The Express. — London, England, 1847-02-12 00:00:00

of the Meat's, sad another, in cams of non-paymeet by tho landlord, to ham a receiver placed n the set ito flispar pre of colthotiog the rates, under the authority et the Comet al Chancery. CAPTAIN WYNN'S REPORT. Mr. C. O'BRIEN moved fur a variety of returns me meted with Capt. Wynn's statements respecting the Lir manor relief committee, and the question hetweea Capt. Wynn and Mr. O'Brien, on the subject of public arks la County Clare. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having assented to the returns: Mr. LABOUCH ERE said, that whether, in this parties laz case, Capt. Wrin's zeal had carried him beyond, as wee alleged, his discretion, he was not in a position to deter mine, but this he felt bound to declare, that Capt. Wynn's general performance of his duties in county Clam had been such as to merit the highest commendations en the part of the government. the energy, activity, and ability he had displayed in checking the manifold abases he found in practice there had been most exemplary. As to the complaint put forward by the hon. gentleman opposite, the government were must desirous that the whole atter should be thorousthly cleared up. Mr. C. O'BRI EN said that he was prepared to disprove the whole of Captain Wynn's statements by the most authori tative evidence. The hon. gentleman went on to make some observations, but we could scarcely c .11cct • single word of them, so indistinct was his delivery. After a short conversation, the returns were ordered. COMMISSIONERS OF RAILWAYS BILL. Mr. STRUTT said that on the transference last year of the (wren, respecting railways, of the Board of Trade to a specaal board, it was understood that in the present session a bill would be introduced to regulate and define the defies ▪ that special board. In conformity with t•iis understand lag he was now prepared to bring in a bill, the provisions o. which he would beg to state to the house. The bill would naturally be divided into two parts, the first relating to the preliminaries to the introduction of railway bills into parliament, and their preas through the house, the second, to the regulation of rwas a, which have already re ceived the sanction of the legislature. The first portion of the measure he proposed to every into effect partly by bill, and partly by certain alterations in the timeline orders. Thus, any interference with the privileges of this or the other house would be carried into effect simply by an altera lien is the standing orders ; so that the house would not part with any of its jurisdiction, but remain altogether in • posi tion, if it thought fit, to resume any portion of that jurisdic tion. The first part of the measure related to the surveys which the railway companies bad to make befora they could bring their project before parliament. There was an sno ttily on this point, which had excited much attention both in and out of the house . before a company could bring its hill into parliament, the house required that the plena and *actions should be deposited, the maul of a careful survey of the whole of the gr.und: tit gave them no power of entry in order to make these surreys: so that in point of fact the Infuse called upon them to do that which, where there was opposition on the part of landowners, could only be done by a breach of the law. (Hear, hear.) Great :nimbler had 'risen from the want of power to make surveys, and therefore it was attempted in this bill to find a iemedy. The geed difficulty was that it would not be fair to give companies iucreastd powersto enter lands unless you gave at the tame time to landowners a cheap and easy mode of obtaining compensation for any damage that might be done. To meet this difficulty he proposed that before the promoters of a bill be empowered to enter land for the pur poses of survey, they should apply to the railway commis sioners, and deposit with them a sum sufficient in the opinion of the board to cover any claim that might be made for compensation, and Oaten making such deporitthey should be authorised to obtain the warrant of the commissioners to enter any lands that might be neccoury for their pur pose. If after suih entry the owner of the land applied to the railway company for compensation for such damage as might have been done, and was refused, then the bill pro vided that he should apply to the commissioners, and receive from them • fair. award out of the deposit placed in their bands. (Heir, hear.) Another point to which the com missioners had directed their attention was the great diffi culty which persons through whose lands • railway passed had in ascertaining how their property was likely to be affected by the proposed line. In railway committees he had often observed that farmers and other persons of thatch's' had the greatest difficulty in understanding the plans and sections placed before them. It was therefore proposed that for the future there should, after survey for a railway, be fur rows made, or stakes inserted in the land indicating the course of the line, and that on those stakes the number of feet above or below the level at which the line was to be con structed, should be plainly inscribed. by these mean, land owner; and farmers would clearly understand how their property would be affecte 1. (Hear, hear.) The next point to which he wished to call attention was as respected local inquiries previous to the introduction of a railway bill into parliament. (Hear. bear.) Great evil and injustice to land owners, and even to railway . companies themselves, had arisen from the former not having in many cases known the tonne of a line until it had been actually decided upon. If a landowner had early knowledge of the injury likely to be done to his property by the course of a railway, he might go to the company, point out the mischief, and suggest an alternative which might he adopted without in jary to either party. But under present circumstances, the answer from • company to such application would be, " We should have been very glad to adopt your suggestions, had we heard them in time, but now we have deposited our plans and sections, and any alteration would delay our Lill for a whole session." The landowner would thus be ob liged either to submit quietly to injustice, or to come before • committee of the House of Commons at a great expense both of time and money. What would be the position of that committee ? By the present regulations, it would be obliged either to put off for a year a perhaps publicly useful undertaking, or to commit a great injustice on on individual. To remedy this evil, he proposed that the commissioners should, on information or application from • landowner, after a line had been planned, be empowered to send a competent person to the spot to inspect the line. Ile proposed that this officer should, on his arrival, give notice, by public advertisement, of the points on the line which he in tended to visit, and the time at which he would be ready to receive suggestions from the parties interested. This being done, he proposed that the commissioners should be autho rised to empower tie promoters of a bill to adopt variations sot included in their original plan, but suggested by the °fiber. If they should decline, and parties should be anxious to propose such alterations to the legislation, he gave tbe commissioners power to authorise such parties to deposit plans and sections, and to bring them before the parliamen tary committee. He hoped that by this cheap and easy method, much ineonvemence and expense would be saved both to landowners and promoters of bills. The next step on • railway bill was the deposit of the plans and sec tions in conformity with the standing orders. In this matter a change had recently taken place, the in vestigation of the plans having been taken from the sabcommittees, and given to the examiners. He thought it desirable that for the future the duty should be discharged by the commissioners, or by officers under their supervision, because the previous engineering information obtained by them for other purposes would be of great advantage in ascertaining compliance or non-compliance with the stand lag or..ere. The examination respecting the standing orders bad hitherto been imperfect, because the means of inquiry -depended wholly on the opponents of the bill, and supposing there were no opponents, or the matter was compro mised, errors seriously compromising the interest of the public might pass, no evidence having been offered ea the subject. Now, when qualified persons would be examine the engineering points of the line, ="sr:a to wwould be brought prominently befoze the tom- Mlle& • (Idea hear.) The standing orders having been V:t be ems next to the point of a railway bill admitted to that house. Part of the recom of the committee of last maim was, that the emudetienstes should report to both Mae ea the merits of nary railway bill proposed for the seetiess. This portion of the nominee's recommendatioa be prepaid to adopt. (Hear, Mar.) For that purpose it would be nsernry to have aglow, ma 'sly to examine pleas ad alias, bate enter open lam, and examine on do spot awry englosseri guar tfearroadwithtlse line. Of oressamager ontssartalso he made Or hearing objectless aka the serrianers. He did net pee that in thine CORD ad elessid be Wed. (Coatiaotal ins 3as r e a ks hear.) i n fa e ss appointed by dis oerrieritren wall hear Ms the and against thii sa as my pair . of a quadded prom add he rot Mr s examane ♦ilse sir. In dal sasewelse draht thatallasionserve reollian et road ad agate right be mils& (Hear, - how.) wMh repast to the bills pegged, he iniabei that tie tonalsreser should go beta both kora sod that . that roper droll seater all the points into- whip cor ridor 1111110 user anostad to enquire. That was to say . into tordaseeng masa fares, tolls, capita, doges, de., to which the arsadso at anusittote was now ailed. As 11:1117grossf sedbseity to be allaasd to alas sear l it was not romorry lo decide dhat teakssymy, i• tie present bill, Mew they wadi be deci ded y Hed the starling orders, sad sot by the h pro em* tbeemmisthimeif ilo sbefahl he regulate 5 bilk W bat that tbe to gives to lie rort •ite regulated by as order, of the rep ort dealt At the Name time he tiraght it desirable that the rearr o should be pass/ars aserladve, became the com e/a hatssh bar appertain of forming as gain c mobs dra a osoraittee of the tr mai res aim) Wes ~AM ?squired more me medideed to the report, then he would wasesiso them to cepa *speeMly to the hue" , and gemethe the enesabethasee to agar additional in formation. a serious ems et bet occur in the report of the and pollee complain, he pro posed that the re w rert ia = be :Maned bark for reconside z.but virkA this pemiits, that if the error were not the pales sarlog ta be saddled with all the costs of liallitleatiSlL (Hest, beer.) On the question of Wl* he exPoded that the twadedearre' report would be extremely trend as Mr bass. M=o little more could be done tiro to adept the sea , hearth bills were never op posed am Mt ethastion of tells. The commbeioners would Yam seeems ef ascertaining the comparative tolls on different ✓ailways, and the extent to which the public interest was likely to be sleeted by the wale proposed; and therefore he - thought that a emprehenaive report from them would be of 911111101111 espies to the committee in comin to a oessisolea es the subject. (Hear, bear.) fi • also squared isloalie emistence font the oontinissionets' re port as le all dares in hills for raising capital, borrowing memip, perchme, er amalgamation. The hon. member for Oran had rand this subject, hissing been last session anima of a oressittee where a railway company about to pureuese esether railway raised their stock 150 per cent. above Ito srleinal amount for the purpose. The committee refer!, d the question to tbo house, and suggested a general vegetation on the orbfeet. ft had been urged upon him to retain under this till a vi to for the commissioners on all bill. • be submitted to parliament but after oossielemtion he 0 1 4.:•:::::. . dee •:•:•:•• • • • THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1847. Irene Mod Materially to the public convesiesce. At pre treat tb• .slanPollew weiw ars is 'Oda , to give to their long.:journey inueentees the advantage of Speed, eo neglect those who travelled only a shot sibilants*. and 111 to competition. of railways bad driven all the coaches off the road, this neglect was the eau*. of ,nairelt itheaveniesca. He supgeattul that a regulation should Irevapdaby which a certain number of stations for stopping on each line should be established, and that at these stations there should be a reasonable number of stopping treble. This might be called an undue interference with the affairs of the com pany, but it was not more so than that which regulated fares. Mr. HUME inquired whether any measures would be adopted to ensure uniformity and regularity in Sunday tra velling on the Scotch railways ? Nineteen town. in that country bad had meetings to petition against the interrup tion of all traffic on Sunday., which the regulations esta blished recently by KIM of the railway companies had occa sioned. He thought also that third-close passengers bad not been sufficiently attended to by the legislature as regarded speed and certainty in travelling by railways. He hoped the commissioners would turn their attention to this point. Mr. E. ELLICE believed, from the manner in which his right hem. friend (Mr. Strutt) had stated his case, that the country might rely wi th confidence upon the good that would result from the railway board. (Hear, hear.) He wished, however, to be informed as to the course which was proposed in reference to the railway bills now before the house. Those bills involved an expenditure of capital to the extent of some 40,000,0001., and it was important that the parties should know how they would be af fected by this measure before they went before the com mittee. Mr. STRUTT.—The measure proposed, so far as preli minary proceedings were concerned, would apply only to railway hills of future sessions, and not to those sow bet,re parliament. (Hear, hear.) Should, however, there be any special matters in thee e bills upon which parliament might require information, it was in their power to refer them to the railway board, who would inquire into and report upon them. But the questions referred to them should be kept distinct from the merits of the bills, and if his right hon. friend would devise some order of reference, to draw the attention of the commissioners to those measures on which infounution might be required, he should be glad. Mr. E. ELLICE did not think such matters should he thrown upon individual members. lie wish, d to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether government intended to propose any standing order under which all matters relating to capital end loans as to the railway bills of this session should be referred to the board to inquire into and report, in order that such report might be laid before the committee on the HI before the clauses as to raising money and capital subscribed were considered ? Mr. ENTWISLE suggested that lime plan might be adopted, by which, when two lines were brought under the notice of , he board ,the public might be secured the advantage of the best line. It might also be well, when the report of the board was adverse to any line, that the parties should have the power of appealing to the committee, upon payment of a certain amount of costs, should they not succeed. The aIIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUEd would con fer with his right hon. friend (Mr. Struts) upon the subject to which the right hon. member fur Coventry (Mr. E. Ellice) had drawn his attention, and which he admitted to be one well worthy of attention. Mr. GOULBURN thought that great inconvenience would arise from the facility enjoyed by railway companies of issuing paper money nearly similar to the paper currency of the country, and hoped the attention of the railway com missioner; would be directed to the subject. Mr E. B. DENISON hoped the commissioners would take into consideration the hills of the present year. There was plenty of time for doing so, and parties otherwise inclined to encounter the trouble and expense of a contest might, upon a report from the board, be deterred from doing no. Mr. FERIIAND complained that a railway was being constructed in his neighbourhood which would have steered level crossings on the turnpike roads, to the serious inconve nience, and perhaps serious injury of a great manufacturing district, as at least 2,000 factery operatives would have to cross these roads every . day to and from their place of work. He wished to ask the right hon. gentlemen opposite whether the inspectors of railways had not the power to interfere so fur with the company as to prevent the opening of the line until bridges were made that would protect the public from such inconvenience. He also complained of the power which directors pesseasid of making private arrangements with tenants in possession which robbed the tenant in tail. (Oh !) It was nothing but robbery, and he called upon the legislature to pray' rat it in all future measures. Mr. HUDSON did not concur in his hon. friend's alarms as to the consequences of level crossings, neither did he concur in condemning the power of borrowing money on loans, for if that power had been checked, many of the railways which were now of such benefit to the country would be yet unfinished. The right hon. gentleman opposite spoke in his statement of giving to parliament the power of revising the tolls ; but as the t ct of that might be totally to destroy the divided, he hoped it would be guarded by such a limitation as would not de prive the proprietors of a fair return for their capital. When the right hon. gentleman introduced the question of punc tuality, be (Mr. Hudson) thought he would have referred to the reasons which sometimes caused a want of punctuality, because perfect punctuality was utterly impossible, and quite incompatible with the present amount of speed. If enforced, that amount of speed must be diminished ; for everybody knew that it was operated on by the state of the atmos phere, the state of the rails, and by other circumstances which made complete punctuality, with great speed, impas sible. It was the interest of railway companies to ensure as much punctuality as possible, and considering the many difficulties connected with the working of railways, he thought it had been observed to a greater degree than by any former mode of travelling. Parliament might have the right to interfere by legislating en the subject. d It had little to do at present — ( laughter) — an must amuse itself at somebody's expense ; but he did not think by such interference with the commercial management and enterprise of the country, that they were marching in an onward direction. He was of opinion that the less parlia ment interfered the more would such undertakings prosper; and that the more responsibility was thrown upon the direc tors the better for the public. The right hon. gentleman complained of one company having raised its fares without giving notice. He should wish to ask him was it intended that a company should give notice when it lowered its fares. It had been his duty to reduce the fares in several instances during his connexion with railways, but be never gave notice of the intention. The reduction was merely put into practice. and if the case were reversed the same plan was pursued. As to the inspection and superintendence of railways, bethought it would be impossible to conduct it in a manner that would be satisfactory to the right hon. gentleman, whose measure, however, he admitted to be deserving of consideration, and if not unfairly injurious to railway interests, should receive from them such suggestions as were likely to make it accept able to all. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MANGLES complimented the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Strutt) on the statement he had made to the house; hut without committing himself to the details of the measure he wished to introduce. He did not at all join in the fears expressed by the member for Sunderland respecting the superintendence of the railway board over the affairs of rail ways. He was sure he spoke the opinions of the directors of the London and North-Western Railway, when be stated it to be their anxious desire that such superintendence should be exercised over them in the atrietest manner by tke ' government. He himself looked upon it as the only safe guard. There was one point on which he wished for an I explanation, namely, whether in the case of two competing lines it was intended that the railway board should dis tinctly state to which of the two lines it gave the preference, and on what grounds. He considered it of the utmost im portance that they should. He considered, also, that a great deal of the mischief arising from over somlation lest year bad its origin in the readiness with which that house threw overboard the decisions of the Board of Trade. (Hear,liesr.) Mr. STRUTT said the intention was to report fully open every line brought before them, and In the case of competing lines, upon their comparative merits; bat giving a decided preference of one over the other must depend upon the cir cumstances of the ease, and the nature of the report thereto. In answer to the enquiry by the hon. member fur Enema borough, he wished to observe that, except by advice tad remonstrance, they had no power to interfere with level crow lugs made undo an act of the legislature, unless to this externs, that if the directors should consent to alter them, the board had the power to senction their doing so. With regard to the ow vision of fares alluded to by the member for Sunderland, he had merely said that the principle on which such revi sion ought to take place should be exactly that upon which they were in the fi rst instance established. He was desirous of giving to railways a fair and clear advantage, bat at the same time giving to the public the advantage a altered cir cumstances, and for that purpose he conceived that parlia ment should have the power of revising the fares. lie ad mitted the impossibility of punctuality under all circum stances, and all be proposed was that where great punc tuality had boa attained on the one hand, or where there was a want of it on the other, probably giving rise to acci dents, an opportunity should be afforded of reporting these facts to parliament and the public. (Hear, hear.) In the event of • company lowering their fares, no notice would be required. Leath was then given to bring in the bill. RAILWAYS (IRELAND) BILL. the make of avoiding the contingent circumstance he had spaded. to, and sehick would be by no means desirable in the preenat• stabs of the country: ,but the , noble lord'aroposition aot heel. g been met by a counter proposal and seeing that it wu calculated to gem employ ment' asiil relief to many thousands of the Irish people— fames') —.without any eventual loss to this , country—(hear, hurl—sad without the imposition of any burden upon Irish resources, he had no hesitation in tendering his sup port to the noble lord. (Haar.) Incited, he believed such to he the disposition of • considerable number of Irish members who, eenerslly speaking, were supposed to support the noble lord. But what he was anxious mohair' was an oppmtunity of consideriug this question on its rut merit, without its being mixed up with any considerations of the existence of a ministry, and apart from all probability of inflicting on Ire land the inconvenience and misery which would arise from the interruption of Irgisla , ion at this moment. On these grounds it was that he made this appeal to the noble lord, and asked him to postpone the bill at any rate for a few da idr. F. SHAW fully concurred in what had (alien from his hon. friend the member for Limerick—(hear, hear)— I and he cordi Ily joined bins in nuking the noble lord to post pone this measure ; and in doing so he would frankly state I the feelings which induced him to do so. His opinion was favourable to the scheme, and indeed always bad been favourable to government undertakings in Ireland, whether they were railways or not, and he had supported the plan which was proposed by the noble lord the Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests, when he was secretary I for Ireland. Ile had hoped, and still did hope, that the government would take a favourable view of thin scheme or adopt something like it ; but if the qui scion was put as it was by bis hon. friend the member for Limerick, as an alternative between the adoption of this bill and the putting out of the government, -he was not prepared to closest to it. Still he asked the noble lord the member for Lynn to po-t -pone the s.cond reading. Seeing what an awful calamity had fallen on Ireland, he was not prepared to receive this measure at such a risk as it would involve, although his opinion was favourable to it. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, if the noble lord consented to the postponement, the result would be their seeing that the measure gained favour in the country.—(hear, hear)—and when it had received full consideration apart from party feeling, the government would bring forward some similar proposition, such no had originally been proposed be the noble Lord at the head of the Woods and Forests. There would be nothing in such a proceeding derogatory to the dignity of the government, and he hoped that would be the effect of a postponement of the bill now. He had stated his feelings candidly and frankly, and he put it to the noble lord whether he would not post pone the bill, and he was in a condition to say that many un qualified supporters of the measure were of opinion that it would he. an advantage if it was postponed. Mr. GRATTAN said it was his intention to have voted with the noble lord. Such a measure as this, was an old debt due to Ireland, and to Mr. Drummond's memory, as a person who took great I.ains to effect a plan like it. All the officers of the government in Ireland, from 183 i to 1847, had reported in favour of such a scheme. Thin was a measure which would he a great saving of money to Eng. land. (Hear, hear.) But there were two bills in progress— the Destitute Persons and Poor Relief Bill— and the people must be fed. He had received two letters that morn ing which gave fearful accounts of the state of things. It was proposed to grant 1,500.0001.. but they would only take credtt for 500,0001., for 1,000,0001. had been appropriated already. How was this money to he given to the poor ? through the means of the landlords. To this he objected: for, though it might be beneficial, it would not be eapedi tioue. how, by the plan of the noble lord, it wan not pro posed to take 16,000,0001. at oree, but to appropriate a mil- lion a month; and what would be required between this and August would be 6,090,0001. Unless money advanc-d was applied to remunerative employment, what chance was there of setting A back? But, by the plan of the noble lord, it might be recovered. The aristocracy of Ireland were gone, so far as funds were concerned ; and they were reduced to this because they lived in this country amongst individuals i who led them into capenee. (Laughter.) It wan painful to bins not to be able to support the measures of a govern , went whom ho liked better than gentlemen opposite, but as he did not see his way through them he should support the t bill of the noble lord unless the government adopted some such plan. Lord J. RUSSELL.—The hon. gentleman the member for Limas rick, and the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Dublin, have asked my noble friend, the member for Lynn, to postpone the bill which stands the first on the orders of the day; and I rise for the purpose of put ting • prayer to him of exactly an opposite description. I wish my noble friend would proceed with the bill which now stands for a second reading, and if he should think it too late tonight to proceed with it, I am ready to give him priority over the other orders of the day to-morrow. But what I ~o object to most strongly is that the bill should be postpone - 1 for a fortnight, thus leasing the whole matter in uncertainty—(lcer, hear)—leasing it uncertain what plan the legislature intends to adopt, and what course of action the government is about to take. My noble friend, in bringing forward his motion, introduced it not as a party measure—(hear, bear)—and he cannot say that I answered him in a spirit of party : but I was obliged then, and I am now still more obliged, to say what is the view I take of this measure, both as regards general policy and the finances of the country. We feel that we are responsible for the ma nagement of those finances, and the application of large sums of money to the relief of Irish distress, and that we must take care that it shall be applied in the manner which in our opinion is the most efficacious, and which wiil enable this country to be ready to give those supplies which are necessary to meet imm diste pressure and urgent eases of distress. I was obliged to say, and lam now cinder the same obligation to say, whether the granting of 16.000,0001., to be laid out on railways, was consistent in our opinion with that which should be the policy of the government of this country. I cannot treat this as a small sum, or a question of doubtful legislation, and not state whether it should form part of our general financial policy; and, so long as I hold the position in which I am now placed, I will not shrink from stating whether it is my intention to adopt or reject any plan which is proposed. I have no hesitation in saying that this measure ought to be rejected. as it is not consistent with the plan of finance which we think it our duty to adopt. If the house should go into the considera tion of this question, my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and my self will state the reasons for which we have come to this conclusion. Bat, at present, all that I have to ask of my noble friend is, that be will take one of two courses; either to bring the matter to an immediate de. cision, that the house and the country may know what is the policy that is to be pursued, or to give up his plan for the present session. I do not care which it may be. lem ready to enter into the discussion, or, if he should abandon the measure I will tell him that I am not ready to connect the government to any scheme for the formation of railways in Ireland, .or will I say that I think that in the present 01.111011 say large or extensive scheme on that subject will be ea the part of the government. Ido not wish to n e rr il any honourable member to vote against the mea sure of my noble friend under the expectation that we have any plan to propose. I will not say any farther, because I think that the plan pro- W my noble friend (Lord Morpeth) in 1839 was a who one. I have a fair right to ask my noble friend not to listen to the proposition which hen been just made to him. My noble friend heard the general nature of my objections to the bill the other night, and upon that, the noble lord the member for Newark rose, and said that it was the intention of his friends to press it, and bring it to a decision. I have no objection to that determination, and if the plan is ap proved by the house and the country, let it be adopted ; but all I ask is that we may have the decision of the house upon it, or that my noble friend will cease to urge it. Mr. B. OSBORNE could not concur in the desire which had been expo seed that the measure on the subject of Irish railways should be postponed for a fortnight, because he be lieved that many great interests would be affected if the bill was allowed to remain banging over. In common with the bon. member for Limerick (Mr. 8. O'Brien) he (Mr. B. Osborne) supported the measure, because he believed it to be calculated to give immediate employment to the people of Ireland. (Hear, hen.) The three bills brought forward by the government would not be effectual without an exten sive system of useful public works, and unless this was provided in the month of April the population of Ireland would be totally unemployed. lie was led to support the proposition of the noble lord the member for Lynn, because he thought its adoption would p ut an end to the wasteful system upon whisk the expenditure of the public money was now carried on in Ireland—a system which was draining this country of large sums of money, and bringing odium upon Ireland and has population. (Hear, hear.) On that ground he had lista*** to the speech with which the noble lord had introduced the measure to the house, with feelings of great satisfaction, and he (Mr. B. Osborne) should be prepared, in case the discus sion on its merits went on, to prose that it would be much better to lay out the money in a system of public enterprise, than in sending loans to the people of Ireland. He, there fore, joined his humble entreaties with those of the noble lord at the head of the government, to the noble lord the member for Lynn, not to postpone the of his bill. (Hear, hear.) I P e rr t .t. %ERR was understood to object to any postpone- want, and to say that he thought it bad policy on the part of Irish members to preu Mr. P. 8. BUTLER was always unwilling to trespass upon the attention of the house, but thought it was:the duty of every Irish member to communicate to the noble lord the member for Lynn, their wishes on the question of post pavement. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He was not die plied to tell the eserets of the prison-house, and it was not yls busineesteebie what had occurred that day at a meeting whisk he bad, altaaded, in obedience to an invitation. (Cries Oh, ob.") If he was tranagreesing, he at once bowed tbs 4midas of the house, but he had a right to state whit bad otearred afterwards. The Irish members met in cou ld've, and having entered into • long discussion, cam* to the almost unanimous conclusion, that under all the circumstances it would be advisable that the noble lord, the member for Lynn, should postpone the eo cond reading of his bill till some more convenient opporte nity. (Cheers and laughter.) That conclusion had been conveyed in • respectful manner to the noble lord, and be (Mr. P. 8. Butler) had been led to believe that the noble lord had in a courteous manner stated that he was willing an this most important question to be guided by the °pinkies of the Irish members. (Hear, bear.) He (Mr. P. 8. Butler) should not have risen if he had not seen the extraordinary predicament in which the noble lord was placed— (cheers from the government benches) when two Irish members had asked him to postpone, and two had also desired him to . go on. He, for one, believed Ur mata sure to be emu-m.loy calculated to raise his aientry from the abject state of misery and destitution in which oho lay at the present moment, and if the noble lord should de termine to proceed, he should support the noble lord though it would be painful to him to vote against a govern ment which he believed to have done its best to relieve the calamities of Ireland. Lord J. RUSSELL having moved that the order of the day he read, Hr. W. 8..0 BRIEN rose to requed the noble lord the member for Lynn to pwtpone this bill. (Hear, hear.) As it was only a week since it had been introduced it was obvious that the public in Ireland had Lot had an opportunity of summing their opinion upon it. It would therefore be unfair towards them and their representatives to bring lihe question to a premature decision. (Hear, hear.) The government had, moreover, staked their existence upon the issue, and if the house should decide adversely to the view of the government, there would probably he a change of ministry, which would throw into confusion the legisla tion in which they were engaged for the benefit of Ireland, and which was of great and immediate importance to the poor of that country. (Hear, hear.) There was at present a bill before the hones upon the success of which depended the existence of many thousands of their fellow countrymen in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) And be thought they were not at liberty, in order to obtain a con tingent good, to risk the probability of such a low of human life. lie had hoped that this measure of the noble lord would not have been received or discussed as a party question. (Hear, hear.) He had hoped that the noble lord, the member for London, would have been prepared to consider the question as one upon which it was not necessary to stake the exis tence of the government, but that he would rather have ac quisteed in whatever appeared to he the general wish of the house, even though at variance with the opinion he enter tained. If the government would bring forward a measure more desirable upon the whole then that of the noble lord, the member for Lynn, he should feel him i sow stand to support it, if it were only for Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL had listened to the disertheion WAGHOHN'S SECOND PAMPHLET en with unaffected pain. He regretted to observe among the STEAM to AUSTRALIA, widowed to the Right Hoc. East Irish members • difference of opinion on this question, for Grey, Catmint Secretary. Prier Use Shilling. he had hoped the discussion on the measure proposed by Swath, Meer, end Cangway. the noble lord the member for Lynn, would have been put off until the three bills brought forwa rd by her Majesty's go veniment, which, though temporary in their nature, were of vital importance to the people of Ireland, had been dis posed of. They then could come to the discussion of the rneciple of supporting Irish railways by means of the credit of Great Britain, without beiiig hampered or embarrassed by any other considerations. Ile joined in requesting • post ponement, and ir the noble lord yielded to that of the govern went, the responsibility would be upon them. Lord O. BENTINCK rue.—l feel myself (said the noble lord) in a very painful and difficult pos ition . No change has "come over the spirit of my dream.', As I was on the first day of the session, so am I now deeply impressed with the conviction that the measure which I have in tuoduced to the consideration of the house, is one in which the dearest interests of Ireland are deeply concerned. (Cheers.) It is true, as has been stated by the hon. member for Kilkenny (Mr. P. S. Butler), that at four o'clock to-day I received .a requisition from thirty-three or thirty-four members of both houses of parliament connected with Ireland to postpone my motion for the second reading of this bill to some future day. (Hear, hear.) I confess, with my feelings on the question, this requisition gate me the deepest pain, inasmuch as I tun deeply impressed with the conviction that there has been no measure pro posed by her Majesty's ministers that off es imme diate relief to the people of Ireland, or that offers immediate relief to the burthened finances of this country, which can come into any comparison with the mea sure which, on behalf of my party, I have had the honour to introduce to the consideration of this house. (Cheers.) But though such were my feelings, I was prepared at the united le quest of those Irish gentlemen to forego any own wishes, and I am satiefled that my friend=, though they have been summoned here from the furthest corners of England and Scotland, and from foreign parts— (laughter and cheers) —to support this motion, for the second reading, could not for a single instant have weighed their convenience against that of the Irish people ; and therefore when I was told there had been a meeting this day at the Foreign-office, in the course of which notice was given by the noble lord at the head of the government that he intended to stake its eekenee upon the decision of the house with respect to this measure, and when Irish gentle men told me that the greatest inconvenience would arise if the measures intended for the r:lief of the destitute poor proposed by her Majesty's government were indefinitely postponed by a change of government, I was prepared to postpone for a short time the second reading of this bill. I must again say that I have heard with the deepest regret the announcement (tom the first =ladder of the crown that the fate of the government was to be staked upon this mea sure. (Hear, bear.) On the first day of the present session her Majesty charged us that it would be our duty to con sider what further measures would be required to alleviate thegxisting distress in Ireland, and further, her Majesty told us, that she hail likewise to direct our earnest consideration to the permanent condition of Ireland; and her Majesty was graciously pleased to say to us, "You will perceive, in the absence of political excitement, an opportunity of taking a dispas sionate survey of the social evils which afflict that portion of the United Kingdom." (Bear, hear ) In humble obe dience to her Males ty'a commands, I did hope that the same impartial consideration would be given by her Majesty 's Ministers to • measure proceeding from this side of the bionic which we hnve shown ourselves ready to bestow uoon the measures brought forward by my noble friend at the brad of the administration. (Hier, hear.) It has not been in public alone, but in private also, that I have stated (and I stake my honour to my noble friend upon it), that neither I nor any of any party have the smallest desire to make any measure connected with Ireland the battle-field of party—(hear, hear, —and I am here to-night again to re peat that assurance to my noble friend and my country, which was given on a former evening by my right hon. friend the Lord Mayor of York (Mr. Hudson). I did, therefore, hope that we might have come to the consideration of this ques tion with all party and political feelings removed; but since I am challenged by the first minister of the crown, willing as I am to pay attention to the wishes of the Irish members, I feel—when the Queen's minister, wbo is responsible for the safety of the country, tells me it is for the advantage of the country that this measure should be forthwith brought forward, considered, end disposed of—that I should be want ing in my duty te her mejesty as well as to the country, if I were to hesitate in proceeding with my motion without delay. And, Sir, whatever maybe the result, however important the consequences, on my head is not that responsibility. (Hess.) Should it be the pleasure of her Majesty's ministers, in the present difficulties of Ireland, to desert the helm of state, great as I admit to be the dangers, greater than even the dif ficulties which other governments have felt in the conduct of the affairs of Ireland, my friends are not appalled by those difficulties, and we will not shrink from any responsi bility. (Cheers from the Protectionists.) Mr. ROEBUCK said he did not like to see an injustice done on any occasion ; but unless some members nut con nected with Ireland expressed their feelings, a very unfair inference might he drewn as to the position of the govern ment. The noble lord the member for Lynn had sought to fix on ministers the imputation of making this a party question ; but the noble lord at the head of the government could not have done otherwise than lie bad done. (Hear.) While professing that he wished not to make Ireland the battle-held of party, the noble lord the member for Lynn had placed on the table of the house a measure, which, if carried, must materially affect the financial position of this country. If this bill were carried, was not the noble lord at the bead of the government called upon, in justice to him self, to say that he would not take the responsibility of that measure, thus superinduced upon, and overbearing his own ? (Hear.) Surely, this was not to make the matter a party question. What was the meaning of responsibility, if this was not a common-sense view for any minister of the crown to take ? If any person was to be accused of making this a party question, it was the noble lord himself, anti those con nected with him. (Hear.) The noble lord the member fur Newark (Lord J. Manners) had expressed a hope that government would not interpose the prerogative of the crown Sc stop this measure ; and, *no doubt, the noble lord at the lined of the government would accept that challenge, and nay to the gentlemen opposite, " On you be the responsibi- Illy of meeting this bill into execution." But it seemed this was not to e" a party question," but a question of the "convenience of the Irish members." What did that mean ? The Irish members wished the bill for giving im mediate relief to the people of Ireland, which now only waited the third reading, to be passed, without the three other measures which would affect the Irish landlords. They acted on this maxim, " Get as much as you can from this aide of the house ; and when we have squeezed them dry, we'll bring in the noble lord opposite." (" Hear ,' and laughter.) The lion. member for Limerick (Mr W. S. O'Brien) had said he would state the real reasons for putting off the measure; but he bad only given a plausi ble pretence; the hon. member for Kilkenny (Mr. P. S. Butler) had told the tree story, and had shown that there was a split in the camp. (Hear.) This was a question which seriously affected all the commercial and mercantile concerns of the country; to them it was a matter of vital importance to have a question affecting sixteen or seventeen milliens of money hanging over their heads. (Hear.) It was therefore the duty of the noble lord to bring the matter hi an immediate conclusion; and he (Mr. It.) rejoiced that, in spite of Irish convenience, the noble lord was forced to bring it to an immediate conclusion. (Hear.) On the order of the day being read, Lord 0. BENTINCK expressed a wish to postpone the measure till next day. (Cries of "Go on, go on.") ' Lord J. RUSSELL said, at that hone of the evening (it ' was then near eleven o'clock), the noble lord could not be expected to proceed with his bill ; but he should be quite ready to give the noble lord's bill precedence on the follow ing day, with the exception of the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill, which stood for the third reading. (Hear.) Lord O. BENTINCK acknowledged the courtesy of the noble lord, and said he would bring forward his bill on the following evening (this day) DISTILLING FROM SUGAR BILL. On the motion that the report on this bill be brought up, Mr. MOFFATI' moved the insertion of several additional clauses, of which he had given notice, and which he said were necessary in order to put the British distiller on the I same footing with the producers of foreign and colonial spirits. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the.l clauses proposed went to establish an advantage in favour of I the spirits distilled from sugar. After • short conversation, the 'dames we,. withdrawn, the report was brought up, and the bill was ordered to be I reed a third time this day. A STRANGER IN THE ME GEMBERS' GALLERY.— PRIVILE. The Deputy Serjeant-ateArriss appeared at the table and, astiminted the house that a stranger who had been found in the members' gallery was in his custody. Mr. JAMES said the individual was an acquaintance of his, who, in endeavouring to find his way out, had entered the members' gallery by mistake. Under these eircum- 1 demses, he moved that he be discharged out of custody. (Rear, hear.) lb. GREENE having seconded the motion, which was rael to, the gentleman was ordered to be discharged out s od y The house then adjourned at 11 o'clock. ALGIERS.—Advice. have been received from Algiers to the 30th ilk., giving the details of the of the 10th, between the mops under the command et General Herbillon and the tribe of the Ouled Dien* by which it appears that Bou Maze had, a few hours before Use, ciantbat, been with the tribe, and so excited them against the nark that t h ey resolved upon making • vigorous void own yaiß any attack. The first attempt under Choide- Mon was a failure; that officer was killed. and theinseeempaniee under his orders were compelled le or tress, eaerying with them 18 dead and 66 wounded. Suns time afterwards, General flerbillon himself came up Ida about 600 men, and attacked the Arabs with so meth dear, that they offered their submission, after baying bad IS dead about 100 wounded. The offer of submission L won nes ted by the general, on the condition of • large fine being d. This was aim agreed to, and on the following day the try had already paid half the amount stipulated. The Mutants Algerian announces also the subninaion of some of the chiefs of the Rebels* of Setif and Burris. Han MAJIMITT'S RECRITER U•VING BIT UP A CLAIM nit Via PART OF Till CROWN to the French vessel the l'are Sensible and ber cargo, recently picked up at sea, and brought to this island, wnere they were placed in the hands of the French Vice-Consnl, the said property has, by order of the Lieutenant-Governor, been forcibly taken possession of by the police of the parish of Bt. Peter. Port. The ex treme gravity of this proceeding, and the great importance of the di minions to which it must give rise, snake us refrain at the protein moment from saying more on the subject,— Guernsey Star. THE ADVERTISING OFFICES of the •' DAILY NEWS^ end " EXPKEsS" hare bran REN1011.:13 from 90. FLEET-STREET, to No. VaSTICEET, FLEET4TREET, contlguotim to the Printing sod Publishing Onlceo. 7: lit erpretso. MAILS. The mails foe Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, aad Gibraltar, will be made up nn the morning of the 17th February. The Went Luba tn.itw including those for blealuo, /loadnras, and the Havannah, will be made up on the morning of the I;th February. Th., overland meito fnr Gibraltar, Malt*, Greece, the lonian Wanda. r Aden, Ceylon, India, I lone -Kong, and China, Yin Southampton, wiat made up on the morning of the 2.uth of February. The overland elated mails. via Mamilles, to the !Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Crelon, India, Hong Kong, tic., will he made up on the ecriaing of the 24th February. The mail. for New south Wales, Van Dienten'n Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the let March. The mail. for Britidi North America, Bermuda, and the United Mates, will be made up on the evening of the 3rd March. The ntiits for the Brazil., the Hirer Plate, Monte Vole°, Perham. bueo, Boni., Madeira. and Buenos Ayren, will be made up on the evening of the ith March. found it impossibleto concur in the sugger iOll. (Hear, hear.) Such veto would, in his opinion, be an usurpation of the functions of psrliament, and besides a Vrong opinion from the commienonen would be quite sufficient for all useful purposes. (Hear, hear.) Another p . jot of considerable ins portancewh)ch he had had under consideration was, whether railway promoters should have their powers in perpetuity, Of only for a term of years. The latter practice prevailed in Fmmee, but then the lines were oriainally laid down by go veemesent, and subsequently leased to companies, while here they were originally projected by private epeculators. Be sides, all n ose great lines in this country had already been granted in perpetuity, and the question was only 119 to future railways, which must be merely branches connecting the great lines he had mentioned. Under these circumstanceihe was afraid that any limitation of tenure would not ffilly create great jealousy, but would limit their means of interfering in other ways. He therefore should not have any proposal of this kind to make to the house. (Hear.) Anothe: question which had also been mentioned was, how far it might be desirable in granting new lines to limit the amount of interest to be taken by railway shareholders. If a plan of that kind were adopted, it would be difficult to avoid evasion, and there would be the still more obvious ob jection, that, instead of giving an inducement to economy and good management, inducement would be held out to Ws and waste away the profits in useless expenses and places. (Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that any attempt to limit the rate of interest would be beginning at the wrong end. The point in his opinion fur legislative interference was the tolls and fares to be charged to the public. (Hear, hear.) It was the busi nem of the legis'ature to see that the public were properly served, and if consistently with that a company succeeded in making their Inc profitable, so much the better. (Hear.) With 'aspect to tolls, he proposed that as at present they should be regulated by parliament, with this alteration, that they should only be granted for terms of years. It was ius rossible to foresee how future improvements might affect the reasonableness of tolls, and therefore he proposed to limit the grant of tolls to ten years. (Hear, hear.) When he proposed to limit them to ten yearn, he did not mean that at the expiration of that term parliament should be prepar.ol arbitrarily to change the tons, but he thought that they should be revised on the principle on which they had been originally granted, that was, with a view to the present cir cumstances of the line, the traffic, and the public interest. Ile spoke only of new railways ; whether on ex isting lines there should be revision was another question. This question became the more urgent because during last session a great many bills had been paned, in which the power of revision was given. There was another class of acts which was not subject to revision, but at the same time when the companies holding them applied to par liament for new powers, parliament might make whatever conditions it thought necessary. This was the course which bad been taken respecting the cheats trains, on the sugges tion of the right hon. member for T imworth. The course he (Mr. Struts) proposed to adopt was, that when the rail way commissioners reported on the tolls and fares of a new line, they should also report en the maximum tolls ar.d tares on the existing lines of the company applying for the bill. (Hear, hear.) It would then be for parliament to ; consider whether the grant of the new powers should not be ace.impanied by a revision of the existing tolls. He also proposed that for the future the tolls and tares on a railway should not be allowed without due notice to the com.nis sioners and the public. Hr had heard of one company which lately raised its fares, all at once and without notice, so that actually persons coming down with their fares in their hands, were suddenly informed that fares had risen ; and when they had not the additional money were, of course, disappointed of their journey. Ile thought this moat in convenient and improper, and that no such change should be made without due notice. (Hear, hear.) He also proposed . that compaoies, in notifying alterations to the commissioners, might give their reasons if they thought fit. His reaaon for this was that the commissioners might make au annual report to parliament, stating the various alterations in fares and tolls, and any irregularity which might have occurred during the year, calling the special attention of parliament to cases of abuse, and recommend ing increase of public accommodation by new lints or other wise. (Hear, hear.) He came to another qua stion of con riderable importance—he meant the charges to the Post office. The mode in which the charge for the mails was at present regulated was this : The Post-of f ice could claim the services of the railway, hut the remune ration was settled by arbitration. He thought this very inconvenient, and that it was most desirable that a clear and distinct arrangement should be made. It was also pr bible that increased accommodation might be required by the Poet-office from time to time, and when further services were required he should say they might be reasonably expected to he performed at a proportionably re duced rate. It was probable that the commissioner', after consultation with the post- ffice authorities, might be able to furnish the promoters of the railway with a specification of the services required beforehand, so that the scale of terms upon which it 'mould be furnished might be is in the bill, and the commissioners be enabled to report upon it, in the same way as they would report upon the scale of tolls. He proposed also that there should he a limit as to time in respect to the scale of charges fur their services as in the case of tolls, but as the venation of the circumstances upon which such scale would be fixed would be perhaps greater and more frequent than in regard to tolls, he thought there could be no objection to make the limit in this case five years. The next question he would touch upon was one of considerable importance—that of punc tuality of trains—next to the question of fares, he knew of no one connected with the management of railway* of greater moment. He heard often from gentlemen connected with railways that the local traffic constituted the graver part of the receipts, and the traffic must depend much upon punctuality, which was of much greater consequence even than speed. It was obvious, however, that they could not provide for this by direct legislation, or by imposing penal tiee—they could meet it only by publicity and bnnging public opinion to bear upon the subject. He proposed, therefore, that all railway companies should be required to keep at such stations as the commissioners should point out a register of the time of arrival and departure of every train. Such an account, he believed, was already kept by the railway companies for their own purposes, so that the regu lation would impose little or no additional trouble upon them, and in osder to check such returns, he proposed that they should be suspended in some public part of the office for a given time, and after wards forwarded to the commissioners who should make an annual return of the punctuality of each line, accom panied with such remarks as might appear necessary as to the safety and convenience of the public resulting from it. Then with regard to the cheap or parliamentary trams, es the law now stood, every railway company was required to run once a-day, at such hour as shouts be approved by the com missioners, a covered train, provided with seats, at a charge of one penny a mile per passenger • and it was also required that such train should travel at a s peed of not less than twelve miles an hour. He did not propose any change in the speed of these trains ; but at present the railways fulfilled the requirements of this law, by running these trains at twenty or thirty miles an hour over some parts of the line and then either stopping altogether for some time, or travelling at a very slow rate so as to make the average speed twelve miles an hour. Now this was not a fair mode of proceeding, nor could he believe that this was the mode in which the legislature intended the proviso in question to be carried out (Hear, hear.) And he proposed that not only the time of ranting but of arrival at the station and the duration of stoppers should be regulated to the esti*. faction et the ocouis (Hear, bear.) Another point 11.081101.110.1.11. At present the commission ers Me import/ belatmllsee in this matter, but he proposed to phillito i Oda bill that the number to be carried in each =*WI be determined and inscribed on the outside ferriage, and that the company should be liable to a Clitif that number was exceeded. lie also proposed henever these carriages travelled by night, they should have a light inside. He came next to the question of disputes between railway companies—that was in cases where in consequence of differences between companies whose lines ran into each other the public con venience was not consulted—as in the case of one railway Wring . to Met with second char trains , the second class hoionsildtother uniting . with it. At present the commis dwell ht Matters involving the public safety, might make evehillimo which were binding upon the companies. He thodgbilhe best mode of dealing with this matter to adopt the words in this respect of the present law, but extending the power to those capes of bad arrangement which occa sioned inconvenience to the public. For the repression of oaten. ere riot arising from the congregation of a lop tomboy of men in any district employed is antalracting a railway, he believed in Scotland thothatiff had power when any such distort:mai was a pre bead to send a sufficient number of psleseewetaWestO prawn the peace, and to charge the taper' upon the -rcompany. He proposed to give a simAaepeMalt itk e a Writry, and, upon complaint made by two amiltlealli et tae linnet, the commissioners might art snit It of Oho as, in the opinion of the magebates might be tontooll,,, to be employed in repronia get, ng the wean on_ Ilk moony. There were sow ether mbar means inhi' lb la the bill, as breleve, the omen of new Non, the giving facilities for carrel t= an laillioxy stores, upon which ha did not its now to detain the house. (Hear.) But then was caos point of some importance he would refer to— he praponed that the government should have the power of calling hr returns from time to time from every railway company, so as to inform themselves of all matters upon which they might require information, and that they should have the power of testing such returns by a reference to the books of the company. (Hear.) A questics hod baan asked the ether day by the hen. and gallant wisaltse he Lincoln (Col. Sibthorp) whether in this bill it waneg to give powers for obtaining compensation to the relations of persons who might be killed by on railways for the loss so sustained. The hon. and gallant gentleman was not perhaps aware that by a recent alteration of the law—Lord Campbell's act of last year—the surviving relatives of persons killed by accident, bad power to sue for compensation. He did not propose soy additional legisla tion on this subject; first, because he thought it was de sirable to see how that act worked, and, secondly, because he thought the law in this respect should be general, and not confined to railway accidents. He did not propose this bill as a complete measure. It must be obvious that a mea -1 sure of this character Gould not be complete in the first in scenes. (Hear.) They must expect that increased experience I would afford the means for further improvements hereafter, parliament, he but should the measure, as he hoped it would, receive the la the ° e t t a ti o n f g Par law lia , totha t th the public, without improve being • emus in nu any way to the railway companiea (Hear , hear.) He would now move for leave to bring in the ill. Mr. AGLIONBY complimented the right hon. gentle man upon the dear and lucid statement with whi ms he had introduced his measure, and congratulated the house and the public upon the manner in which the right hon. gen rr man had commenced the discharge of the important duties of his dike. There wee one regulation ke would suggest wht-h TO CORRESPONDENTS. We =nut notice, in any comat --- ;;;;Jon that Is mat to os asonmnously ; but Omer who chow to &advta us in confidence MU find their confidence retracted. NEITHERCAN WE UNDERTAKE T.) RETURN ANY MANUSCRIPTS WHATEVER. a; Advertisements intended far The Repress, London evening paper • must be at the ORa• by Two o'clock on the day of publicatioo. NIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Try 1344 —Morning, 8 min. poet II; Aftemoa, 48 min. past 11. To-Itoasow—Mmning, 0 min. past 0; ARer•.iwq 22 min. poet 0. LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 12. IN the house of Lords, yesterday, the Chelsea Pensioners Bill was read a third time. The Duke of 'tension) gave notice of his intention on an early day to move for the appointment of a committee on the law of settlement. 'Die remainder of the sitting was occupied in the presentation of petitions, and conversations arising thereon. In the 'louse of Commons Mr. M. GIBSON stated, in answer to a question from Mr. Minix ELY, that a bill was under tho consideration of the Lord Chan cellor, for enabling Joint Stock Companies to wind up their affairs. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to Mr. ROEBUCK, said it was the intention of the government that the bill for granting loans ' to the landed proprietors of Ireland for the improve ment of their estates, and the Irish Poor-law Bill, should pass their several stages as nearly in succes sion as possilEle to each other, so that they might reach the House of Lords on the same day, or with only one intervening, if possible. Mr. SMARM( CRAWFORD submitted a resolution in reference to the amendment of the law of landlord and tenant in Ire land; but, on an intimation from Mr. LABOUCH FRE, who moved the previous question, that the subject was under the consideration of the government, with the view of bringing in a bill, the hon. member withdrew his motion. Mr. AGLIONBY obtained leave to bring in a bill fur the amendment of the Commons Inclosure Act. Mr. STRUTT, in an explanatory speech, moved the introduction of the bill for regulating the proceedings of the commissioners, and amending the law relating to railways, which, after some discussion, was introduced and read a first time. On Lord low( RUSSELL'S motion lnr going to the orders of the day, an animated discussion arose as to pteceeding with the second reading of Lord GEORGE BENTINCK'S Railway hill for Ireland; Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN urging - delay, on the ground that, if the second reading were carried adversely to ministers, before the remedial measures now before parliament were passed, the consequences would be most disastrous for Ireland. Lord JOHN RUSSELL being now, as he was originally, wholly opposed to the bill, as inter fering altogether with the financial plans of the government, called upon his noble friend either to abandon it, or proceed with it at once, or at the latest to-morrow : when it should have the preference over the other order!, except the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK regretted that ministers had staked their official existence on the result at which the house should arrive on the bill he had introduced, but accepted the challenge of his noble friend, and would move the second reading this day. The adjournment of the house was pre ceded by an announcement from the Deputy-Serjeant at-Arms, that a stranger had been found in the mem bers gallery, and was in custody ; but, as it appeared he was a member's friend, and had gone there by mistake, he was immediately discharged. So, it appears that we are to have a new govern ment; that whilst England has put forward its most liberal men, to care for Ireland, assuage its famine, employ its labour, and undertake that the imperial treasury shall pay half the cost, the Irish landlords, out of pure gratitude for the government of Lord J. RUSSELL and hie friends, have crossed the channel for the purpose of taking their places. We are to have a SLIGO and BENTIN CR, a WINSTON BARRON and RANK'S cabinet. The Irish landlords are to become lords of the treasury, really and metaphorically. Under the green flag of Irish Repeal, or, what is tantamount, of Irish exclusive interest, this would be difficult. But Lord GEORGE BENTINCE supplies the orange colour. And green and orange may win the heat. It is a very odd mixture, and would make rather a piebald cabinet. But we are in the age of combination and coalition. We understand the leaders of the party that are coming in paid a minatory visit yesterday to Lord JOHN RUSSELL. The Irish were the spokesmen, and told the premier that they should have millions of money, on their own terms, to be employed under their own direction, or under that of companies whom they patronised ; and they added that the Protectionist party supported the Irish party in thus dictating to government. The premier replied by entreating the Irish party to take his seat, to assume the helm of the imperial government, and dispose of the fulness (or emptiness) of the British treasury in the way they best pleased. For as the Irish gentry came to dictate policy and measures to the government, the government would certainly leave the Irish party to I had the money where they could. This conduct of the Irish landlords is certainly a very happy step towards bringing about a repeal of the union, and if Mr. SMITH ()Telex had any hand in producing it, he deserves great credit for his in genuity. No imagination could have devised a scheme better calculated to disgust the English people; nor, indeed, could RABELAIS himself lave Invented anything all so absurd or so comical ss these beggars of yesterday getting on horseback. taming lords of England's government and fortunes, AA according to the proverb, riding to Old Nick with both. We shall not condescend to discuss Lord GEORGE Baarrnex's railway scheme. His lordship knows as leach of railways as of mountains in the moon. lie is in this instance merely one of those wide-mouthed wooden figures, who gesticulate and pour forth words and cyphers which others thrust into them from be hind. He is an unconscious machine, and knows as little of the effects of his acts, either upon the financial or political interests of both countries, en be does of those of Asyria. lie is guiltless and innocent as a child, despite him arithmetic. And it Mould be unfair to consider him as responsible for thus foolishly playing into the hands of jobbers and anti-Anglicans. But there must be surely some awn of his party able to awake themselves and him on the brink of the quagmire into which he is plunging. And we should equally say that there were sea amongst the Irish, even though they were landlords and martyrs, endowed with modesty and good seam sufficient to make them shrink from dictating at the present moraent to an English government the mea sure, and the mode, and the condition, of the charity 'hat ietland requires. The fact is, that the country and parliament are in this crisis paying the penalty . of the protectionist party having selected so utterly inexperienced a man for their chief. Lord GEORGE BENitscit saw that the government hesitated to enumerate Irish rail roads amongst its series of measures ; and he g it inconsiderately, resolving to make it his ower.as correspondence of the Board of Works shows, on the contrary, how seriously and fully government consi dered that mode of relief, and what sound objections it came to entertain against gove rnm ent grants for anything beyond the earth-work of railways. Lord GEOROE, however, plunged head-foremost into the scheme—sought out hie statistics and information after be had engaged himself, and obtained them, to gether with encouragement, from partieli naturally interested in such a vast and complicatiel speculation . The worst disgrace that oould befal English sad