The Express. — London, England, 1848-05-02 00:00:00

much on imperial as on colonial pounds. He had always been a opittion that it svai not desirable that colonies should mortgage their revenues. Lord Stanley, and the right hon. member tor Oxford Univereity, had authoriesd suet loans, but the dirt."' of the colonies and the state of the money market prevented their realisation ; and it then became a question whether we should not theist the colonists in liqut datine the expenses already liieurred. Undoubtedly parlise ment could reject the vote altogether, but he ilid,not think such conduct would he fair to the colonists, nor would it be acting in tho manner tiondly hollowed in matters of this kind. He hail n• objection, on principle, to the proposition of the right hon. member for S amford, namely, that the amount already spent should be voted, and the 34P601. be held over until the report of the committee should be received. The CHANChI.LOR of the EXCHEQUER said that It the colonies had incurred certain exits nice they would theme aelvi s be ultimately liable. The government had not, there fore, spent this money in the =neer the right hon. gentle man appeored to suppoae. The government proposed to lend the money to the colonies which they had voted, but were not able, in consequence ot the state of the money market. They hed no corn a accounts of the actual amount already expend. d; 166,0001. they knew had been paid, but that was probaely not all, and there might be, besides, coolies now on their passage the expense of which passage would have to ho met. He, therefore. proposed to take a vote of 200,0001. as the full extent to which they were prepared tog o, whether fogiast or present expenditure. Mr. HUDSON thought it would be better to take a vote for the sum which had been actually incurred, and come again to parliament for what further sum might he needed. (Hear, hear.) lie hoped, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Hereto.) would, if necessary, divide the committee on his propositiou that the vote be reduced to 166,0001. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had pro posed the 200,001 1 1 , thinking it better to bold occupying the time of the house by two discussions when one would ho suffigeat—rather, however than go to a division he would make the vote 170,0001. (Cheers.) Mr. HUME objected, on principle, to any colonial secre tary pledging the credit of the House of Commons without its sanction. (Cheers.) He wished, before votirg any money, to have the orders of the colonial secretary (Lord Stanley) before them, together with the whole corre spondence on the subject, in order that they might know the full extent rf th; it liability. By a letter of Lord Grey's to the colonial governor, he perceived Out he undertook, on the part of the government, to guarantee on advance of 200,0001. Lord Grey had as much right to do that without first obtaining the sanction of parliament as he had to raise the income tax to five per cent. (Hear, hear.) The whole proceeding wee most unconstitutional, and, as • matter of , principle, and in order that time might be given to pro duce the perm, ho would move that the chairman report progress and ask leave to lit again. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not accede to tho hon. gentleman's proposition. Ho wished again to impress on the house that this was money which would have eventually to be paid by the colonies, and had actuary been voted by the colonial legislature. Mr. Ht:ltE intimated his intention of dividing; and after a few words from Mr. CaltDAYrtz. the committee divided. For the vote, as amended 76 Against it 2l-55 Mr. HUMP. gave notice that he would move for the pro duction of the papers to which he had referred, in order that the house might know the extent of its responsibility. The Earl of LINCOLN concurred with the hon. member for Montrose that the letter of Lord Grey ought never to have been written. He had supported the vote 'or the money actually tepee ed, because, alter whet hail taken place, it would have been unjust to the colonies to refuse it ; but he was anxious not to he understood as approving of the practice of ally c denial minister authorising the drawing of bills on the credit of this country is ithout ' the sanction of parliament. (Hear.) Under the arrangement now made the whole question would again come under the notice of the house, when the vote for the remaining mum was proposed. The house then resumed, and the resolution was ordered to be reported to morrow (this day). Mr. HUME wished to know when the ways and means for providing for these pat melts were to he laid before par. hutment. There was already a considerable deficiency in the revenue, and it was not consistent with the character of a country like this to go on spending mosey, or increasing liabilities, without first providing the ways and means. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed to take power to make these advances out of the consolidated fund, or by means of Exchequer Bills. The money was borrowed on the credit of this country, and advanced on the credit of the colonies, that credit having been already pledged by the act of the colonial legislature. PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND). The house having resolved itself into committee, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. having re. here , ' to the works undertaken in In land for the relief of the distress in that country, and which had been carried ou during the last two years by means of loans and grants made by this country for the purpose, reminded the cuinmittee of the provision made last year for repaying the loans by half yearly instalments, under which the whole amount advanced would be paid off in ten years. The object of these works be ing the relief of the people when the extreme pressure consequent upon the tamiae ceased last year, those works were, to a great :extent, stopped. It was complained that the consequence of tins had been that many useful works had been left in on incomplete state; and also it had been made matter of complaint that many of the works undertaken had not beer. of a permanently bene ficial character. The answer to this latter objection was that the works had been undertaken at a period of extreme difficulty and pressure to relieve the people from the homes of famine, and in this object they had been eomplet.ly suc cessful, and had been the means of saving many lives. (Hear, hear.) No doubt parties had been employed upon them who ought not to have been, but this abuse was, under the circumstances unavoidable, and war nothing as com pared with the g ood which had been Effected. And net. withstanding such abuse, and the difficulties under which the relief had been extended, the total expense per head bad not been great. In Clue, which afforded • fair average of the whole of the counties, the average cost per day for each person relieved, iron NOWA: ber, 1846, to June, 1847, was one shilling; the number of persons relieved being on the average 37,666, the charge upon the country—one-half being a grant—being 61. per head, only. But then it was said that some of the works which had been stopped would he permanently useful to the country, and should be completed, but the counties having to repay the half-yearly instalments could not previde the aeceesery funds. The deputation of Irish members who had waited on bins requested two things—first, that the present ments fur completing the works might be made in the sum mer, instead of being delayed to the winter anises, which had been provided for since by a bill introduced by his right hon. felted the Secretary for Ireland, secondly, that the instalments paid into the Exchequer should be readvaaced for the purpose of prosecuting the works. And seeing how desirable it was that theta works should he con tinued, in order that the people of Ireland might enjoy the fan benefit of them, and as • means of giving employmeet to the people during the ensuing autumn and winter, go vernment had thought it right to accede to the latter request also. The total amount of the half-yearly instalments pay. able under all the acts was 316,000/. a year. He proposed to take powers to re-advance any sum not exceeding three years' instalments, or 945,000 L, but limiting the advance in all cues to the amount actually repaid into the Exchequer. The right hon gentleman having proposed a resolution to that effect, explained, in reply to a question from Mr. Hume, that these re-advances would be made under the same rules and regulations for repayment as were provided in the exist ing act. Sir O. NORREYS urged on the government the necessity, as the only means of preverting the general adoption of out door relief, to adopt the same principle in regard to the re payments of the advances to the several Irish union., in order to enable them to increase their workhouse accommo dation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER remarked that that was a totally different sul,ject, and could not pored bly he included in the present bill. He would give no opinion as to the propriety of adopting the hen. baronet's suggestion; but, he might observe that at present the amount repaid by the uniocs was very small, indeed not mere, he believe], than £lO,OOO or £ll,OOO, though there was a very large amount due. After a few words from Mr. M. J. O'CoteteaLL, Mr. Mow sett., and the CIIANCULLOIL of the EXC.:Hew:ER, who said that in making advances for the purposes of drainage prefer ence would be given to those counties which had made re payments, the revolution was agreed to. The house then resumed, anal the r. solution was ordered to be reported to morrow (this day). ALIEN BILL. Sir G. GREY, in moving the second reading, would stein very shortly the reasons which had induced ministers to pro pose this measure, and, what were its main provisions. In the first place, he wied to state most distinctly thut her Majesty's government entertained no doubt whatever as to the correctness of the ,policy which had of late years rogu ish el the admission cod residence of foreigners in this country. (11 , er.) It had long barn the boast, and justly the beast, of England that she was on all occasions the pro tectress of constitutional principles throughout Europe, and that her shores laud always presented a refuge and asylum to exiles, who from the force of political events were driven from their own country. (Hear, hear.) But the grounds on wleth they Low proposed this bill were those of sclfenotection, grounds which were under all circumstances recognised as sufficient. (Hear, hear.) The great advantage this country had derived from the free a 'mission of foreigners at various periods of her history, werE too well known to make it necessary for him to advert to them now, and he trusted that at no Nun; time would any such cheer- in the p011e.7 eeel practice of parlia ment or the government in this respect take place as eliculd deprive the people of (England in ordinary times of the full benefit of that free admission. Owing, however, to erects which had recently occurred, this was no ordinary time—(hear)--and special provierons applicable to existing , circurastencee might, as in the present case, be necessary without interfering with the gene:al policy the country had adopted. It must have been observed that a great impulse had lately been given in France and other countries of Europe to the republican principle. Of that principle he would say nothing, hut while •we did not interfere with foreigners in establishing in their own countries whatever form of government they pierced, we had a right to take measures to prevent them from acting as the apostles of republicanism here. (liver, hear.) And there could be no doubt that emissaries had gone forth from those countries which had adopted republican principles to endeavour to propagate those principles, and to interfere with the estab lished institutions of this and other countries. With regard to the governments of those eeuntries where in the republican principle hod been adopted, he was Inued to say that there had been nothing what ever in their conduct which gave the slightest ground for complaining of them. (Hear, bear.) And he believed THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1848. a great measure this bill was taken, wee a woman, who mold ,not seriously threaten the pace of this country--a widow—Lady Edward Fitzgerald. (Hear, hear.) He could not agree with the hon. baronet the member for Southwark that this was a glaring inconsistency on the part of ministers. All depended on the point of time with which the comparison was Istituted. By going back a few yeses it migot be brought out in very striking colours ; but, looking at the last great measure which had been carried through that house, it must bo admitted that this was a very consistent and appropriate supplement to the " Act for the better security of the Crown and the Government." (Hear, hear.) The one belonged to the other : they dove-tailed perfectly ; Sure such a pair was never seen &thistly formed to meet by nature. i'hey completed the conetta'ort from the policy of the old whigs of ' this Country to the policy of Pitt, of Sidmouth, and of Castlereagh, which, beginning with the first of these mea sures, might be considered as carried on some way towards its completion in the second. (Hear, hear.) The threat which Pitt once used egainst his great opponent, "to un whig the goverment," could not housed by the opponents of the present government ; for they had most efllehntly uo whiaged themselves for the rest of their dale. (Hear and laughter.) The only reason given for the measure by the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey) was, that he was afraid of republican missionaries. But the danger of French repub lican missionaries was at this time, surely, at the very lowest point of probability. The power which any Frenchmen would possess of exciting an English multitude to violence "by open and advised speakiag " was surely In a very lim'ted degree. The ridicule which the hon. baronet hail al luded to was sure to arise ; and this had clwaya been so great that the most acceomplished French tragedian, Telma, had never been allowed to act Hamlet on the English stage, be cause it was felt certain that the very first sentence he uttered would throw an English audience into a roar of laughter. (Hear, hear.) We must look in a different direction for the danger, if say, of republican principles, and must direct our legislation rather against the writings of the illustrious deed of our own country, than mintiest living missionaries from foreign lands. The great republican teachers—if England could be taught re publicanism—would be found upon the shelves of our libra ries—Milton, Sydney, Hampden, Mere, and others of later date; and if they—addressing us in our native tongue, and giving us that language in all its richness and power, and I surrounded by so many associatioas which commended our reverence—almost our idolatry—lf they did not make us re publicans, whore was the genius or skill, the eloquence or persuasiveness, amongst Frenchmen, Germans, or any other people, to seduce the inhabitents of these realms from their allegiance to their Queen? (lieu, hear.) But it might be said it was not merely republicanism in the common sense the word, for the free institutions of this country bad at least as much affinity with the republicanism of other countries as with the despotism of other countries—but the doctrines of socialism and communism which wo had to fear. To lull our fears let us take example from the nohle-rninded man who was now at the head of the French people. Socialism and communism had been the rock-a-head of the provisional government and the people of France throughout this try ing season ; and though our socialist and communist leaders had been in France during the whole period, fraternising with the leaders of those opinions there, and making them selves meopieueus, had he deported any one of them (Hear, hear.) Much better were it to imitate this example, especially with the means which we possessed in such abund ance for a full sense of our own security. This and the other measure lately passed for the better security of the crowo and government wire as worthless for the real security of the institutions and peace of Ibis realm, as the parchment on whim they were engromed would be as a buttress to that venerable abbey in whose shade they were deliberating, which had stood the storms of centuries past, and would abide the storms of cen turies yet to aqua. (Hear, hear.) It was not in legislation such as this that our safety was to be found; nor could he agree with the learned Attorney General in thinking that if the bill did no good, at any rate it could do no harm. Such mourn did this harm : they falsified the character of this country ; they put us in an untrue position as to the public of inion of Europe and the rest of the world ; they declared apprehensions which did not really exist. or fur which there were no real grounds; they imputed feelings of pliability and fickleness, of proneness to he easily led into violence, sehith were not the characteristiss of the people of this country; which never had been, and which never would be. (Hear, hear.) They put us in this false position, and were likely most injuriously to affect our relations with other countries. ( Hear, hear.) They might breed misunderstandings which would plunge us into war—that worst of all calamities; they showed suspicion of what was going en in Europe ; they showed that we did not rely on the events taking place being so over ruled as to guide the world onward, ami d to lead it into a better position. They roclaimed us to he at variance with that movement, to be looking on fearfully. j calouoly, and suspiciously; they placed us on the wrong side, and put us in alliance with those wi o endeavoured to upheld a part that could not be retained, and to olcetruct n future that must and would reediest itself. They made us the enemies of the rising republics and c ,nstitu tional governments, and the friends of the despetisma that were deservedly crumbling into the dust. (Cheers.) Mr. 11. DRUMMOND said the necessity fer this measure need not be long nought by persons who were ac qu tinted wits what was going on in Europe. Thu noble lord the member for Marylebone seemed anxious that London should continua to deserve the poetical description which kad been given of it, as a city which Suck:( in the dregs of each corrupted slate. (Laughter.) The hen. gentleman then alluded to t'.e events which had preceded the first French revolution, and con tended that all revolutions had been brought about by pro pagandism. lie expressed his determined detestation of the principles which hail been enunciated by hon. gentlemen opposite, and his conviction that they would end in whole sale slaughter. (Oh, oh.) Mr. URQUttART was anxious for some guarantee that the power to be v. stmt by this measure in the Secretary of State should not be improperly employed. England had long offered an asylum to the unfortunate of all nations, by making her laws as nearly equal as possible for the alien and the native ; and this measure would virtually pass a censure on that system of legislation. Even sariptural authority was in favour of the same law for the alien and the native ; and the prieciple had been maintaieed in eastern legislation till the present time. In England no necessity had ever been discovered for an Alien Bill until the lirsarencla revolution, and the circumstances which then rendered it at (emery did not now elite. Propagandism was now carried on through the medium of the press; conspiracies amongst individuals no longer existed; anti against this the Alien Bill would be inoperative. lie much demurred to the delegation of any fresh powers toe Secretary of State. la a late ease, where an individual's letters had been opened without warrant, the inquiry had been shelved; what security then ex isted that aliens would not be more unjustly used ? He believed this measure would fail of its purpose ; and he feared it would bring us into collision with foreign powers. It might even be used to serve the purpose of another power, as the London police had been in the CAW` of Count DrozkL Should seditious foreigners ensemble here in such force as to threaten the peace of the country, curdy the government might act on their own responsibil;ty, and afterwards obtain an indemnity bill from the house. This would avoid the risk of pawing a measure which ni:ght never be necessary. An appeal being given to the privy ceuncil, in the case of an alien deporte I, it would appear that there must be judicial ground for such a proceeding ; and if so, why should not the math r be brought before the ordinary tribunals of the country? He hid voted for the Crown and Govsrnment Security Bill, and had given the government all the powers necessary, in his opinion, for preserving the tranquillity of the country. Ile should therefore oppose this measure. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said that the late events on the continent bad shown hew a very email number of disaffected individuals might disturb the pence of a country ; and there tieing in England a great number of Germans and Frenchmen who would bo glad to see this govi rnment subverted, he should readily support this Satedtad. Mr. lIUME denied the possibility of any body, however large, of foreigners exciting the people of this country to rebellion. He thOught the noble lord who hail just sat down must have been bitten by the sin aial constable mania. (Laughter.) lie had too much confidence in the loyalty ci the people of this country to fear anything that could be done by the French or Germans. No necessity whatever lad been drown to exist for this bill; its only effect would be to create ill-feeling against this country abroad. He deeply regretted such an un-English proceeding' it was nothing but the result of timidity and panic. It would excite the belief utiroad that our govern ment was tottering to its fall; he should, therefore, oppose the bill at every stage. Dr, DOWRING said it had been the boast of England that nutting here was (inn.) in secret; that every accused I person was confronted with his accusers; but this bill ' enabled the Secretary of State, acting even on anenymmul information, to banish any foreigner from the country. It I had been said they might apply for letters of naturalisation; but this could not ho done by pentane who Mlle here only tor a short period, on either bueiness or pleasure. He complained that this measure mould be likely to plans he g ivernment in a bad position with respect to the requests enti of foreign governments. Hon. gemen cemplaiued of propagandism, but were they not all proregandists as far as 1 they were aide—were they nut all desirous to see their own ' opinions prevail ? He would ttpp tar the measure, he cee „ he believed it would lower this country in the eyes of fureiga countries. (Hear, hen.) Captain HARRIS thought the government deserving of greed credit fir bringing forward a measure of an unpopular nature like the present. He saw on a late occasion 890[113 foreigners very busy in Trafalgar-sgeare. lie asked hen. gentlemen to look at the Rhine, and sea wlia( wan happen ing there in ceesequence of the system of propagandism. Ho believed that all respectable foreigners !maid be anxious ee, see this hill peen. Mr. EWAItT thoeght that the 10 st answer to this mea sure was the display of the people of tit is country on the 10th of last month. He believed teat this toll w. s unaecessary, and proceeded from au idle fear. It was one opposed to the consti tution of England, and, as he thought, highly impolitic. If foreigner mixed themselves up in toe afftirs of this country, lie believed the people themselves would soon make those foreigners repent of their conduct. The house divided—For the second reading 141 Against it 22-119 ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. On the motion for considering the Lords' amendments to this bill, Sir lt. INGLIS said he did not intend to revive any dis cussion with respect to this bill in the house, but he hedged to call its attention to the fact that in the House of Lords, where no personal interests were concereed, every lawyer of every party condemned the bill. (Rear, hear ) As he knew, however, that it wee not intended by those with whim be usually acted to divide the house upon the present occasion, he should content Lineal( with entering his protest against it. that thou renew who had come for the purpose of so in terfering with the institutions of natio= to which they did not belong, had dope no against the wishes and the will of the government of their own country (Hear, hear.) The bill wu restricted to the object stated in the preamble— of preserving the peat" and tranquillity off e kingdom, and at would be limited to • certain period. Ile considered th the time, in which we lived justified some additional precau tions on the part of the government, la order to meet the de signs of that clue of foreigners to whom he had alluded, against the institutions of the country. It was proposed, merely to arm the government with powers similar to thou Nivea under former alien acts. With the amendments given notece of by the noble lord the member for Matylebone, he would deal in committee, and he had, therefore, now only to add, that if foreigners disregarded the notice given them under the hill, Theo would be subject to the penalties therein described. estion of time wee one eultudvtly for committee. But ho wished to observe that those who by the imp irtant change in the mode of obtaining a certificate of naturalisation, which took place in 1844, had been since enabled, for a few shilings, to obtain such to the number of 789, would ho excluded from the operation of the bill. Sir W. MOLESWORTH contended that the right hon. baronet had not assigned any clear or distinct reason for this measure, nor given any prod of its necessity while he called upon the twine to grant the powers it contained on the ground of its confidence in the government. The object of the bill was to insect the executive government with the arbitrary power of removing from this country certain aliens of 'whose conduct the Secretary of State might entertair. mistrust or suspicion. It proposed, therefore, to punish aliens not for any offence against the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, 'hut fur being suspected by the Secretary of State. It was identical in principle with the Alien Act of 1793, and only iliffered from it by the eminent of certain subsidiary clauses, and y e t that original act, which wee also only preponed for one year, but which was renewed over and over again, and continued for 33 year", had been consistently and strenu ously opposed throughout that period by every man of note or authority in the state—including Mr. Abercrombie, Mr. Whitbread, Lord Grey, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Sir S. Hominy, Sir J. Mackintosh, Lord Fitswilliam Lord Ashburton, Lord Melbourne, Lord Brougham, Lord'Auck land, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Holland, Lord Durham, Lord Denman, Sir .1. C. Hobhouse, aid Lord J. Russell. He be lieved that the noble lord the member for the City of London made his maiden epeech in that house against the Alien Bill of 1813; and when the last Alien Bill was brought for ! ward that noble lord expressed a hope that it was the last occasion he should ever again have of addressing the house upon such a eubject, convinced ea he was that, after the ex piration of that act, they would look back to it as • mea sure that ought never t., have been enacted. (Hear, bear.) Alas for human foresight !--that the very next bill should be propesed by the noble lord himself lle (Sir W. Mules worth) objected to the bill upon the same grounds that the noble lord objected to former bills—as contrary to the practice and principles of our ancestors, the spirit of our constitution, and the tenor of our laws prier to 1793. Lords Granville, Castlereagh, and Siettnnuth, then contended that the crown had the power by proclamation to send an alien out of the country, and that en alien act would only have the effect of enforcing an existing power. But surely, in these days, the Queen might rely upon the affections of her subjects, and trust to them to bring foreigners to justice under the existing laws, if they in fringed those laws. Lord Lansdowne of that day 'mid that the only wise mode of dealing with them was to leave them to the administration of the existing laws, and he (Sir W. Molesworth) cordially concurred in that opinion, more parte elderly u they had just pawed a bill for the better security of the crown and government against any one who should compass er imagine the levying of war loping the institutions of the country. (Hear, hear.) The state of Franco was the necessity alleged for an alien act in 1793, but no such necessity could be pleaded now. In 1792, murices. massacres, and honors prevailed in Paris; but now that cape al was distinguished by order and tranquillity, accompanied by • wise determination nut to in terfere in the internal affairs of other countries. And yet this measure was directed especially against Frenchmen. (No.) It was rumoured abroad that it was directed against the machinations of a store or two of men who took part in the late French revolution, and who had been seen m the streets of London. Such men might be dangerous in Fiance, where there had been an obstinate monarch, a minis try that was corrupt, a profligate and despised aria tocracy, with an indifference on the part of the other classes to the institutions of the country. But those elements of revolution did not exist in England. and he thought it was paying but • poor compliment to the English people, and to the institutions under which they lived, to say that danger was to be apprehended from the machinations of such individuals. In 1816 Lord Auck land declared that no danger could be apprehended from the machinations of foreigners resident in England. With regard to Ireland, he thought the measure equally uncalled for and useless, for if they removed from that country every foreigner in it, they would not diminish in the trust the deep-rooted conviction of the Irish people that England had proved herself incompetent to legislate for Ireland with success, or their just discontent at the existence of a domi nant protestant church in a catholic country—an injustice and an evil at which every intelligent man out of England tried " Shame." This bill was, therefore, 'dimly worth lea' en regarded Ireland. As for an expedition from France to Ireland, he looked upon it as merely chimerical: for who was to pay the expense of such a proceeding, if it were thought oft The last reason given for this bill was that the government would not abuse the powers given under it. That was the old argument used in favour of the hill of 1793. which was so strongly opposed, although Mr. Pitt was then just as deserving of confidence as any one of her Majesty's present ministers. Both Mr. Fox and Lord Grey denied the validity of that argument in 1793, and, a „fortiori, if they were now in existence they would deny the validity of it in 1848. Ile (Sir W. Molesworth) considered that every measureshould be judge(' of on ice own merits, and those alone; and he certainly would not consent to invest a government with powers which he believed every gentleman on that side of the house would refuse to the right lion. baronet the member for Taraworth, were he now in office and seeking to obtain them. ( Hear, hear.) They were powers which were not needed, and which had not been needed in the most dangerous period of our history, and which, in the words of the late Lord Grey, were excep tional in every point of view. Ile, therefore, moved that the bill be read • second time that day six months. Lord 1). STUART concurred in the sentiment. uttered by the hon. but:, and expressed his surprise that such a bill could ever have been brought forward by a liberal govern. ment, empowering, as it did, a secretary of state, without any ' positive information, and on mere suspicion, to imprison an alien as long as he liked, or to send him out of the country. In that respect the bill required explanation, as it did not state where he was to be sent, or how long he might be retained in prison. Under no circumstances should such a power be placed in the hands of any government. He was more than all surprised at the absence on the present occasion of the honourable baronet, the member for Harwich (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) who eloquently opposed the alien bill of 18113, eeclartd that it ought to be resisted by physical force, and after an unsuc cessful opposition to it, moved that the title of it should be, " A bill to repeal so much of the great Charter of England as related to the free ingress and residence of foreign mer chants in these realms, and to assimilate the executive of this government to the despotic governments of the conti nent." Ho (Lord D. Stuart) contended that no tolerable or decent ground bed been shown for this :measure, and if per sisted in, the government ought at least to produce their in - formatien, so that the house should not be legislating in the dark. They had not even shown that' any:foreigners were plottino to overthrow this government. It was true some people saw in every poor man • chartist, in every chartist a traitor, and in every foreigner • rectal. (Hear.) He entertained no such views, and should, therefore, oppose:this meuure. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the noble lord bad answered himself, by admitting in the close of his speech that this bill had very different objects from that of 1822, and that the circumstances were altogetherMifferent: In 1797 ' and 1814 foreigners had great difficulties in obtaining letters of naturalisation; now they might do so with the greatest facility and without expense, if they came without any hostile dc , igns against the government, and with the Loral, ule inten tion of residing and carrying on business here. They had eel,' to show this, to exempt them from the operation of the bill. The charge of cruelty had been brought against this mea sure ; but it was much less so than the former alien acts ;1 far the Secretary . of State could not expel an alien from the, . country without information wri ting sufficient to warrant his pursuing such course. Then it was said the bill was un just, and that foreigners might be kept in prison without trial. This was not so ; for if they had no hostile designs, there was nothing to prevent them obtainintt letters of naturalisation, and so avoiding the operation of the bill. As to the bill being impolitic and unconstitutional, that de pended en its necessity. It was said no proof of th s had been offered, but it could not be expected that the govern- 1 ment should come down with ell the details in melt a matter. If they suspected a conspiracy by foreigners another course was to be pursued; if none such existed, the bill would not operate. Then! were the main grime& which diitinguished the bill from the former acts on this subject. Mr. W. J. FOX said he had been unable hi discover in the speech of the right hon. baronet who had moved the second reeding of this bill "ftnything which could wove the nee:utility of the measure. it was a measure of timidity and distrust—one that showed a want of confidence in the British people, and a want of confidence in the people of France, who, under the most trying circumstances, had done nothing whatever to excite hostile feclines on our part. (Hear, hear.) A different sort of legislcti [I became the government of such an empire as this. Convulsed es the wend now was, there could not be a better time in which to !how our own reliance on those institu tions which hail ...end the test of so many ewes, and pos sessed no eminently the character, net only cal dur4l.ilit.! but also of elasticity, which accommodated them to the s i frit of the age, and enabled them to expand themselves so as to giro larger privileges and to comprehend larger numbers when the changing state of society required it, without any of these commotion or convulsions to which other countries had been exposed. (Hear, hear.) Nn necessity whatever had been shown for the bestowment of powers, which, to say the least, were capable of obnoxious and cruel applica tion, which placed the convenience, the property, sod the liberty of individuals at the mercy of the ministry for the time being—which exposed • man to that sort of attack, ageinst woich it was to difficult to defend himself—toot of anonymous writing addressed to the Secretary of State. That With functionary seemed thus to be brought into contact with a class of people with whom an English govern ment never need have anything to do ; his office; was to have a back door for the receipt of calumny and impute tem, under the plausible pretext of public safety, which might after all be only the emanation of individual spite, and the desire of gratifying individual vindictiveness. (Hear, hoar.) Thee° powers might be used offensively to words melt or woman ; for it rout,/ not be forgotten that tho brat emu deported under the law of 179,3, MIA which in Mr. IL WORTLEY mid the impression of the noble horde to whom the right bon. baronet Ind alluded had been ma terially altered by consideration of its provisions during its passage through the House of Lord'. Mr. WALPOLE, as the originator of the measures which hal been brought forward upon this subject, wished to repeat his conviction that the course he had punned was sound in law, sound to justice, and sound in equity. The amendments were then agreed to. ELECTIVE FRANCHISE (IRELAND). Sir W. SOMERVILLE then rose to mane for leave to firing in a bill to regulate the elective franchise, and ha the registration of parliamentary electors in Ireland. Rena. unlaced by laying that. he believed it was venoms'.'" it dilate on the importance of this question , fur the evils der gaining system nod been recognised by all parties far a loss time past though those evils still remained unremoved. The evils he rt [erred to were threefolol : first, the nature of the franchise itself; second, the insufficiency of the Condi- tuency ; third, the system of registration. Of the franchise it was only necessary to say that it was ambiguous; and of all the curses attending a political system he believed the greatest wee ambiguity. As to the Irish franchise, the greatest lawyers of the day were divided in opinion as to its character ; revising barristers were rarely agreed as to it ; and of course the p asantry under such circumstances could not be expected to understand it. With regard to the eon ' stituency, it was capable of proof feat the number of voters' throughout Ireland wan gradually dwindling away, and that a no distant period, if the legislature did not in terfere, the system of election in Ireland would be come a perfect tame. The bill it woe proposed to Introduce had for its object, first of all, strictly to define the franchise, and for this purpose he intended to fall back upon the rating under the poor law. (Hear, hear.) All the existing franchises requiring occupation would be at once abolished, and in lieu thereof • simple rating to tho poor, of the net annual value of 81. and up wards, would he substituted. He did not propose any change in the franchisee which did not require occupation ; but he proposed that the 81. franchise should extend to cases of joint occupancy, provided rating of the property when divided proved sufficient to qualify the parties. He also proposed to give the franchise to owners of fees simple of the value of fie He believed this alteration would give an immense increase to the comeitueney of Ireland, though by no means au increase which, looking at the circumstances of the country, could be considered unfair by England. Now as to the re gistration. Ile proposed that clerks of poor-law unions should transmit to clerks of the peace annually complete lieu of the panic* rated within the respective baronies. The clerk of the peace having added the names of owners, the lie, upon publication, would be the Rd of voters. With regard to towns, it wan not proposed that any change should take place in the qualification; but great complaints having been made as to dis q ualifications arising from on payment of local rates , he proposed to abo n lish all such qualifications except with respect to non payment of poor-rates. Ile should lay the bill on the table in order that its prov;sions might be considered, and when he proposed the second reading he should he prepared to go further in.° the subject, and to justify the bill, if necessary, in its principle and different details, Mr. FREWEN asked if he understood arightthat tenants at will rated Atli/. per annum were to have a vote ? Sir W. FOMERVILLE replied in the affirmative. Mr. C. E. LAW asked, was an occupier for six months to have a vote, supposing he paid a single rate ? A party might have awn in another part of the parish for a long time and not have paid. Would he thereby be disqualified ? Sir W. SOMERVILLE said the practice most probably would he that all arrears should be carried on. Mr. HUME hoped the non-payment of rata would not he mixed up with the question of franchise in any way what ever. here were proper modes of recovering rates without disqualifying the voter. lie should be glad to know what was the right hon. baronet's estimate of the increase of the Irish constituency under this bill. Sir W. SOMERVILLE supposed the number of electors would he at least quadrupled. Mr. HUME (sotto trace)—Oh! that's nothing. (Laugh ter.) Sir D. NORREIS expressed his great satisfaction at the increase, and hit conviction that it would be of the greate-t beuefit to Ireland. lie capreued his regret that the govcrn meet had left the town franchise in Ireland untouched. Leave was then given to bring in the hill. POLLING PLACES (Ilt-ELAND). Sir W. SOMERVILLE then obtained leave to bring in a Lill for the establishment of additional pulling places, for the purpose' of parliamentary elections in Ireland, the object of the bill beitog nto limit the duration of county elections to two days. and enable the electors in towns to give their votes by wards. WEST INDIA ISLANDS. The CHANCELLOIt of the EXCHEQUER obtained h aro to bring in a bill to extend to five years the period fir the repayment of the hurricane loans to the West India blends. The house adjourned at a quarter-past eleven. 'the erprefio. MAILS. The overland mutt to Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Ivlam* Parypt, Aden, India, Hoag-Kong, and China, eia Southamp ton, will be made up us the morning of the 3rd May. Tie mails tor the linage, tie River Plate, Monte Video, Permian bum,. Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Aire., will be made up un the evening addle 4th May. The molls fur Brivah North Anse - rim and the Vetted will he matte up en the evening of the Mb May . - Inc overland cloud maga, rid Marartlle., to the Mediterranean, Mgypt, Aden, relort. Hoag-Kong, etc., will be made up on the evening of the ot h May. The malls for Vopo, Oporto, Lisboa, Madeira, Cadiz, awl Gibraltar will be made up on the Inorrung of the Sth May. The West India Muds, excluding Ilerniuda, Nemeth Havanna, , Ilunturav, New thie.nv Vera Crur, Tampaw, and Porto Woo, and inhaling those for Marlaira, Jacznel, Carthagena, Santa Martha, Cliagres, r3/1411216, West Coast of South America, and lit. JUllite- Niatralma. will be made up on the mot Ging el the 17th May. The melte for New South Wales, Van ['amen's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the everting of the 31st May. The mails fur the Wert Guest of Africa and ILedelm will be mode op on the evesing of the 31st May. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1347, to the DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and Mornino Post, ALL PUT TOOETHBIL In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued fur the Evening Edition, TUE EXPRESS 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than was issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers. TllOll WATIM AT L0,11:1014 SIMON. Ten 1/41—Mereles.41slapasi 0; &Menem 14. .. put 1. T0.r0n5u4,—)14.3.i.g. 26 at. pest I Mialear.69 4,4444 LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 2. - - - - Tne special constables have been senrvily treated, at least by their patrons of the press. On the morn ing which followed the 10th of April nothing could be more enthusiastic than the panegyrics poured upon them by Times and Chronicle. The former was to stand foremost to give a great memorial in the shape of a banquet. The latter compared the constabulary class to Eddystone Lighthouse, against whose stout uprightness the wave of democracy had struck, and then retreated. A brief fortnight has since elapsed ; and the Times pooh poohs any commemoration. Its bowels, which were so moved for the special constables and for order on the 11th of April, yearn already for the chartists on the 30th. It sneaks out of its dinner memo rial, and declines any more solid or expensive grati tude. The Morniny Chronicle is even more un gracious. It accuses the special constables and those who stood out for order on the 10th of having been actuated by selfish, rather than by generous motives. Now, we beg to say that all this fine chivalric theory of disinterestedness in political motives is mere twaddle. Let as analyse the actions, not of indivi duals, but of classes and masses, in all periods of his tory, and we shall find that selfish interests have ac tuated them, even when veiled under the finest names. When the GRACCHT stood out for liberty and equality and agrarian laws, were they and their supporters di,interested ? Was ("Immo more disin terested in defending his " order " arm CATIT :NE in plotting to rob it? When lords, and knights, and titled classes devote their best energies to defend a throne, what is their loyalty after all, but their own intCret hien entendn? They would keep the cope-stone on the wall, not so much for the sake of the cope-stone as for that of the wall, which it protects. Loyalty is a very noble and praiseworthy sentiment, but it is conservative of self as well as of sovereign. Nor is the exuberant loyalty of Col. 6113TRORP one atom more disinterest , el than that of the special constables of the 10th of April, who defended the Queen's throne ' aria own lust as the first duke ie.- in the hind would raise artn to defend crown and coronet by the same gesture of defence. We should therefore recommend the Chronicle not to analyse the motives wench induce Englishmen to &feud order as well as liberty. The great point is that they should do so, and moreover, that all classes should be interested in doing so. The spring of 1848 has passed over for England and fur its metropolis without any of those convulsions and catastrophes which afflicted the con tinent ; which naturally were offered for imitation here, and were rejected by the good sense and good feeling of the maj wity of all classes of our population. It is proposed to commemorate so great an event, so strikiug an epoch ; and we repeat the wish, that the proposal may be persevered in. The wealthier, and naturally the more timid, portion of the population are fell of grateful feelings to their countrymen and to Divine Providence for England's forming so re- markable an exception. And they desire to oomme morato their feeling by an act of generosity, a mom!. ment, a building, or an endowment. In catholic times, when a nation or the rich of a nation were so affected, a church was built or a convent to commemorate it. Such is the origin of most of resent the structures which ennoble Europe. Shall the p age, because it wants the superstition of the past, be also utterly wanting in all the motives which prompt the great acts of foundihg establishments for the poor Because places of worship for all creeds wants are now well supplied, have the poor no other ? And shall not enthusiastic bursts of public gratitude or accesses of public sentiment be taken advantage ot. of to procure fends for such purposes? Certainly Of old the great architectural efforts of the age were ' made for the poor. Churches and convents far surpassed palaces, in cost and magnificence. At present the lords and commons in parliament have raised a splendid palace for themselves. This is the very reason why the same age, and the same classes, should do !something for the poor. An opportunity offers. Sentiment is awakened. The rich are ready to contribute. Let us take what they give, and tarn it to the best advantage for the class most needing it. To fling back hnn :reds of pounds into the open purses of the rich, and thus cheat the poor of the offering, because it is not managed or expended precisely in the way we might desire, would be a pc:ty and cruel malice. All therefore should support the public order memorial. Wo must own, however, that we object to the hos pital. Not but that the sick poor are worthy of the arid consideration, and that both individuals and the state are bound to see that the destitute receive suc cour especially in moments and cases of bodily suffer ing. But this duty ought not to have awaited such a cuss as the present: what ought to be done now, is something that the state is not likely to do, and that is more exceptional and more out of the common run o challegearity. It i f s d that " London, notwithstanding its wealth, offers, in proportion to its population, a far less number of beds for the accommodation of the sick poor than any other capital in Europe." This argument has been often advanced in favour of increased hospital accommodation in London ; but it should be remembered that in London as well as , every other part of the United Kingdom, the law provides for every sick poor person an asylum in the workhouse, and that hundreds are thus accommodated for whom no provision is made l in the other capitals of Europe. Moreover, we believe, that there is an abuse of hospital accommodation abroad, in a far greater degree than even ink London : that is, the middle or tradesman's class take advantage of what was in tended fur the mere poor. This may be very well for m reg an uTre em Pro Plu fe i sa nts io ' n f al or s ki ll ca9 a o n f d wo c u ar n e d ftl or ma i n li a n g e rme tb n a t t, such as cannot be had at home. But these are not hospitals fur the poor; they are hospital which might be made self-remunerating. There are, too, certain diseases that originate and are propagated where numbers of sick rersens are brought together, and which are known by the names of hospital gangrene, and fever, which frequently destroy the life for the preservation of which the hos pital is sought. Such are the effects of hospitals in most contagious diseases, that in the late report of the sanitary commission it is recommer.ded that they should not be opened for the reception of cholera patients. During the late prevalence of typhus fever in Ire land and in this country, it was in hospitals and pest houses that the greatest amount of mortality pre vailed, and in which so many of the nurses and medical attendants found their graves. Even where these dangers do not exist, it is found that the de pressing influence of separating husband from wife, parents from children, children from parents, and all from their homes, is frequently attended with worse effects than the privations they have to contend with amidst the poverty and squalor of their own abodes. Add to this the sad effect upon the mind of witness ing the varied forms of disease, the distortions of the epileptic, the delirium of the phrenetic, the piercing cries of those in agony, and the groans of the dying, and some idea may be formed of the probable effects of mental distress on those who enter these insti tutions. We are quite confident that an ample sufficiency of money is now vested in London hospitals for supply ing all the wants of such establishments needed by the poor. But the administration of these funds and resources is so faulty and so ill distributed, as no doubt to render them ineffectual and deficient. Some hospitals are full, with a surplus of funds they know not what to do kith. Others have bed-room, without the fends necessary to take patients into the beds. Most of them receive patients indiscriminately, who would better have been at home. In short, what London wants is, not hospital increase, but hospital reform. An inquiry in such charitable establishments for the sick, similar to the inquiry made into chari table establishments for education, ought at all events to precede any new expenditure of niouey in this direction. There lacks not, however, an ample cheice of insti tutions and edifices for the benefit of the paer, which might well suit the purposes of the public order me morial. TUE east of Europe holds out again little prospect of settling down in tranquillity. We arc compelled to acknowledge that the state of uncertainty is pro longed by the vacillating policy of the cabinets of Berlin and Vienna, the leaders of which, after disarm ing the people by concessions, are now openly follow ing a rem denary system, in which they depend for success upon the large body of organised employes belonging to the civil service, and on the esprit de ewes of the regular troops, as well as on the threat ening, though tranquil, attitude of Russia. Were this reactionary movement purely conservative, and openly resorted to for the re - establishment of oriler, a large majority of the intelligent and influ ential middle classes would support it, and it would have a beneficial effect, like the demonstration of London and the recent expression of public opinion at Paris. But, unhappily, the new movement in Prussia and Austria does not take any such shape. It is quite in the spirit of the old system by which na tional jealousies were fostered until they acquired their present acerbity. The interference of the Prussians in Posen, and of the Austrians in Galicia, l is not adapted to heal the bickerinis of rival races, and to reconcile petty conflicts of interest, by holding out some common end worthy of the united exertions of both Germans and Poles. The governments hold up the means in the first instance as an end, and desire to command unani mity before they remove the causes of distrust. After confessing that the former r'frinte was unsound, and declaring their intention of reforming it in c plianee with the popular demand, they now require the people to abandon, unconditionally, the vantage ground which the popular movement has gal ied, and to trust implicitly to the guidance of councillors whose impeachment at the tribunal of public opinion by the appeal to arms was followed by unhesitati'g con demnation, even by their royal masters. Now, political daceptiona and subterfuges may be occasionally tried with impunity in cases which are only of partial interest. The settlement of the prin ciples upon which Europe is in future to be g..verned is not a case of this kind. It is a question of vital importance to every individual, for it invol, - ca the means to be placed at the disposal of the pee le for subsistence as well as the relative position which na tion is to take towards nation. The conviction is deeply rooted and widely spread that popular institu tions confer greater social and industrial adv.mteges than despotic governments, and that the former consequently present the only sound foundation of political je l luence. This conviction would in Lo wiseoe s hclreu were the most e7.ter minntive wars carried on to thin the numbers . of the two races, which in Prussian and Austrian Poland are cheered on to a combat th r. each shrinks from with the feeling that its only end would be mutual extermination. The Germans are in both cases less numerous than the Poles in the localities placed in this cruel p ,ition. But the German depend for support on their brethren in other neighbouring lands. Were an exterminating conflict to commence, and to turn out in the com mencement favourable for the Germans of Austria and Prussia—which is of itself doubtful, and would at all events prove a fearfully dear-bought triumph—what could result from so unwise a course, but that the defeated remnant would throw itself into the arms of the Colossus of the north, who would receive those with open anus in their defeat whom she would have rejected if too powerful? The cause of Poland, the territorial claims and the hatred of the Germanic in Europedc t d moo as ut respectt thatthein o a tth y the e to n ef g el i e r rgfah o uceot f letra a oraf s gi u tigra g lyl h edaw t 4 e hi red ;tisei:iii,rwiec a re:fha : . z ° npbere,l:veptecreenh, revenged, prove a fearful legacy j a — t i„ ha - 1 ----- 1 - "2 R u s s ia, who would assume a very differ...Ed tro s ,Z that which she occupies when menacing lands . biA rcla it can only be stayed by a ri m , l c w ig of the courts of Berlin and Vienna to the poiu: - I.. tra a few weeks back placed the sovereigns of Y p w e --- • and Austria in the position of rivals as leaders dye great popular movement in which both professed h have faith. The conviction must be wroucld la e s - minds of the civil and military servants of the that the sovereigns intend to deal fairly with i i s people; and the projects for raising the ignorant pea. Bantry against the nobles and gentry mu -t, by sat seta, be speedily disavowed, if a scene of cm. ei i t o be averted, whose course and extent flay Week, ~ Lion. Those who can now prevent its moo - recce egl . ~' have no claim to sympathy if it involve the m in the V general destruction.l . ‘ We are sorry to be prophets' of dismal tiding o. when we look at the resources to which sme con, tinental statesmen seem inclined to trust for power to effect a sanguinary re-action, we confess m e blood chills within us, and we turn with a shodder of disgust from the bravadoes which may momentani s bring on the impending conflict. For w ee k s put th . . Grand Duchy of Posen has been ruled by two pry, sian generals, armed with conflicting instructions. General WILLISEN was sent from Berlin to make es arrangement with the people of the Grand Duchy,. one of those enthusiastic tits of the King to sibi,.. Europe has of late become accustomed, sad t w hi c h he promised to restore Poland eve . d e fiance of Russia. General Vos (:otAsq commanding a large force of German regulan, t s gardless of the presence of this commissary, I. e , forced at his pleasure military law where he fond, suspected armed assemblages. Many conflict ." much loss of life have been the result of this Et. dealing, and the exasperation it has produced i nj h readily conceived. But that such proceeding's)." form part of a project for restoring to Prue..ia he dit in the money market, and be accompanja ~ 0, demand for tenders of a loan, give ea • ludicrous a tinge to the whole, that we ars reassured by the confession of weakness which," act involves on the part of the appellant in 111 extraordinary duel. The Vienna papers, now uncontrolled by the es sorship of the press, openly accuse the civil offiendei Galicia of organising a movement of the pee. against the landlords, in imitation of the •cent ' 1816. As this would make an appeal to arms itsi. table in Austrian Poland, the financial ptoceed. commenced at Vienna—by which the minister ( aid to provincial manufacturers without await* the sanction of the representatives of the people -0 likely to prove as nugatory as the Berlin loan. What. ever else may be expected to result as gain from cirl discord and provincial disorganisation, no a i dit cut acquired by such means, nor will the notes of tt central banks, although rejoicing in imperial ftd royal patronage, become one whit more accept. than the most republican aesignats ever hind, it peace and order be not their guarantees. It migk reasonably have been expected that under theme mortifying changes of system, property and offe would have retained their charm for those who co► sewed them. A nobleman might have to pay Lea like a peasant, or a president of high birth be oblige; to put up with a rot crier colleague. Still, each hilt ehips have been endured in many countries yds( mucn suffering ; and, where there was a chance do taining the substance of power, we have not eme . the holders reject it because they ed not deal with its shadow as they pleased. The p sent state of those eastern countries is therefreet enigma which is fearfully puzzling. We cannot le lieve that defeated governments can enforce the despotism anew which the nations of Europe has thrown off, nor can we believe that cabinets which gm to be wooing civil war, can match their resomsu against those of a people in possession of the soiled its products, and animated by enthusiasm in atem which they have supported unflinchingly amidatielq privation. Our presentiment is therefore, for it present, a gloomy one. IT must be confessed that Lord Dm.nor , tt Fs bon exceedingly happy in the choice et his Mingle :- measures as an Indian statesman. The decree oil 4th March last, which astonished the community d Calcutta, by annulling at a stroke the operational de navigation laws in the Indian seas, is prectsely used those reforms of which the indirect conseqsacesei more beneficial than even the positive amend they . introduce. The differential duties agsks foreign shipping within the limits of the East lava Company's charter were by no means to le reckoned among the greatest trail wbid oppress our Asiatic fellow subjects. The misfothe of that submissive race have reference mach not the impediments which prevent and retard tbsp ductiou than to those which merely conceit II distribution of the great staples of their country. yet these differential duties—now happily eh' away into the same category which includes odious transit duties, and a dark series of posts which once iuterposed between the dispels and the recipients of justice —these lifts ential duties, we repeat, involved a princilli of no mean importance, and were the exponents di practice which did not belie the false exclusivesesd its origin. Their value to the revenue of the ph dencies was exceedingly small ; but they were Si symbols of a system which does not estimate the* ness of customs duties according to their product* ness. The selection, therefore, by the Govern! General of this particular species of grievance" remarkably felicitous. His short and pithy ad d abolition does not expose him to the ready censure recklessness of the public resources in the pi, suit of a theoretical fancy ; for, in truth, Indian exchequer has only gracefully removal"' obstacle which might, or might not be acvantl, ous, but which was certainly accompanied by a sk temptible fraction of profit. But in removing*" obstacle Lord HautousrE has given a most sigh' cant indication of what may be expected in his WO" m e asures. This small beginning bears a very gni tying resemblance to those early manifestation's!' free trade policy which distinguished the &est yrad of the administration of the great political legit to whom Lord Hammen' is indebted for introduction into public life. The resembl/ of the facts and the similarity of the eircumstah under which they have occurred, are full of the Of assuring consideration,. The "coming man" India must be a firm and sagacious statesman, ork will introduce with a considerate but a coufidenthed into the internal and fiscal policy of the preeidencira some of the maxims and reforms which have be already verified by European authority and expel' meat. The Indian tariffs, so widely mod' fied by . this le cent act, were constructed upon a very simple is very striking basis. Every article was subjs to at least two rates of duty—one rate weg imported or exported in a British ship ; another when conveyed in the shin of a foreig nation ; and the latter rate of assessuieut was alias! twice es much as the former. You might carry salsas bales of calico and tons of twist to Calcutta as yee funds or your fancy might justify or suggest, itad custom-house authorities on the Hooghly charge jou only 5 per cent. so long as you employee a British vessel ; bat if by any chance yo struck a bargain for freight with an Amen' can or a Dutch skipper, yon were infallitil condemned in a double impost; and the stmt rabid proportiJn was observed throughout. This awful a4ainst the facilities of commerce, and this c oncessiel of monopoly to the British shipping interest — interest so terrible fa.: the days of the war and cfMe• 111."-KISS0N—is at an end. "Ave; is now, fortunately , a chance of sonic variety being introduced into the origin and aspect of the magnificent line of me ehantmen which are the peculiar pride of oar Asiatic metropolis. The great change of 1814 disturbed the stately exclusiveness of those famous Indiamer. of the " Company . " which in the early days used to curio the mysterious intercourse between Leadenhall . str eet and liindostan. In that primitive period an East Itala captain, both in his own esteem and in the esteem' o'her people, was a person of prodigious conseq The indiscriminate and lees supercilious traders 52 sought, under the relaxation of that year , Iggl ie participation in the dazzling success of the ree political and commercial corporation, soeiewhal 01' luted the dignity of the ancient dynasty of ca tell navigators ; and when in 1832 the come/ ceased to import silk, and tea, and leo sad tQ sod out and recall its b4ll.ernrgoes, OMO •••••••.. was an utter extini which, whether or nc ad • pos si cribhl !leierat goodl le;:pl;eirant competent objects c oC t orbihlinlfa Calcutta t P ehaleecrd. success. r e f eea a vts u rtaan s o ranee t s oe a ha"ad a laoiTcl n at I ly 1 t ri B rm. s e fa anotad her. eot ab o u t eiwhentsti et coas ti ng' sonto direst cotton ri N etgat l . fhe h i eftgTet e l rhg e ern d n ' at a hse, irenemanilt there een ut tu ot h gm f a htSr l l a V h loypae wi e e inducement I shipping } w isP i ; nash e o n godit alterations industrial and , h f t h b a s e r e m ; e nvag r e r es d look for the subsi country. The cv perlsed population ble produce 0 . 1 I want of India is t manufacture whi population upon Th e abolition of not accomplish t 1 wards it; and . a desire, in the h in their true ligh interests, but to them obedience. e should otino s ro l3 a amdt ht mined consequence v a de t tho n npae h d ejoi a h,rtt T uw i r l p awes print of f colleagues, altli cause for doing The state of 1 in Berlin. A c °a n the midst of in which the re bruited about, fat the duty to admit I should fill sevef shocking account sale butcheries, w exaggerated. II engin and the f with the German believe its Staten] there could not b monsters than tl ing, however, ric and making erf meat on both a: tae roles are Availing theme and of the ale they made s those rights them by the 'Deena peace St tion the Wall commissary, 6. , vince, conclude down their am enraged at the equality with t the royal orde from Posen, as pointed tuned former ascend ecker, ~sends province. TI collection of trieve their fa who were sire parties. The; reports of the Name° every sword by thee man high la c has no pariah °simians , by face of such In spite of th would not b for such was under the c Idiloslaw, an until they se at present tl The Polish c single cue against any 1 two brother' by the very the hands of fieient prove scythemen and "1 , / Mite' for he is con treaty with obeyed, whi wields an governor, h but with nu more the ct templated the duchy the beet pl itself. I the relati , I find that and Jews. born in the Poles. TI tionaries, whatever v The Put divided, be 7,000 teml females au account fo official ap Prussia/3a sweepers Prussia. proprietar made in 1