The Express. — London, England, 1846-12-30 00:00:00

EVENING PARTIES.—H. FARLEY, 31, Fleet - street, orite St. Dunstan's Church. returns his mom patent! Mulles to the . obitity and Gentry for the very libetal support be met tett/flan season, and begs to state he still continues to ATTEND EVENING PARTIES with his Mechanical Tricks. Ile also provides the Chromatropc, as exhibited at the Royal Polytectude Institution, the Dissolving Views, nunceeini Figures, and ths Magic Linters. — LB. A great variety of novelties, for tastruetban and amusement, and an extensive allKlrunent of Demos and Caojuring Tricks. CHRISTMAS HOLIDAYS. ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION, ritoFEsso:t SCIRENDEINM GUN-Cfn lON, and other Explosive Compounds, with brilliant EXperimenta, lectured on be Dr. Ryan, daily, at half-past three o'clock, and on the Evenings of Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. The principle of the various , ELECIRO-MAGNE fIC TELEGRAPHS explained daily by Professoone,r Bschhotfricr, including the patent of MeMrs. 010 k aL Wheatst which is in use on the Railways, and the more recent patent of Mesars Nott and Gamble. The various Models explained. Magnified ens of DISEASED POTATOF.S exhibited by the OXV-lIY MI7EN MICROsCOPE, with the Destructive Insect, supposed . by A. Sow, Esq., F.R.S., to be the cause of the disease. A beautiful series a NEW Dis:oLvisc; VIEWS. The LAVING-BELL and DIVER, with Elperiittenta. The PILYSIOsCOPE, New CHILD MATROPE, are. he. —Admission, le.; Schools, half-price. k ----- AINT JAMES'S ASSEMBLY-ROOMS, late CROCKFOttIYd. First aeries of SUBiCHIPTION BALLS. First Ball will take place at the above magnlfioent rooms on TUESDAY, the sth January next, and the second on 111URSDAY, lbt 7th, and afterwards on eery Monday and Thurralay during the month, oommencing at 9 o'clock each evening. Subscription for o gentleman, so.; ditto for a lady and g entleman, 70. ,id. Subscribers' names received at atl the princilnil librario and inusic-rellers' in the City and Westsind; also at Mr. Clark's otter, SJ, St. James's-s treet, imme.liately adjoining the mtablishment —5O, St- Janie... , ,- Dec. 99, 1846. CROSBY -HALL. ' lnc El/1101'I AN bEttb. NADFALS, Pc% Harrington, White, Stanwood, and German (fecal the St. Jan:ides Theatre), will give A SERIES of their INIMITAISLE ENTEitTAINMENTS, at ercsiby-hall, Blattopegute. street, on MONDAY EVENINGS, 4th and tith January, ISO; WEDNESDAY, the 6th and lath; YKIDAY, Stn and 15th. The Performawes Incontinence each evening at Eight o'clock precisely. Tickets may be abt tined A the Library of tio. I,..oirwinn. COLEMAN'S CASINO de EN ISE (the BATHS), 218, High Holborn, OPEN EVERY EVENING for PROMENADE. CONCERT and " BALL RIDOTTO." An Orcheetra of Forty eminent Performers. Conductor—Mr. G. Cooke. Laulers— Masora. H. Blagrove and Patty . Vocalism—Miss O'Connor, Mr. Wrigbton (tenor), Mr. Trenslce (comic). " Rol " Superintendent — Mr. C. O'Bryon. Concert at Eight. Dancing at Half-past Nine. A Turkish Smoking Saloon. Yloral Promenades. Refrealrrenta of every description, and the most superb Salon de Dame in the metro polis. Admiration, ONE SHILLING. AURENT'S CASINO, at the ROYAL 4 _4 . ADELAIDE GALLERY, etill continue. to be the magnet of at oscura, nightly Wring its habitue* within that maelstrom the POLKA, and each vortex of the mazy dance. Grand Vocal and !n -utriment.' Cameo. The celebrated LANTUM ETHLOPIAN sERE PIADERS, whose performances have created the meat perfect furore la the provinces, and which have been pronounced by the musical world to be unrivalled. The tone of the Lantum pleasing as it is novel. Thee eable ininetreis will give a MOENINO ENTERTAIN MENT at the Canino each day at Three o'clock, and in t he o'clock;he Evening will again appear after t h e concert. —Doors open at Se terminate at half-pant Eleven. Admineion, JUVENILE ATTRACTION. —ROYAL' ADELAIDE GALLERY, KfRAND—CHRIITMAN HOLI DAYS. —MORNING ENTERT.iINMENT.--The Leone, with • view et enakling perente to indulge the juvenile branches in an Entertain ment calculated Mr their mete, lam determined on giving SEVEN MORNING PERFORMANCEet. The first earn newel on SATUR DAY, December 26, and will be ceritinued during the week ; and, with this view, has mule arruutements with the original lANTUJI ETHIOPIAN SERENADEIts, in conjunction with the celebrated Turner Family {positively their Lot appearance, in cmiseqitence of tbeirprovincial engagement.), of the reepectim ages of 4,6, and 8 years, who have had the Knour of appearing at meet of the Nubility'e pertisa, and whose precocious talent has been the theme of universal admiration. The Wooden , of Creation, illusdated by the Gas MiCresenpe. COMMOIOII at Three o'clock precisely. Admission, le. RENCII PLAYS.—PERLETS FINAL PER FORMANCE: and FAREWELL BE.NEFIT.—TO-NIGIIT, LE MEDIEN ‘MPE , and PIQUE ASsIETTE.—FRIDAY, LE. BAVANT.—MON Ni.XT, LE COUCIIER DU SOLEIL—WED NESD.t Y, hi, F.tREW ELL aysarrr, when will be given, for that night only, Molirre's celebrated pay of IL'AVARE. —ERIDAY, foJarm n. 8, positively his had appearance, on which occasion be will pet in three popular characters. Mr. Frederic Lemsitre and Millie. Clarisse wnli appear at the close of Feder. engagement. Boxes and Stalls at Mitchell's, Royal Library, 33, Old Bunil-street. THEATRE ROYAL HAYNIARKET. Great Attraction for the ifnJdaT4 and Immense Success of the New Drama, THE ROUND OP WRONG.—ThenewComic Drama of STORY TELLING, and the new Grand Fairy Extravaganya of TILE INVISIBLE PRINCE. or the Island of Tranquil Delight, having been highly successful, will be acted every evening. ANTO NIINI ES.—I'ItIVAT It( IXES at Drury lane, Haymarket, PeISOCIW, Adelphi, l.ycewn, and all the minor Theatres, either for large or small parties, to be had on the most reasonable terms, at ANDREWS' Library, 167, New Bond-street Private 1401( . 4 and Stalls for the French Plays and Ethiopian Sere nader* at the St. James's Theatre; also, Family Tickets for the Colosseum. AN OREWA' Lituary, 167, New Bond-street (adjoining the Clarendon Hotel.) Ehi epprOg. The mails for New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and New Teahood will be made up on the evening of the 3lat December (to morrow). The West Indio inailiy including those for Meaieo, llonditras, and the llovannith, will he mule up of the morning of the 2nd January, The nvio long mails for Gibraltar, Matti, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Ilona -Kong, and China, via Southampton, will be made up on the evening of the 2nd tanu.ary. The mails for Briti-h North America, nerintida, and the United elates, will he made up on the eventog of the ith January. The mails for the Broads, the River Nate. Monte Video, Pernam buco, !Ohio, Ma leira, and Buenos Ayres, will be dispatched on the evening of the Ith January. The overlonil eloied onmull, ein Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt Aden, Ceylon, India, Hon: Kong, &e., will be made up on the evening of tin 7th January. The malts for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, flodia, and Gibraltar, will be made up on the morning of the 7th January. TO COItRESPONDEN'fS. •.• Adcartimmente intended fur The Aqua; London eTening Palm, matt be at the Odic: by Two o'clock on the day of publication. HIGII WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Tate D. —Mornlna, 0 mat. pan 0; Anerno a, in mg 0. To-Mornow—Taming, 41 min. pest 0; Afternoon, 7 min. past 1. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, DEC. 30, Tor•. decision, that a medal should be granted to the surviving veterans of the Peninsular war, gives rise to considerations and questions of a much wider sphere, than the glorification of these warriors. If government can undertake to award honorary premiums, names or symbols, conferring dignity and commanding respect, and if the public at large acknowledges the value of such rewards, then the government has at its disposal a mint, as much worth management, and attention, and skill, as that other mint or bank, which sends forth tokens of value which, for the most part, also receive their worth from public estimation. The rewarding of public service and merit by names or ribands, enhancing personal importance, is a mode that has been largely applied in this country to the upper classes. And we may add that in general the fount, of honour has been wisely econo mised, so that a blue riband or a red one have been prizes as anxiously sought for, and as dearly paid for in exertion or support, as the more permanent ac quisition of wealth or hereditary title. Other countries have found their advantage in ex tending this principle to the middle and even lower classes, which they wisely and liberally supposed to be just as sensitive to such distinctions, and as honourably excited by the hope of such, as those of ranks higher born and more wealthily endowed. We have heard calculations of the value, estimated in money, coined by NAPOLEON, in crosses of the Legion of Honour, and which in this light must have spared many minims of his military budget. Even at present, the riband of the Legion of Honour is in many ranks of officers considered equivalent to a step, and as such is conferred by the great dispensers of favours. Are not English soldiers and officers • fully endowed with the feelings which correspond to such distinctions, and give them value? If so, is such a mine to be left unworked—such coin allowed to rot unstamped ? If not worthy of the attention of the war-office, it must surely be interesting to the Chancellor of the Exche quer. We should recommend it not merely to the care of soldiers' friends, but to the meditations of Mr. HUMS or Mr. WILLIAMS. Now, giving medals, as we do, and are about to do, is, in an economical point of view, flinging them away. At present, medals are awarded to those, who have participated in certain actions. All who were present Lave a right to it. What distinction is there in this ? Or what does the medal do, but simply add comment to the army lists? Government, in bestowing such a medal, stands in the light of one, allotting what is due, not distinguishing or rewarding particular merit. The medals ad hoe merely announce that the wearers have been there. It is likethe passport which travellers show; the fragment of Niagara rocks which the visitor strikes off and brings home. It is a mere memento or witness of presence. It is no grade or substitute for a grade, creates no esprit de corps, and scarcely enhances the feelings of individual pride in the breast of the soldier, who probably would blush to wear a medal indicating them. lf, instead of these local, distinctive, jealousy creating medals, government were to institute one large military order, or extend the military orders now existing by the creating of other classes, then the war-office, or the sovereign, in conferring it, even though it were conferred on all those present at a battle, would be bestowing an honour and a favour. We should then have no rivalry between Indian and European feats; between Water loo and Salamanca. Military and naval illustrations would be blended together. There would exist a fit reward for the gallant soldier, good to fight or to lead, but little capable of directing or performing the intellectual part of generalship. The soldier would then feel himself not a being s.t wed, without sym pathy, or common pride, or fellowsh►p,existing etwe- Lim and his officer. Time would be created a new incentive to good conduct and to that most natural superinducement of the feelings of the gentleman upon those of the soldier. The French have gone still further. They have *ted their system of retiring pensions upon the Legion of Honour. Every soldier who gets a red riband is entitled to a pension. His children have right of entrance to military schools ; his daughters to the great establishment of education at St. Denis, Loges, and elsewhere. The Legion of Honour is wealthy, well endowed. It succeeded to the old con ventual establi;• - ` ' - Old soldiers have be -6 - queathed to it large legacies. And it has resources independent of the state. There may be some danger and several objections to the erection of a military order into such a corporation. But the subject cer tainly deserves attention, as every means should be taken for reforming, elevating, and providing for the army, and putting the service and its rewards upon some new and improved footing. We are glad of the grant of the Peninsular medal, which is but justice to gallant men, overlooked and slighted under the most frivolous and lazy pretexts. But this reparation is merely the piecing up of an old,rotten,ptecemeal edifice, which ought to be pulled down altogether, and something new, seemly. and dignified, in the way of an edifice, erected with of some unity of plan, economy of means , an d largeness purpose. WITHIN the last ten years applications for re presentative governments have been made to the Colonial-office from the Cape of Good Hope, New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, Western Austra lia. South Australia, New Zealand, British Guiana, Trinidad, and St. Lucia. Of these New South Wales alone has been for some years in possession of the desired boon. New Zealand is on the eve of obtain ing it. In all the others the following passage will excite expectations which we cannot imagine it ts the design of government to raise only to disappoint then; : Provision being made for establishing the municipal, the legislative, and the executive institutions of New Zealand, there is a virtual accomplishment of all that is necessary for Its future government. From these institutions will flow all subordinate powers—judicial, Sicil, magisterial, or of what ever other nature they may . be. The respective legislatures will p rog ressively mould tneir derivative organs of govern ment into such forms as the exigencies of society will require. To a great extent it will be com petent to these legislatures so to mould even the institutions which the charter itself creates, by regulat ing the elective franchise and the whole system of elec tions, municipal and legislative, care being taken that no such enactments be either repugnant to the text, or at vari ance with the spirit of the act or of the charter. To pre scribe fundamental rules, and to create an authority for the better adaptation of them to the real wants of the colony, is the only function which the Queen or Parliament have as sumed to themselves, or could properly have assumed. Many details of the New Zealand constitution are obviously inapplicable to most of the colonies we have named. It is intended to establish the autho rity of law, and protect the rights of the individual citizen in a great country where there is room for many colonies; where the influence of one cen tral government cannot possibly, in the infancy of settlement, make itself felt ; and where such I excess of centralisation must, as population becomes more generally dense, be productive of many evils. The Cape of Good Hope is the only other scene of British colonising enterprise, resembling New Zea land in this respect, that is still destitute of a repre sentative legislature. There is, indeed, in many res pe cts, a strong paral lelism between the social conditions of the British settlements at the southern extremity of Africa, and those in New Zealand. The districts nearest to Cape Town, the so-called eastern districts, and Natal, are as incapable of being efficiently administered from one seat of government, as Auckland, the Cook's Straits settlements, and the incipient settlements at the southern extremity of, the Middle Island. In South Africa, too, as in New Zealand, we have to deal with numerous tribes of aborigines, some of whom are among the finest specimens of uncivilised men. The federal system, and the distinction between fully organised or " provincial districts," and imperfectly organised, or " aboriginal districts," appears as exactly suited to the circumstances of South Africa as if it had been devised to meet its actual wants. The principles of European international law recog nise in civilised governments a right of sovereignty in regions inhabited only by uncivilised tribes, conse quent upon occupation and settlement. Natural equity . demands that the exercise of this right of sovereignty . (Ilona the natives should be enforced for the protection of the colonists, but with every possible respect for the libertiesand possessions of the aboriginal tribes. In South Africa we have the cluster of settlements which emanated from Cape Town before the colony became British; the cluster of settlements of which Graham's Town may be considered the nucleus, and Natal. But, in addition to these, we have the settle ments of the Griquas, a half-blood race, whe emigrated from the colony; the settlements of the emigrant Boers, who are British subjects, in the interior; and many missionary villages, and villages of our depend ants the Fingoes, scattered throughout Kaflirland. It is the right and duty of the British crown to guard its missionary and emigrant subjects from the assaults of native tribes, and to protect the native tribes from the encroachments of its subjects. In other words, the necessities of the region render it a duty quite as much as a right of Great Britain to claim as its dominion—as a region in which no other European power can have a right to colonise—all Southern Africa up to the Portuguese frontier. And the federal system, and the distinction between municipal and aboriginal districts, about to be esta blished in New Zealand, will be found the most efficient instrument for making the advances of civil government and law keep pace exactly with the advances of settlement and civilization. In the more compact colonies of South Australia and Western Australia, and we may add Australia Felix, which has been proved experimentally to be too remote from Sydney to be comprehended with benefit in the same representative system, a simpler scheme of representative . government would suffice. The provincial and municipal elements of the New Zealand constitution are all that would be required. The scanty numbers, too, of the aboriginal tribes, and the low posi tion they occupy in the scale of social existence, render the plan of aboriginal districts in their case not only uncalled for but impracticable. But though the details of the constitutions for these colonies must of necessity differ in from those of the constitution con ferred on New Zealand, the general principles which the framework of local government introduced into the latter is intended to realise—the general principles of self-government are-equally applicable to them. With regard to South Australia, indeed, the act of parliament, under which the colony was founded, con tains an express declaration that as soon as the Colonists amount to a certain number they are to have arepresentative government. That number they have, we believe, already attained : at all events they are far more numerous than the settlers of New I Zealand. At first sight there is some plausibility in the proposal to unite all the colonies in the Austra lien continent in a federal system similar to that of New Zealand. In practice, however, it would pro. bably be found that the extent of territory is too great. In Great Britain the feudal form of govern ment attained to system and coherence, because the territory was not too extensive ; in Germany it broke down into a number of territorial sovereignties, be cause the territory was too extensive. With respect to Van Diemen's Land and the West Indian colonies, which have applied for representative governments, there are special circumstances to take into consideration. There are strong reasons to doubt the possibility of extending representative institutions to a penal colony. In the case of the West Indian com munities, while slavery existed the home government refused representative institutions to the whites, least they should be perverted into instruments for increas ing the coercion of the slaves. Since emancipation the very parties who asked for representative govern ment formerly have not seldom become its opponents. They maintain that the recently emancipated negroes are not yet fit to exercise the political franchise. There is good reason to question the truth of this assertion. The Creole negro has not, like a Kaffir or New Zealander, lived in an imperfectly . organised society. He has grown up under the influence of regular government; has unconsciously imbibed, by , his intercourse with society from childhood, general notions of civil rights and duties. In the first in stance' a pretty high money qualification might be advisable in those colonies where there is a large negro population ; but the work of emancipation can not be regarded as completed so long as the negro is not at least partially admitted to the political as - well as the social rights of a freeman. reen 1 1 11 .1' t 1 1 1 . , . , , . 1: . ' i i 1 ,) I I a: 1 1 1 I 1 1 II .1 , 1 I I 1 l il 1 i i i 'l i l 1 I 1 0, I 1 1 I'l ii.,.1 . , , s , . ~) ... 1 , , 1 1 ~ ~. THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 30, 1846, The article in the Journal des Debate of Thursday lark which, as we announced at the time, produced so great a sensation in Paris, has revived the contro versy respecting the English alliance. The journals of Pam, almost without a single exception, were engrossed by that question on Monday, a striking manifestation of the deep interest taken in it by the French nation. "The English alliance or isolation!" To that France is now reduced. The Debuts pro claims it; La Presse admits it. The opposition journals echo it, casting the responsibility on the Bpanish-marriage-cabinet. The project to send the indigenous sugar of France to the English market begins to excite much atten tion in France. There is an annual surplus, seeking such a vent at present, amounting to 7,000 tons. The Prince de Joinville left Paris on Friday for Cherbourg, to witness the experiments to be made with the new machinery of the Pomone. It is expected that M. Guizot will lay . the diploma tic correspondence relating to the Spanish marriages on the bureau of the Chamber of Deputies on the 12th. It is before the Chamber of Peers that he will first give hie explanations of the negotiations. The time at which this will take place will depend on the length of thedebate oa the address in the Peers,but as it is not likely that this will occupy more than three or four days, it is most probable that his explanations will precede those of Lord Palmerston. The Chamber of Commerce of Paris had a meeting on Saturday at which the Prefect of the Seine, I'SL Hambutteau, presided. He opened the meeting with a speech an the state of commerce. A private letter from Florence, received at Paris, on Monday, says that a revolution has broken out at Naples, and that the people have got the better of the troops, but it is supposed that Austrian troops would have arrived and put down the insurrection. We give this as it has come to us, without guaran teeing its accuracy. The Bank of k ranee has given notice to M. Roths child to withdraw twelve millions of ingots in gold which he had deposited ' • the bank requiring imme diately the amount it hadadvanced to him upon them. The railway from Rouen to Ilavre will, it is said, be opened for circulation on 15th January ; but the opening of that between Amiens and Abbeville is not probable before March. The Madrid mails, with the journals and correspond of the 22nd, were received in Paris on Monday. The frost and snow had obstructed the roads, so as to stop the diligences, and most of the mails were three or four days in arrear. In consequence of this interrup tion of the communication, the opening of the Cortes was prorogued by royal proclamation to the 31st. The cabinet had a meeting on the 21st, at which the heads of the royal speech on the opening of the Cortes were agreed on. It will be very concise. The ministerial candidate for the presidency of the second chamber was not yet agreed on. The Clamor Publico s iys, that a Carlist insurrec tion was on the point of breaking out in Navarre. The Bourse at Madrid was steady, but no great I amount of business was done. PARIS, DEC. 27. The Prefect of the Department of the Seine has just made known, in a speech previous to the election of the members of the Chamber of Commerce, the in formation which he has been in the habit of giving annually relative to the administration of Paris. This document is interesting on account of the quinquennial census of the population which has just taken place. In 1841, Paris contained a population of 935,001) in habitants ; and the department of the Seine, that is Paris and the banlieue, 1,1141,000 souls. In 1846 the population of Paris is 1,051,000 souls, and that of the department of the Seine, 1,357,000. In five years this vast agglomeration has increased by 176,000, that is, 15 per cent. If this progression should continue, before 20 years are over the department of the Seine, the smallest in size in the whole of France, being only five leagues (twelve miles) in diameter, would count above two millions of souls. The progress of civilisation and commerce is no less extraordinary than that of population. Paris, in 1846, will have ex ported a quantity represented in value by 175 millions of francs, a sum equal to one-fifth of the total exports of all France. No account is kept of the produce consumed in Paris, or the rest of France ; but it may be safely said that an inhabit ant of Paris purchases and consumes, bread not in cluded, five or six times as much as the other inhabit ants of this country. This is owing to a general law which seems not to have been sufficiently observed. The great centres of consumption tend everywhere to become centres for production. Paris is a manufacturing town. Work will develop itself wherever capital abounds, and where a market exists for produce. But the market for food supply does not keep pace with it. In despite of the increase of population in Paris, the consumption of butcher's meat has been constantly on the decrease. Such an extraordinary phenomenon is easily explained by the high price of meat in France. Beef of middling quality in Paris is paid seventy-five centimes (sevenpence) per pound. The cattle breeders in France are protected by a duty of 55 francs per head of cattle imported from abroad ; and in addition to this there is a duty of twenty-six francs per head on bullocks for octroi, that is, for passing the city gates. If beef was only worth in Paris from 40 to .50 centimes per pound, the labouring classes, for whom it is now a luxury, might then make use of it for food. The general health of the population would be better, and they would ac better able to resist the debilitating and destructive influence of living in towns. For the first time in the last ten years, the Pre fect of the Seine has had to announce an increase in the consumption of meat in Paris during 1846. The excess over last year seems to have been 4,000 beeves, 1,200 calves, and 30,000 sheep. This shows that the ranks of the middling classes are much more quickly filled up in Paris than those of the lower class. It is one of the first results of rail ways upon the population of Paris. What tends to show that the labouring classes of Paris have not become easier in circum stances in 1846, is the decrease in the con sumption of wine and spirituous liquors. Bread' is dear in Paris. In 1846 it has been from 10 to 15 centimes per pound dearer than in preceding years. The inhabitants of Paris must have spent for bread during 1846, between twenty-five and thirty-six millions of francs more than in 1845. They have had the less to spend in drink and enjoyments of other kinds. It is easy to understand how the wine and liquor trade has suffered in consequence. It may also be easily understood how the number of articles, pawned has increased. The increase for 1846 will be upwards of 1,600,000 francs. The working classes take their resources everywhere when they want bread. They part with their clothes, in order to provide for food. In the midst of a severe winter one can scarcely contemplate, without shuddering, the terrible consequences of such a state of indigence. The revenues of the city of Paris are exceedingly prosperous. The produce of oar(); alone will amount for 1846, to 32 millions of francs. The finances of Paris are most prosperous. Its revenue exceeds that of the kingdom of Bavaria. The loans it had con tracted will shortly be extinguished. Besides this (large sums are consecrated yearly for the use of prisons and hospitals, schools, police, scavengering, and employed in paying for great public works. There is no city in the world where so many or so useful works have been executed during the last 15 years. Much, however, remains to be done. The central quarters, inhabited by the lower classes, still want an increase of air and light. New streets must be made ; the old ones must be enlarged and be made more healthy; all these undertakings of paving, lighting, and sewerage, form a considerable source of outlay in a town where land is so expensive. The police is still but ill regulated in Paris. Patrols go about, a system which requires a large amount of men, and does little good. The English system will no doubt be adopted at last, and it will be necessary to establish in the divers quarters, policemen whose duty it will be to watch and maintain order, security, and - cleanliness. This will not prevent the city of Paris from keeping upits municipalguard, both foot and horse, which forms a species of army, and is, without doubt, the finest body of troops in Europe. The sca vengering system is also very defective. Paris has 126,000 yards of sewer, and 1,800 fountains. This is almost enough to olean the surface of the streets: but could not the inhabitants be obliged to respect decency a little more in the streets, and not offend, as they do, the feelings of their females ? Paris, for cleanliness, hold the middle tunkletiveen Rome and Naples. With more severe police regulations, the Parisians might vie in cleanliness with the English. 0. FRAINCE—NUNDAT IONS .—The Cherbourg jour nals inform us that co nsiderable damage has been done in that town by the inundation from the overflowing of the banks of the two rivers, which there find their way into the sea. In some of the houses the water was more than a foot and a half in depth, and all the gardens in the environs were under water. ITALY.--A society for the advancement of natural history has just been formed at Trieste, especial a t ten ti o n being paid to the zoological productions on the Adr:atie. Situated on the shores of a sea abounding in tish and vertelme of every . species, Trieste is well adapted in every respect for experiments in natural history and for a [zoological museum. As a seaport Trieste has every means at its disposal for enriching its samples from foreign lands. Count O'Donel, Aulic C ouncillor, has been appointed pre sident of the socie.y. Among the other members arc MM. Koch, Tomazin, Manual, Luttaoth, Pooch, and Zallooi. GEItNIANY.—M. do Kamptz, the Prussian En voy to Vienna relative to the commerce of Silesia, menaced by the incorporation of Cracow, has 'retired new instruc tions from his Court, according to which Prussia confines herself to the demand that the existing state of things re main unchanged until the definite arrangements of the corn mere al affairs of Cracow be finally agreed upon. The Bavarian government has protested against the increased duty on the exportation of corn imposed by Austria, the more so as she allows earn to be exported into Bavaria at a very slight rate of duty. Should Austria maintain the increased duty, Bavaria has threatened to pro hibit entirely the exportation of provisions into Tyrol. This would be most disastrous, aa many articles (salt, for Instance) are imported from Bavaria at a much lower price than could be otherwise obtained. The German journals contain accounts of heavy falls of snow in that country. Between Aix-la- Chapelle and Cologne trains stopped running on the 19th. In the tunnel beyond Diireu two or three engineswere buried in the snow, and 300 men were employed in clearing the rails. On the Bonn Railway a train was nine hours instead of one on the road. GREECE—A letter from Athens of December 10 (published in the Chronicle) contains the following repre sentation of the state of affairs under French influence, furui,hing fresh details of tile brigandage which afflicts the country. M. Coletti is said by his medical attendants to be vadually getting butter, but it is not probable that he will be able to take any personal part in the direction of public affairs for some time ; meanwhile, the ministry which exists but in name, goes on as it can, doing nothing, which perhaps is a great deal better than if it were doing anything. Louis Philippe's representatives at Athens are not, how ever, idle, M. Piscatory, the French Minister, and M. Rougoux, the French consul, openly governing Greece, as has been must admirably exposed in the Karteria, Athenian newspaper. It says.—" Whoever wishes to have a know ledge of our independence, has only to go just now to the Audit Otfi:e, where he will see the French Consul, M. Rou goux, composing, with the assistance of the members of that office, the budget of 1847. This is exactly wnat took place last year, as our readers will remember. The budget being composed by the diplomatic agents of France, just means this, that the government and the treasury of Greece are under the control and immediate direction of the French ministry ; which clearly amounts to the fact, that we are under the influence of systematic foreign interference; or rather, that our affairs are directly administered by the French go vernment." The Chambers have commenced the discussion on the address of the King. It is nut of much consequence what may be adopted, for, even if the Chambers should have the good sense to forcibly point out to his Majesty the crying evils which afflict the country, as they partly did by their address last session, it is more than probable the same perfect contempt will be paid to any such exposition, while Greece is under the guidance of M. Coletti and M. Piscatory. Mr. Baillie Cochrane, the late Member for Bridport, is now here on a visit to Sir Edmund and Lady Lyons. The intere st which Mr Crichrane has always taken in the affairs of Greece in parliament, causes the Greeks to look upon his visit to this country with great interest. Brigandage continues in va rious parts of Greece, and still accompanied by tortures and assassinations. In the village of Diminio, in the province of Corinth, the superintendent of the Senator Vlassie, named Agrapidaki, and his servant, were assassinated by brigands on the 29th of November, in the house which they occupied, and who stole a sum of 3,000 drachmas. Accounts from Missolonghi of the 6th instant state that a baud of thirty six brigands entirely pillaged the small village of Vato, near Varmaki, after having murdered two persons, and wounded several others. A letter from Lamia, dated the 29th Novem ber, which has been published iu the Athens newspapers, gives an account of a most revolting outrage com mitted by agents of the government. According to this letter, a brigadier of the gendarmerie. a gen darme, and three militia soldiers, entered the vil lage of Daitza, in the night of the 26th ultimo, and, after shutting up in his house the mayor's assistant and other persons, the two gendarmes forcibly en tered the homesteads of persons named Galatopoulo and Tigana, seized the women, tortured and beat them, and then subjected them to the worst brutalities. In Europe, nay, in Turkey, or Egypt, or anywhere out of Greece, the ques tion may and will be asked, how long are such atrocities, which have been going on in Greece ever since M. Coletti has assumed power, to be tolerated? It is certainly no use a-king the question here, as it is perfectly clear that they will continue just so long as M. Coletti's system is in force, and is so unaccountably upheld by King Otho. The French naval force, at present at the Piraeus, consists of an 80-gun ship, a corvette, a brig, and three war-steamers, two of them, the Cuvier and the Casini, being very large steam frigates. ALGERIA.—THE PRISONERS OF ABD-EL-KADER. —We borrow the following details from the Comeau- Gonne, " The morning after the tragic cl,nouemenl of the glorious defence of Sidi-Brahim, the Emir gave the order to march, and it was then that the French prisoners had to endure the most terrible of all the hardships they were exposed to during their captivity. Abd-el-Kader having sent in front those who were capable of walking, ordered mules to be got ready for those who were too severely wounded. Baskets were slung across the mules, and into these baskets the Emir caused the heads of ten of the un fortunate French soldiers to be thrown. This barbarous act is confirmed by M. Courby de Cognord, who was, how ever, spared the sight by the Emir. It was thus that after three days' march our soldiers, to the number of eighty, of whom sixty-two were wounded, reached the deira, where they were led to the tent of Abd-el-Kader, when some food was given them. It was there that the heads of the unfor tunate victims testified to the truth of the accounts given by the troops of the line, who were present at the catastrophe of 23rd Sept. At the Beira, which had pitched its camp on the banks of the Moulouya, they found three other French prisoners ; a soldier of the 56th line, taken near Mascara, a woman and her daughter named Gilles, natives of Arles, taken near Oran in 1838, under the following e . -eanstances : Abd-el-Kader had at that period - the west of our possessions; one of them numerous spies in ; hearing that a young Frenchwoman spoke the Arab tongue fluently wished to carry her off. To attain his end, one day that he met the mother he asked her to show him the way to a neighbouring place; the woman called her daughter and served as guide to the stranger, whom they in no wise sus pected ; they soon, however, had reason to repent of their confidence. Some Arabs rushed upon them, carried them off, and they had remained ever since in the power of the Emir, to whom they proved of the greatest service as interpreters. But to retura to the prisoners of Djemm:ta-Ghazahouat. Immediately on their arrival at the Deira they were brought together and sent to a camp of regulars about two leagues from the Deira, a measure of prudence strictly adher, d to by Abd-el-Kader. Fifteen days afterwards 200 other French prisoners arrived, who had been made prisoners between Tlemcen and Ain-Temouchen. It will be remembered that a massacre; of 255 prisoners of the deira took place on the 25th April last. M. Courby de Cognord and the other officers were separated from the other prisoners on the 24th, as also the men attached to their service. They were told that they were going to the Deira of Abd-el-Kader to be present at a festival. They were soon aware that this was false, and no reply was given to their inquiries respecting the fate of their unhappy compatriots. It was after remaining six weeks in that state of incertitude that El-Ahjd, chief of the deira, communicated a letter of Abd-el-Kader to them, stating that, having written repeat edly to the French generals without any notice having been taken of his letters, he had given orders for all the pri soners, the officers excepted, to be put to death. Abd-el Kader at the same time requested M. Courby de Cog nord to write to Marshal Bugeaud, informing him of what had taken place, and demanding an exchange of the eleven prisoners that remained in his hands. That letter not having reached General Cavaignac, who was to have remitted it to the Marshal, remained unanswered. The prisoners continued to endure greater hardships since the massacre, the only food they received during the remainder of their imprisonment being a scanty daily ration of corn, which they were obliged to grind themselves, and of which they made cakes and soup. The details 'of the negotiations for the ransom of the prisoners are already known to the public. A few days after the negotiations, M de Cognord had an interview with Abd-el-Kader, at which he gave proofs of great daring. One even ing two troopers arrived at the camp from the deira, bearers of an order summoning M. de Cognord to the presence of the Emir. Two hours afterwards M. de Cognord was in the presence of the Emir, who was attended by some of his chiefs, and through the interpretation of the woman Gilles, the Emir addressed him as follows As thy country has forsaken thee, and refuses to make an exchange of pri soners, wilt thou remain with me? I will make thee great, aad provide thee with fine arms and beautiful horses." M. de Cognord refused the offer with contempt, and replied that not being aware of the course of events in his own country, he thought that probably reasons of high policy had as yet prevented an exchange of prisoners, but that he never could be persuaded that France had abandoned them to their fate. He declared his intention of never serving any country but his own. After this reply, Abd-el-Kader gave his haud to the gallant colonel, and said, " It is well; thou shalt shortly behold thy country." M. de Cognord took the advantage of this occasion to reproach the Emir with the massacre of his prisoners, and said,. that such an act was unheard of even amongst the most barbarous states. Abd-el- Kader replied, that if he had been present at the deice, the massacre would never have taken place. Two days after this interview, at which Abd-el-Kader never made the slightest allusion to the pecuniary negotiations which were going on, and of which he must have been aware, M. de Cognord, was apprised by the cornmandsnt of Melilla, that the money was ready. M. de Cognord imme diately informed the chiefs of the fact, which was immedi ately made known to the Emir. It will easily be imagined with what an.ciety the prisoners looked forward to the day of their deliverance. The woman Gilles obtained leave of the Emir to accompany the prisoners, but this was not accorded to her daughter, who had become tho wife of all Arab chie£ Before their departure, Abd-el-Kader sent for the colonel, recommending to his care his envoys, Coda-Ben-Osmin, who had a mission to Marshal Bugeaud, being the bearer of a letter from Aba-el.Kader, containing, it is said, aiother letter enclosed for the King of the French, demanding peace. The forces of Abd-el-Kader at that time consisted of 300 horsemen and 300 infantry. The state of equipment of those men was miserable in the extreme, many of them not ha v ing a shoe to their foot. The escort eon• sisted of 200 infantry and 100 horsemen. On the demand of the eoloael, each of te French officers w provided with a hone. Lieutenant Ei h llerin, who was illas , was conveyed in a litter, but he died the eve of his deliverance. The prisoners arrived at last on the 25th Nov. on the coast of Melilla, where they were received by the governor of that place. M, do Cognord there wrote to announce his arrival to the Emir, as he had promised him, and returned him a horse and two bournous, presents from the Emir. The envoyes of Abd-el-Kader, whom the marshal had ordered to be detained at Oran, after a short stay in that town, will be reconducted to Tlemcen, from which place they can reach the Beira. They beheld not without a painful surprise the good condition of the Arabs under the French dominion. This visit will no doubt greatly contribute to scatter the poor remnants of the Emir's army. I • AMERICA. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, BY EXTRAORDINARY EXPRESS. By the arrival of the " Ashburton," Captain How land, yesterday evening at Liverpool, we have been placed in possession of New York papers to the 9th instant. The President's Message is the main feature of interest. The following is an abstract: FELLOW-CITIZENS OP THE SENATE, AND 01+ THE liOI.7SE 01 , REPIIESENTATIVES,—In resuming your labours in the service of the people, it is a subject of congratulation that there has been no period in your past history, when all the elements of national prosperity have been so fully developed. Since your last session no afflicting dispensation has visited our country : general good health has prevailed : abundance has crowned the toil of the husbandman ; and labour in all its branches is receiving an ample reward, while education, science, and the arts are rapidly enlarging the in:sans of 110- cial happiness. The progress of our country in her career of greatness, not only in the vast extension of our territorial limits, and the rapid increase of our population, but in re sources and wealth, and in the happy condition of our peo ple, is without example in the history of nations. Our devout and sincere acknowledgments are due to the gracious Giver of all good, for the numberless blessings which our beloved country enjoys. It is a source of high satisfaction to know that the rela Lions of the United States with all other nations, with a sin gle exception, arc of the most amicable character. Sincerely attached to the policy of peace, early adopted and steadily pursued by this government, I hive anxiously desired to cultivate and cherish friendship and commerce with every foreign power. The spirit and habits of the Ameri can people are favourable to the maintenance of Such international harmony. In adhering to this wise policy, a preliminary and paramount duty obviously consists in the protection of our national interests from encroachment or sacrifice, and our national honour from reproach. These must be maintained at any hazard. They admit of no compromise or neglect, and must be scrupu lously and constantly guarded. In their vigilant vindication, collision and conflict with foreign powers may sometimes become unavoidable. Such has been our scrupulous adhe rence to the dictates of justice, in all our foreign intercourse, that, though steadily and rapidly advancing in prosperity and power, we hive given no just cause of complaint to any nation, and have enjoyed the blessings of peace fur more than thirty years. From a policy so sacred to humanity, and so salutary in its effects upon our political system, we should never be Induced voluntarily to depart. The existing war with Mexico was neither desired nor provoked by the United States. On the contrary, all honor able means were resorted to to avert it. After years of en durance of aggravated and unredressed wrongs on our part, Mexico, in violation of solemn treaty stipulations, and of every principle of justice recognised by civilised nations, commenced hostilities ; and thus, by her own act, forced the war upon us. Long before the advance of our army to the left bank of the Rio Grande, we bad ample cause of war against Mexico ; and had the United States resorted to this extremity, we might have appealed to the whole civilised world for the justice of our cause. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico almost ever since she became an independent power, and the patient endurance with which we have borne them, arc without a parallel in the history of modern civilised nations. There is reason to believe that if these wrongs bad been resented and resisted in the first instance, the present war might have been avoided. One outrage, however, permitted to pass with impunity, almost necessarily encouraged the perpetration of another, until at last Mexico seemed to at tribute to weakness and indecision on our part a forbearance which was the offspring of magnanimity, and et a sincere desire to preserve friendly relations with a sister republic. Scarcely had Mexico achieved her independence, which the United States were the first among the nations to ac knowledge, when she commenced the system of insult and spoliation, which she has ever since pursued. Our citizens engaged in lawful commerce were imprisoned, their vessels seized, and our flag insulted in her ports. If money was wanted, the lawless seizure and confiscation of our merchant vessels and their cargoes was a ready resource ; and if to accomplish their purposes it became necessary to imprison the owners, captains, and crews, it was done. Rulers superseded rulers in Mexico in rapid succession, but still there was no change in this system of depredation. The government of the United States made repeated reclamation on behalf of its citizens, but those were answered by the perpetration of new outrages. Promises of redress made by Mexico in the most solemn forms were postponed or evaded. The files and records of the Department of State contain conclusive proofs of nume rous lawless acts perpetrated upon the property and persons of our citizens by Mexico, and of wanton insults to our national flag. The interposition of our Government to ob tain redress was again and again invoked, under circum stances which no nation ought to disregard. It was hoped that these outrages would cease, and that Mexico would be restrained by the laws which regulate the conduct of civilised nations in their intercourse with each other, after the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation of the sth of April, 1831, was concluded between the two republics ; but this hope soon proved to be vain. The course of seizure and confiscation of the property of our citizens, the violation of their persons, and the insults to our flag pursued by Mexico previous to that time, were scarcely suspended for even a brief period, although the treaty so clearly defines the rights and duties of the respective parties, that it is impos sible to misunderstand or mistake them. In less than seven years after the conclusion of that treaty, our grievances had become so intolerable that, in the opinion of President Jackson, they should no longer be endured. In I his message to Congress in February, 1837, he presented them to the consideration of that body, and declared that " The length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the repeated and unavailing applications for re dress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the Is tined States, independent of recent insults to this Government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war." In a spirit of kindness and for bearance, however, he recommended reprisals as a milder mode of redress. Ile declared that war should not be used as a remedy " by just and generous nations, confiding in their strengeh for injuries committed, if it can be honour ably avoided," and added, " it has occurred to me that con sidering the present embarrassed condition of that country, we should act with both wisdom and moderation, by giving to Mexico one more opportunity to atone for the past, before we take redress into our hands. To avoid all misconception on the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our own national character from reproach, this opportunity should be givenwith the avowed design and full preparation to take immediate satisfaction, if it should not be obtained on a repetition of the demand for it. To this end I recommend that an act be passed authorising reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States, by the executive, against Mexico, to en force them in the event of a refusal by the Mexican govern ment to come to an amicable adjustment of the matters in controversy between us, upon another demand thereof, made from on board one of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico." No difference of opinion upon the subject is believed to have existed in Congress at the time ; the executive and le gislative departments concurred ; and yet such has been our forbearance and desire to preserve peace with Mexico, that the wrongs of which we then complained, and which gave rise to these solemn proceedings, not only remain stars dressed to this day, but additional causes of complaint, of an aggravated character, have ever since been accumulating. Shortly after these proceedings, a special messenger was despatched to Mexico, to make a final demand for redraw; and on the twentieth of July, 1837, the demand was made. The reply of the Mexican government bears late on the twenty-ninth of the same month, and contains assurances of the " anxious wish " of the Mexican government " not to delay the moment of that final and equitable adjustment which is to terminate the existing difficulties between the two governments ;" that nothing should be leflundone which may contribute to the most speedy and equitable determina tion of the subjects which have so seriouslyengaged the atten tion of the American government ;" that the ' Mexican go. vernment would adopt, as the only guides for its conduct, the plainest principles of public right, the sacred obligations imposed by international law, and the religious faith of treaties ;" and that " whatever reason and justice may dic tate respecting each case will be done." The assurance was further given, that the decision of the Mexican government upon each cause of complaint for which redress had been de manded, should be communicated to the government of the United States by the Mexican minister at Washington. The sum of two millioa twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents, which had been awarded to the claimants, was a liquidated and ascer tained debt doe by Mexico, about which there could be no dispute, and which she was bound to pay according to the terms of the convention. Soon after the final awards for this amount had been made, the Mexican government asked 8 1:7 3 r , request. whiwhich, for a postponement of the time of making payment, alleging that it would be inconvenient to make the payment at the a con sis ve te n r tio re n p w ub a l s ic, ac w c h or ie d h ing M ly ex c ico onc h lu a d s m so b l e o t n w g e e* abused, u t s : d e two time stipulated. la the spirit of forbearing kindness toward govern meats States n t. t promptly he u A p se ce c a m it d s 3O co ti m i d p a li n ed ua w rs i -, 1 1 1 late, d.e.lasess that " this new amm o -a.m.:lst is entered into for --- -•eicidation of Mexico." By the terms of this con vention, all the interest due on the awards which had bees made in favour of the claimants under the convention of the 11th of April, 18,39, was to be peel t ) them on the 30th of April, 1843, and "the principal of tt'e said awards, and the interest accruing thereon," was stipulated to " be paid is five years, in equal instalments every three months." N ote withstanding this new convention was entered into at the request of Mexico, and for the purpose of reli ev i ng her from embarrassment, the claimants hare only re. ceived the interest due on the 30th of April, 1813, and three of the twenty instalments. Although the ur gent of the sum thus liquidated, and confessedly due by Mexi co to our citizens as indemnity for acknowledged acts of out rage and wrong, was secured by treaty, the ob'igations of which are ever held sacred by all just nations, yet Mexico has violated this solemn engagement by failing tied refusing to make the payment. The two instalments due in Apra and July, 1844, under the peculiar circumstances connected with them, have been assumed by the United States, and discharged to the claimants, but they are still due by Mexico. But this is not all of which we have just cause of complaint. To provide a remedy for the claimants whose cave were not decided by the joint commission under thu convention of Apnl the 11th , 1839, it was expressly stipulated by the sixth article of the convention of the 30th January, 1843, that " new convention shall be entered into for the settlement of all claims of the government and citizens of the United States against Mexico which were not finally decided by the late commission, which met in the city a Washington, and of all claims of the government awl citizens of Mexico against the United States." In conformity with this stipulation, a third conventionwea concluded and signed at the city of Mexico, on the 20th of November, 1843, by the plenipotentiaries of the two gove rn _ meats, by which provision was made for !ascertaining sad paying these claims. In January, 1844, this eouveution was ratified by the Senate of the United States with two amend menta, which were manifestly reasonable in their character. Upon a reference of the amendments proposed to the go. vernment of Mexico, the same evasions, difficulties, bed delays were interposed which have zo . long marked th e p o li cy of that government towards the United St Us. It has net even yet decided whether it would or would not accede to them, although the subject has been repeatedly ' , reseed upon its consideration. Such is the history of the wrongs which we have suffered and patiently endured from Mexico throwsh a l ong seri es of years. So far from affording reasonable satisfaction f or the injuries and insults we had Mime a great unre el s = of them consists in the fact, that while the United Stage, anxious to preserve a good understanding with 3fexim, hare been constantly, but vainly, employed in seeking rearm i s past wrongs, new outrages were constantly occurring, which have continued to increase cur causes of catapleint, end to swell the amount of our demands. While the citizens of the United States were conducting a lawful commerce with Mexico, under the guaranty of a treaty of " amity, C 0111• merce, and navigation," many of them have suffered all the injuries which would have resulted from open war. This treaty, instead of affording protection to our citizens, has been the means of inviting them into the ports of Mexico, that they might be, as they have been in numerous instances, plundered o' their property and deprived of their personal liberty, if they dared insist on their rights. lid the unlawful seizures of American property, and the viola tion of personal liberty of our citizens, to say nothing of the insults to our flag, which have occurred in the ports of Mexico, taken place on the high seas, they would themselves long since have constituted a state of actual war between the two countries. In so long suffering Mexico to violate her most solemn treaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their property, and imprison their pentane without affording them any redress, we hare failed to per form one of the first and highest duties which every govern ment owes to its citizens; and the consequence has been, that many of th• m have been reduced from a state of affluence to bankruptcy. The proud name of American citizen, which ought to protect all who hear it from insult and injury throughout the world, has afforded no such pro tection to our citizens in Mexico. We had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostili ties. But even then we forbore to take redress into our own hands, until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invad ing our soil in hostile array, and shedding the blood of our citizens. The annexation of Texas to the United States constituted no just cause of offence to Mexico. The pretext that it did so is wholly inconsistent and irreconcileable with well au thenticated facts connected with the revolution by which Texas became independent of Mexico. That this may be the more manifest, it may be proper to advert to the causes and to thehistory of the principal events of that revolution. Texas constituted a portion of the ancient province of Louisiana, ceded to the United States by France, in the year 1803. In the year 1819, the United States, by the Florida treaty, ceded to Spain all that part of Louisiana within the present limits of Texas ; and Mexico, by the revolution which separated her from Spain, and rendered her an inde pendent nation, succeeded to the rights of the mother country over this territory. In the year 1824, Mexico established a federal constitution, under which the Mexican republic was composed of a number of sovereign states, confed erated together in a federal union similar to our own. Each of these states had its own executive legislature and judi ciary, and, for all except federal purposes, was as independent of the general governmect and that of the other states, as is Pennsylvania or Virginia under our constitution. Texas and Coanuila united and formed one of these Mexican States. The state constitution which they adopted, and which was approved by the Mexican confederacy, asserted that they were " free and in dependent of the other Mexican United States, and of every other power and dominion whatsoever ;" and prodaimeet the great principle of human liberty, that " the sovereignty of the state resides originally and essentially in the general mass of the individuals who compose it." To the govern ment under this constitution, as well as to that under the federal constitution, the people of Texas owed allegiance. By a sweeping decree of a Congress, subservient to the will of the dictator, the several State constitutions were abolished, and the States themselves converted into mere depart ment.s of the central government. The people of Texas were unwilling to submit to this usurpation. Resistance to such tyranny became a high duty. Texas was fully absolved from all allegiance to the central government of Mexico from the moment that government had abolished her State constitu tion and in its place substituted an arbitrary and despotic central government. In the month of May, 1836, Santa Anna acknowledged, by a treaty with the Texan authorities, in the most solemn form, " the full, en. ire, and perfect independence of the republic of Texas." It is true he was then a prisoner of war, but it is equally true that he had failed to reconquer Texas, and had met with signal defeat ; that his authority had net been revoked, and that by virtue of this treaty he obtained his personal release. By it hostilities N 1 ere sus pended, and the army which had invaded Texac und , r his command returned, in pursuance of this arrangement, un molested to Mexico. The Texas, which was ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819, embraced all the country now claimed by the state of Texas between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. The republic of Texas always claimed this river as her western boundary, and in her treaty made with Santa Anna in May, 1836, he recognised it as such. By the constitution which Texas adopted in March, 1836, senatorial and re presentative districts were organised, extending west of the Nueces. The Congress of the republic of Texas, OR the 19th of December, 1836, passed "An Act to define the Boundaries of the Republic of Texas," in which they declared the Rio Grande from its mouth to its source to be their bound try, and by the said act they extended their "civil and political jurisdiction" over the country up to that boundary. During a period of more than nine years which intervened between the adoption of her constitution and her annexation as one of the states of our Union, Texas asserted and exercised many acts of sove reignty and jurisdiction over the territory and inhabitants west of the Is, ueces. She organised and defined the limits of counties extending to the Rio Grande. She established courts of justice and extended her judicial system over the ter ' ritory. She established a custom-house, and collected duties, and also post-oflices and post•roads in it. She established a land office, and issued numerous grants for land within its limits. A senator and a representative residing in it were elected to the Congress of the Republic, and served as such before the act of annexation took place. In both the congress and the convention of Texas, which pee their assent to the terms of annexation to the United States proposed by our congress, were representatives r e s iding west of the Nueces, who took part in the act of annexation itself. This was the Texas which, by the act of our congress of the 29th of December, 1865, was admitted as one of the States of our Union. That the congress of the United States understood the State of Texas which they admitted into the Union to extend beyond the Nueces is apparent from the fact, that on the 31st day of December, 184.5, only two days after the act of admission, they passed a law "to es tablish a collection district in the state of Texas," by which they created a port of delivery at Corpus Christi, situated west of the Nuecee, and being the same point at which the Texas custom-house, under the laws of that republic, bad been located, and directed that a surveyor, to collect the revenue, should be appointed for that port b y: the President. by and with the advice and consent of the senate. A 'surveyor was accordingly nominated, and confimed bythc senate, and has been ever since in the performance of his duties. All these acts of the Republic of Texas and of our Congest, preceded the orders for the advance of our army to the bank of tha Rio Grande. Subsequently,' Congrem passed test an act, " establishing certain post routes, • extending west of the Nueces. The country west of that river now constitutes a part of one of the congressional districts of Texas, and is re presented in the House of Representatives. The senators from that state were chosen by a legislature in which the country west of that river was represented. In view of all these facts, it is difficult to conceive upon what ground it can he maintained that, in occupying the country west of the Nueces with our army, with a view solely . to its security and defence, we invaded the territory of Mexico. But it would have been still more difficult to justify the Executive,. whirs duty it is to see that the laws be faithfully executed, if in the face of all these proceedings, both of the Congress of Texas and of the United States, he had assumed the respon eibility of yielding up the territory west of the Nuecee do Mexico, or of refusing to protect and defend this territory and its inhabitants, including Corpus Christi, as well as the remainder of Texas, against the threatened Mexican in vasion. Our army had occupied a position at Corpus Christi, wen of the Nueces, early as August, 1815 w i t h ou t complaint from any quarter. lied the Nueces been regarded as the true western boundary of Texas that boundary had bee n passed by our army many month s it advanced to the eastern bank of the Rio Gra,pde. In my annual message of December last, I informed Congress that upon the invitation of both the Congress and Con vention of Texas, I had deemed it proper to order a strong squadron to the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an efficient military force on the western frontier of 'feces. to protect and defend the iehatiltants against the inen.l.:ei ... a- Mon of Mexico. In that mossagol infonned Cowes Ws the gore that but suit frtr ment wl, was high Liter, in t hostility negotiati, and to th force. States w•. aes under th western the Rio The n have bnc tion of States " of the to eur 1846. 1 and his annexat Congres fact sue notable that Me per Sr[ beforehi ( n - itas b, tiation oulY rec The by the from all and to peacefu of hosti faithful east be then re the r 4 Congri article cause . the cul tweeu The jepten ' meat. Pared lion =Hits which the and p notice with gethi they to en liber, sera