The Express. — London, England, 1851-04-04 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LOHOS.----Triure , Day, APRIL 3. .... The Loun CIeaNCILLOR took his seat at live o'clock. REFUSAL TO ISCItli A DISsIiNTING The Duke of 11111;11:10ND then presented a petition. of which he had given notice, frem the town e.mncil of the , city of eltichzster, complaining of the vicar and ineum bent of the parish of St. Peter the Great, otherwise sub- deanery in that city, fur having refus.ll to read the huriel service over the body of Mr. Parsons, on the ground of his having bees a separatist from the church, and especially • teac',er among separatists: and also with haring de- , Mined to rerl the burial service over the remains of a woman who had destroyed herself, notwithstanding that the ; coroner's inquest had found that she did so when lunatic . and distracted. These were circumstances which he was sure that every well-wisher to the church of England must , regret. (Hear, hear.) He had never mixed himself up with any division in the church, and he did not wish to make an attack on the vicar, because he believed that previ ous to this transaction he had been a pious and charitable man, and while curate of Horsham, in Sussex, he wee very useful is that parish, and subscribed from his private met une &considerable sum fur the erection of a church sad schools. It was with great pain that he felt himself eeeepelled to arraign the conduct of such a clergyman : but be had certainly in this instance been, to say the least of it, delcient in right and proper judgment. (Hear, hear.) It rantthat he had not long been resident in the parish, a gentleman of the name of Parsons, who fur 16 years was the highly-respected minister of a dissenting con gregation of independents, had died a short time ago. He ad the pleasure of bong acquainted with that gentleman, and he believed that a more honest, eonseientious. and up right man did not exist in the country. Prior to his death he bad purchased a small stint of ground in the churchyard, where he bad buried his wile, arid over whose remains the , 1 late ins umbent had read the prayers of the church and ea hie death-bed he expressed a wish to he laid in the same' grave with his wife. A person connected with the conarre salami appealed to Mr. Kenrick, the vicar, to ask if be would allow the body to be buried in the church yard, in reply to which he said he had no objection, Set he should decline to read the service over him because . --- be w. a separatist and a teacher of iepariti.t.s. In reply to a letter hula a gentleman repreeentina the congregation, Mr. alter sayir.g that it was with the eta.t re luctance that he had brought him.elf to make the comma aleatiou, and that it was painful to hi. feelings to do so, mud that he understood the funeral of the late Mr. Parsons was to take place on the following Sunday afternoon, and that the peewit whom he addrewied (Mr. }Sitwell) must he aware that every person had a right t. he buried in the chu Feb yard. lie then proceeded to say: " Every person, except wader certain circumstance*, h. legal claim to the burial . . raresee wing naul at his gra... But, although every person lius a legal claim, I outwit think that one who is a alive- UM from the church, and especially a teacher among aspanstists, has any jug claim to her services. That dissenters have a legal claim is unfortu nately but too true, for those who, in time past, kgisiated for the consciences of dissenters, overlooked the rotes iences of the clergy ; and whilst they let the one go free, they kept the other bound. It is on the ground that dissenters have no just claim to the service of the church that I feel compelled to refuse the use of the Lurid service at the grave of the deceased. lam per fectly aware to what I am subjecting myself, and the odium —if not penalties—l shall incur ; but till some such stand is male, and made at all risks, nothing will be done, but the consciences of the clergy will continue to be ag grii veil; or rather they themselves will be treated all 07 long have been treated, 24 having no consciences at all. ' Piow, he did hops that there were not a great many clergymen in this country who would deliberately sit down and give as a reason for disobeying the law of the land, that if they did not do .1 them would be uo chance of its being altered. (Hear, hear.) Ile con- „ that nototomg Vf01.111.1 1114. 111 , 111 . da IR, nous than that - • • • • • respectable gentlemen of eiliteation should maintain such opt . (Loud cries of . 1 Ilid, hear.") lle wished the row stopped here, but there was anothtsr tin, of refusal to bury by the same clergyman. It quo and that a young woman called Sarah R/Vg1.f . .., about , i0,1"1 elf Mul an illegitimate child five year. &mi., after . whOli she went into the 'trek, of a mod reapcetable family. allot continued so until recently, when, having kit her simmer's on a visit to her mother, who had the care of the child, oho wan been walking towards a canal, and ft ' lll . ll slays after was found drowned. From the time of her misfortune she had nut boom. to Vie a common phrase, the ...Init. woman, and a co mare. inquod found that .he dr,otrio 41 berwlf, " beinu at the time lunatic and tledructill." Thu coroner iwued hn warrant fur her burial ; but the vicar took time to conrider, and then said he .44 quite sure that the woman was not lunatic and eleurectipl," and he refuwsl to read the burial mortice user her; in VlGlCtilleller of wheal her eiirpoui wait pat into the grave without the service being read. What right had the reverend gentleman to adopt this emir*.: (near, hear.) had he attended the coroner's inquest—hail he made any inquiry Ito• he to say, I care nothing for the id a eiironer'n inqued, 011014 the oldest judicial tribunal, in the country (Hear, hear.) Was he to take upon the office of the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen'.. Bench, and pet apide the division of the coroner? (Ileac, hear.) After a few tither observations, the nohlellbte laid the petition tin the table. The Bishop of CHICHESTER felt considerable pain in approaching the subject, and thanked the noble duke for the testimony he had borne to the avueral character of Mr. Kenrick, tend for the moderation, under all the circuit etetwee .1 the ease, with which hr hail stated the facts (Hear, hear.) Ile believed that Mr. Ki•oriek had been actuated by strong conscientious motives: he ws. a clergy man of most irreproachable character, and of must benevo lent (rebate, and he had evinced hie title to that character by areal iscrlonal sacrifices. Ile had Noll greatly latest meotal in the erection of a new when he was a curate; and, however mistaken hi. views might be. he believed be would not act from any other motive than that which he thought to he correct ; bat he larairtial that Mr. Kenriek had taken the cause which he had adopted. Ile must say that he had no sympathy with him in OW course which be had taken: tau the contrary, when dissent first manifested itself in this kingdom, the die tient,.rs baring contented themeetvre with erecting places of worship in which to eelelorate their screw-, end still entunnsl to bury their dead in the churchyards, he looked upon this eireunistanee as the continuance of a tie between them and the iamb which he- trusted would never be broken. He represented to Mr. Ken nel th:,t he would lie violating the law of the country and of the church by refusing to read tin- ureic.- over the re mains of Mr. Paean., 111011 that it WO. not for an individual to set himself up against the whole boily—(hear, hear) — hut that be should submit himself to the regulations of that church, and C.Mliller the light in which she re garded the burial service: and he would field that he was bound to read it over the remiiir, of everyone, Un they had not been baptised. or had been excom municated, or had destroyed themaelete in a s tat e of s anity. Now, nn ono of three receptions applied to the avativinua wins had been referred to; and lore he would bear his willing bantam, to the high respectability of that gentle man. Of course, he was bound to say that he looked upon tiro tenets which he had adopted a.. airily wrong, and that he was blameable for entertaining them ; hut. never thelees, with that objection, he was bound to extort,* his isenegtion that the late Mr. l',u.seins was one of the most respectable citizens among whom hi. family lived. (Hear, hear.) Ile presumed Mr. Kisnrick looked upon him a. a schismatic, although not convicted of schism. Many minis tees of the church did feel themselves placed in it most difli--olt -.turban with reference to some persons. and objected to read some portions of the burial service over them, as, fur instance, the pasiniare:—.- Forasmuch as it huth pleased Almighty God, o his great mercy. to take unto. himself the soul of our dear brother, e• in sure and certain hope of the resurrection to eternal life. - Although the hope so repressiml was general, yet many clergymen thought they must nut obey the dictates of their conscience at all when called upon to pronounce those words at the grave sate eery one, even if tlu-y had departed this life under i irewnstances whirl, it might he awful to contemplate. He did not mean to say that this would justify the conduct of Mr. lienrick ; but when he pleaded his conscience he hail ecotone' to make these remarks, hoping that their lordshity would look upon his conduct with as much considerate forbearuiee as µr uble. It was argued that he was not jiutitied in doing at he had d because he WIN called upon by the law of his church and the law °lbis country. to perform the ser vice Therefore the sin, if any. resin with the legislature. and ant with the clergyman. The Bishop of LONDON. who .puke at the furthest ex tremity of the bishops bench and was nearly inaudible, we understood to impress upon their lordships the great impor of a measure applicable to this sort of case tieing m tenured without delay. He had bim.clf proposed last ses uon a bill for a tribunal to try the offences of churchmen. It might not perhaps be met with favour: but if God spared him he would in some early session re-intrmluce another vac...ware relating to the spiritual proceedings of clerks. Lord BROUGHAM had never heard these subjects ad verb d to in that house without regret. and hoped the ogre sous state of things which now prevailed would shortly lie put an end to. Ihe Bishop of EXETER, as we understood, thanked the noble duke for the view which, as it appeared to him, the noble duke had taken of the proceeding before that coroner ; for he did not appear to insist that the ver dict of the jury was absolutely binding in law upon the - clergyman, although he had contended that it wee prima fare evidence that the party did stand is the state and con `dition of lunacy. COUNTY COURTS FURTHER EXTENSION BILL. On the motion that the bill be recommitted, The LORD CHANCELLOR rote to state his objections • to the alterations in the law, and to show their lordships that the law did not require them. The noble and learned lor,l first objected to the preposition in the bill, to give power of referring eases, whether is law or equity, to this arbitration of the county court judges, and to the making those judges arbitrators to a greater amount Of to an amount. Their ON Ira. already too much occupied.' The bill proposed that the judges should try causes by way of referi'nee, and the other clauses provided no means of agreement. His objections I applied to the first fi ve clauses of the. bill, which 'elated to those arbitrations. The provision was unneressary. for if parties agreed to refer their dispute they had full power to do es by the present law, fur t here were various acts of parlia ment which alluded every practicability for that purpose. He also deprecated the adding such duties to the functions of the County Court judges. He objected also to the nest three clauses relating to the Courts of Reconcilement. Ilar he did not consider the institution of such courts suited to the views and wishes of the people of this country. Cases of arbitration often occurred of a highly important nature, involving conflict- L THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EV E NING, APRIL 4, 1851. Lord BEAU lONT spoke in favour of adjourning the discw4on, on the ground that the house was too thin to de. ,ntrusine a 1r . t . i .. 0n °Gad meth importance. [There were noblistords In the twine.] ~pr eneeeted that discussion be m .4, Monday, when the Lord Chief Justice aropbell) w/o* be prevent. After .. sogatonversation between Lords BaoranAig and agrvmde3rttv bdl was supplementary pro e fewnts O ma t a tt i l rough= should be given in and discured on Monday Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS. T —TituRsDAT, APRIL 3. The Briatau took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. 'Sir JOHN RORILLY, the new Master of the Rolls, and Sir ALEXANDER Cocanciax, the new Attorney-General, took the oaths and their seats, on their re-election, the former . for Devonpurt, and the latter for Southampton. The new Master of the Rolls took his seat immediately below the gangway, and not on the ministerial bench. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Rasutxus. Manchester Parish Highways ; Sheffield and Glossop Road; Whitby Waterworks; Bills. BILLS CONSIIMISILD.—Bangor and Caernarvon Railway ; Leicester Waterworks; Wiveliscombe Turnpike Roads; BULL WATERFORD AND DI:I3LIN RAILWAY: Sir W.VERN ER moved for a copy of the communications to the Railway Commissioners,with the engagements of the di reeton, to wind up the Waterford, Wexford, Wicklow, and Dublin Railway Company, and the judgment of the Master of the Rolls as to the same being wound up. The returns were ordered. AYLESBURY ELECTION. . . _ _ Mr. G. A. HAMILTON reported, on behalf of the committee appointed to try and determine the validity of this election, that Frederick Calvert, Esq., had not been duly elected, and that the last election was void. Ile further stated, by direction of the committee, that Frederick Calvert, Esq., had been guilty of treating, although it had not been proved to the satisfaction of the committee that these acts had been committed with the knowledge and con sent of the late member. A practice had prevailed at the Aylesbury election of issuing printed ticket. for refresh ments to the voters for is, each, and the committee believed this practice to be extensively carried on, and considered it their duty to report it to the house. NEW WRIT. . _ It was then ordered that a new writ should issue for the borough of Aylesbury. IRIS!! EsnmATIIS—DUBLIN HOSPITAL GRANTS. Mr. REYNOLDS gave notice that on the motion for going into committee on the miscellaneous estimates he would move a series of resolutions to the effect that it was unjust and impolitic to diminish the grant to the Dublin charitable hospitals, because these hospitals not only af forded relief to the sick poor of Ireland, but to many of the sick of England and Scotland, and because the poverty and distress prevalent in Ireland drove numbers of sick and helpless paupers into the City of Dublin, with the support of whom it was unjust to burden the citizens of Dublin. BORNEO. ..... Mr. lIUNIE gave notice that on Tuesday next he would take the opinion of the house as to whether payment of the Borneo head money should not be suspended until the house came to the opinion us to whether auy inquiry should be made into the subject. DISTURBANCES IN COUNTY DOWN. Mr. SIIAIeMZICRXWFORD moved fur a copy of any report from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to the Secretary of State for the Home Department with reference to the late proclaiming of a district in the county of Down under Act 11 and Li Vie., c. 2.—The return wnr ordered. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. Mr. ADDERIEI :- had to ash of noble lord at the head of the government, whether any instructions had been sent to the Governor of the ('ape, on the subject of rtniov ing the neat of government from Cape Town to Graham's Town ; and whether the vacancies in the Cape legislative council had been yet filled up, so unto permit the (urination of the new constitution and other functions of the legis lature to proceed. Lord JOINT RUSSELL replied that no instructions had been sent regarding the removal of the seat of government. As respects the second question, no fur an his (Lord John Russell's) recollection served hint, instructions had been sent out for the lining up of the vacancies in the legislative conned. OFFICIAL SALARIES. Mr. URQUIIART had to auk the First Lord of the Treasury if it was the intention of the government to carry into effect the recommendation of the committee on official salaries, as far as regarded diplomatic appointments. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was not then prepared to answer the question. Ile would make a statement when the sub. ject came in form before the house. Mr. URQUHART would afford the government an op portunity of making a statement, by twinging on a sub stantive motion on the subject. Mr. BRIGHT asked whether it was the intention of the noble lord (Lord J. 'teasel)) to carry out the recommenda tion fur the diminution of judges in Scotland and Ireland? Mr. W. PATTEN was understood to ask whether the recommendation of the committee with regard to the office of Vice-Chancellor was to be carried into effect? Lord J. RUSSELL, in reply to the question of *the hon. ' member (Mr. Patten), said it was his intention to introduce a bill similar to the one of last session, when he would make a statement on the subject. Regarding the reduction of the number of judge, he had received strong representations from Scotland, and, in deference to these opinions, the government thought there should be nu reduction in Scot land. Mr. BRIGHT said the noble lord would be able to in form the house whether the opinions he had received from Scotland were those of the legal profession, as there existed in Scotland considerable difference of opinion on the sub ject between the legal profession and the public The question was not answered. THE BUDGET. Repling to Mr. llsnutvi, TheCHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed to take a formal vote upon the income tax this evening, and proceed with the discussion of his (Mr. Herries . ) amend ment, upon bringing up the report on Monday. In reply to Mr. lit gr., Mr. BAILLIE promised to bring on his motion respect ing the administration of Ceylon on the first day that it was possible to get the motion properly placed upon the paper. THE MISCELLANEOLS ESTIMATES. Mr. HOME asked when the miscellaneous estimates would be laid on the table of the house ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied that they would be delivered in the course of two or three days. CIVIL BILL, &c. (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. REYNOLDS said, seeing the right bun. the Attor ney-General for Ireland in his place, and seeing that the Civil Bills (Ireland) Bill was on the orders of the day for a second reading, he would ask him to what day he intended to raystpone the second reading of the bill; and if he would give an opportunity of forming an opinion upon it in Ireland by postponing it till after Easter ? Mr. HATCHELL said the bill was on the orders of the day, and when the bill was called on in the usual manner he should then be prepared to give an answer. Mr. REYNOLDS then asked if the right hon. gentle man intended to take the second reading that night i Mr. lIATCIIELL replied that that would depend upon the state of the business. RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S tion of the cultivators of India is one of extreme poverty." The hon. gentkman then referred to the quap tion of revenue How was the revenue made up ? It was nfade up of direct and indirect taxes, monopolies and wholesale confiscation. According to the evidence before this committee the com pany had accepted of every cy,tern of exaction, and int. proved upon every system of exaction which existed under Mahonuurllau and Mahratta rule. Notwithstanding these exactions, however, the revenue from every source never amounted to 20 millions a year, although, under the compuathely mild system of taxation which exited in the worst times of the Mogul government, 13 millions was re• ceived in a much smaller extent of territory. The government woo the universal landowner, and it Keel the rental at 43 per cent. of the produce, and that, though the assessment wee an old one, taken before the period of low prices which now prevailed. Then it was not payable in produce, as under the former governments; but in money before the crop was taken ()tithe ground, and in order to raise it the cultivator was compelled to borrow money of native money-lenders at in some cases 60, 70, and even 80 per cent. When charges were brought against the East India Company, it was the usual policy of its sup porters to contradict a great number of minor points in detail, so that while leaving the main question untouched, they contrived to create an impression that the whole was false. It was the custom of the collectors to endeavour to raise' each year a larger sum than that produced by his district during the former year, and whoever did that most successfully was looked upon as the most meritorious. When, therefore, lane! was brought under cultivation they charged in proportion to the value of the crop to be raised. They extorted from the unfortunate cul tivator au assessment that left him the smallest possible pit tance on which life could be supported. Nor was that all ; they likewise placed upon him a heavy house tax, a trade tax, and other imposts. Why they charged a workman twice the value of his tools annually for permission to use them. In some districts they taxed even the wells ; and, in a word, there was no article, whether of luxury or of neces sity, upon which the natives had not to pay POW direct tax to the government. In addition to all the taxation and confiscations to which he had alluded, there was also a heavy indirect taxation on all imports. and even upon ex ports, although by means of an ambiguous clause and under the pressure of a parliamentary inquiry the company had of late taken otf the export duties u pon '• lawful articles,' a phrase the meaning of which he confessed he wax at a loss tee un derstand. In addition to all these imposts the natives were further sub*: to monopolies upon some of the most important necessaries of life. (Ilear, hear.) And what had beta the result of the salt monopoly? Why, the introduction of that fearful epidemic which never left India, and which sometimes devastated our own shores, under the dreaded name of cholera. They had it upon the best medical testimony that a vegetable diet, in that climate, without the free use of salt, was tlee direct cause of that scourge. Captain Harvey, after ten years' experience uf the fiepoys, declared the same thing of them; and it was a fact that the cholera had appeared for the first time in 1817,when the salt monopoly WAS at its height. With respect now to opium, he believed that the monopoly was maintained solely by the company, and that the natives were anxious to get rid of the drug altogether; but the collectors by means uf advances compelled its cultivation. Its growth was entirely forbidden to all except to those under the in fluence of the East India Company, who shipped it to China, and employed smugglers to run it ashore. But what was the result? The government had overreached themselves. Monopoly in this as in all other things had been the parent of scarcity, and the Chinese had found it cheaper to grow it themselves than to import it. The abo lition of the monopoly had been promised in 18x3 by Mr. Charles Grant, but it still existed in defiance of that pro miw, and its effect would lie entirely to destroy the opium trade. With regard to tobacco. So completely was this monopoly in the hands of the company that they were able to decide what districts should be planted with it : and to regulate the price of the commodity. The tobacco so raised was so bad, that its use was restnctcd to the natives, who had no choice, and the soldiers who had sin money. It had been deposed bcfore a parliamentary committee that they were obliged to apply to it "liquid ammonia "—a term of which decency forbade the translation into plain English— to give it a flavour, or nobody would use it at all. (A laugh.) The most vexatious and oppressive means were resorted to in order to enforce the monopolies of beeswax and other minor articles; but, in spite of all, in spite of the annexation of Scinde the Punjauh, Sattara, and other provinces which hail fallen into our hands, the revenue hail not inerea,d, and it was much smaller in proportion tee that of the more lightly taxed people of the Mahommedan princes. The secret of all these abuses was the removal of the govern ment from the natives themselves to the servants of the company—often raw inexperienced boys who, having been educated at an exclusive college in England, had learned to look upon themselves as a superior caste, not only as compared with the natives, but with the other ser vants of the company with whom they condescended to act. All the evils that had arisen were caused by this attempt at centralisation. Many of the natives were qualified to fill the highest otlices, made more so than some of the com pany's servants. Above all, the corrupt administration of justice in the company's courts should be looked to. A law commission had !wen appointed to digest the elements of what was called law in India. They hod prepared a penal code, and the government had laid it on the shelf. They were directed to inquire, whether the law could not he made equal for all ranks and colours, so as to elevate the depressed native to the English freenem. The only result was the "Black Act," which degraded the Englishman to the level of the native, by taking from him also the right of trial by jury. True to their character, the court of directors and their delegates in India, instead of extending the jurisdiction of the courts to the natives, and thus recognising their growing intelligence, in pursu ance of the pledge given to that effect, they had sought to pursue a course the very reverse. Ile rejoiced to say that ' the act to which he alludexl had been disallowed, the government thereby admitting at once the necessity of le gislation and their inability to legislate. tinder the exist ing system in the Moffussil country there was no tire yore I examination of witnesses ; all the evidence was written ; and the courts were not necessarily open, as the judges need only appear there when they pronounced sentence. They had the power of life and death, though they might nut have been educated at the bar, Main many cases were ignorant of the language of the wretched people subject to their jurisdiction. Offenders were tried ley the Mahommedun law, and a Mahommedan judge sat along with the English judge. On One occasion, the evidence given in one of the I udian dialects, had tee be translated into both English and Per aim ; and the farce was exhibited of the English judge, who, understood not a word of the Indian language, certify ing that the translation was correct. The hon. and learned member then detailed severed instances of the oppressive operation of this system of judicatu-e. Ile supported his motion solely on the grounds of justice and humanity. Ile asked that nothing might be done without taking the opinion of those whom their deliberation:4 solely affected —slime RE or I:10 million of human brings; uml fur these reasons he begged to move, in conclusion, the presentation of the address before referred to to her Majesty. (Rear, hear) Mr. ROME seconded the motion. The SPEAKER having put the question, Lord J. RUSSELL said be thought the house was hardly in a state to enter into a discussion as to the various measures on which the hon. gentleman had touched, or to go into the whole question of the government of India. (Ikar, hear.) He thought the honourable gentleman had mistaken the position of the go vernment and the house on this subject. The position of the government and the house was this, as a noble friend of his had stated, that it was not the intention of govern ment to move fur a committee of inquiry into the subject in the present Tear. At the same time that his noble friend —then Sir J. C. Ilobhouse—promised that every informa tion that could be obtained would be laid before the house previous to the renewal of the act of 1833, his noble friend did not say it was not the intention of the govern ment, when that information should be ready to be laid before the house, to grant a select committee to inquire into the whole of those matters before the renewal of the act. But he did say that her Majesty's government had no such alterations as were propowd iu 1812 and 1833, alterations of vast magnitude, to recommend to the committee with a view to consider these alterations ; but if the house should think fit to refer to those papers and make every species of inquiry into the mode of governing India, there would be no objec tion whatever on the part of the government. (Hear, hear.) sow, the course the hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Anstey) had taken wan this: he had gone into immense de tails of various measures, relating to finance, to law, and to the general government of India, which, if gone through, would he found to contain many statements with regard to measures that had been abandoned, exclusions that no longer existed, and reforms that were at present in opera tion. (Hear, hear.) It was not desirable that there should be a debate with regard to all these subjects without the house being in possession of more information than it had at present. (Hear, hear.) But the hon. gentleman stated that the best mode of obtaining that information was to send out commissioners to inquire on the spot into all these various measures of law, finance, and judicial govern ment. Sow he (Lord John Russell) entirely disagreed with the hon. gentleman on that point. (Hear.) He be lieved that to send out these commissioners would be the very worst mode the crown could adopt, or the government could advise the crown to adopt. He therefore thought it far better, if the house should think fit to make inquiry, that it should be done by a committee of that house, instead of the house assenting to the proposal pray ing her Majesty to appoint a commission of inquiry. (Hear, hear.) Finally, the present state of the house was not such as to warrant them in entering into an in quiry ; and, therefore, he should oppo se th e motion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. though he did not approve of sending a commission to India, considered inquiry necessary, which could be assisted by company's servants in that country. He suggested various points to which that inquiry might be di rected, especially the political department. The Afghan war, he observed, had been begun, conducted, and closed without the knowledge of the Court of Directors, by the orders of the president of the Board of Control, who was a despot, though not so intended by parliament. With Lord J. Russell he deprecated the abrogation of the Court of Directors. Sir J. HOGG said none could be more anxious for an open and searching inquiry into Indian affairs than the Court of Directors ; but Mr. Anstey had acted unfairly and uncandidly, for, while pr o fes s i ng t o call for inquiry, he had east the vilest imputations without, and even contrary to, evidence. One of the great grievances which he said were unredressed was the exclusion of natives from office; ' but Sir James showed, from the extensive employment of Sudder Ameers and Moonsiffs, that his statement was:un- I founded. Ile rectified other misapprehensions of Mr. Anstey respecting the land revenue, the monopolies of salt , and opium, and defended Lord Dalhousie against some re • Sections of Mr. Hume, observing that no man ever went ing interests, and the questions were frequently exceedingly complicated. The noble sad learned loci then read -por tions of the clauses, and said he could not conceive a betar, way than they afford. d to a cunning man to outwit his op ponent, for he might coin, before the judge and elicit his ease. and then nothing would be easier than to find re why he would not lie reconciled. To the next c also, he decidedly objected—th whit! (pee equity oat s, diction to the county courts—al agh at the same ti would admit that some of the p d "Iterations in practice of the courts of equity might be grafted upon the statute; and rules already in existence governing such pear dee. The statute 9 et 10 of her Majesty, cap. 9a, pro vided the references and was a general enactment. (The mobil, and learned lord read the clause.) :to far as the general provisions were concerned any matter in the Court iChancery might be referred, and by direction of the a ity judge be sent, to the local district for arbitration by county court judge. The same rules and orders would be applicable is that case as were now applicable to other officers of the Court of Chan teary, and the result from the clause he had tali read from the statuto would be just the same as bum the clause now proposed in the bill. There were suffi dent means also the the taking of evidence in the country, in sets already in operation, for almost every country attor ney was a master extraordinary in Chancery, and could administer the oaths ; and so the clause giving power to take the evidence appeared to him quite unnecessary. There wee a clause to which he strongly and decidedly objected. It was that which gave power and authority to the clerk of the county court to he exercised under the Lord Chess cellar ; and it appeared to him that the powers conferred by the bill were far too important and responsible to be wielded by any clerk of a county court. (Hear, hear.) As nairded the provisions in the bill in respect to berris ten appearing in these courts without instruction from an attorney, he considered them quite unnecessary. The donee providing that an attorney's clerk, possess ing a six month,' certificate of his clerkship, should titine in these courts, he considered to be still more oh onable. This was a propoeition to enact the greated smieanee that could he imagined by man. It was note:lri an that at present, in the lesser enrninal courts, persons. not attorneys, but professing to he the (leeks of attorneys, applying a portion of thtir gains to paying attorneys for the permission to use such attorneys names, caused a great deal of mischief, and perpetrated a great amount of wrung. Another clause in the hill which was, in every respect, objectionable, was that opening these courts to pleints for tithe-commutation tints. Looking at the hill, as a whole, he had come to the conclusion that it did wit contain matter entitled to their lordshipe' appro. val. Ile conceded, to the fullest extent, to the noble and learned lord by whom it had been introduced, the merit of being actuated by the greatest anxiety to ace accomplished effectual reforms in the law and an legal proceedings, more especially with a view to the establishment of cheap law. At the same time he could not avoid perceiving that the noble and learned lord hail been too eager and had produced an imperfect measure. Ile thought that the noble and learned lord had not sufficiently compared this bill with existing acts of parliament, and that, altogether, he had inadequately considered the important and compli cated suhject on winch parliament was called on to legislate. He (the Lord Chancellor) should feel it his duty to move that the bill he recommitted that day Nil months. Lord BitOUtill AM must say that he had great right to complain, and that the house had a still greater right to complain, of the course taken by the noble and learned lint, Ile had not received the slightest intimation of the intention of the noble and learned lord to enter into an analysis of the bill on this occasion, and still less could he have expected that the noble and learned lord would have opposed the further progress of the bill. Hail he received any such intimation he should most certainly have postponed the committee on the bill till Friday (this day). His object in bringing the hill on that evening was merely to get those clauses pawed on which no difference of opinion was likely, as he had thought, to arise; and, before bringing it on, he had arranged with his noble friend the chairman of committees (Lord Bede:4l.de) which were those clauses which might fairly be taken that evening, and which other claim,. being clauses as to which there Rai a likelihood of a dif ference of opinion, might an ire properly he taken on another slay, when a full di-rug:don could be entered upon. And it so happened that the clauses proposed to he postponed were the identical chivies to which the noble and learned lord took on this occasion such elaborate I ar jections. A., however. his noble and learned friend had taken this course, he had no option hut to follow through these objections, and to meet each and all of them. Ile would at once, as a sample of these objections, reply to the observations of his noble and learned friend in refer ence to what were called the equity clauses. The statement of his noble awl learned friend was, that the whole of the. , clauses were to be found already enacted in the 'l'lnil section of the act of 1846. A very few words would show that Ili, Liable and learned friend was lahouring under a gnat misapprehension, and had, in fact, committeil as great a mistake as it was passible for any legal person to commit, on any subject of this kind. Now, the limn were these,—These clauses were certainly not primped for the first time. They were embraced in the bill of 11433. That hill went through a full discussion ; these clauses were approved of and passed through com mittee in the other house; but the bill was thrown out on the third reading, and with it went, of course, these clause,. Then came the act of inl6, introduced by Lord Lyndhurst, and adopted on the change of government by Lord Cot tenham. The equity clauses of 11433 were nut in thit bill of 1416; but Lord Langdale, the Master of the Rolle, reseed upon Lord Vottenhaux the adoption of the whole of them. The Lord CHANCELLOR, here iuterposed (apparently at the request of Earl envy, who had been iu conversation with him on the wooleack), and Raid that he could assure his noble and learned friend that he hail come forward to offer his objections to the bill at the earliest possible mo ment ; Lail he hoped his noble and learned friend knew him too well to suppose that lie would have a ithheld the notice of his intention to take the course he bail taken that even ing, had it been is his power to give the intimation. But it was not at all his wish to go into the discussion that night, and he would take it at any other time which hie noble and learned friend might fix upon. Lord BIIOUGHAM had never thought of accusing his noble and learned friend of unfairness. Ilad his noble and learned friend been guilty of an unfairness it would have been for the first time in his eminent career. All that he (Lied Brougham) complained of was the inconvenience of the course taken by his noble and learned friend. And that course being taken, lie was compelled to say a few words, and at least to sketch a reply to his noble and learned friend. Ile was now taking a single sample of the cargo of the arguments —and he used the phrase without intending a disrespect—of his noble owl learned friend. The sample who the olqection to the equity clauses. He hoped his noble and learned friend would rightly and charitably construe the comment which he hail to make ens that objection; and hoping that that right construction would be put upon his words, he felt bound to say that, in this matter, his noble and learned friend hail fallen into a grow, nay, a very gross, error. The error was incredible and ex traordinary. Tering., however, nut very incredible, nor very estraordinory, if the Curt were taken into considera tion that his noble and learned friend had sat but a very 'short time in his present position—a poeition the duties of which he undoubtedly tilled with unexampled assiduity—as judge in equity. There was no doubt whatever, uo person, who hail looked at the subject hail ever for a moment doubted, that these clauses were absolutely necessary in order that the equity juris diction proposed to be conveyed to the judges of the county court. should be exercisea in due es iuree and effectually. 'These clauses in 1833 obtained the approbation of all the eminent lawyers of the day. They were sanctioned by Lord Eldon, rod by Lord Lyndhurst; they were revised by the Master in Chancery; and finally they were revised and approved of by the Master of the 'lions. The general objections taken to this bill by his noble and learned friend were unjust and untenable. 'the bill had been most carefully ws Weal ; and not a single clause of it had been inserted without lung and aesiduousconsideration, or without minute comparison with every statutory and other legal matter bearing on the question. The particular objections of his noble and learned friend were not less untenable than the general objection. The objection to the clause relating to tithe rents was lased upon a mistake. The clause re lated only to special cases in which, it was now found, a distress was out of the question, notwithstanding that there might be •property to he distressed (and there might be property from which to recover even though there might .no titheable matter on the ground); and he had no doubt whatever that this clause would give satisthetiou. Ile could not conceive on what ground his noble and learned friend opposed the arbitration clauses. There was _ - •• .. - - - little or no innovation. In ordinary arbitration cases, at pre. I ' sent, when a paid arbitrator was employed, the proceeltx were delayed and retarded, and the whole affair was costly in consequence of the barvi.ter lacing paid by the day and not by a salary, thus having no interest whatever in a speedy deci.ion. What hi. noble and learned friend said of the Courts of Iteconcilernent um equally inaccurate. This, surely. was no fancy scheme. It was already the practice of mire than one half of Europe. But even were it a novelty, and if they hail no expe rience of the system on the continent, the necessity of its adoption iu this country would not be less obvious. Ili. noble and l-arned friend had made an objection to the I optional jurisdiction clauses, but seemed to forget that the law as it now existed was open to a similar objection. be , cause, if an action were not local but transitory, the venue might be laid wherever the plaintiff pleased • and indeed, at present, causes were o ft en tried in London, and the witnesses were brought from Liverpool or Cornwall. . (Hear.) Many other remarks had been made by his noble and learned friend, to which he might reply, but he would abstain from doing so until • future occasion, observing, however, that there was not a single objection made by his noble and learned friend, to which he would not unhesitat- iugly pledge himself to give a most satisfactory answer here after. Had the bill of 1533 passed, the country would have been experieneing the inestimable blessiup of local court. ever since. He designated the blc'asings of them " inestimable." because when their lordships were • informed that 500,000 causes had been tried in thew courts, of which 100,000, in all probability, would never have been tried but for the county court act, he thought they would see that immense benefits had been conferred upon the community. and that the additional be nefits he proposed to grant co uld not fur many years be de layed. (Hear, hear.) The LORI) CHANCELLOR said the speech of his noble and learned (timid ;Lord Brougham) was very strong, but he denied that it was equally strong in point of argil ' ment. Ile (the Lord Chancellor) begged to withdraw his amendment. with the view of having the discussion adjourned until to-morrow. when it could he more fully entered upon than was possible on the present occasion. Lord Blt01:011AM expressed a hope that their lordships would proceed to a decision at once. CHARTER. Mr. ANSTEY then rose to move an address to her Ma jesty, "representing that it is now necessary that the true condition of the territories under the government or ma nagement of the East India Company, and the real wishes and feelings of our fellow subjects inhabiting those tern tories, as to such government or management, be fully as- I certained ; and for that purpose praying her Majesty to i take measures fur the appointment of a commis s ion of n ! quiry, with full powers to take evidence in India as to the operations and results of the laws now in force touching the government and management of the said territories, and to report such evidence, together with the opinions of the commissioners thereon, to her Majesty in parliament." In the resolution, he said, two propositions were involved. The act of 1833, by which the government of our East India territories was provided for, must soon be renewed, either in its present form, or with such amendments as in the wisdom of parliament should be thought necessary, and it was, therefore, expedient and just that preliminary inquiries of some kind or other should be made. The other proposition was that such inquiries would be useless unless they were conducted upon the spot. Parliament had a right to demand in what way the recognition of the political existence of a handrail millions of people in India had received its practical value, and he trusted they would inquire and on the spot. Fur thermore there were grievances in 1833 which were sup posed to be provided fur by the bill which then passed, but there was nut one of those grievances which did not now exist in all its original enormity, if indeed it had not been aggravated by continuance. For instance, there were the monopolies of opium and salt. When Mr. Buckingham brought forward that question, Mr.' Grant said it was a question fur the Governor-General in council, but nothing had been done. Then there were other practical grievances, such as the exclusion of all the natives from every post of profit and power. if they had no choice between the abandonment of the East Indies altogether, or continuing the present system of government, they ought in justice to abandon the territory altogether if they were to believe the evidence that had been given as to the working of the present government. It behoved them to use all the time at their disposal between this and the time when the act would expire in inquiring into the effect of that government. The natives of India were alive to this question; and, in order to show this, he would quote from a remarkable document, a petition presented to lord Elphinstone, the Governor of Madras, on the 12th of February, 1840, signed by no less than 100,000 natives, in which they said, •' We are the people of this country, inha biting this land for thousands of generations; from our industry its wealth is supplied; by our arms it is defended from foreign foes ; by our loyalty to the established govern ment its power and safety are maintained." He held in his hand the report of a committee which was appointed to inquire into the growth of cotton in India, and in which a great mass of informatics was collected, bearing on one of the great questions of India, the land monopo4. The report described the condition of the natives of India now under British rule, in these terms, " the low abject condition of the cultivators of the soil, the absence of capital, and the extent of the government demand f or ren t an d revenue, I wens subjects which were brought prominently before our notice, rendered it necessary for your committee to enter at considerable length into an inquiry into the system of land tenure, and to take the evidence of officers of tho Indian government on the subject; and it appears, (ran the evidence of almost every witness, that the as& to India to whom this country and India were more in- I debted than to that gentleman for his energy and humanity • I and his extraordinary talent for administration. Mr. BRIGHT thought it would have been better if Mr. Ante y had framed his motion so as to recognise the neces sity of a full and searching inquiry before the renewal of the charter, since many would doubt the expediency of sending a commission to India. lie condemued the ano malous constitution of the home Indian government, the functions of the secret committee, and the power of the , president of the India board, and suggested that the use of the patronage was not quite so pure as might be hoped for. That India had been misgoverned, he inferred from the ac knowledged fact that the labouring classes were in a state of abject poverty; and he contrasted the small sum ex pended by the Government in improvements with the vast . sums they had derived from taxation. lie complained of ; the dilatory character of the Indian government, and the absence of responsibility, which was de great defect. Mr. MANGLES replied to several points in Mr. Bright 's speech, and observed that when such men as Lords Dalhou sie and Hardinge were sent to India, practically a royal eommiseion was sent to that country. Mr. ANSTEY, in reply, said that after the expression of opinion on the part of the noble lord, and considering the feeding of the house, he should ask leave to withdraw the motion. The motion was then withdrawn. JEWISH DISABILITIES. On the motion of Loral J. ItI•SIIELL, the clerk read the following resolution of the pith of August in the last session: —" Resolved, that this house will at the earliest opportu nity in the next session of parliament take into its serious consideration the form of the oath of abjuration, with a view to the relief of her :Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion." Lord J. RUSSELL said he row in consequence of the resolution which had just been read, to move that the house should go into committee to consider the disabilities of the Jews. He should not enter into the argument at any length ; but two circumstances required to be stated, inasmuch as they hail placed the question in a somewhat different position from that which it had formerly assumed. The house would remember that a member for the City /if London, Sir Lionel de Rothschild, presented himself at the table of that house—that he proposed to take the oath on the OM Testament—and that that desire. at least, was complied with by a resolution of the house. Upon proceed ing, however, to take the oaths, when he came to the words "on the true faith of a Christian," he declared that those words were not binding on his conscience. Ile was then desired to retire, and the house came to a resolution that they could not admit him to his seat as a member unless he took the whole of the oath. As, there fore, it appeared that there was no obstacle what ' ever to his taking his seat in that house, except his objection to use those words, it became still more material than it was before to consider for what purpose those words were inserted in the oath now taken at the table. Front the report of the select committee with respect to the oaths of members, it appeared most clearly that in the reign of Elizabeth members were required to take an oath upon the Foly evangelists, and that the words now in question were first introduced in an act of Janos I. It was clear also, from the history of the acts, that the words were introduced, not to exclude Jews, but to give solemnity to the oath, and in order that the allegiance of those by whom it was taken might be se cured. Ile believed that the words, "So help me God," were introduced with exactly the name purpose. Now he did not mean to say that in thous times a Jew would have been admitted to a seat in parliament; that was an entirely different question ; but what he argued—and this, he thought, could not he disputed—was, that the words which formed the sole °Wade to Baron itothschild'a taking his sent as a member of that house, were not inserted fur the purpose of excluding Jews from parliament, but with a totally different object. They were inserted to meet the case of Christians whose allegiance was suspected. If the meaning of parliament had been different, they would have adopted a different course, and have required information as to the religion of each new member. Instead of merely tacking the words on the true faith of a Chris tian " to the end of the oath, a formal profession of Chris tianity would have been demanded. 'I his was made still more clear by the course adopted in the time of the Com monwealth, when a formal probossion now only of Christia nity hut of Protestantism was required from each member of parliament. In that time, on the 21th June, 16.57, it WWI 111,11:11T11 that every person taking a seat in parliament should take an oath before the regular tribunal solemnly to maintain the true form of protestant Christianity, :mil by all means in his power to eneoetrage the profession of the 631111.. It was clear, then, that when the profeseion of Christianity was required. a regular form of oath was framed hir the purpose. There was no subsequent legislation on the subject, down to the time of George 1., nor any isali cation of an intention to exclude the Jews from parliament. But there were two acts, one of George I. respecting per sons registering from real estate, and another the 13th of George 11. naturalising persons settling in the American colonies. Ily those two sets it was provided that if Jews came forward and took the oaths, the words " On the true faith of a Christian " should be omitted, and it had been urged by the present Master of the Rolls, whom he was glad again to see in his place—(cheers)--that parliament hating provided for those special cases, it was evidently the intention of parliament that without the sanction of an act the words "On the true faith of a Christian " should not be omitted. It appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) that that argument was valid, and that was the sole consideration which could have preventml the house in August last admitting Baron Rothschild according to the manner in which they had admitted Mr. l'casc the quaker without requiring the use of the words objected to in his oath. Ile thought that without these acts the general argument would have been good that every WWI should take the oath most binding on his conscience. 'that doctrine, which had been laid down by Lord Ilardwicke and other eminent authorities, would have prevailed in this case but fow the acts before mentioned, because it had nut been originully put in to exclude Jews, but merely to give a more solemn sanction to the oath. Those acts, however, being in existence, he thought it must he admitted that permits professing the Jewish religion could not well take their seats in that holse unless parliament should relieve them from the part of the oath to which they objected. The question, therefore, for the house to consider was whether they would take away the obligation HOW exist ing, and permit persons to he sworn at the table without the use of the words. That was a question which he had so often argued ao to render it unneceseary for him to say more on the presort occasion than that the point really to be considered was, whether religious opinions were to be a disqualification from civil and political rights. With regard to the Jews, there could be no objection made to the mural laws by which they were governed, nor to the manner in which they conducted themselves in this country WI loyal subjects, or as peaceful and moral members of the comntuuity. On these grounds he thought there would be no objection to the admission of Jews into parliament ; for it was well known that they pro fessed the KIM allegiance to the crown as other subjects, and that, as magistrates, sheriffs, and other cor porate officers, they had performed their duty us satis factorily as any other members of the community. (Hear, hear.) Neither could it he supposed, considering the small number of Jews in this country, that such of them as should be sent into parliament could produce any change in the character of the legislature. Ours must still be a Christian parliament, whether or no they were admitted, as the fact of the admission of two or three Jews could not possibly alter the character of so large a legislative body. It then became a bare question whether the difference of religious faith between Jews and Christians, should deprive the former of their proper civil and political position in the country. That subject hail been often argued, and it had in his opinion been conclusively proved that no such exclu sion should exist. It was on that principle he considered it his duty to move " That the house resolve itself into a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the mode of administering the oath of abjuration to persons professing the Jewish religion." Sir It. INGLIS said the words proposed to he left out were of only secondary importance in considering the in tentions of our ancestors, as every form of oath known to our courts was taken on the Christian symbol, and would be equally objectionable to the Jews. His noble friend argued in support of his motion that the number of Jews in England was small, but the effect of his legislation would he to admit persons of all religions, or of no religion, into our Christian legisla ture. Parsecs, Mahomedans, or Mildew', might come in with the Jews; but even if that were not the case, he could not consent to admit into a Christian legislature a clam of men who looked upon our blessed Redeemer merely as a crucified impostor. (Cheers.) With these views he felt it to be his duty to move that the committee be post poned for six months. Mr. M. GIBSON said, that being one of the supporters of the introduction of the present measure, he did not wish to delay the motion by any argument ou the question which had been raised by the hon. baronet, the member for Oxford Univereity. Ile was surprised that—if the hon. baronet considered it so important that all the members of the legislature should be in a condition from their faith to legis late, as he called it, for the interests of the church and of religion—he should be contented with so imperfect a secu rity, merely amounting to this, that if a man would only say be was a Christian the hon. baronet would believe him and at once admit hint into parliament. (Hear, hear.) But , his (Mr. Gibson's) object in rising was merely to call the ; attention of the house to the position in which they were placed with reference to this question—a position he would presume to say somewhat humiliating. (Hear.) In ; fact, persons out of doors hardly gave them credit for being in earnest on the question. Let him remind the house that Baron Rothschild was first elected at the general election of 1817, and then they were in 1851, and in the middl e o f 18.11 ' bringing in a bill with the view of removing the tests which prevented Baron Rothschild taking his seat and representing the interests which had sent him there. (Hear, hear.) Twice be had been elected, and twice had a bill passed that house legalising his admission, but twice had that bill been rejected elsewhere. lie thought it would have been fitting for the government, in the year 1850, after the second election of Baron Rothschild, to have again introduced their bill, and to have ascertained whether the other branch of the legislature would have a third time rejected it. All that had been done in the previous session was the common plan for getting rid of a difficulty, namely, to refer the matter to a committee to inquire. lie hoped he might understand front the noble lord that he was now in earnest in pressing this measure, and that if it were rejected a third time in another place, some decided steps would be takes by government to prevent so impor tant a principle of civil and religious liberty being set aside--(hear, hear)—that the noble lord would, in short, make it a government question, and insist that it was not consistent with his duty to submit to these repeated refu sals. (Ironical cheers from the opposition.) Mr. PLUMPTRE hoped that the house would show it self in earnest bg promptly rejecting the meuure. He thought that the noble lord, in continuing to press it, showed little respect for the religious feeling of the cowl. try. The question sfas strictly a religious question, lacing neither more nor less than whether they would preserve kr the house its character of a Christian assembly. Mr. PROSSER oharucterised ilia oaths taken in the house as a mockery to religion and a snare to the con science. Ile confessed that the mtastirc had much to recommend it, yet to his mind the subject was not free from difficulties. Ile thought it the wisest policy for this coon , try to pursue not to impose any restrictions on men on ac count of their religion. Political privileges he conceived I should be extended to all religious sects. (Hear.) It was, however, fir the house to consider whether the ease of the Jews was an exception. A great many people thought that it was our duty to execute the vengeance of Almighty God on the Jewish. nation. He (Mr. Presser) could not enter into that feeling. Ile (Mr. Presser) did not, however, think that the admission of a Jew to parliament would uncristiattise the legislature ; and WI this country was not exclusively Christian, though certainty it was generally Christian, the legislature would not cease to be generally Christian although Jews were introduced. (Hear, hear.) Mr. NEM/L(IAV'. was surprised to hear the speech of the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson), when he had on the question of papal aggression, over and over again, urged the house to do nothing, and quietly submit to the insults of the Pope. The hon. gentleman (Mr. Gibson) had risen with the greatest degree of energy, not only to urge the government to press this measure with a vigour which he (Mr. Newdegatc) felt persuaded was not in sym pathy with the feelings of this house, hut he had pressed en the government, should the House of Lords dare to vindi cate its independence and reject the bill, to swamp the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) Ile hail to express his regret that her Nlajesty's government and the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) should feel bound to persevere in a course of which he (Mr. Newdcgate) conscientiously be lieved they did not heartily approve. (Hear, bear.) lle was, however, quite certain of this that it they did approve of it, they were totally blind to the eireurn.tunces which had lately occurred, and which characterised most remark ably the period during which this subject hall been in agi tation. (Cries of "Divide, divide.") Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the house di vided: the numbers were: Fur going into committee Agaiied The house then went into committer, Mr. BERNAL in the chair, A resolution was agreed to, and the house im mediately resumed, when The CHAIRMAN reported the resolution, and leave was given to introduce a bill. Sir IL 11. INULIS asked the noble lord at the head of the government (Lord John Russell) when he would brines in the bill, and what day he would fix for the second reading. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that he would bring in the bill so that it could be read a second time to-morrow week. If he round that he could not do this, be would enemata the same to the house. CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS.. Mr. MULLINGS moved for lease to bring in a bill to provide for the set-% ice by post of notices relative to tho proceedings of charitable institutions, and to make further provision tor the scrviee of such notices in future.—Leavo given. LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT. Mr. !krtiLLISGS moved fur leave to bring in a bill to improve the law of landlord and tenant in rclatiun to cm bleu:tents, to growing crops seized in execution, and to agricultural teuanai liatures.—LetlVl` wax given. PRINTING BIBLES AND PRAYER BOOKS. III: ME moved for omits of the patents or authority under which the Queen's printer, and the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, claim the exclusive right of printing bibles and prayer books.—Ordered. CEYLON. _ Mr. lIUME moved (or 17;a4.7,nirit of the expenses, stated under separate heads, incurred in the commiasion appointed to inquire, in Ceylon, into the alleged forgery purporting to have been there signed by Capt. Watwn, of the Ceylon Rittes.—Ordered. AUDIT OP RAILWAY ACCOUNTS. Mr. STANFORD moved for and obtained leave to bring in a bill fur the more efficient audit of railway aeeuunta. The house then proceeded to the ortler4 of the day. COPYRIOII I DESIGNS EXTENSION ACT. On the mullet that the Speaker leave the chair fur the purpose of going into committee on this bill, Mr. ARKWRIGUT moved that the Speaker kayo tho chair that day six months. (Laughter.) Ile knew no rea son why this bill should he introduced, and he thought when he had read to the house portions of the evidence given respecting the hill beltire the House of Lords, the house would agree with him that it was altogether un necessary. The lion. gentleman then proceeded to read extracts Cram the evidence in question, to the e ff ect that there were only from 10 to Et persons to whom the bill would 1w advantageoes, and that it would ho giving ad vantages to foreigners which were not extended to English men. He was perfectly aware that this evidence related to the bill us it was originally introduced into the House of Lords, and that alterations had since been made in it; hut it still gave great advantages to foreigners. Ile, therefore, moved that the house resolve itself into committee ou the bill that day six months. ' Mr. LABOUCII ERE said he hoped the house would not n to the motion of the hun. gentleman, but would i.roes: the bill to go into comnattee. Ile would remind the house that this bill had conic front the House of Lords, where it had ben considered in a select committee of • that house, and great alterations had been made in it Ills lion. friend the Master of the Rolls would bo prepared to defend the bill in committee, and he believed that he hail 10/111C alterations to propose in committee. Mr. SPOON ER said he hoped his hon. friend would not object to this bill going into committee. Colonel SIIITHORP said he should support his hon. friend in his opposition to this bill. The right lion. gen tleman opposite said his hon. friend was the Lug person who ought to have risen in opposition to this bill. Now ho thought the honourable gentleman had dune himself much credit, and had shown a proper feeling towards his country, and that he was nut to be dictated to by a mercenary Treasury bench. (Laughter.) They held together perfect et tufts. Thi• right hon. gentleman said there was a necessity for bringing in a bill of a similar character to that before the house. Why, as he had before stated, a committee had reported in 1129 that an altera tion in the patent laws was necessary, but nothing had been done from that time to this by the President of the Board of Trade, or any of her Majesty's government. And now they proposed an alteration, all in consequence of this ex hiblth.lll. niechanies of this country had been too much forgotten, notwithstanding that they paid rates and taxes and had cluthea more than halt the treasury bench. (Loud laughter.) With such, his honest, feelings he should he ashamed of himself if he did not rise and pro test against such a system of trickery, fraud, and corrup tion. (Rear, hear.) lie should certaiuly support thu amendment of his hon. friend. (Rear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ did not rise to complain of her Majesty's ministers for iutroducing this bill ; but he must say that he doubted the policy of the bill, and the wisdom of those who sought fur it. (Hear, hear.) Ills experience of the patent laws would prevent him from exhibiting anything [or which he subsequently intended to take out 11 patent, and every man who did would repent his folly. (Cheers.) The Eng:ishman who exhibited under the protection of this bill would have his patent in England secured to him, but the foreigners could take away the invention and ob tain patents for it, if he chose, in every country in Europe. (llear, hear.) The foreigner who exhibited would be pro tected by thus bill from English competition, and would suffer no loss in his own or in foreign countries. In his opinion, it was a bill decidedly to the advantage of the foreigner. (Cheers.) Mr. (MOGAN should also support the resolution, es pecially alter the evidence read by the hon. gentleman who moved it; and the speech of the hon. member for Bir mingham, with whose remarks he completely concurred. Sir J. ILOMILLY considered that the hou. members who had spoken against the motion were under a mistake. The truth was, that they could not make a law that could in any degree affect other countries; nor was there anything in the bill that would prevent Englishmen taking out patents in foreign countries if they pleased; which was exactly what they could do now. (Ilear, hear.) It only entailed foreigners, Englishmen also, to protect their designs is Pas country. lie (Sir J. Hominy) admitted that there might be various little modifications in the bill, some of which he intended to introduce in committee ; butjthe evidence which the hon. gentleman had read was taken upon a very different bill ; and the present measure was, in fact, founded 'won that evidence. (Cheers.) The house then divided— Fur suing into committee 132 Against it 42—JO The house then went into cow :Witte. The MASTER of the ROLLS proposed to hare the bill reprinted, with the amendments and alteration. On the motion of the right hull. and learned gentleman, clause 7 was struck out. Sir \V. JOLLIFFE said, that by no provision.* could ourown inventors be protected from foreign competition. After some conversation, The MASTER of the ROLLS explained that the object of the bill was to leave the exhibitor in the same position at the end of the Exhibition, us if he had not exhibited at all. He also expressed the intention of bringing up a clause to allow a public trial of agricultural instrumentalprevious to the Exhibition, and that the exhibitors of them should not be precluded thereby from the other advantages they might denve from the bill. The right hon. and learned gentle man then proposed a clause in lieu of clause 7, for a pur pose for which that clause had been intended, and by which any party who had obtained the right of registration for an article he was to exhibit, which had been partly published elsewhere, but nut publicly sold or publicly exhibited for sale, still it might be placed in the great Exhibition. Mr. ARKWRIGHT proposed an amendment to strike out the words in the preamble referring to or describing the Great Exhibition, as they implied the sanction of the ; House of Commons to that Exhibition, and might be drawn I into& precedent. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he could not agree to the alteration proposed. Mr. SPOONER said he should support the amendment, on the ground that it was desirable not to recognise any demand that might be made for public money for this porporse. The MASTER of the ROLLS, mid they had allowed a bill to be brought in, of which the title was " An Act to extend the Provisions of the Act of 1850, and to give protection from piracy to persons exhibiting new inventions in the Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations in 1851." They had passed clauses which had no other object, but were professedly for the sole purpose of giving protection to persons in that exhibition; and now it was objected that the preamble should be, "whereas it is expedient that such protection as is hereinafter mentioned should be afforded to persons exhibiting," etc.