The Express. — London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT may be placed in the same category of individuals with these who think, or used to think, that five per cent. was the natural rate of interest. (A laugh.) But, at the same time, there are many persons in both countries influenced by sees sincere and patriotic feelings; and their opinion% though they may be inveterate prejudices, are not to be de spited at ajuneture like the present. I know that it is in vain to appeal to persona influenced by such • conviction on any of those economical considerations which are often ' mentioned at the present day. I know it is in vain to inn pees upau them that, in as age favourable to industry, ancient and highly civilised communities are diverted from the thought of war. I know it is in vain to appeal to the higher impulses of that philanthropy which many of us believe in, in such communities, in societies under such conditions of great antiquity and advanced civilisation, fur mitigating the heart of nations. But, sir, I think I have a right to appeal to cetera fate, which cannot be disputed—to the past conduct of men, which, according to the theories of these individuals, is the best test of what their future I behaviour will be ; and I must ray, that I do not think the history of the past justifies that too-preva lent opinion, that between England and France there is a natural rivalry and hostility. (Hear, hear.) I know very well, if you go back to the ancient history of the two countries, Vert you may appeal to Cressy, to Poic tiers, and to Agincourt, and believe that there has always been • struggle between the two countries, and that that struggle has redounded to the glory of England. But it should be remembered that these were not wars between France and Eugland so south as between the King of France and the King of England as a French prince— (hear, hear)—that he was then fighting for his province of Picardy or of Aquitaine, and that, la fact, It was not a struggle between the two nations. (Cheers.) In consider ing tois point, our history need not go back to a more dis tant period than that happy hour when the keys of Calais were fortunately delivered for ever to the care of the French monarch. (Hear, hear.) And if we take that, which is the real point of our modern history, as the one which should guide us upon this subject, we shall observe that the moat sagacious :overeigns mid the most eminent statesmen of England, almost without an exception, have held that the French alliance, or a cordial underst anding with the French nation, should be the corner stone of our diplomatic system, and the key note of our foreign policy. (Cheene) Sir, there are unduuldedly more novel and int =M u. te UM of the .fortuua opinion which is peeve the subject of our relations with France. And the lied sad most important of these is unquestion ably the inseam of the armaments of this country. The origin of the increase of the armaments is of • date much Mrs retest than the incidents which are appealed to es the seam of the increase. It was [minded on those great Tied have occurred in moat of the affairs of life, and base principally been occasioned by the application of science to the business of life, which application has not =aped the art of war. Those who by their position were pmgensible for the defence of this country, and who from *Ur charatter and their talents were best fitted to observe the great changes which in this respect were occurring, many years ago called the attention of the executive government of this country to that important subject. But we all know that, especia l in free and popular communi ties, the few are sensible of the necessity of change, before the multitude are convinced of it; and that it is extremely to bring the great body of the community to agree Ile • amp of the necessity of which they are not con deed. Xsay_years ago the government of this country =sil to egos this object; but they found it extremely to Mau the support of the House of Commas whoa Ineemeed elpenditur , :. was • necessary condltioa dike change; and, therefore, for a long time, AM efforts made were few and feeble, although the convictions of the cabi net of the day were deep and earnest. (Hear, bear.) There then happened, some ten years ago, under the go vernment of Sir Robert Peel, a very unexpected incident, which startled even the two nations themselves at tbe pos sibility of a war occurring between them. The cause seems almost a csntea.ptible ono, if we think of what was the stake at issue ; but without inquiring now into the duos which brought us into such a position, there can be no doubt that for a short time eveu the possibility of • war between France and England was not entirely out of the ques ion. (Hear, hear.) Well, the government of that day took ad vantage of that state of things, end even when the imme diate danger had passed, endeavoured to lead the public mind to the important object which had never left the counsels of the cabinet, and efforts were made to introduce a new system with regard to the public defences of the count try. The people of this country, too, learned for the first time that a great revolution had occurred in the art of war, which had deprived them of their ancient, and, as it were, natural sources of defence. From that time the question never entirely sl ept.T here was &controversy still as to whether the country was sufficiently defended or not, whether the ancient means of defence were so completely sueeneded as had been represented; and there was still • lingering super stition with regard to " the wooden walls of old England." HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FBIDAI, FIB. 18. (Laughter.) Suddenly we hail • merles of revolutions on The Sir C. Worm took the oaths and his seat. disturbance, and the people of this country were at last , The members appointed to serve on the Blackburn, Chat- convinced that the dream of perpetual tranquillity and of ham, end Clitheroe election committee appeared at the materiel improvement might be broken. The words of one of table, and were sworn. our greatest men were then prevalent around our hearths, A number of private bills were introduced, and read • and pablio opinion at last assumed the form of an earnest Hest time. desire to complete the defences of this country. Well, sir, The SPEAKER announced that he had received entice I have no doubt that whatever government might have that it was sot intended to proceed with the pettiest against existed they would hive loyally and completely done what the return fur Stoke-upon-Treat. was necessary. It fell to the lot of the late government RAILWAY AND CANAL BILLS. to meet the public requirements in this respect; end Mr. SOTHERON moved " That so much of steadies I claim no credit for the late government, beyond order, No. 160, as requires that there shall be nts more than that to which they are fairly entitled for having 10 days between the first sad second reading of any pri- earnestly thisendezvoured to do their duty. I have vete bill, be suspended as to all railway and eland bill s bat notice d point ind etail, because one of the prin some that no such bill be read a second time later than the 14th cipal grounds for believing that the friendly relations be day of March next, except by special order of the home." tween England and France are about to be broken is the This motion was rendered necessary by the melealea d increase in the armaments of this country. Being, however the house two days ago, requiring eme g imma d em hm e humble, in a certain degree respoasible for that Increase, I to b e r o we d to the comm i ttee „ t m situ me the oh. wish to take this opportunity of pointing oat the entire (al lege, and It was only fair to the promotes of cash Me to la c y of t hat conclusion. Whoever might sat upon the throne allow them a little more t i me to m ag a , m i a o w t h ey of France, whether it were a Bourbon or • Baonaparte— mould abandon their ansalgematioa Ammer preset with whatever might be the form of government—however dis hiest. The only question was, whether it was wise le 4 SAM ee however tranquil might be the state of Europe am day, the 14th of March, isysed which so sea bills than who were responsible for the administration of affairs should be reed a second time ; but that day bed ban se- =se mese se late: have felt it their duty to put this eowttiry locted as being the one before which no amalgam Mies bills la wept Mate of defence, that duty arising from the great could be read a second time. (thew Malt bee taken place in the art of war, and the Agreed to. minas by wields offensive and defensive aperatime are con- SECOND READINGS, daelled; era there is therefore in this increase no ground for The Swaffhas and Bottiabaso Drainage Bill, the Teton- the Frewalwa "lief to which I have alluded. Sir, t i t e r ° ic mouth Harbour aid Teign Navigation Hal and the White- on e ot her sam e of a novel character which is daily alleged chapel Improvement Bill were severally re ad a second time. as indleadeg an impending rupture. I refer to the troubled PUBLIC BUSINESS. state ad ?ranee—the troubles which have terminated in the PETITIONS PRESENTED. • el of what I thick is fallaciously called • military dynasty. Now, sir, there can be no doubt that the founder become Tax..—By Mr. WILLCOX, from • lifelines's'. of the dynasty which now prevails in Franca was one of the society, mai= the imam tax on terndaable annuities; greatest conquerors, not oily of modern but of all ma Mr. HUME, from Forfar,. emnplaial e a o f tuaL irroplarities in it does not follow, and history, indeed, refutes the the mode of levying the income tax in tent, that the desc endants of a conqueror are necessarily Lire= Casstaas.—By Mr. PIGOTT, from letter ter- C l isaitaters. Sir, there Is ao doubt, asankierable prejudice den, for an increase of wets , . • t the ruler of France in this cOn‘ n —I it %host Parnwee Darts —By Mr. HADFIELD, Ana net- against . t r f say _wt am, he ee alteratio n er the probate duties , end pr_teiele reserve — for two re . aeons . sindentood that in nonoungl the to power ne termusateo, void we esteem, • parliamentary 11111114112 .= 1 / he main to sera for the "de 41 emetitution, and that he abrogated the liberty of the preen Hailed (Hear, hear.) As the object of them observations is to pat MATIRIOTII OILAXT.-1y Mr. SPOONER, from King. . . en end to what believe is a very mistaken feeling, and to stns sal ether Paces, against the Maynnoth pant. elicit from her Majesty's government explanations which I Cleaver, PaeArfe.—By Mr. K. SETMER, front an in- hope will aubstantiate my belief, I wish to pat as Lion, against the opening oath* Crystal fairly as I can before the house. (Hear, hear. Si re s, it is P ar a.si e ea mammary for me may that it is not probable that I should PareAtAitiorniai Parsis.—Br Mr. E. DENISON say or do anything which would tead to diminish the in tro, the N Mechanics Institution; and by an ' ww° r Scenes_ or to depreciate the value of either parliament or noN. laws tom the Cambridge Mechaelee Lodi- me press. say greatest honour is that lam a member of tsars, he wale of parliamentary papers. this house; my thoughts and feelingsare centered in it • RETURNS ORDERED. an d as for the press, I am myself • sestinas; Oa the motion of Sir T. Besse, copy of the instructions of the press—(laughter)—•d have so other escutcheon. to the snlissere lar inquiring into the arterial drainage in (Loud cheers.) I know well the eiratmatences Ireland. der which *ere gained for the country the advaa sa- On the motion of the Marquis of BIANDTORD, return tages of • free press. It is only a century and • half ago item archbishops and bishops of all districts assigned by d im we got rid of the censo.ahip of the press; and when the erchbialmers or bishops of the several dioceses in Bu g - - we had got rid of the, there was a law of libel which, for lead earl Wales to churches built and Nembermal wa d er nearly a century, rendered the freedom of the press almost 1 end 2 Wm. IV., cap. SS. perilous privilege. Until Mr. Fox's peat eel apes the law Oa the emotion of Sir J. You're), returns of the total of lib e l b ecame law , no public r ie n mid be „ha to he .umber d paupers In receipt of relief is sash province in safe in this country. Sir, I hope we live in barmier times Ireland, at the close of the first week_ (sadist Saturday) of th an those which preceded the p assim gof that get. hope January, 184940, 1851 , 1852, and 1563 ; and of the anteuele we have arrived at the conclusion, that If the press is free of poor rate lodged, and of the expenditure for the relief it should enjoy comp l ete ft,edetit_(eheen)_emi that the oldie poor In Ireland, during the year elided the 29th day best protect i on aga i nst t h e emotes o f the pesos. of September, ucamped= with the same the the is th e spirit of gi icust i ee , with* semee eh, preceding year. the privileges on which society at pee= depeade. On the motion of the Coaxesexote of the Excamteen, I think all parties have come to the concludes that the it was ordered that be should he excused from serving ea lib er t y o f t h e p rese t s t h e mos t va l ua bl e of our im bu e pe g. imbeciles committee. while he held his present ohm. vileges..becanse it in fact secures the enloyment et oh tbe RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. others. (Hear, hear.) Bet, at the IMO Use, his always Oa the motion that the Sraaana should leave the chair, advisable, when we are making observations ea the sedum foe the house to go into committee of supply, of foreign governments, that we should be perfectly certain Mr. DISRAELI rose sad rid—l wish to make some in- that the circumstances of the emntries to which we refer quiz= of her Majesty's government respecting our rola- are identical with :hose of our own. (Hear, hear.) Now does with Frame. (Hear, hear.) This is the moat im- sir. with all my love for the liberty of the press, lam still portant subject of modern polities. We have now, for conscious that we enjoy it on certain conditions which do sagely 40 years, bad the blessings of peat* between Great not, in my opinion, prevail in other countries; namely, a Brit= sad Frame. During that interval, the social rola- long.utabliehed order, a habit of freedom of discussion, these of the two countries have become various and multi- and, above all, an absence of all those circumstances which plied. Orr elselmiercial transactions have, daring that in- are disturbing society in other countries. I will state • ease. =mi, gradually, and progressively, and considerably in Let us suppose that In England at this moment we had the creased; and, at the right opportunity, and under favour- greatest of political evils. Let us suppose that, instead of able einumetansc, so debt, with enlightened legiflation, our happy settlement, we had a disputed succession ; let us diem sommensial tesametioas are susceptible of considerable suppose that there was a young Charles Stuart, for ea sed perhaps ishilaite development. (Hear, hear.) There ample, at this moment at Breda and a young Oliver Cram are so two ematriee, that may be deemed first class powers, well at °oedemas, issuing manifestos and sending missives between whoa all questions of high policy are so identical. to powerful parties of their adherents in this country. Let And, it le somewhat strange that, when we have so many as &appose even other contingencies; that there had been tees for • permanent good undentanaing between great revolutions in this country ; that the form of the M ar two essatelea, so many securities for that peace which government had been changed; that our free and lemons we desire—what the met, by the long interval of tranquil- monarchy had been subverted ; that a centralising republic Sty that has moaned, moves that practically these are bad been establiehed by an energetic party, that the tyranny aurae of security which an valid and eflicient—it is ex- of that party hail become insupportable, and that the army tremely asap sad startling that, under such cireum- I had hero called is by the people, generally, to guard stances, an idea would seem to have entered almost into them against the excesses which they dreaded. Do you feel every man's brain, and an expression iato every m ciente sure that under such circumstances you would enjoy mouth, that we are sumo the eve of a rupture with that the same liberty of the press as you enjoy at this moment? country. Ido not think, therefore, that it is unreasonable, (lleer, hear.) Do you think that in the midst of revolu it on going into committee of supply ; when we are about tions, • disputed succession, r cret societies, and military to vote large sums to sustain the armaments of the country ; rule, you could be quite certain of henna your newspaper I should make some inquiries of her Majesty's g o. at breakfast every morning? (Hew, hear.) Sir, these ave vernment on • subject of such absorbing in- considerations which ought to guide us when we arc givlog tenet, and offer • few remarks to the house before on opiaion on the csaluct of rulers and of nations. Still they go into committee with aspect to it. All must feel there can be no doubt that the eireametance that the pro that, upon sack • topic, it is of the very highest laver- sent ruler of Franco has ...topped that liberty of the press tame that no false opinion should take pause= of the which we so much prize has occasioned great odium to public mind. (Hear, hear.) Because, in a free country, him in this country, and has arrayed the feelings opinion is one of the secanties Cro peace, as it is ales some- of the powerful press of England against the times one of the causes of war. (Hear, hear.) Anti it is by French empire. I am not ashamed or afraid to say that discussion, which le the life and soul of • society like ours, I. for one, deplore much that has occurred, and sympathise that we arrive at the teeth upon subjects which often, to with the WOG. Bat what is the moral that I the danger and mill of the community, become perplexed draw from all teas? it IA In. II is extremely difficult for and obscure. (Hear, heat.) Now I know there are per- as to form an (Insists aesn French polities, and that so sons in both countries—persons who have been born and Log as the French p. °pie use enact in their bred probably during the last sweat struggle—who arc of mien:mist transactions, and frit ndly in their po opinion that there is • natural hostility between the French lilies; relations, it is ju-t as well that we should not anti the English nations. They are persons who pro%a:sly interfere with the management of their domestic COI- HOUSE OF LOltDS.—Faumi, FEB. 18. T►e LORD CIWICILLOIL tuck upioa U. maim& at i PETITIONS PRESENTLD. PtittISIIISTAILT P from a mutual improvement society at 'I wine, in Oxford thire ; the Duke of ARGYLE, from a literary society at Nottiligham, prayide for the free diatrinotion of puha. meat ary papers to literary societies. The Esrl of ELLENBOROUG II gyro notice that upon Pridny next, upon presenting a petition from Madras, in tisferenee to what was commonly tolled tie Eaat India Conthany's Charter, he should take tile opportunity of oak um the noble lord at the head of the government whether her Maj-sty's ministers intended to intrenket: any measure for the future government of India during the present erasion. The Earl of CARDIGAN, in consequence of information which bad reached hint, as to the present and the impends inifste of the soldiers engaged in the affair at Six-mils bridge, would put another que►tion upon that subject to the-government upon M.eaday neat. lie would put another question, as to whether the government had come to any decision with regard to the proceedings against those Irish priests, whom it was the intention of the late government to pimento. LAW OF EVIDENCE (SCOTLAND). Lord BROUGHAM, in rising to tin sent a petition to the hou.o from certain boroughs in Scstland, took the op portt.iii.y of correcting an color which had gone abroad with res;wet to a bill which he had introdueed into their lordships' house for extending the law of evidence ia Scots Landow u to assimilate that law in both Scotland and England. It had been said that the bill .n question was to extend to Scotland Lord Denman's Act. Now, in feet, that let was eatrneled to Scotland Isat session, and wee at that m meat the law of that land, haying been in Nue there far about twelve months. The toll which he (Lord Brougham) had introdu. ed eras to extend an amt of ►is own, viz, the set to enable parties to snits to give evidence thesueltes, which wider Lord DelMllll . l Act they could no'. do. Lord CAMPBELL had no diffi.inity in expressing the great benefit which would arise from the extension of the act mentioned by the noble and learned lord to Scotland. This act had now the unanimous te►timony of the judges in lb favour. (" Hear, bear," from Lord Brougham.) At Let it had not been so favoured, not from any unwilling mom es the part of the bench that our law should be im proved, but because the judges feared that great evil might arim bola it. Now, however, having had actual experience of its working, they had had renwin to change their opi. Mons. He might name especially Mr. Baron Puke, one of the molt able jurists in this country, whose ooinion at first was decidedly hostile to the change in the law, but who new was most earnest in its praise. He believed that the sowere proposed by his noble and learned friend would mast with the unanimous approbation of the Scotch people. Lord BROUGHAM then presented petitions from several corporate bodies in Scotland in favour of an assimilation of the mercantile law of the two countries. SHERIFFS' COURTS (SCOTLAND). Lord DROISO 11 A SI, on presenting a petition from Dot fonaline, against the Sheriffs' Court. in Scotland, said that under the present system pursued in that country there were two judges to do that for which one only was required. Do -ter this plan there were expanses incurred for large star. of ofSeers who were, in truth, not necessary. Thu, there were 34.) non-resident officers each having a salary of, ♦t the average. 40of. a year, ar.d 52 resident °Seers receiv ing, upon an ge, the like amount. What he (Lord Brougham) hoped to see was, the abolition of the non• thus dent class entirely, and, in the place (dike present resident Uncials, others more equal to discharge those duties which an extension of their jurisdiction, which lie trusted also to see, would cut upon them. Lord Brougham also presented several petitions for an extension of the jorisdittion of the English county courts to bankruptcy and ignitable matters now beyond their jurisdiction. TRANSFER OF AIDS BILL. This bill, upo . t711;;;• - •tio - n — o - f I;;;t11131• - nt.n . Y of ALDIR LIT, WU read • second time. VALUATION ACT AMENDMENT (IRELAND) BILL This bill, upon the motion ~ of Vacennt CANNING, was read • second time. . _ Lord MONTEAGLE complained of the practice of sus pending the standing orders. Viscount CANNING said the bill was only to amend a olarical error is an act that had already been pawed. The bill was than pat through all its stages, and was passed. Their lordships then adjourned at ten minutes to 6 o'clock. THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1853. ceras. (Loud cheers from both sides of the house.) Sir, I am glad to find that the house concurs in the opinion which I have ventured to express on this important subject: (Cheers.) I do not say that it is not the privilege of tbe English press to make any observation that they please ea the conduct of foreign rulers and of foreign nations—lt is ea affair of discretion, it is an affair for the exercise of wie ism; but they must consider what is the tendency and Vida must be the consequences of their comments. They tee. a right to ant as they please, and no British minister sod no foreign potentate can question the power which they eiteretiC. It is important to consider what were the fee.- inge and opinions of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) on this subject when he was at the bead of the government. The hon. gentleman here read various extracts from Lord John Russell's speech in February, 1852, in which he de precated the tone taken by the press. and expressed his belief in the pacific intentions of the President. He then wens on to say that nothing had occurred since that period to disturb our peaceful relations with Franee, which, daring the period of Lord Derby's government, had been most beneficial to the country in several instances. Yet, continued the honourable gentleman, all this time, while France was working with you for the commonweal of humanity, her ruler was held up as a corsair and a bandit, who was about piratically invading.this country without the slightest warning or pre. vious cause of quarrel. (Cheers.) There L no doubt but that the noble lord opposite, considering his much more protracted term of office, could produce a much longer list of advantages obtaine d by the cardial co-opera lion of France, but for mysclf I shall always remember what was the conduct of France whilst we were in office— conduct which in my opinion entitles it the respect, the that was the language then need by the now chosen organ and head of the coalition ministry. (Loud opposition cheers.) I could not but be reminded that my Lord Aberdeen himself had used in reference to our foreign policy and the principles upon which that policy was conducted at that time, an epithet rarely admitted its par liamentary debates, when be stigmatised tt u "abominable." (More cheering.) I could not but recollect that the great indictment was opened in this house in elaborate, clear, and vehement invective by the present First Lord of the Admiralty—(opposition cheers again)—and, therefore, I was naturally surprised, when I beard that for thirty years there had been no difference in the principles on which the foreign policy of this country was carried out. I could not bat recollect that the noble lord the present Foreign Secre tary denounced the principal instigators of those debates and those motions as being in league with foreign conspira tors for the most disgraceful objects, if true, that a British statesman could be guilty of. (Hear, hear.) I could not but recollect the glowing and fervent eloquence in which the noble lord vindicated his noble friend, when he said—" My noble friend is the minister of England—he is not the minister of Austria—he is not the minister of Russia, nor the minister of France." (Cheers from the opposition, and counter cheering from the other side.) Who was the minister of Austria—who was the minister of Russia—who was the minister of France, who sit for that portrait ? (Bear, hear.) Why, sir, that is the portrait of the present Prime Minister of England, drawn by the noble lord the leader of the House of Commons. And well has that Prime Minister paid the noble lord for his per formance, by degrading him from the post he formerly held. (Cheering again from the opposition.) I give the noble lord opposite credit for a sincere adhesion to the same - • - of who was anxious to obtain au assurance on that important subfeet. But t h e right hon. gentleman, when he sat on this side of the house, observed, with respect to certain changes which he thought ought to be made with retard to some of our administrative departments, and with regard to economy in the conduct of the public business in public offioes ; that if that question wax proposed it would in stantly be made a party question. f hat would have been • great misfortune. There can be no doubt that a question as to how many clerks there should be in one office, and whether • second office should be consolidated with a third, should be made a party question would have said but little for the patriotism of the house. (Hear.) But such a course, scandalous though it might be, would not be very calamitous. But When the right hon. gentleman tries to make a party question of our foreign policy—(loud cheers)—when he tnee to throw suspicion ou the intentions of the government with regard to our nearest neighbour; to sow dissension between two of the great power, of Eurcpe—(cheers), and to make that a party question, that is indeed a calamity ; and to bring forward that question in the spirit which he has exhibited, may well be called the act of a mind deeply imbued with faction. (Cheers.) I said the other night, and I repeat it now, that the government of this country is on terms of the utmost amity with the government of France. (Hear.) I was happy to hear the right hon. gentleman say that the domestic policy of France was a matter wbirk concerned her alone, and that it was not for us to interfere in those do mestic concerns ; and if, indeed, that sentiment had prevailed in this house in February, 1793, I cannot help reflecting that torrents of blood and millions of treasure would have been saved, if it had been laid down as a principle by all parties that we were not to interfere in the domestic concerns of a neighbo- country. (Rear, hear.) But what other ex do so, I should say that, without abandoning their pnneiples, and standing firmly by the opinions they hive so w oo held, they should yet avoid coming forward, and making themselves too active in displaying hostility to that which makes for the peace sad welfare of the country. (lieu, bear.) They may depend upon it that although the right hon. gentleman seems to think that the reforms we have proposed ore not sufficient, and that we should have brought forward larger measures, yet a f ter the contortions and struggles of the last few years, what ever progress we propose to make, the country will be gl a d to see a time of peaceabds progress without the convulsions of party etrugzles. (Hear, hear.) I am convinced that they who say they will nut submit to this, and who desire to see a restless condition of things, and take advantage of plotases dropped by ministers with regard to foreign affairs, that such men will not gain fur themselves the confidence of the country. (Beer, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has al luded to me and the position which I at present hold. I occupy it from a full conviction that there is really a desire in the country that though one man may be a Whig, another a conservative-liberal, those divisions should not prevent a ministry being formed which :shall collect as many members as possible who agree in principles, and who are capable of carrying on the administration of the country. (Cheers.) Anything that I can do, in whatever capacity, whether in office or not belonging to the govern ment, in order to carry out the wish of the country to that effect, it is my desire to do. (I, , ud cheers) If I may men tion myself, I would say that there are two ques tions of our internal policy in which I take espe cial interest—l mean the further education of the people, and the further amendment of the representation of the people. (Cheers.) !mead, however, be pushed on either sympathy, and the ;fine - feeling of the people of tliis coon by. (Hear, hear.) We know what were the feelings of the government of which the noble lord opposite was she head; bed we know also from the references I have made what were the feelings of Lord Derby and his colleagues. I sow wish to ascertain what, upon this subject, are the views sad opinions of the government of Lord Aberdeen. (Hear, Mar.) Well, sir, saon after the formation of that govern prin- ciples of foreign policy which ho acted upon when Prime Minister, and I male no doubt he is as firmly convinced of the soundness of that policy as when he delivered those re assuring words to the disturbed mind of the country • but alas ! the noble lord is ns longer prime minister of Eng land—(hear, hear)—and I must look for further assur ances, or at least, that the country Should know, the posi tion with which the noble lord is now charged. (.. Ilear, And tb- ' _ighbounng c. antry. planation is it that the right hon. gentleman requires? He has alluded to my speech in February, lila, and I will saj that all the sentiments contained in it I now subscribe. It is true that there was a misreport in that speech. It was supposed that I said that the measures adopted by the President of France were such u were calculated for tho welfare of France. Now what I did say WIE , , that no doubt the President considered that the to b • . . ring forward, or to urge others to bring forward, mea sures on this subject which I think either out of time or such as would not meet with a successful issue. I believe that in the present condition of the country measures of that kind should be well weighed and have due delibera tion. I believe in that opinion. I do not differ from tho majority of this house, or from the great mass of the people, and if I can contr.bute to having such measures prepared melds deelaiation of opinion upon this subject was made by one of the most eminent of its members, no lees a personage than the First Lira of the Admiralty. (.. Bear, hear," and laughter.) This gentleman, a most experienced statesman, found himself, by his acceptance of office, and by returning to those councils which he bad previously adorned in one of the groat responsible position iu which an English minister at the formation of a Rovers. meat can find himself, namely, on the hustings before Ids constituents, and standing in the face of the whole coca. try. (Hear, hear.) With the whole country watching far the expression of his opinions, in order that they might form some opinion as to what was to be the policy of the use - -it, and, I ' with the Rennie m.' of ail hear," sad a laugh from the opposition.) . the house, I think, will agree will me, that I am taking no unfair or factious course. ('. Oh ! oh," 11111 a bunt of laughter from the ministerial side, followed by cheen from the oppesi tion.) Perhaps hon. gentlemen opposite will favour us with their idea of faction, if they think that I am not justified— on this the most important subject that interests the English people —if I am not justified in asking for a frank explanation on these points? (Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances, I say I have a right to ask her Majesty's ministers what is the system on which our foreign policy is to be carried on by them? I call upon you to explain the mysterious paragraph in the •s which measures he had adopted were for the welfare of France. I did not say that dictatorial power was necessary in France, but that I did not doubt but that the ruler of France be lieved that the dictatorial power he had assumed was ne cessary. Whether it was necessary or not I did not pass an opinion then, nor do I now. It has been a lamentable sight for the last fire years to see France throw off a monarchy, under which she was prosperous, and adopt a republic so strangely constituted that all its elements seemed to be at war with each other, and that internecine war not put an end to but by the surrender of the most valuable privi leges, which that gallant and ingenious people began in 1799 to assert. I still believe that they will find means when the - of extreme and carried, and in the meantime contribute anything to the stability of a ministry formed of men who are desirous for the good of the country, and are able to carry into effect wise measures, it will be my pride and glory so to act. (Great cheering.) Mr. COBDEN said that with regard to the first object stated by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), the maintenance of friendly relations with France, that was a practical question, and one in which the country was deeply concerned. Tee right hon. gentleman had laboured to show :hat he believed in the friendly letting of France towards this country—that we could not shut our eyes to the fact, that there was a very different feeling out of doors, and the - of the - - t rertainl government, _ may add, - Europe not a whit less anxious and v:gilant. What wee the statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty with re spect to the position of affairs in France ? The right hon. gentleman described the ruler of and also tboa programme . you say is so clear. (Rear, hear.) Is it to bo a system of "liberal energy," or of antiquated imbecility ?" (Cheers and counter cheers.) That is the %tuition. (Hear.) Will the noble lord a. hen his noble friend by which, spirit . ems.— democracy has subsided and their institutions improved, we shall see them enjoying institutions not perhaps exactly aimilsr to our own (for it would be vain in us to say that they would be - ited tone u press generally, and. the unani mous tone of the London press, was characterised by dis trust of the present government of France. The right hon. gentleman said that he did not share in any apprehen s i on he ;ranee dote whoa; he ruled in one of those pithy sentences which no one prepares with more due elaboration. (A laugh.) He contrived, in a very few sentences, to give a character not only to the Emperor of the French, but also to the whole French people. He described the Emperor of the French as a despot who had trampled on the rights and liberties of forty millions of men. (Loud cries of " Hear, bear," and some cheers from the ministerial side.) The evil of making such observations is evidenced by the cheering which we have just witnessed. Well, another statesman has also given his opinion upon foreign politics. Parliament had not even met before two of these experienced men had expressed publicly sentiments which have startled this country and alarmed r • but which - apologised for in e-^ in a answer, who, when his nom, . Lord Palmerston was Secretary for Foreign Affairs, took credit for his administration. on account of the liberal foreign policy of his noble friend, and described the system then contended for by some of his present colleagues u one of " antiquated imbecility ?" (Hear, hear.) Now, I want to krow it the foreign policy of the present government is to be carried on upon " principles of liberal energy," or "antiquated imbecility ?" (Rear, bear.) I have shown this house that two cabinet ministers have acted in a manner opposed to the declaration of 1852, and that the programme of the Prime Minister does not in any way remove the diffi culties with which we are environed, and that it is incon sistent with the facts. If the principles of our foreign -- have not -' - how can the right hon. e - Amen suite,- to every people), but such . as will eioke her peaceful industry and enable her to re card the attainments of superior talents. (Hear, hear.) It is in that spirit that I look at the condition of France ; and, with every desire to suppose that her ruler is intent on putting an end to anarchy, and so constituting the fsbric of her government as to glee rest to the people of France. It happened to the government of Lord Derby to have to consider a question of great importance, namely, the recognition of the imperial dignity in the person of the President—the recognition of a dynasty and of a power under the title of Emperor and the name of Napoleon 111. It was natural that the powers of Europe, recollecting what happened from 1804 to 1811, should have wished for some assurance that the French r ` which - about to be constituted, of the government of France, bat when he Iris in power he proposed a large increase of our armaments, and laboured to show that that increase was not male with reference to the feeling of the country towards France, but in con tinuance of a system arising out of changes which had been made by steam navigation. But the right honourable gentleman did not propose any increase in steam machinery, but en increase of men ; whereas the advance of steam navigation did not imply the necessity fur an increase of men, but directly the con trary; and therefore the right hon. gentleman had cer tainly, though perhaps unconsciously, given an impulse to the feeling of the country against France. Ile (Mr. Cob den) must say, that while the late government preached 'e towards F- - their condo" Europe, s _ were one 1.. stance by the noble lord opposite. I am not now going to say a single word of the observations of the President of the Board of Control, as regards their offensive character Inwards the Emperor of the French. That right hon. pstletnan states that he may have said unpremeditatedly Sat the Emperor of the French had gagged the press both cf Paris and Brussels. and that ho hates the press of this ' country because he ea'nt gag it, or prevent its speaking the truth. Ile did not mean anything offensive. I know that the right bon. gentleman is in the habit of saying very offensive things without meaning, I know he has outrag ed the feelings of many individuals without the slightest in tention of doing it, and therefore, as it arises from a pecu liarity of organisition, I can only say that It is a vcry awkward accomplishment. (Laughter.) But the speech at Halifax, in which the discreet President of the Board of Control followed his experienced friend the First Lord of the Admiralty with a wonderful harmony of conduct and sympathy of sentiment, contained far more important alle gations than the personal words to which I have declined to refer. What does the right hon. gentleman mean by the press of Belgium being gagged? I do not know whether honourable gentlemen opposite are aware that the position of Belgium is that of an independent country, governed by one whom I may fairly describe as one of the wisest and most accomplished of liv ing princes. What is his position if he permits his press to bo gagged? What is in the position of the King, to say nothing of the Belgian people, that the minister of the Queen of this country should publicly announce to Europe that the King of the Belgians is in a state more humiliating than the slaves who, according to the First Lord of the Admi ralty, are trampled on by the despot of France—that, In short, he permits his press to be gagged ? Is his press Fagged—is the prince in whom we must take so strong an interest paced in so humiliating a position? He (Mr. maintained that it -- not. Well, policy a not changed, . gentle,_ the First Lord of the Admiralty, of present Chan cellor of the Exchequer, vindicate the course they took, the r solutions they supported, and the sentiments they ex pressed during the debates to which I have alluded ? But there is now a further reason why I must press for some explanation from the government on this head—l repeat that in the statements of the noble lord (.1. Russell) I have implicit confidence. (Hear.) I have no doubt that he is profoundly convinced of the justice and truth of the senti ments he expressed in 1842. Anything that falls from the lips of the noble lord on that or any subject as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is entitled to the highest COll.lll. deratioa ? but how long is he going to remain -Secretary of State ? (" Oh," and " hear, hear.") I am not speaking from mere rumours, and I say it is a legitimate question In a debate on foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) Why did the noble lord take the important post he occupies ? Was It because his opinion on the French connexion was well known, and is he now going to leave that post because the majority of the cabinet do not agree with him on that point ? (Cheers and counter cheers.) This is clearly a subject, then, on which some explanation is due. I know I may be met—though I hardly expect I shall—by an allegation that we base no right to suppose the noble lord is about to quit the ofti.o for which he is so eminently competent. (Hear, hear.) I said I did not speak on mere rumour, and I will proceed to state the authority on which I ask the question. That authority is • paragraph in • newspaper or joumal—(oh)—and I hope, notwithstanding the conduct of some of the journals we bays criticised, that it will net on this account be undervalued. This paragraph is what our neighbours call a communicated paragraph, and commences with the magic words, " We are authorised to state." :(Cheers and laughter.) It is redolent of Downing-street, and no doubt it emanated from that quar ter. (Oh) The first paragraph—for there Is a series of them—informs us that though the was not _ government, , was constitutea, would adopt the national acts of the governments which pre• ceded it, and whether there would oe the same foreign re lations as had existed in France since 1815. The govern ment of this country, by the advice of Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury, took such security on that point as they thought necesstry, and when they had obtained it, acknow ledged the Emperor by the title of Napoleon the Third. It is my belief that they did well and wisely. ( Hear , hear.) I have examined the correepondence which took place, and I have come to the conclusion that Lord Malmesbury, while acting with the utmost conciliation, at the same time consulted the dignity of the country. (Hear, hear.) I am not, therefore, about to blame the government which preceded us for any step they have taken. There can be no doubt that an early recognition of the empire tended to conciliate the government of France; and, therefore, whoa we came into otßee,we found the amicable relations between the two countries in a stage which we wished to continue. A good understanding between this country and France is undoubtedly of great value to the peace of Europe. Ido not say this with regard to France alone, for we ought to maintain a conciliatory policy towards all powers; and I think that all those powers are disposed to maintain the peace of Europe. With regard to that great question to which the right hon. gentleman has alluded, namely, the question of Turkey, there can be no doubt that it is very desirable that there should be a good understanding with France. But, at the same time, it is the duty of this country to presetve auk an attitude as will enable her to give friendly advice to these states which may have differences and to maintala Turkey against aggression ; but also to maintain thou rela tions by negotiations and friendly conference. That end, I trust, will be accomplished. The right hon. gentleman has alluded, as I think uanecessarily, to speeches made oa the hustings by twc right hon. friends of mine. I ask, for whet purpose has he alluded to them ? (Cheers.) If they had raised doubts in his mires. would it peace France, a...aduit was not consistent with their professions. Different governments stated that they should not share in nay apprehension of France which might be felt; and while they censured the press for exciting it, they did what was ten times more in sulting to France. What was anything which wu spoken or written compared to large warlike preparations, such as the building of 12 screw steam line of•battle ships, and the securing a large contingent of steam vessels? Those were the things that really endangered out relations with France, and it wee not newspaper articles, but preparations like these, which kept up the excitement of the public mind. The right hon. gentleman had talked much of the great service which diplomacy had done to the country, and how, during the time thst he was in power, our ambassador at Paris had arranged with France the settlement of question' relating to Switzerland, to the opening of the navigation of the South American rivers, and to the affairs of Cuba. Now he (Mr. Cobden) would suggest a new employment for diplomacy, and he believed and thought the hon. gentleman opposite would adopt the plan—which would greatly assist him in building up a party. Would it not be advisable to employ . diplomacy in trying to put an end to the warlike preparations in the two countries ? Our ambassador at Paris had been employed in arranging ques tions relating to Buenos Ayres and Cuba, and if he had been successful is negotiating mitten of such delicacy u those could he not come to an understanding with . the French . government on the subject of the large rival prepa rations in the naval department of the two coun tries ? Could not the diplomatists on both sid'•s exchange a note on that subject ? Ho (Mr. Cob den) would engage to frarno a note in five minutes which would answer the purpose. Could it not be asked if the government of France would be willing to put an end to the increase of her armaments, and that we would put as end to our preparations ? Was there anything imprac ticable in such a ition ? If such thaneli) war observe on the day that the right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Control mado his speech at Halifax, the sabieet met and sat four hours. Now, whew a cabinet council sits during four hours the subject must be weighty that engages its attention. The Chancellor of the Exchequer smiles as if he imagined the cabinet council was sitting on the income tax on that occasion. (" Hear," and laughter.) Bu' I am sure it was not the income tax on which it was called to deliberate, for it is quite evident that all questions of domestic interest were suspended ; they are adjourned till the Greek /Calends. (Hear.) It is clear tat it could not be on any question of domestic policy that her Majesty's servants then met and sat so long ; and that being so it is not an unnatural supposition to believe that something connected with the foreign relations of the coun try may have been the cause of their saumblieg. It is not even difficult—though it is only a conjecture that I am now making—it is not very difficult to conceive what was the subject that occupied the attention of the cabi net, - and .4 arrangement made when the cabins& was formed, it was pretty well understood that Lord J. \Passel' is to continue leader of the House of Commons, but to relinquish the office of Secretary of State, and probably he will not assume any other office— (hear) have the paragraph here, but that is the purport of it. The second paragraph—the journal in question is authorised to state, that it was a mistake to suppose the noble lard would not hold office, the fact being that he was to have some office where there would be nothing to do —(a laugh)—and that it was to be somewhere:in the neigh bourhood of Waterloo-place—the only place that suggests itself being the toll collector of Waterloo-bridge. (Roars of laughter.) Bat the noble lord being, as be is desirous to be, a favourite of the people, it was not considered that to place him is so unimportant a position was treating Ain according to his duces, so another paragraph ap peared, also " on authority "—(laughter)—stating that he was going to reside in' the Foreign-office, whore a " little Tatar was to be allowed him—(a laugh) [ but to continue say nd, not have been enough to have asked what were the reel intentions of the government ? What purpose could those allusions answer but to excite irritation—(hear, hear) —and suspicion and bitterness which would not otherwise exist ? and this from a right hon. gentleman who in the early part of his speech declared that there was nothing he had so much at heart as peace and amity. My right hon. friends spoke on the hustings on the subject of the govern ment of France, and they are accused of disturbing the re lations between the two countries. They did not trust to their memories in making their speeches; or refer to their commonplace books for their phraseology—(hear, hear). — and therefore they used some incautious expressions ; but nothing was further from their intentions than to disturb the relations which exist between France and this country. The right honourable gentleman then passed on to our domestic relations. Bat before I come to that part of his speech I must refer to a statement which was made by Lord Aberdeen. The right hoc. gentleman says that _ propositions a vote was responded to, would it not go far to change the feeling that now exists between the two countries ? He proceeded to argue that the feeling in France was not hostile to England, but might be made so if the armaments continued to be increased, and the present tone of the press maintained. He would speak to hon. gentlemen opposite in a sense to which they would not belikely to take exception. There were some new social elements at work in the present day which rendered it very important to hon. gentlemen opposite—the "country party"—that they should insist with governments on a Course of frugality and economy. He was not refer ring to the results of free trade; he bad no more to say about that but that they must reconcile themselves to calculating on that as the permanent system. Ile was referring to a novel feature in this age of ours—he meant the tendency of the people to emigrate —to leave this country. That was • new fact in which the gentlemen with the broadest acres were deeply concerned. There were countries now rising up in effective rivalry with us for the population and the c a pital _ . . . Canada, Ne precise for we knoW that the papers were at that time teemtna, . government inseeengere were daily arriving with despatches from an important portion of the Turkish empire which was form , rly disturbed. It is met difficult to conceive that the problem which bee lazed the minds and occupied the thoughts of statesmen for a half century, the state of the Turkish - was probably the leader of the House of Commons. But e climax was in the fourth paragraph, which announced in angry and indig nant terms, that it wu not true what had been stated in the former paragraphs, but that the noble lord wu to be the leader of the House of Commons, and have "a small room" at the Foreign-dice, and to be allowed two clerks there. ( More laughter.) Now, Sir, I protest against this r of Lord Aberdeen said " that for the Ist 30 jean the prin ciples of the foreign policy of this country have never varied." But the right hon. gentleman entirely omitted to state that Lord Aberdeen went on to make some fur thee observations, which, as the right hon. gentleman has omitted them, I will now read, u they contain sentiments in which I entirely agree, and - of Great Britain. There was Australia, New Zealand, sad, above all, the United States—each compet log, each under favourable cirournstaaces as contrasted with our own, for the population of Great Britain. There could be no mistake about the fact ; and what he might call the emigrating tendency of the country, was to be estimated b the circumstance that the extraordinary emig ra tion which empire, vs.— subject for the consideration of that partiodu cabinetoouncil. We know bow much is at stake on the gelation of that problem —that it is a question an which warmly the pace of Europe but the civilisation of the world largely depends—and how have English statesmen hitherto dealt with it? In what manner have they attempted to grapple with the difficul ties of that ever unwieldy subject of perplexity and peril, bat by recognising only one means by which the temperate, sad suocessfal issue to their deliberations could be car, ....system ihutting up a great man in two small roome--(Laughter)— and binding to the triumphant wheels of administrative ability the fame and toe genius of the great whig party. (Renewal laughter.) I say we have a right to ask the noble lord, under the circuinstanais—.. Are you Secretary of State, or are you not ?" If he is, the noble lord will no doubt, on the subject we are treating of to-night, give us satisfactory information, but if he is secretary of state now, but is not to be to-morrow, then the declaration of e, which I thought had sufficiently Made known the policy of the government. Lord Aberdeen says:— " There may have been differences in its execution, amen& log to the different hands entrusted with the direction aff that policy ; but the foundation of the foreign policy of this country for the last thirty years has been the same-4t has been the respect due to all independent states—a de sire to abstain, as much as possible, from the internal affairs of other countries—an assertion of our own honour was going on at this moment was goir4 on it a moment of immense commercial prosperity at home. (Hear, bear.) Now let them suppose the revers° of this happy condition of the country. He was not going to throw dis credit on free trade, by allowing that we could ever possibly bare again such periods of distress as we had had under protection. But still there were causes that might, under certain not improbable conditions, produce' and discouragement in this ... . wig.. --- --- - - —.., depretsion they might -- attained? Aad what is that? The cordial undentaading no a Mt a question of '• polky is eery mach and intereses—and, above all, an earnest desire to secure country ; and from what they now caw they might calcu. with France. (Cheers.) Is the traditionary policy of that depreciated in its value. Sir, th;7e - C - on - e otser Tense why the general peace of Europe by all such means as we have late what would be the flight, he might call it, to more great ample% that Me made it always feel that it must not lam bound to press this inquiry at the presemt foment, in our power. (Hear, hear.) I do not say that differ. favoured lands. (Rear, hear.) Supposing that that cosi.. glinifil• NO ge=e d Nate for any temporary success, and I find that reason in the present state of parties Is this elms, may not have existed, or that sympathy may not gration should be to an extent to lessen palpably and incen se pow se nananninis of territory or power they house. That state is peculiar. It is quite nnpreendented, have been excited on behalf of certain states in their ends,- violently the number of shoulders which bore the present ctherathe obtain. (Bear, hear.) So long se France and well deserves the attention of hon. gentlemen apposite. your to promote constitutional reforms, and constitutional burden of taxation, who would feel the concentrated prev ia/la understand usth other on that great We have at this moment a conservative ministry, and we government; but the principle of our policy has always sure ? Those who could not emigrate—the landowner'. the peace of the world and the mai- have a conservative opposition—but where the great liberal been to respect the entire independence of ether states, (Neer, hear.) Was he then right in suggesting that the banl= ll. sit at least not imperilled. Well, sir, party is I protest I don't know. (" Near," and " Ob, oh.") great or small, and not to interfere with their internal country party was deeply interested in securing Iwe me was the object of the cabinet council Where are the whige, with their traditions of two centuries affairs. This I trait will be still the case, and that we a frugal administration, an economical and good govern ,. 'bleb I refer • and I cannot well conceive an object of parliamentary illustration and deeds of noble daring? shall retain the friendship and deserve the goodwill of all meet ? And yet the House of Commons was lavishing these worthy of le ading to such protracted deliberations. I (Cheers.) There is nobody to answer. (" Oh, oh," and countries of every description, whatever may be the nature money in what was called " defence " as if it was dirt out conceive the ministers quitting that cabinet chamber cheers.) Where are the youthful energies of the radicals of their government or constitution." That was a clear rather than gold. We had been spending from 16,000,0061. deep is thought, and fully impressed with the almost awful —those buoyant anticipations and sanguine hopes announcement of the policy of the government. What. to 16,000,0001. a year for the last fifteen years for warlike responsibility of their deliberations ; and I can con- awakened, 1 fear, from their ardent inexpert- ever may be our wishes for the liberties of other preparations ; and yet after all we were crying out that we oeive, too, what must have bun their feshings next gnu, which attend sometimes the career of youth countries we will not interfere in their internal govern- were entirely defenceless. What a disadvantage this placed morning when they read the speech of their absent col- when it finds itself at the same tins used without much means or constitutions, but will treat their governments as us at as compared with the United States ! The federal league the right hon. member for Halifax and found that compunction, and discarded with not too much decency ? their authorised organs. I believe that so conducting our government of the United States cost 9,ooo,oool.—that was while they were deliberating he had been describing in (" Oh !" and cheers.) Where are the radicals—is there a policy and maintaining peace,we should do more for the nisi- for the whole state machinery—while the cost of the diffe terms of ignominy the moonit that was to be their ally, man in this hone who dare call himself a radical ?(" Hear, ligation of nations, than by interfering in the carrying on of rent governments of the fief-orate states was altogether only and treating the nation he r ules over as the lowest in the hear," front several members.) Not one. (Oh !) Even their institutions. (Rear, hear.) The right hon. gentle- 4,000,0001. more ; so that for 13,000,0001. per annum scale of civilisation that can well exist. (Opposition cheers.) the right hon. gentleman opposite is afraid of the court man went on, and touching on somewhat dangerous ground 24,000,000 of people carried on the states and the federal There is no doubt perhaps of the policy of the and turned into a conservative minister. (Cheers, and a for him, sai d there was an entire want of principle in governments, paid every outgoing and the interest en noble lord the present Foreign Secretary while he was laugh.) Well, how 11 , a this curious state of things been the government. (Hear, her.) The present administra- the whole debt. Why, our defensive armaments thief minister—there can be no doubt of what was the po- brought about ? What is the machinery—what the secret tient is formed of men, who in the great contest which has merely cost more ; and yet we were not content with that. lacy of my Lord Derby when he was chief minister—but system—which has brought about this portentous political been going on far the last ten years, and which has been Again, let England be compared with New Zealand, with as regards our relations with that country there are combination? I must, I believe, go to that mpled carried on perseveringly until the beinning of last year by Australia, or with Canada—countries without debt, almost very grave doubts, if we are to be guided by what has waver of political defence, the First Lord of the a great party, have been agreed on those general principles without taxer—and it was impossible not to see that transpired from the speeches of two cabinet ministers— Admiralty, if I want an explanation of the pre- of finance and commerce, which have now finally triumphed. " patriotism " would not keep men in England if some there are grave doubts of what is the policy of the present sent state of parties. (" Oh ! oh," and a laugh.) During that great contest, those who are sow in change did not take place in our system. Yet government cabinet of my Lord Aberdeen. (Hear : hear.) I think it is I remember about two years ago or so , on a motion which the cabinet have always been on the same aide. But with after government was going on spending more and more not only a legitimate subject of investigation and inquiry, I had the honour of addressing to the house, that right hon. respect to the right hon. gentleman, what has been the money year after year, es if there was no end of the wealth but our duty to obtain from that cabinet, if possible, SOMA. gentleman favoured us, as is his wont, with one of his course he pursued ? After contending from 1842 to 1848 to be drained. He might be told that all this was "defence," thing more satisfactory than we have hitherto had on that political creeds, with which his speeches always abound. against free trade and from 1846 to 1852 in favour of pro- and was, therefore, in the light of an Insurance. Well, if all-important question. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, there are (" Hear, hear," and laughter) And the rig ht hon. gentle- teetion, what has been the course he has pursued ? Firstly, necessary, the question was at an end. But the question was, sou no o te o n th ti e m r w ee ri th y, e additional and peculiar reasons why think we should take men on that occasion—and in order that there may be no he made a declaration that he was clearly in favour of pro- —was there no other way of making sure? da he had this step on the present occasion. When the present go- mistake—in order that the house and the country should tection. Then came the formation of a ministry of which sawoiduldphroolvdehtios tongue —he merriment took eMce, the noble lord who is the head of that alike understand clearly,. and that there should not be any no man could say what prim iple they represented , for one government offered, in another place, what has been called false expectations, especially on the part of the great eon- of its members declared in favour of free trade and another if necessary. His way, which he thought still surer, was a programme of his policy, which programme, according to servative or protectionist party—said, in manner the is favour of protection ; while the head of the ministry, to come to an arrangement with France. It might be said the noble lord the Foreign Secretary's opinion, was so vi. most decided, that his political creed was this—" I take my the Earl of Derby,deelared that his opinionswould be formed that .France WU suffering proportionately as m uc h as we gorous and lucid, exhausting the subject and leaving no stand on progress." (Meer, hear.) I thought then it was not by his study of financial questions or the writings of were—that this rivalry—this insurance—cost F ran ce from and ho topic untouched, no doubt in the mind of any one living as rather an odd thing to take a stand upon. (A laugh.) political economists, or by his own observation, or by his 3,000,0001. to 4,000,00 W. a year. Ile would not deny this; to the intentions of the government, that be would not I thought at the time that a statesman who took his stand administrative ability, but by the vote of a million of elec - and he would apply his warning to France as well presume to add to it. (" Hear, hear , " and counter cheers very )on pregrcss might find that he stood on a slippery tors who were to make up his opinions. (Cheers.) And it as to England ; and he would tell all the old There was a declaration in that programme as to foundation. I thought at the time, although the right hon. is the organ of that government iu the House of Commons, countries that while these new countries were demanding the foreign policy of the government. I beg to gentleman always weighs his words, that it was a mere who says that we have no principles or any principle in men and capital they must put their houses in order. call attention to that important declaration—and in piece of rhetorical slipship. (Hear, and laughter.) I feel common or in unison. In fact, that is the case with the (Cheers.) Was there any difficulty in doing what be asked doing so I would ask the house to remember who that I ought to apologise to the right hon. gentleman, and party to which the right hon. gentleman belongs; and I the English gevernmt nt to do ? lie maintained that there made it—and that it was made not only by the prime minis- I take this the first opportunity of apologising to him for will again remind him that they go on in this way very much sounot. Let it be observed that be was not making this ter of England, but by one who had filled the highest that momentary suspicion, and I beg to express my sincere because they never followed the advise which I ventured to preposition fur the first time. He brought fo rwar d a mo • offices of state, and had been more than once, and for a regret for having suspected that he made an inadvertent give them. (Hear, hear.) In If4l I told them that they Mon two or three years ago, proposing such an arrangement considerable period, Foreign Secretary. Therefore, though observation. It was part of ' a system which has been ma - never would get anything bettor than an 81. duty : but with France as he had now again proposed. That proposi every minister is expected to know something of every. tured, and which has been put into action. We have got they would not be content with that. In 184.5 I told them don was then considered so reasonable that it was not met thing, the house will ore that upon this topic the noble lord progress, and every one stands still. (Near, hear.) We that if they would accept a 6s. duty, and try to get by an absolute refusal, but by the " previous question" who is now chief minister was bound to know everything— never hear of reform, and there is a ministry.of progress, all something off of the burdens of which they complained, being moved. In fact nothing could be said at an logical that being the topic of which he was pre-eminently the the members of which do nothing. (Hear, hear.) All the they had better do so, as it would be the last time they or tenable against such a prat rto France. Ile asked master. (Hear, hear.) Let us then recap to our attention difficult questions are suspended, and all that are not agreed would ever be able to make so advantageous a bargain. again, where was the obstacle ? There was none. But the statement as contained in this most satisfactory pro- upon are made open questions. (Hear.) Ido not want to be But they would not hear of that. In 1849 I said if they again, the government would re f use t o d o so reasona bl e a gramme made by Lord Aberdeen. He did not dwell on the unreasonable, but there ought to be some limit to the sys- would give up protection and adhere to their general prin. thing ; and he could not hope that the house would compel subject of our foreign relations at any great length, but tam of open questions. (Hear, hear.) It is a system which ciples, with regard to the church and their other policy in the gevernment. He went, then, to the country ; and he what he did say was succinct and precise. It was not notes- has hitherto only partially prevailed in this country, and general, they would always be a great party in the country, did trust that such a pressure would be brought on the nary, the rabble lord said, for him to dwell on that subject, it has never prevailed with any advantage to the country. would have great influence in the deliberations of this house as would force this question to an issue. This he for there was no difforence in tho system or in the princi. (Hear, hear.) Let parliamentary returns and vote by bal- house, and could not f oil soon to acquire great influence would say distinctly—speaking as an advocate of peace, and I pies on which the foreign affairs of this counte, had been lot and every institution in church and state be open ques- in the councils of the country. They would not take my glad to tie the badge of " a member of the pea t * party " eonducted for the last 34) years. (Hear, heir.) Well, sir, thins, but by your :mover to-night pr aye to me that you advice. If they had they would probably have been to his button-hole—that he would give his confidence to i I confess I listened to that declaration with some rettonith. are not going to make an open question of the peace of Ministers now. If they had given up protection no government which would not attempt to come to such i meat ; for I could not but recal to my mind the tempestuous Europe. (Great cheering.) in 1849, they would now be a compact party, an arrangement with F once as he had spoken of. (llear, 1 debates that only three years ago resounded through this I Lord J. RUSSELL roil —Had the right hon. gentleman and would not have had to go through the process, hear.) lie would not hold them respon s ible for succeeding. 1 house on the subject of our foreign policy. (Hear, hens.) I wished to obtain an viol .nstuin from the government with which they have recently performed so ill and ' But if they would not make the attempt, then he would l scold not forget that the foreign policy—that System and respect Lis o bse rva t ions the is state t of its t f ate'at t i l l policy , he ii might have con- so discreditably, by deci firing for protectioa on the eve of suspect them of being under an influence not to be men ; Ci t r ii iti , fi e l u e o d f u tl i i n e g fof . : o ig t n y a policy ~bl y h at t h ow asg ot y h t e r nn m p e u n n t pursued, aid lie 1 presided address u e s d o to r th a e Vl ' i n ni s se o . a (Loud aaa p c a he t e a rs.) . in ITheose 1 The ose w statement IW e ent a i l rend nil t ote s e s , t y h o e t r i t n d g ou i li n ti a ng m w s h s e s th f .. o r s th a ey fr l'Ou sr ld ad a s eez o t t o io it n , nti.isisngeitsianhtilsiactnnhcas,cn. confidence a u nd a t , o , va n e g h li : h go a v n erni7 e t ess he ) would r over hy the noble . lard the . member for London— was mide the other night, that we are on terms of intimate —(" hear," and cheers)—they would probably have been in Sir J . GRAHAM—I am very St Try that the hon. mem . those debates deicribed as puullanturnis, and prejudicial to friendship with France, and that we are acting in concert office now, and continued ~o for years. (Hear) I do not ber who has j ust sat (lOWA should so positively determine to t I the dignity of England, and perhaps fatal to the with her with a view in the maintenance of the peace know that I ought to give them any more advice, since they withhold his confidence from t-,ne government which will . : peace of Europe. I could not but remember that of Europe, would have sufficed for any member of the house have made such a bad use of it, but still, if I may venture to not meet other governments—not only those of Europe, but