hardly be evaded, and which may besides be im prored, disgusting as it is. The judgment of Sir H. 3. FUST will, doubtless, be charged with partiality to the husband and his family, and with harshness towards the wife and her relations. To such charges we do not believe the judgment itself is fairly open. The leniency with which Mr. GEILS' brutality is handled in it is attri butable much more to the system of the court than to the feelings of the judge. The same considerate esti mate of the failings of the man, the same rigorous strictness towards those of the wife, was shown i a the equally disgusting DYSART case : it belongs I i the theory of our law on the subject of connubial dis putes, of which it seems to be a principle to assume everything in favour of the husband, and against the wife. After going with Sir H. 3. FUST through the se veral allegations of cruelty—after learning that threats to a wife to " scrag her" and to " knock her head off" are not cruelty—that the application to her of such epithets as " bitch " and " devil " is not cruelty—that pushing her violently when cl , ,se on her confinement, with such endearing phrases as " d—d devil," is not cruelty—one is tempted to ask, with some curiosity, what is cruelty ? As to an act of personal violence, where the hue- , band seized his wife by the throat, we are told there is no evidence of any mark left. As to another of pushing, that there could not be any violence, as a workman employed on the premises thought it was done in play—such play, doubtless, as might have been very harmless between him and a companion. Another act still more violent is put ledde, because the wife " condoned" it—that is, paidoned it in the eye of the law, by living with the husband afterwards. One is painfully impressed after reading this judg ment with a sense of the helplessness of a woman married to a brute. She must never forgive him any act of brutality, or she bars herself from bringing it forward as a ground of separation, when brutality be comes intolerable. Again, as recent complaints form a necessary ingredient of proof, she must make them, no matter how anxious to conceal her own indignity, and her husband's degradation. She must parade her bruises before her waiting- maid, that she may have evidence forthcoming, if she should I happen to be driven into the ecclesiastical court. In a word, she must live with her husband, from the first outbreak of the devil in him, as though she con templated the time of full possession. The Court of Arches must be ever in her eye, closing up the vista of her married life. She must cast up her sufferings, docket and prove her outrages, schedule her wrongs, against the day Sir H. J. FeeT comes to weigh them. But let her hope on against hope ; let her give way to her womanly and forgiving nature, or wifely shame, and she deprives herself of her miserable and only remedy. If she have means so large and so settled as to make it worth her tyrant's while to insist on keeping up the relations between them, he holds her in a noose, in which she may chafe her self dead or hang herself, but which she cannot break, without a foresight of her own wretchedness, anda self restraint in submitting to it, which of themselves iml suffering greater than can be balanced by the relief of getting rid of the most brutal and abandoned of husbands. We have hitherto spoken of cruelty merely. We pass, advisedly, over the darker shades of this repul sive picture. There were chambers of horror in that Oumback House s nto which we may not enter. The separation is granted on the ground of adul tery. It is well there was something in the case which the law does admit as good ground for dissever ing the marriage tie. There is one consideration which the whole cans , suggests to us, and that is, the utter want of real education, both in husband and wife, which such a revelation as this indicates. Here is a lady, heiress to large estates, and highly accomplished, as the phrase is, unable, apparently, to restrain herself, or to refuse or tame her animal of a husband. Here is a gentleman—(heaven save the mark !)---educated, no doubt, in the common sense of the word, an officer, and in a " crack" regiment to boot, exhibiting a bra- i tality and animal grossness, which place him among the most degraded of his kind. No doubt such characters, so deep in their shadows, I so utterly unredeemed, are not common. But how many are secured from being what this man was, by anything that education has done to control their early tendencies? The husband of this unhappy lady was not more the mere natural man of his youth and boyhood than average young men of his class are of theirs. If most young persons, of ample means and idle lives, are not Geilsee, they have rather to than k their own b e tter-tempered natures than the ordinary `-eational training of the nineteenth century. GERMANY. 11ADEN.—We have given the facts of the death of Lieut.-Gen. Von Gagern, and the defeat of the re publican bands in the grand duchy. Colonel Von Hinkeldey has written a report of the affair, and what subsequently took place when he assumed the command ad interim. This report, of which the fol lowins is a translation, is publicg, the 21st mst., and was made at Cabiruhe on the 23rd: I have the honour to announce to the Minister of War that Lieut.-General Von Gagern was killed yesterday at 9 o'clock, in a tight between us and the insurgent. on the Scheideck, nea an r Kdern. At 4 o'clock in tbe moraine we on Kandern, with three battalions of in fantry, three spade... of esorda,, tour eannon, and two field-pi e ces. We had learned in a positive manner that Hecker's band had passed the night at Kan stern, and we foand its advanced posts in front of that place. The royal councillor, Stephani, went forward with a trumpeter to summon the insurgents to surrender, but they refused. Our columns, which had been destined to take Kandern by assault, took it without re sistance, and the head of our column came up with the rear I of the insurgents behind Kandern, where Lieut.-General Von Gagern caused their chief, Hecker, to be called, and sum mooed II him, once more, to surrender. But he again refused. We then followed them into the mountains, where they placed two cannon on the Scheideck, one of the defile., on the right and left of which they placed themselves in co lumn, numbering about 1,200. 'We advanced quietly, Licut.-General Von Gagern at our head. The insurgents called the general, who immediately advanced towards them, and reiterated his previous summons. They saluted us with cries of " Come to us, German brethren, unite with us for the defence of liberty," and as they did so they continued to advance nearer to our front. Lieutenant- General Von Gagern took a few steps backwards and re. l mounts d his horse, but at that moment the two cannon, 1 1 which were only fifteen yards distant,and upwards of a bun- Bred muskets, were fired, overthrowing our first rank and causing the first column to fall hack for a moment, but the soldiers composing it soon recovered, and repulsed the in surgents with the bayonet; the combat was then engaged in by our skirmishers, who caused a great loss to the enemy. General Von Gagern fell at the first discharge, pierced with three balls. I immediately took the command. After a fight of an hour and a half I was enati.ed to advance my troops, and the fire lasted I another hour; it had been impossible to use the artillery, the enemy having retired into the woods. At twelve o'clock I reached Sclalechtehatts, where I halted to rest the tired troops I which were however full of enthusiasm. The inhabitants hastened at my request to give them wine and bread ; we then pursued the remains of the band of Hecker, which had taken the direction of Steinen, being about 250 or 300 strong, and still !Living with them the two cannon. W eedosse the defile near Weitenau. Before Steinen was pos the band of Struve, who had spent fle previous night at Lorrach. I advanced my troops to the attack, when Struve advanced to parley, and demanded a truce of several hours to retire and are a further effusi of blood. I answered by calling on him to lay down h is arm and that I would grant no truce. Ile then asked for two hours, and, on my formal refusal, for half-an - hour , which I g ranted him, in order not to appear too bard, inasmuch as the band was exceedingly tired. The half-hour briar. spent, I entered the sill uge of Steiem, which had been abandoned by the insurgents, and I marched to Diann Xaltiasen, and Ertneldir.r.en, where I established my head-quarters. The result of this expedition was decisive. as the chief band is completely rooted and has crossed as Rhine, and we forced the other to abandon its position on the mountain s, and the troops have proved that the republican movement was fir from pommeling their sympathy ; they fought well for young troops. The death of Lieut.-Cieneral Von Gagern, is a great loss. We had, besides four men killed, six mortally wounded andadly nine slightly. Six more are mining, and probably wounded. The lose on the part of the enemy may be stated as five times as great as ours. We have found guns, carbines, scythes, and arms of all kinds. We took a flag and 15 pri soners. I shall go to-day to kf lheim. Neuenburg, huggen, and Sehliengen, and to•morrow will give adm 'S rest to my troops, who want it.—(Signtd) Col. HISKELDET There is no doubt as to the fact of Hecker having escaped to Bale, and Struve being taen at S 2 ackingen. A letter front D onaues chingen, dated the oth, says that a fight had taken place between the insurghort ents and the IVurtemberg troops at Grimmelshofen, a s distance from the Swiss frontier. The insorgents had severa l killed and wounded , forty prisoners were made, and sent to Stuhlingen. At Geisingen the insurgents fired on the advanced posts of the troops, but did no harm. Some of the inhabitants of Donaues chingcn took advantage of the first favourable op portunity to leave the ranks of the insurgents and go home. At Constance the members of the administra tion had returned to their functions. AUSTRIA. —We have dates from Vienna to April 22. His Majesty has been pleased, in consequence of the resignation of Count Kolowrat, who has hither to filled the post of president in the cabinet council, to confer this office upon Count Fiquelinont pro- -- visionally. The Bank of Vienna has resolved to send 1,000,000 of florins to Lintz, another to Brunn, a third to then, and a fourth to l'rsgue, for the purpose of assisting trade, and especially manufac:ories which employ thousands of hands. PRUSSIA. —The Prussian Stales Gazette, of April 23, announces officially that intelligence had been received that the Daniell government, under date of the 19th of this month, has laid an embargo on all German vessels in the Danish harbours, and has issued a command to all the Danish men of war to bring in the Prussian merchantmen. The following letter from a correspondent gives a summary of news from the Grand Duchy of Posen : POSEN, APRIL 19. I write this in perfect ignorance how soon it will ' reach you, for having beea assured that the post office funs tionanes at Berlin have received au order to intercept all letters coming from here, I am obliged to send it through a private channel. Considering the circumstances, things are progressing here very favourably, and it is my deepest con viction that the commotio n would have by this time entirely subsided, were it not for the spirit of injustice and insubordi nation on the part of the Prussian troops and a portion of the German population. linraged at the prospect of being foiled in their scheme of denationalising this part of Poland, those of the Prussian functionaries who are now likely to be removed are trying by every means to re conquer their former ascendancy. Hence the stories of sanguinary battles fought by the Poles, of unheard-of atrocities perpetrated by them on the Jews and the Ger mans, of murders, robberies, Lt:c., which have not the slightest foundation in truth, and are ouly bruited shout with the view of irritating one population against the ether. The truth is, that these parties calculated upon the peasants becoming unmanageable, and hoped that they would, in the first instance, massacre ti-e nobles and then be themselves exterminated by the Polish troops. They hare, however, been disappointed, for nothing could exceed the order and subordination with which the Polish camps have separated. Of course some stragglers have here and there committed violence, but not a single act of piemeditated atrocity can be adduced against them, whilst, according to the official statement puhliehed by the Polish committee, and hitherto uncontradicted by the Prussian authority, there is not a single district of the duchy of Posen in which most cruel and wanton acts of provocetion have not been com mitted by the Jews, and the Germans deluded by them. A long list of inoffensive persons murdered by the latter is joined to the statement of t he committee. The instances of insubordination and cruelty on the part of the soldiery, espe cially the Silesian and the Pomeranian troops, have reached that degree that General Colomb himself, who has been do. Mg here great mischief by opposing and counteracting General William's plan and efforts, has been at last obliged to animadvert on the prevalent evil, and to publish a severe order against all further transgressions of discipline. Were it not for General Steineeker, the evil genius of Colomh, the Del Carmen) of the duchy of Posen, the difficulties, in as for at least as regards the military authorities here, might have been removed, and the pemines liberated from the excesses of the soldiery. As it was, Gen. Willisen the King's commissary, had t o under g o the affront of being 'hooted by the soldiers and having a rope held before his eyes as the merited reward of his noble efforts to restore peace to this distracted country. I have seen today some numbers of the Cologne Gazette, full of falA reports about Posien. Some of those function aries of whom I spoke above must have taken hold of the confidence of the editors, and abuse it now beyond the limits of justice and propriety. As your papers are likely to draw from this tainted source, I feel it a duty to caution you against it. To such as have sent correspondents to Berlin I should offer the advice that, on the principle of audi alterane pastern, they should direct them to put themselves in com munication with Dr. Cybulski (34, Dorotheen.strasse), the eelebrated Slimonist, and the recognised agent at Berlin of the central Polish committee. That committee, composed es it is of some of the most illustrious and energetic men amongst the Poles, is still watching over the interests of IPoland and directing the whole movement. The following 'proclamation of the Central Committee of Poland, which has just been published by it, will speak for itself : " When, in the year 1846, in contravention of the I most solemn treaties, and as if to fill up the measure of crimes perpetrated on the Polish nation, the republic of Cracow—the last remnant of our independent country—was abolished, and incorporated into Austria, the Polish nation declared this act to be the float partition of Poland, and sum moned its perpetrators before the tribunal of Europe and posterity. ' Punishment soon followed the crime." At the pre sent moment, in 1848, in the year of the emancipation of nations, we receive official announcement of a new partition of Poland being in contemplation! Indeed, we could not believe it had it not been communicated to us by authority. Under the very dubious pretence that in some of the distr icts of the grand duchy of l'osen, the Germans are more numerous than the Poles, reactionary functionaries, oblivious of the most sacred rights, unable to understand the spirit of our time and its exigencies, anxious only to retain their places, have by dint of spurious agitation in favour of German nationality compelled the higher authorities to give them a promise that such districts will be separated from the duchy of l'osen and incorporated with the German confedera non. We declare meat solemnly, that true to the whole tenor of our history, the Polish nation will, as seen as it becomes' free and independent, leave the free choice of government nationality to those portions of their country which from their contiguity with other nations stem now of a doubtful and mixed character ; but as long as this restoration of the whole independent Poland shall not have been accomplished, so long we shall consider the separation of any portion of our country as a new partition of Poland, and we herewith enter our solemn protest before the nations of Europe against so lawless an act, and arraign the originators and the perpetra tors of this scheme before the justice of the present genera tion and of posterity.—(Signed) — lawieno went, L'ARRE PRUSTNOWNIII, LturLT, POTWOROWSILL CASAICS, MORACZEWSILI, STOMEZEWSKI.—Vosen, April 17, 1848." SIR ROBERT PEEL might And a very pertinent an swer to the sneers of his adversaries, on the occasion of his iteration of the question "What is a pound?" by pointing to a nation of thirty millions of souls on the other side of the channel who are nimble to reply to him. A French workman, who went to bed on Saturday night two months ago, possessed of his week's wages, in the shape of a French " pound," might have given an answer which would not have differed very materially from that which be would have re_ turned to a similar question on Monday morning. But times have altered. The "pound" of to-day differs as much from the " pound" of yesterday as the dried leaves from the golden sequins, which they represented in the Arabian tale. T he sli pp er y " pound" is the only entity which laughs at the sway of the potent Provisional Government. Now we could almost ima gine that the contumacious behaviour of the said pound is the cause, in some measure, of the hatred of the members of the Provisional Government to the science of political economy. This science, it is known, professes not indeed to tell us what a pound is, but to explain the vagaries of the said sum. It explains the laws of the variations; it does not make them. Louts BLANC and his friends are of course in dignant that they have not as yet been able to fulfil the sublime aspirations of the p hil oso phic re former, JACK CADE, that there shall be se ven half penny leaves sold for a penny, and that the three hoop d pot shall have ten hoops; but they are doubly indignant that there should be men bold enough to proclaim the existence of a science which asserts and proves the impossibility of these desi derata. We are sorry to find that there arc evidences of these feelings in a quarter from whence we ex pected something better than the reveries of com impeachment of Torlonia for peculation on the trea sury, which Tiberis Paradisi set forth a few months ago, has been quietly disposed of in the same cool way. At the little town of Palo, half way between this and Civita Vecchia, an Irish traveller of the name of 1 Fitzgerald, having kickrd the postboy for some at- 1 tempt at extortion and insolence, the latter stabbed 1 him with &stiletto in the abdomen, and he lies in a slow and precarious state of recovery. Tho assassin has been seized. A mare unbridled set of villains does not exist than most of those connected with the post-houses through the Roman states, and the con treat presented on crossing the frontier, whether to Tuscany or even Naples, is at once visible. I have despaired of making Prince Massimo do his duty, though by a strong pressure from without we hive I just gained a delivery and exit of letters on Wedites days, which day hitherto had been a dies non at the post-office, although its Latin name has always been Dies Mercarii. AU the leviathans of land in this territory have been ordered to pay up six months in advance of the tams &diva, or acreable ssment. Bank notes of the Roman Bank are made compulsory on payments and acceptance for the next half year, on the security of church lands. Private bankers will not pay you in dollars under two per cent. discount. Although about Easter, Rome is supposed at its beet days, there is an utter stagnation in trade. Eve foreigner is going away. C om merce paralysed and Anr at the last gasp. Everyone's heart and thoughts arc beyond the Ap ennines with the Roman auxiliaries "in the high lands" and in upper Italy, and letters are handed about from brothers and relatives gone to the wars. I stopped at a oliormtker's stall at Foligno (writes one), to have my sole put in order, and seeing an old and dirty tricolor hanging over his workshop, I offered to save him the disgrace of such penury and buy him a new onr. Dis grace ! God bless you, that is the flag I carried in 1031 as tar as lticti, and when we retreated before the Vandals I hid it behind a Madonna, and have kept a lamp burning before it these seventeen years, in hopes of displaying it once again. Have you room for me in your ranks ? and when I have welt, d this leather for you I go along with you, though old and infirm." Ile is with us now. Many capuchins are enrolled, and have marched. Recruits come in from all quarters. Lord Minto went away yesterday, to TURIN, not to London, as newspapers report. HONDURAS —The following is an extract from a letter dated Bells , March 6 .—" By last accounts the Indians are close to liacular. They have burned several towns in the neighbourhood , and have massacred the inha bitants. All who can are tlying across the Hondo, and Belize is nearly full of t he wealthier families of Ltscalar. All the empty houses in the town have been taken for these poor Spaniards, who are really very much to be pitied. We may have the Indians here, too, for there arc many thousands of them, and they get guns and ammunition as they proceed." From another letter dated Belize 11th March, the Indians have b u rned the sugar works and all they could lay their hands on in the mahogany works in the Lagoon ; and there seems no doubt but that no mahogany, and very little Ingwood, will come down Chick C,eek (the Hondo) this season. - - 'Ube Court. Prince Albert left Osborne turdyesteay morning, and proceeded in the Fairy steam-yacht pay a visit to her Majesty the Q seen Dowager , oa board the Howe. His Royal Highness after % ards returned to Osborne. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager arrived at Os borne at two o'clock yesterday afternoon, to pay a visit to the Queen. lier Majesty was conveyed from the Howe in the hairy steam-yacht to Osborne, and partook of a thje4tur with her Majesty and Prince A'bert. TIIE ENTITROMATION OP THE BISTIOP OF HERE FORD took place yesterday in the cathedral of that city, in the presence of • vast number of the inhabitants and of visitors from the adjacent districts. The mayor and corpo ration attended the ceremony. Amongst the canons present were the Rev. W. P. Musgrave, the Dean of St. Asaph, the Rev. J. Wetherell, the Hon. and Rev. H. Rodney, the Rev. 1 J. -11. Webb, the Hon. and Rev. 0. W. W. Forrester, besides • great number of other clergymen. The prayers on this occasion were read by the Rev. T. Oretton, one of the minor canons, and the lessons by the Rev. J. Hoptnn, vicar of Canon Frome. In the absence of the Dean. Dr. 4 Merewether, the Rev. Canon Musgrave presided over the I ceremony, at the conclusion of which the bishop the no unced the blessing over the assembly. -- -- I noted to know what leas the superior ~..awe of Harwich which entitlsd th Sher airsmemrs as the electors ot Wog,ag, there was Thetford, with 3,81 t w voters. Thetford, with its small po a we number of .members to parliament ar 097,000 inhabitants and 11,600 voters. ;attend anomalous state of thinga, and t wo gl . s, ai t e thnderetheettou of the of nrtiuenee large the e a arist , , se Aisweies, su ch as Manchester , liirmin g t Wow such were obviuu., and machinery tt otte e nded t o, and the petitions wee, . The y should first the n reform o w a wry, so as to allow no number of men os try to return a greater number op s than the same num her of men of l o s ) There we re also Thetford and 1 owli be knew little, except th 11l da m, their only manufacture wits u m 282,0 em /at there was Liverpool, with 1 000 elector., which also re t u rned two Chippenham, with 6,600 inhabita warned two members ; while Manchtst isbitants and 12,000 electors, returned pane.) It would tyke 82 constituenei o ke up one e qual to that of Liv.rpool owned the samenumber of members to .) Four English counties, having top XOOO iuhabitanui,sent 51 member* to Oland, with four times that number 63. Now what reason was there is obitants were remarkable for the may, and their morality, should, si ow greater, return smer n 'gement them t h a n those from all counti um es pcb an an omalous condition in the acs's ma of the country should b ho had e changed In ds of thousa nds of those w not icisded within the e electoral con st W h en they saw th gigantic triers countries in liberalihs a in t the g t.l we not to be expeeed t . s ale of England would rent contents , d political rights. (Cher re. o vulate the example which hail beer wital states. There was no excuse Upland. now possessed privilege, M occasi oned revolutions e lsenhei $ the community here eijoyi i liberty than, ueder the old systen ogian prince or nobleman. We hat eeting, the went ot which had blow ; w e had also trial by jury, and hof which they had abroad mesentative system, involving, Sr control, which won as 4 :he could tell them, from what he s Hype countries which had been the Oral convulsions, the state of soviet i e lisation and to the century; n with mire w as not a prince no.di volitive, whose life or propert , gt. Th e people there we re be here called a p er t Babes' Corpus Act, and a dungt weld beg the puniehineut of the min psoth aainst thy goverment. It ti Ina Mai a system of tyranny, and to Wee rights which Englishmen hail smile l'iroad had risen against tt Is need net say that be ho w tyrants by whom the just de wl been refused, and who were ins in exile; on the contrary, 1 yes when the world was becoming f str, than he found it. He rejoiced, sea of a new agitation in this count' le was anxious to give them, as Enid seemocrats—(cheers) —a few a ords. ad before them the experience of th k political objects —that of Mr. O'Cor men, that of Mr. Attwocd for pal rely, that of Mr. Cobden for free Yd succeeded for two reasons—lit attended for were just; and secoi them, and bringing them (Hear, hear.) resort to intimidat and threats ; they do alarm, but they went eut the evil, and mac is existence, and to combil •to remove it. (Cheers. agitation for emancipati bublin. That number who by united at de such appeals to .0 longer be resisted , emancipation was w Avernment in the before them exam ing carried by the p a clam being set in host ion of all classes. No at the voice of tl and if all clues .t to maintain the _Noe. (Hear.) quoted—if they el ..termination to conciliate end that ere long, wit -• He would no 1 the social advents it them expected w he had no doubt t mefits which regent The resolution whi fundamntal principle of I shal e l be fully and ha cent, thin meeting fe the House of Com most important and GREEN (a chartist) comm , good temper and good both sides would mat peaceful conclusion. The been consulted on the meeting, had, e almost as large resolved their Mr. Hume ha, douse of Cow to the representation would aid them Hume and the a proposing or sup charter, they woult ire to such messur could now, then the course t A the resolution % had called anent greatest authorities Ho would direct were of very of the coo ere proceeded in the reign , and other rover/ overeign to heal t of the crown v le people ; that by the uncontroll .ale of full age had and that the laws from being enad voice of the peopl .. . _ aTinting Wel hat ta, which all , the principal guar' .y, he found, shut out th ,stat all the legitimate Tig weed to them. lie referred *ideal revolutions had heel that the people had been los eslits had Seen acknowle °thine, and the experience' %at class legislation the 1 All these promises had failed natter failure. (Bear.) which the workiag china man. Another great c vithin the last few years oat the working classes bad !token were again used, 1 ' . 4.1 0 1 ," and '' Plenty c Age how those mottoes hi lie did not say these thin my dissatisfaction is the haldle cluses to understar diverted by mo ttoes or pal tight,. (Hear, hear.) spinet the principles of I *odd was his maxim ond those who bough This sou sound chartist been carried by a move= 'id by the long purses daises. The middle clam People, and he for one v Snots Their long pi People, and the two bodi the ranks of clap leg the repeal of the union shade to the amnesia% revenues of the church i 1 400,0001. sterling. b it the people succeeded i the beuetit of it ? (lies sse the separation of ct the support and anis ith respect to the ch agitation with any ituei fraternity, he believed I sent favourable position object with undeviatim watchword, which wa There was one erronel respecting chartist dot strenuous and ungualii the chartists sought ft asserted boldly that th who would take from (Rear, hear.) Th,. they d il ww" b ort y ked; no vanu la wanted su'Airitc They observed that whenei and sleek, very iiifferi d 47. Why was it so *aging them, and *taw . *constitutional. (Hear, rations did not resort to Ic • soles and threats at or alarm, but . the; weed cut the evil, a trove its existence, and It attempt to remove it. wad the agitation for em emus in Dublin. That n a millions, who by amt • 'au and made such ap; d could no longer be smal means, emancipabor mutest government it Day had before them motions being carried by mho* one clams being set Odic union of all 611514 Meth of time resist the vc common object, and if i • long be able to mats * elective franchise. aples he had quoted—if vidi a determination to co me, and that ere lot air object. He von neld secure all the social *tat amongst them ext • • es, but he had no •• moral benefits whicl • • confer. The resolu That the fundamental pril • the people shall be htlls • of Parliament, this m conviction that the 'kiwis me meet this most impa Ir. GILLEN (a chartist the good temper an ...ted on both sides we • peaceful conclusion been consulted • • y that meeting, body, almost as of he c House l of it would std - justified in propoain people's charter, tin to give to such There could nov as to the co N mover of the MO second had millet the greatest aut —Art. Ho would tie which were a part of tl speaker here pr •• tea passed in th • 111., and othe of the sovereign prerogative of the Rood of the people chosen by the tat • male of full ag and that the y force from bole general voice of ti • instead of advent ng. Magna Chat ta,s , ines, as the princip THE REFORM MOVEMENT. GREAT MEETING AT LEICESTER. ROME, Aram 18. We have just had a " Sonderbund" demonstration in Tivoli, and the peasants assembled from the adjoin ir.e hills in great force to fight for the Jesuits: "They would kill ten G.. every father that was ex pelled." A strong detachment of auto Fs ...MR from Rome, aided by the local nationals, dispersed the rioters. Tivoli would appear to be the last strong hold held in continental Europe by the society in its old age, and it is singular that the fathers should have been led to countenance an outbreak in that small remote spot, however illustrious by its classic associations, unless on the principle of the poet's prayer : Tams, Argeo posltum eolono, ea. mete wiles utinsro s gnus! Sit mottos lasso marls et elan= Milititsque! Their own scholars here in Rome have shown the utmost ingratitude to their teachers (who were not paid a farthing by them); and when they came to take leave in the various halls, the youths pelted them with school books and other projectiles. This was not so of old, for they are known to have secured in other countries and other times the affection and esteem of those whom they taught—and they taught great men. But a more violent outbreak of mob desperation has jest affrighted our capital this week, and is supposed to have some connexion with the famous conspiracy of last year ; at least many of the daggers found on the persons of the physical-force gentry were of the exact pattern of the former : and money was found in their possession which they could not account for. They were ruffians of the lowest class; and their ostensible object was to be " set at work to earn a livelihood." But before, on a great gathering of them in front of the Borghese Palace, when Prince Aldobraudini appeared and offered employment to as many as chose to come for it next morning at two peals a day, only three made their appearance. The civic guard was as usual active and triumphant. You will naturally ask when is the trial of the famous " grand censpiracy" to come on, and what light has been thrown on its orisin and accomplices. I may as well set you at rest on that mystery. The whole has been hushed up, and by dint of money the old officials have contrived to baffle all attempt at investigation. The judicial body here have long had certain habits in cases of this sort, and it will take a new gener , tion to unlearn those practices. The grand =— MIDDLESEX 110SPITA L.—A special nseetu., governo rs was held yesterday at the hospital, to take into consideration a recommendation of the weekly board " that the treasurer be empowered to &epees from time to time of such portions of the funded property of the hospital AB to. gether with the amount contributed by donations or other wise may realise a sum not exceeding 12,0001. towards the completion of the building, and also to take into considers tion the compensation to the secretary for the loss of board and lodging."—Mr. Bunt having been celled to the chair, Mr. Hawes read the repo rt of the weekly board to the special court oathc subjectof the proposed alterations. It detailed the numerous requirem .nts in the way of proper ventilation, end cl eanl y and healthful accommodation of the hospital at present, and the efficacy of the proposed plan in supplying them. 'they had received tenders from several builders, and had ac cepted the lowest. Mr. Wyatt was still confident that 12,0001. was sufficient to cover al expenses, and they there fore recommended the board of governors to give the treasurer power to raise that sum.—Mr. Hawes moved that the report be adopted, which was seconded by the Hon. Copt. Maude. —ln answer to a question from the Duke of Cambridge, the secretary stated that the amount of stock held by the hospital WU 110,0001.—Mr. Fielder con demned the policy of the step which it was proposed to take, maintaining the necessity of keeping a large capital to supply emergencies which might arise. Ite:reminded them that during the last war three fourths of the wards in the hospital had been closed up for want of funds ; and considered it not impossible that similar circumstances might arise again.—Mr. Percy ob served that the closing of the wards was not in consequence of.the war, but had been caused by totally different circum stances.—Mr. J• Pepe's, one of the vice-presidents, moved an amendment to the effect that the consideration of the report should he deferred for 12 mouths. He thought the present was not a time for increasing the expenses of the hospital ; he concurred, however. in the expediency of the proposed alterations, if they could be accomplished in any other manner.—Mr. Propart seconded the amendment, but on different grounds to the mover. He did net object to the outlay, but thought it would be BO much money thrown away, unless it was placed towards the erection of a new building.—The Duke ofCambridge expressed himself in favour of the original motion, and .41 of opinion that the work should be commenced immediately. His Royal High ness pointed out several difficulties attendant upon the con struction of a new building upon tlet same spot, the most important of which was the want of accommodation to the patients which must ensue during its progress. He con demned the practice of laying by large sums of money by public institutions, as being a departure feom the objects for which such money is subscribed, and in fact a breach of faith towards the donors.—Mr. Treasurer Tooke supported the amendment, and a long and desultory discus sion occupied the meeting for another hour or more. The question was then put to the vote, when the original motion was declared to be carried, the numbers being 37 against 21. —The Hon. Capt. Maude then read the report of the cem mittee with reference to the secretary's compensation. They considered that the amount which should be awarded to the secretary in consideration of the lose which he sustained from ceasing to lodge and board in the house, should lie 1001. per annum ; bat in consideration of his duties having been recently light ened by the appointment of a house-steward, that his pay ehouhl he reduced by 501., which would leave the total an nual amount of his salary 2:01. A violent and disorderly discussion ensued upon the question, whedirr or not the committee had overstepped the line of their duty in Inter fering with the amount of the secretary's salary—they having been requested simply to recommend the amount of compen sation to the secretary. The chairman decided in the affir mative, and the report was not received,•• resolution ln,ing carried simply agreeing that 1001. per annum should be paid to the secretary for compensation. Several gentlemen protested against the course thus pursued ; and Mr. Hawes moved a resolution that this subject should be adjourned to the next quarterly meeting. Mr. Fielder (who occupied the chair during the latter portion of the proceeding) decided that the resolution could not be put, it being necessary to call a special meeting for the purpose in question. In the midst of loud demonstrations of disapproval from Mr. Ilawes and his supporteria resolution was moved and carried for the adjournment of the meeting, which adjourned accordingly. THE SHAKSPEARE SOCIETY, established for the purpose of printing and distributing bookr illustrative of Shakepc are and the literature of his time, hold their seventh anniversary meeting on Wednesday, in the library of the Royal Society of Literature, St. Martin's place, Trafalgar square. J. P. Collier, Rsq., was in the chair. The secretary read the report of the council, which stated that the society had already issued 37 volumes, at a cost of nearly 4,0001. In compliance with the wish of man members, the council recommended the formation y of a supplemental fund, to be called the '• Haywood and Dekker Fund," for reprng the plays end poems of those dramatists; the fund to be kept separate, and only members of the society who subscribed to be entitled to the supplemental publications. The following volumes hail been diettibuted to the subscribers during the past year I. Ralph Royster Doyster and Gorboduc. 2. Part 2of the Chester Whitsun Plays, completing the publication. 3. Volume 111. of the Shakepeare Society's papers. The next issue to the society would. be Inigo Jones's designs for Marquisate Court, now first engraved from the original drawings in the possession of hie grace the Pulse of Devon- I, shire ; edited by J. R. Planch6 and J. P. Collier, with a new Life of Inigo Jones, by Peter Cunningham. Various other works were in progress. In conclusion, the report stated that the council hod given 251. from the funds of the cocicty towards the purchase of Shakespeare's house. During the year the receipts of the society had been 4911., and the expenditure 4111. Oa the motiees of Mr. Calle, se conded by Mr. G. Smith, the repute, was adopted; after whica Me. Smith moved, and Mr. Moran seconded, • vote cf t.naaks to the council for repreeenting the wishes of the sube;ribers in giving 24, teweeds the purchase of Sluaes peace's house. o'CLOCK.—Thie Tu til u r it. l3: D E A c i te N t l E G i u r i n , e l e 2 s.l L E ICESTER, evening a meeting of the chartists and middle classes of this town and nelthbourhood, convened by N. Brig.", Esc, , th e mayor, in compliance with a requisition signed by 128 of the most influential inhabitants of the borough, was held, to consider the question of electoral reform as prepared to be brought before parliarner.t on the motion of which Mr. Hums has given notice, and to endeavour to effect a union, for The. meeting was held in the Amphitheatre, a building capable of accommodating 5,000 persons, and by the hour at which the proceedings were advertised to commence (7 o'clock) at least that number were assembled within its walls. Oa the sage which, in imitation of the League meetings in Covent. fuels Theatre, was used as a platform for the speake were Dr. Nolue, Mr. A. Noble, J. Fielding, Esq., Btu gem, ', gem, Esq., J. Whetstone, Esq., Messrs. Bairns, Cr 'pps the majority of the members of the corporation, and several of the leading chartists of the neighbourhood. The !delve rose and spoke as follows Gentlemen, —I have convened this meeting, as you are aware, in eonsequetce of a requisition being, presented to me signed by 128 highly respectable inhabitants of this town originally an d neighbourhood. I appointed it to be heldat the New-hall ; but on the representation of the requisi. tionists on Tuesday, that the attendance would be far beyond what that building could accommodate, at their request I changed the place of meeting to this theatre. The names appended to the requisition comprise those of magistrates, merchants, manufacturrn, tradesmen, professional men, and ministers of religion; and amongst them are to be found those who represent every shade of liberal opinion, from the moderate reformer to the chartist leader. The object of the meeting is, as announced in the papers, to discuss the propriety of supporting the motion of Mr. Hume for an inquiry into the present state of the repre sentation of the people in the House of Commons. The discussion of the subject is out of my province as chairman. It will be my duty to introduce the several gentlemen who may present themselves to address you, and to ask at your hands for all of them a fair end candid hearing. (Cheers.) I shall not distrust your good sense so much as t. supp ose that anything but good order and propriety will characterise tho proceeding. of this evening. The state of the repre sentation of the people is the primary subject which interests the public mind ; and the fact of this requisition being pre. rented, evinces the general sympathy of feeling which exists among all classes in this town. This, I believe, es the first at tempt at united action which has been made by the middle and working classes of Leicester for many jeers. I rejoice tome it—l am proud of being able to preside over such an as. sembly, and I feel that the result of your deliberations will, if your efforts be united, have a powerful influence in the way of examole throughout the length and breadth of the land. Though I shall not enter upon the discussion of the subject which has brought us together, I may observe that this is the most important meeting we have held since the agitation fur the lleform 811. Toe failure of that bill to re- Ilene us from class legislation, the apathy of liberal admiai. stratioos, and their doctrine of finality—the fact that sixteen years have passed without reforms being carried out which are required by the intelligence and exigencies of the age— will, I trust, cement that unity tit acti .n which is dictated by your common interest. Boys who were cradled and schooled during the agitation for the Reform Bill, are now men; a new generation is claiming the privileges which their Gibers hoped to have secured for them; and, how ever aristocratic administrations may underrate and undervalue the movement thusbegun, they may depend uon it a warm feeling of sympath y,a • strong sense I of justice, will carry this agitation to a successful issue— ! that order and power will mark its progress—and that it will not cease, till by a new Reform Bill it has plated the masses within the pale of the constitution. (Cheering.) ' The principle acknowledged by all politicians is, that repre. mutation and taxation should go hand in hand; that repre sentation should be co-extensive with taxation; that no man should be taxed hut by his own consent, or that of his repre sentatives in parliament. And I trust that no slight differ ences of opinion as to the mode in which the princ . ple is to be carried out, will prevent that union amongst you without which no change can be effected. It is needless and gratuitous in this country to attempt to create an alarm about the crown. I have never heard any one amongst you breathe a syllable against the sovereign. The chief magistrate of the state, the Queue—both as a queen and as a woman—lives in the hearts and affections of the people. Your aim is to improve ' the legislature, not to peril the monarchy; end whatever ' may be the policy of our rulers as to measures of coercion and additional guarantees for public safety—l must be al lowed to believe that just, equitable, and wise laws—the result of timely concessions of popular rights—will over be the beet safeguard for property and government, and the best security for order and tranquillity. (Cheers.) My duty is now only to introduce the gentleman who is to move the first resolution, W. Biggs, Esq. Mr. Blues said it was now about 11 or IS years ago since he had last the honour of addressing a public meeting ander circumstances very analogous to those in which they now stood. That was immediately after a French revolution — during the existence of considerable social distress in this country, and when the people were seeking extensive mea sures of organic change and political reform. He thought the present movement the most important since the Re form Bill, and, it' conducted with prudence and ordinary talent, the result would be to ineMde every adult male person within the pale of the constitution. (Cheers.) He was sorry to say that the exertions made OR the occasion to which he referred had woefully disappointed all those who took part in it. For his own part he was bitterly disap pointed at the fruits of the Reform Bill. Whatever others had anticipated from it, be had at least expected that it reforms would be the door of extensive soci al and politic —(hear), and tl.e precursor o f various political changes, the result of which would be to improve the con dition of every Mall and woman in the country. (Hear.) At that period he had expected the immediate repeal of the corn laws, and a general system of national education, by which every man should be qualified to exercise electoral rights. (Ilear.) lie had expected retrenchment, and the gradual abolition of conventional distinctions which were at variance with the progress of civilisation. (Hear.) He must say that in all these expectations he had been disap pointed by the working of the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Ile now, therefore, *petered before them, to assist those who had votes and those who bad none those who needed the ballot and those whose s ituation in life enabled them to do without it, m procuring such an improvement in the re presentative system as would cause the people of England to he fairly represented in the House of Commons. (Cheers.) They were aware of the movement which had been made by certain members of the House of Commons, who believed that as at present constituted that assembly did not fairly re present the peonle.. (Hear, hear.) He also believed t the abuses now existing could not exist if the people were in such a position as to cause their representations to be attended to by parliament. (Hear, hear.) These men had come out froin their (seats in the House of Commons; they appealed to the country for their sympathy and support; and to give them such sympathy and support was the object of the present meeting. (Hear, hear, hear.) The first portion of the resolution which he held in his hand was to the effect, that it was a fundamental principle off the constitution that the people should be fully and fairly pre sented in the Commons House of Parliament. Ile believed that since the explosion of the antiquated doctrine of the divine right of kings there could be no doubt about the doc trine of the right of all men to perfect equality. (Hear.) He should assume it as a doctrine which had beoa laid down 2,000 years ago, by the Divine Author of Christianity, and also about seventy years since by the inhabitants of our trans-Atlantic colonies when achieving their in was ndepend ow en ce. That principle, so sac redl y propounded, forcin3 its way in all countries and among all communities, and was becoming the political faith of many people in Christendom. (Hear, hear.) Ile would not, therefore, occupy their timv in attempting to prove that proposition. But if America, France, and Ger many had asserted it, why not the people of England, who were entitled to it by the theory of their constitution (Hear, hear.) kle asserted that the people of England were constitutionally entitled to this equality, and be should prove his assertion by reference to no mean coostitutional authority; he meant Sir W. Blackstone, whom:testimony was re the mo to lee valued because he was inclined to con servative prin ciples. Sir W. Blackstone said, avoordies to The true theory and genuine minclples dl iterty every member of theat re m munity, ,he r poor, -should t h e a vote in electing those detegas to whose charge is committed the dispoval of hisproperty, his liberty, and his Lite. since that can hardly be expected in. orderer of indigent fortunes, cc such are under the immediate domn of others, ell popular states have teen obliged to establish certain qualitiostieme, whereby some who ate suspected to base no will of their own are excluded twin voting, la order to set other Individuals, dhow willo may he supposed independent, more thoroughly meat a level with each other. —Page 15i, Book 1, c. 2:ln a free mete every man oho is suppoved a free agent ought to be in wine measure his own go vernor, and therefore a branch at leoit oi the legidstive power shodid reside in the whole body of the people.—Fage IA Book I, c. 2 Every man in Ewe is, in judgment ot law, party to the lealeng of an act of parliament, being prevent thereat by his re presentsUres. Page 139, Book 1, c. 1 : For no subject of England ow be constrained to pay any &abet taxes, even for the defence of the realm, or We support of reerninent, but such as are imposed by his own convent, or that of We remesent dives In parliament. So much for the constitutional question, Ile would conclude this portion of his address by a quotation from a document which every honest man would hear quoted with respect and attention—it was from the American Declaration of Inde pendence, and was as tollows We hold these truths to he aclf.erident : That din created eyed; that they are endowed by their Creator with ce inliena ble rights; that among these arc life, liberty, and the purult of hap phicts • that to secure these rights gorernmexts are leSetleee go versed;mog4 men, deriving their just rights from the consent of the v e that whenever any form peop le vernment lac.dees dcatrucem of these ends, it le the right of the peop to alter or to abolish it, motto institute a sew governmen—laying its foundations on suliir ples, and Orgalliaillg ite powers in such form, as to them seem. moist likely to effect their safety and happlncv. (Loud cheers.) The second pert of his resolution declared that under um present constitution of the House of Com mons nothing like equality of rights could be obtained for the people. On the contrary, it was believed that the legis lative abuses now so loudly complained of could note xistio ar.) r a moment if the people were properly represented. (He If the people were properly represented, the injurious con nexion of church and state could not be maintainedti. If the people were properly represented , unequal taxaon co not be preserved, nor would public functionaries be paiddo. at rates so grossly disproportioned to the work they had to To show them how unequally the people were represented, he would read a few returns t elative to the number of mem ber, of parliament as compared with the numbers of their consti tuen cies. There was llarwieb, with a population of 3,227, and 181 elector'. In juXta-position with Lis let hint place Finsbury, with 265,000 inhabitants, and 12,900 elec. v.rs. Now each of these constituencies ser.t the same num ber of memlwrk two, to parliament. (Helix, hear.) Be I.l.l.lmidiwom