The Express. — London, England, 1851-05-28 00:00:00

could no more break the law with impunity, than the merest man in the dependency. (Hear, hear.) There gprre certain badges worn by the chiefs ; and if he lr. Roebuck) had taken one of these chiefs he Mould have shot him in his elects, in order to show him as well as others, that the law was supreme, awl wielded alike over priest and layman. (llear, hear.) To talk, therefore, about hanging priests and such like, showed hint that whilst England desired dominion and held it, she was yet cowardly to maintain it. (Hear, hear.) If they went to Ceylon, and wished to maintain their authority, let these do so openly. and by the eicreise of the rules of pollee and common sense. They had invaded that country, and had taken passion of its people, with their property, and it therefore (loved them to adopt such mean , as would take away the prestige of their position. (Hear, hear.) Now. was there cruelty in these proceedings? Surely, the execution of eighteen person., guilty of treason, was not to be compared to the cruelty of a war of three gears' duration. There were insurrections and gatherings of the people, with plunderiag of towns, the desire being to overturn the government . and, therefore, the onus lay on hon. gentlemen opposite to show that what was dune by the governor was not n. ceseary, that it did not effect the desired purpose, hut that it was ineffectual and cruel. (Hear, bear.) In his (Mr. Roebuck's) opinion the killing of 18 persons under such circumstances was a most mer ciful proceeding. (Laughter, sod " Hear, hear.") Next came the question, " did the noble lord continue martial law longer than it was necessary ?" What was done under martial law was done for a specific purpose, the purpose of security, whieh could not be insured until the king was deposed. He said the king, fur the man had been crowned, and dressed in royal robes; and though, perhaps, only a pretender, yet he was to all intents and purposes a king. Mil matter of policy, it was necessary to catch that king. Ile (Mr. Roebuck) was informed that by the power of martial law they were able to fellow, and eventually to capture him; and when that capture was effected, then, on the 10th of October, martial law was suspendol. (Hear, hear.) It was said that eircumstauces of a pe culiar nature interfered, and that the noble lord did notanapend martial law until informed by the Chief Justice that, in his opinion, it had been sufficiently long in operetion. He (Mr. Roebuck) did not quarrel with the Chief Ju.ticc for having su intimated his opinion, parti cularly as it had been conveyed properly and in a way unknown to the public--su much so that the Chief Jus tice could not be open to the charge of courting popularity. (Hear, hear.) Nell. the noble lord (Torrington) took the suggestion of the Chief Justice. He acted on it ; and because he did so, he wee now accused of having continued it in operation too long. (Hear, hear.) For his part, he eaw nothing in these blue bo oks. excepting after formed opinions, that could impugn the motives of the noble lord ; and it should he recollected that in London, as in the lion's mouth of Venice, was a place open to accum tion. (Hear, hear.) Was ever such a state of things wit nessed : Accusations were concocted, fished tor, and every thing hunted up with a view to furnishing matter of accu sation against the noble lord ; and here they had the result in three immense blue books sufficient to tire the patience of those who might be tempted to or , through them, and which, in his (Mr. Roebuck's) opinion, instead of proving the noble lord guilty, proved the exact opposite. (Laughter, and " Ilear, hear.") It reminded him of the nine hours' spcesh of Serjcant Scott, when prosecuting Hardy in 17b3, on a charge of high treason. " What," said the public, a nine hours' speech to prose a man guilty of high treason!" (hear, fear.) In the ethic way at present three ponderous tome , were produced to prove • Lord Torrington guilty of cruelties in Ceylon ; but he believed with an effect similar to that which had taken place on the occasion of the nine Lour' speech just referred to. If they were thus to condemn men whom they sent out in the difficult position of colonial governors, to maintain dominion by force over an uncertain and suspicions people, they might depend on it their domi seems— where they required firmness, rigour, and policy -- would slip from their fingers, and they would lutist to lament they did not maintain, fairly and honestly, the character of • well-intentioned governor, against whum malice alone had furnished these formidable weapons. (Cheers ) Mr. It I'ME said if they were to agree with the hon. gen tleman !Mr. Roebuck) that the people of Ceylon were to be governed without regard to constitutional rights, then it was gay to conceive that Ceylon was no colony but a possession, about the constitutional rights of which it was a mockery to speak. He differed altogether with the hon. gentleman, and begged to tell him that, though England conquered that country, she established certain rights with the people, and that having given that country a term of government, they pledged themselves to govern the country according to the run.* therein laid down. (hear, hear.) lle thought it would he apparent that Lord Torrington acted contrary to tho.e run e as well as to humanity, and also contrary to the best int, rests of England, so regarded that post ssion. The question the house now had to decide we., what was the situation of Ceylon when Lord Torrington was appointed governor? (Hear, hear.) Ile agreed with the hon. gentle man (Mr. Itoebuck) that the choice was nut a fortunate one. He (Mr. Hume) thought so at the time; and agreed that, tderuileh want of experience, the governor was imolai in cir- CuMsteUtell of difficulty, and, consequently, fell into errors of the gravest kind. What was to be expected from the governors in other posemions if the doctrines laid down were to be adopted, namely, that without mitlecient reason the existing laws could be set aside and a governor's own will substituted in their place ? (Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Hume) had, bean a member of many committees, and he took upon himself to say that he never served on a committee a here the government party took such means to prevent the elucidation of truth as in the cae• of the committee which sat upon this ne.tter. The noble lord rawest, in 1519, to send out a commission to inquin on the spot, but he moved the re-appointment of the committee, the effect of which was, as lie (Mr. Ilume) said it would be, to give Lord Torriugtou an opportunity of concocting evidence in defence of his measuree, which ought to he decided on the evidence then before the emu 'Mace. having alluded to the private letter said to has-c bee ei produced by Mr. Wed.:house, Mr. Hume asked with regard to the facts, was it true that there was, a re bellion He maintained that there WaAllo rebellion, for there were no facts to prove it. It was said that Lord Torring ton was entitled to gnat credit fur his fiscal arrangements, and for introducing something like order and economy into the finances of the country, which were in a state of great confu-iun when he became governor. Ile did nu doubt in• truduce changes, but it was those changes that gave rew to the dieturbauter—it could nut be called rebellion--of abieh he at.iileit Itint•elf to proclaim martial law. Ile imposed a gun tax, a dog tax, a road tax, and a shop tax, and it was coneequence of the imposition of these taxes, and the apprehension that others would be laid on, that the diecoutent and disturbance originated. Ibis hon. and learned friend said there was a sudden outbreak. He (Mr. Hume) denied that to be correct. On the contrary, it was on retort' that there was gradual alarm and discontent. It began in May, and went on in June, at which time a regiment was ordered to proceed from Colombo in conse quence of the discontent which had arisen at the new taxes. The comparison drawn by his honour and learned friend between the years 1818 and 13t i was purely imaginary. A period of 30 years had elapsed between the tern period., and a great change had taken place in the interim. The body mat was so powerful iu the former period had become harmless iu the latter period; and there was no cause for the danger and alarm which his hon. and learned friend apprehended. But what did the governor himself say of these taxes? He says:—" I am bound to confess that difficulties have been experienced in carrying out its (the gum tax) details, which can be thoroughly appreciated only by those resident on the spot, and which have arisen in a great degree out of native habits and customs." • • •• I candidly admit that the dog ordinance has not been successful, mud I have res cougne oiled the repeal of the ordinance." • • " The annual shop license has been the cause of much complaint, end frequent petitions have been presented against it." • • "An important departure from the prenciple of the original bill (the Road Ordinance) to prevent the governnu ut being compelled to force the Buddhist priests to violate their religiocm vows." limo honourable friend had spoken of Mr. Bul ler, but that gentleman bad given, in 1819, an opinion totally opposite to his opinion in 1848. Mr. Buller said, at page lei of the blue book, that the object of the people in meeting was the repeal of the dog, gun, and road taxes. (Here the buzz of cons creation in the house he came so loud as to render it extremely difficult to catch the hon member'e observations.) At page 245, they would thud this corroborated by the testi mony of the assistant-agent, Mr. Davis, who said that the , conduct of the people did not arise from any latent spirit of insurrection, but merely from the exasperation caused by the taxes. Lees Banda, alas the chief of the native police, said that the complaints of the people arose from the taxes levied on their guns and dogs, and that they were not na turally turbulent. His general conclusion was, that it was the tales that had disturbed the people. lie contended that if there was anything that warraated a breach of the peace it was the imposition of unjust taxation But the people had merely met for the purpose of stating 'heir grievanc.s, and what mode could be more constitutional than tee inform the goveru- ment agent on the spot. Ile, therefore, complained that his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Roebuck) had allowed himself to make an oration upon every subject but the one before the house, and bad endeavoured to bud other members away from the question. He was surprised that • reformer and a radical should attempt to had the house away from the constitutional view of the question. The Colon Chamber of Commerce had menunialised, and in that memorial sthted that unless WOW relief were granted to the colony, the colony would Kau revert to is mere dependency of the crown. That me morial had been signed by 2,AU of the inhabitants, and they concluded by saying that the colony was iu a dcplor ableconchtion, dogs, carriages, stamps, and many things besides being subjected to taxation. There never was a case more strongly made out than that against Lord Torrington's administration in Ceylon. The nature of the alleged disturbances was a case in point. A variety of witnesses had been examined on that PUbig ct, but even those produced un the part of the government proved that no real disturbance hail ever existed. And here ho had to complain that Lord Tor ringtou's government had encouraged the people to meet, and that they had taken no precautionary means whatever to prevent the increase of the numbers assembling. I The head of the police, writing only four days before the proclamation of martial law, wrote to say that he had come to the conclusion of keeping his force quiet until the mob committed some disturbance, and that in his opinion half the reports current as to their tumultuous organisation were unfounded. Mr. Buller added in a postcript that the thousand+ reported to be riotous had been reduced to a few hundred.. :old that be laird on the following day to be able to reduce th, to decimals. From that hour until Lord Torrington pro claimed martial law there was no evidence whatever of any disturbance having taken place, except that given in Xr. Bullet's subsequent despatch. Captain Lily was sent with a body of troops, and on their way me t w i t h a crowd in 'the middle of the road. The troops fired upon them, and, by Lord Torsengton's own account, very nearly two hundred were killed out that one lion. It was impossible to obtain the warrant on I which Lord Torrington had set aside the law of the laud, . and proclaimed martial law, and, therefore, he (Mr. Hume) complained, and felt himself fully justified in complaining !of his lordship' abuse of power. The circumstance re ferred to bad been called a " brush," but the fact really was that no man had raised a hand in resistance either to the civil or the military power. There was a per fect subwrvienti; manifested to every order issued, and yet, although no real disturbance had taken place Many part of the colons, martial law was proclaimed. To call this disturbance a rebellion was ridiculous. Mr. Anstruther, who had had sixteen years' experience, had declared that a single corporal, with a small guard, would have sufficed to disperse the people; and Sir Anthony Oliphant stated that, from his knowledge of the character of the people, he was satisfied that if Mr. Anstruther alone had raid to the people, in effect, " To your tents, 0 Israel," they would have retired to their homes. How, then, could the government sanction what took place ? He wanted to know why tho proclamation was not, as in other eases, communicated through General S.ite:t to Colonel Drought. There was a staff of general officers who had been, some 20, some 30 years in the colony—why were not those officers consulted ? The governor would not allow either General Smelt or any of his staff to go to the geese of action. Another remarkable fact wax, that Colonel Braybrouke was kept entirely in the dark ; he was even subjected to a severe reprimand for having dared to join the headquarters. Thus was an experienced officer, who had been in the rebellion of 1818, kept entirely in the background. The committee had asked what instructions were given. None could he found. (Cries of " Divide.") He begged to say that he had not half finished his speech. Zip must be allowed to state his ease on behalf of the ' inhabitants of the colony. The irregularities which %Bowed the disturbance would have disgraced any country at any period of its history. Talk of the proceeding.; of the Austrians in Hungary,—they were nothing to the irregula rities which took place in Ceylon. Instead of the evidence being referred to another officer, Captain Watson gave au thority to Captain Bird, who stated that be, as the junior member of the court martial, found the individuals guilty. Neither the president of t.h..• council nor Captain Watson had snythiug to do with the ordering of the sentence, and these irregularities took place at a time when there was net a man iu the colony in arms. If the house had before it the report of the commission which sat at Ceylon, it would have a picture of scenes such es had never scarcely been presented before, and he strongly blamed the government for having sent mck the only copy of evidence: taken in Ceylon. Lord Grey was requested to attend before the committee to show on what data the government had assented to such atrocious pro ceedings ; but he declined to attend, and he was the trot peer who had taken such a course. He believed that the noble lord was afraid to face the com mittee, and that he did nut dare to attempt to justify the grounds on which he had committed her Majesty's name sad approbation to certain acts of the government of Ceylon. His lordship declined, on the ground that he was not in possession of any particular evi dence which the committee could want; but at the some time stated that if the committee would be rienough to point out what facts they required, would consider further. The committee then delibc anted, and he (Mr. Hume) detailed the lute and documents of which lie thought the committee ought to be in posses slew But it nppeared that Lord Grey was in the greatest ce in respect to these particular matters, as to which D noble lord ought to have been perfectly informed before he decided ear sanctioning the proceedings of Lord Torring ten's government. Some of the necessary documents were sit for to Ceylon ; and the documents relating to the courts inertial were not forthcoming until 14 months after the oc snrrence of the events to which they related. He therefore slandered that the house was perfectly in a position to affirm the whole of the propositions of his hon. friend. He main tained that they had received positive proof that the whole el the disturbances in Ceylon were occasioned by the inju dicious couduct and behaviour of Lord Torrington himself. They hod proof, moreover, that tie.° disturbances were tory trifling in their character, and tit et they might easily have been put down by the civil power without any re nown to military intervention. And such proceedings being unworthy of a government, the conduct of a minister of the crown who sanctioned them, deserved the censure of every mutt who desired to see some respect paid to humanity ht oar distant and feeble colonial possemions. Thirty-seven 'thousand natives of Ceylon had most emphatically peti tioned for redress against a late governor of Cey lon. This, in itself, was a moot extraordinary fact, and was entitled to serious consideration. Ile would ask, if the house did not agree to this motion, what security would they henceforth have that in all our colonies the will of the governor—that was to say, martial law—would not be the only law ? Some of the injury done might he re dressed : and he, at least, hoped that the government would take care to release from imprisonment all those who had Mee ;wind and unjustly detained in the disturbances at Ceylon. The house was called mein to express an opinion when and where it was right to apply martial law ; and how lung martial law might be permitted to continue in force beyond the circumstances of actual necessity . ? It was now la evidence as renarded this ease that not a single breach of the peace had occurred after the proclamation of martial law: and yet martial law was the only law in Ceylou for 10 weeks after all trace of the riots hod been effaced. If this did not present a ease for the censure of the House of Commons, there never could be a cute for such a censure. They ought not to leave out of eight the interests of the inhabitants of Ceylon. Ceylon might be a colony or a de pendency.* But it was certain that the inhabitants nif Ceylon possessed certain rights, 'and that those rights but been insolently invaded by the acts of LordTorrington, and by the operat of the system of martial law. And he (Mr. Hume), fur one, should be greatly disappointed if the house did out support this reoilution. (Cheers) Sir J. HOGG moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. HAWES rose, and requested the attention of the house to a personal matter. Upon the general question he would he prepared to speak on a future evening. The lion. gentleman (Mr. Bailin.) had said " I charge the hon. gentleman the L nder-secretary for the Colonies—" Mr. 11.al LLD: (interrupting Mr. Hawes)—l charged the Colonial-entice with having sent out a paper which was (Oh, oh, and hear, hear.) Mr. HAW ES—The hon. gentleman said now that he charged the colonial department, or sonic person in that department. Ito (Mr. Hawes) represented that de partment, and he would refute the charge. (Cheers, and "Hear, hear.") The hon. gentleman, in order to sustain the charge, had referred to the Blue Book containing the document counected with the inquiry before the Cey lon committee, where be found it stated that Mr. Stewart, the deputy Queen's advocate, had attended fourteen courts on martial nutters, whereas he hied only appeared before four. He (sir. Hawes) admitted that Mr. Stewart had only appeared before four courts martial. Since the hon. gentleman (Mr. Bantle) had made the charge, he (Mr. Hawes) had obtained the original document. That docu ment boil uut been put in by him (Mr. Hawes) ; it had not come from the Colonial-office; but it had been placed before the committee by the Colonial Secretary for Ceylon, (Hear, hear.) 3lnreover, it had never passed through the Coleuial-otfice. (Cheers, and " Hear, hear.") That, how ever, was not all. The original document was perfectly correct. It showed that Mr. Stewart had appeared before four of the courts-martial only, and the repetition of the word 4. ditto—ditto," in the paper, was the error of the printer of the Houle of Commons. (" Oh, oh," and Hear, I bear.") Why, what further explanation could he (Mr. Hawes) give ? (Cbevrs, and uproar.) The hon. gentleman (Mr. Haillit ). hosing been chairman of the committee, was Ism as respnisible in the matter as he (Mr. Hawes). The OM was in the paper printed in the Blue Rook, owl it must be the error of the printer and the wilder only. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman (Mr. WAllie) ought not to have preferred the charge so lightly he be had done. Ile (Mr. Beale) was bound to have in into the matter before he brought it forward, and to Rile hint (Mr. Hawes) information of his inten- Meta to make such a charge. If he had had the courtesy to have hiturmcd han (Mr. Hawes) of his intention, he might have been saved the necessity of that public refutation. (Cheers. and ..11ear.") Mr. DISRAELI rose for the purpose of asking the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) on what day he intended to have the debate resumed ? Lord J. RUSSELL said he would take the adjourned debate on Thursday first. Mr. BAILLIE said that the explanation of the hon. member (Mr. Hawes) might be very satisfactory as far as he was cone, rued, but the house must remember that the document had been published now for nearly two months. It must have been wen by all the officers or the colonial department, and vet the hon. gentleman had just told them for the very lint time of the extraordinary mistake. (" Oh, oh," and hear, hear.") The statement of the boo, gentle , man (Mr. Hawes) had at all event. vindicated what he (Mr. Dilate) hail said in the first instance. C' Oh, oh," " hear, hear," and great uproar.) Sir 0. GREY said the hon. member (Mr. Baillie) had said that he lied a direct charge of the falsification of a return either against the colonial department, or the head of that department, or against some cleik connected with it, and then he had added " what a department this must be to allow the falsification of the returns by au officer." (Hear, bear.) :Now the hon. gentleman's attention had been long I directed to this error as it appeared to be in the pr:nted paper, uud not iu the original document. The hon. mem ber had not taken the trouble to make an inquiry which might have as baled him on the subjest, but had reserved the nutter to make an impression on the house. (" Oh, oh.") Ile (Sir 0. Grey) blushed for the House of Com mons that it contained a gentleman who would after the explanation that had been given.—(Laud cries of "order, order," and "oh, oh," in the midst of which Sir G. Grey sat down.) Mr. BAILLIE wished to know from the Speaker if he thought the riabt hon. gentleman (Sir G. Grey) in order; because he (Mr. Baillie) did not, and if he were in order iu that house—(" Order, order," " Oh, oh," and great uproar.) The SPEAKER said that the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey) bad not, lie thought, transgressed the rules of the house. Sir 0. GREY had not used any observation which the hon. gentle:uan (Mr. HaiDie) would at all consider personal. (Oh, oh.) Ito would not repeat the word "blush," but he did rezr.t that any hon. gentleman, after the complete esplanati..n *hie% had been afforded as respected that de partment, st l:*.ch had been deliberately char;ed as fabifying • return, could say that he was fully vindicated in =akin? that charged by the statement of his hon. friend (Mr. Hawes). He (Mr. !bailie) might himself have had recourse to the original document, and hare aecertsined that it did THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAT EVENING, MAY 28, 1851. I not pm throlagh the Coloni a l-Mike ita all. Mlsan hear.) lie (Sir G. Grey) regretted that he did not make that In quiry, and rogretled also that the litm. mereberalseuid say he was fully vindicated in making the charge. (Cheers, and " Hear, hear.") Mr. W. MILES, amidst a scene of grease uproar, main tained that the Coloniadottice was responsible in ad colonial matters and was, therefore, implicated in this transaction. Viscount PALMERSTON conceived the Colonial-office, from the explanations which had been given, was entirely blamelme in this matter. It appeared that there had been a difference between a written paper given in to the committee and the printed copy of tact paper as inserted in the bills. If that paper had been given in by the Colonial-office it would not have been to blame, because the paper had been perfectly correct. But the paper had not been I given in by them, so that if it had been wrong the Cobo -1 nial-office would not have been chargeable with any wrong. It had been in the printed copy, where the words "ditto ditto" had been inserted, that the mistake had occurred. The House of Commons printed the document, and not the Colonial-office, and if blame attached to any one (and he was not saying that blame did attach to any one), it was surely to the chairman of the committee —(" hear, hear" and laughter) under whose auspices the report containing this erroneous docu ment had been made. (Hear. hear.) As chairman of the committee he (Mr. Daillie) ought to have known that the document did not at all come from the Colonial-office, but from another quarter. Lord C. HAMILTON asked the house to mark the eon trust between the tone of the remarks which had just been made, and that of those which had fallen from tie right honourable gentleman (Sir G. Grey.) (Uproar.) He thought the hoe. gentleman the Under Secretary for the Colonies had made use of terms which he ought not to have used, and had deviated from that honourable course which he ought to pursue. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the noble lord who had just sat down had complained of undue warmth on that side of the house. How had the warmth arisen ? A charge ' was deliberately made by the hon. member for Inverness against his hon. friend the representative of the Colonial. I office of having wilfully and deliberately falsified documents I, (Ilear.) That was no light charge ; it affected the character of • those who were implicated in it as gi ntlemen and as men of honour as well as of public men, and in support of that charge the hon. gentleman referred to a certain document in the printed evidence. Tho hon. gentleman whose cha• racier was affected, had received no notice on the part of the hon. gentleman of his intention to bring it bethre the house. Now, he (the Attorney-General) cont.. iided that common fairness between man an man, and between gen tleman and gentleman, required that when a man was about to he thus grievously assailed, some intimation should be given to him. Mr. HERRIES expected that the hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down would have used per suasive epithets, but, instead of that, be had made a most violent attack. He (Mr. Herries) did not think it was in. cumbent on his hon. friend to give notice that, in the course of his observations, he might speak of this docu ment. Ile lamented that his hon. friend was mistaken, as nailouhtivlly he was. Certainly there was ne blame in the Colonial-office; the blame, if any, was with the corrector of the press. It was impossible, however, to state that the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department had exhibited his usual courtesy. Sir G. GREY said the right hon. gentleman had ex pressed an opinion that the charge was altogether without foundation—(" No ")—that there was no charge that could be substantiated against the Colonial-office in the matter, and that the hon. gentleman was mistaken. He (sir G. Grey) had now no hesitation in expressing his regret that he should have mule use of any expression that could be personally offensive. (Hear, hear.) The debate was then adjourned till Thursday. COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. J. 8TC:ill:I then roV - ionaov; an "address praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to add to the commissioner; appointed to inquire into the practice and proceedings in the High Court of Chancery, two or more persons not of the profession of the law, but such as to her Majesty may seem qualified, as men of business, to assist in, and make more effectual the labours of the com missioners; and also praying that her Majesty would be graciously pleased to cause instructions to he given to the said Commissioners, to direct their itumedi. tc attention to the course of business bcfarc the masters in ordinary of the said Court, so as to report, as speedily so may be, their opinion as to the proper steps bar regulating the business in those offices, in such manner as to diminish the delay and expense to the suitors." Sir J. TROLLOP!: seconded the motion, ns having been a sufferer, if not a victim, by the present system. Having waited an long in vain, fur the profession to abate the evils, he thought it right fee the public now to take up the matter. Tho ATTOIt N EV-6 ENEHAI, deprecated the introduc tion of so large and important a subject at that late hour, and when his hon. and learned friend the Solicitnr-Gencral had left the house, never dreaming that this matter would be brought on at that time. Adjournment till Monday neat. T.tx COMMITTEE. Mr. IllilklE postponed the nomination of this committee to a future day. The Bridges (Ireland) Bill went through committee. The Apprentices to Sea Service (Ireland No. 2) Bill was read a third time sod passed. The report on the St. Albano bribery commission was brought up and agreed to. The house adjourned at a quarter to 2 o'clock. PATRS.—Vi.eount Seaham paired on Monday in favour of the Eechwhistical Titles 1.1111 with Mr. John O'Connk-li against. Wit ‘--raigritiso. Ithey did not destroy it in a day. Nor did they put arms into th e h an d s o f th e cat h o li cs , an d say , re cover by violence what you lest by defeat. But they said, we will not, indeed, give you the sword to conquer your equality; but we will give you better weapons, that is, every constitutional right. Make use of these, and you will win back in' the nineteenth century by the practice of Saxon habits more freedom mid mole power than the Celtic sword and Celli° passions could ever have given you. But the constitutional war is one not of a year or of a lustrom, but even of more than one generation. That the Roman catholic liberties were increasing day by day and year by year was the cause of eongrutulation with every liberal mind. None favoured them in their efforts more than the whips, though they have been the constant object of abuse with the catholic party. This, however, is of little consequence. In despite of it, there was every reason to believe that the great llrish chur c h quest i on was progress i ng. The most eminent, the most conservative as well as the most liberal statesmen, entertained and expressed ideas and intentions on the subject most promising to the catholics, when, unfortunately, the events lof 1818 came ; and those events, which left protestant England unruffled, affected every continen ' tal society and religion, the Roman catholic along with it, to a lamentable degree. The Papal govern -1 ment it Hung front the most liberal views to the most retrograde ones. The V 'PE it converted from a liberal churchman into a vindictive monk. He and his school in these countries quitted the constitutional path and struggle, and rushed at once to coups rniats, and assumption of dictatorial authority, only tit for the latitude of Austria and the policy of the sixteenth century. The English and the Irish conservatives felt the change, and the very whip were forced to put themselves and the state in a posture of defence. Such is the history of the aggression and its causes. The latter, we trust, are temporary. Whoever would know what Rome is and its government, has but to read the graphic and truth telling letter front that city which we published yesterday. Such a state of things cannot lust. Such a government conducted by one, calling liiiitsAt the successor of the chief apostle, is a mockery upon both humanity mid re ligton, and must bring n curse from above, as it has already brought disgrace from below, upon the creed of which it is the living and the guiding principle. The Roman catholic church must reach some other, some normal state, something less incrusted with the anihity and cruelty of the past, and profesAng poli tidal and social opinions at least more consonant with the equality, the (institutionalism, the enlight enment of our age. When this comes to pass we shall not need an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, nor pro.- initaire, nor a new Mortmain Act, nor a nunnery in spection law. But really until this comes to pass, or at least for a time, we must protect the nineteenth against an invasion of the men and the ideas of the fourteenth century. THE National Reform Association lms judged wisely in resolving to persevere with its monthly soirees. It may be true, as was remarked by Sir JOSIWA WALMSLET on Monday evening,thati the association has not met with the aid and support from the public which its founders expected ; but there are Once at which it behoves reformers to strain every sinew in rowing against the ebb tide and be satisfied if they can only keep the boat from dropping down stream. We must not imagine that seed does not ger minate because the green blade does not appear above the earth the very day it is sown. Earnest re formers do well to maintain their organisation, and exercise themselves from time to time even in in tervals of seeming public apathy ; for only thus can an agency be kept on foot to work the public will when the public is again seized by a working mood. In any circumstances such considerations would war rant continuous effort on the part of the association, but at present the signs of the times are such as to cull upon it imperatively to keep on the alert. The preliminary tremor of a movement in advance is thrilling through seciety, and no one can say how soon it may begin. Though some affect to sneer at what they call the " little charter," it would be most injudicious on the part of the association to abandon the reform pro gramme it has put forth. Them is not one point of it that is not essential to an efficient amelioration of our electoral system. The abridged duration of parliaments is required, in order to preserve identity of opinion and purpose between representatives and constituents. Extension of the right of suffrage is required to bring within the pale of the constitution large and influential masses of opinini, now placed without, and, in consequence, opt to be hostilely disposed to it. A greater approach to equality among the constituencies, in respect to the num ber of voters comprised in each, and the ag gregate amount of property possessed among them, is requited, in order to ensure a real and fair representation of the national electors— a thing impossible so long as the little (virtually) nomination boroughs arc allowed to exist. Lastly, secret voting—" vote by ballot" is a phrase that has the disadvantage of making the means morepromi nent than the end—is an indispensable requisite to honest elections. Secret voting is requited not only to shield the hottest voter from after consequences of giving an independent vote, hut to shield him from all temptation to sacrifice sincere conviction to purchase eitl'er patronage at the hands of power, or popularity at the hands of the for the time predo minuet majority. It is not necessary to show that these four points would give a perfect system of representatian: it is enough if it can be shown that all together would give a better system than any one or two of them taken separately. On that account the association appears to act judiciously, when it insists upon the concession of all, and determines not to take a portion of them as payment in full, but to remain in the field till all have been granted. While we approve of the pertinacity with which the asaoeiationurges its claim to have all these points conceded, we approve at the same time of the practi cal spirit which has determined it not to insist upon defining some of them with an affectation of mathe matical exactness. Secret voting, indeed, is a point on which no such latitude can be allowed; for a vote must he given either secretly or publicly. Again triennial parliameuts appear to be a good practical medium between the exorbitant length of seven years which allows a gulf to yawn between the senti ments amid opin ion s °Monet ituen ts and represe n tativist, and annual parliaments, which worry and harems men by the frequency of their recurrence, and end by tree ing a numerous and valuable class of electors to hold back in disgust from taking any part in elec tions. But with regard to the crasser who are to be admitted to participate in the electoral franchise, and the extent to which electoral districts are to be equalised, all that need he insisted upon is that the extension and equalisation shall be real and their working felt. lo place half-a-dozen of the worst of the corrupt little boroughs in Schedule A (which the Timer asserted a week or two ago is the utmost ministers are likely to attempt next session) and to lower the franchise qualification from ten pounds to eight pounds, would be merely to " keep the word of promise to the car and break it to the hope. There ought to be no constituencies so limited in number, possessed of so little aggregate property as to render them cer tain to be wheedled or purchased by one or two am bitious and self-seeking individuals. The electoral qualification ought to be fair, simple, and such as to embrace at least all the steadily industrious, and honest classes, however humble. The meeting of the National Reform Association of Monday evening evinced by the combined reso luteness and moderation of its temper that it knows where to stand firm, and where to give way. This affirds good augury of its ultimate success. The appearance of Mr. COBDEN at the meeting disposes us to go further, and conclude that the period of that success cannot now be very remote. Mr. Cosmos has hitherto, he stated I so himself, rather stood aloof from movements in favour of constitutional reform. He refused to have anything to do with them so long as he had the corn laws in hand ; eveu since corn-law repeal was • carried he has left others to bear the burden and heat of the day in promoting electoral reform. Now, however, he has declared his intention to take the labouring oar; and the tact he evinced in selecting his time to initiate the anti-corn law movement, pre disposes one to anticipate that he will be found to have judged as well of the proper time for setting about parliamentary reform in earnest. Two int po:tant lessons Mr. CoaoLx impre..s.d open audience, the value of which he has learned from experience. One is not to unnecessa rily shock the prepossessions of a people so I essentially conservative as the English by infant ing upon any innovation, even in their accustomed Ipalwaseology, where it ix not necessary; the other is t o undertake only one task at a time, and stick to it till it is completed. And probably Mr. ConnEN did a service not lcry essential to the cause of parlia montary reform when he insisted upon discarding all showy but unsubstantial reasons for it, and placing the demand 1, w it ou its true basis. We do no t so muc h want parllawevtary reform to carry any practical im provement; even with our detective legislative machinery, firtune ss and perseverance must in the end carry any tneaa, are that is demonstrably wise and just in itself. But w.e waif parliamentary reform to make a united people of us, and to give such force to real public opinion as wil, render an efficient govern ment possible, which the b:vaking down and confu sion of all old parties has rendered impossible wider the old system. PORTUGAL. TILE NEW MINISTRY. The Peninsular Company's steamer, Tagus arrived at Southampton this morning, from the Black &a. She called at Lisboa f:r passengen, and left that port on the 23rd. Lady Seymour and family are among the passengers. Saldanha was still very popular and the Queen very unpopular. The Septembrists were urging the abdication of the Queen. The following administration has been formed by Saldanhu: Jon Ferreira Pestana, Minister of the Interior; Joaquim Fillippe de Soure, Minister of Justice; Marino Miguel Fmnzini, Minister of Fi nances; Antonio Aluizio Jervis do Atouguia, Mini ster of Foreign Affairs; Marquez do Lotil, Minister of Marine. Our correspondent writes as follows: LISBON, MAY 23. Events have lately followed each other in such quick sureession, that tfic office of a correspondent has been by no means a sinecure, our is it likely to be fur some time to come, us the days of rejoicing for the triumph of the national cause ought now to terminate, and the labour to begin which is to bring the country from the ntiry by paths of corruption and precipices of ruin to the high-road of honour, honesty, and national prasperity. There is no doubt that some disorders of the 17th were the result of a deep-laid plot to obtain reaction, and there is reason to believe the soldiery of the Don Carlos faction is greatly compromised in it, for it occurred between the time of Ikon Carlos giving up the command of the municipals, and the Baron de Franeos taking the command ; and it nay he assumed that when subordinates systematically restart sedi tious cries, they are encouraged by their superiors; and those superiors would not encourage than were they not impellst by a secret Power which has the means of reward in its grasp, should that sedition prove successful; hence the necessity of dismissing every determined Cabralista, and keeping its visible head in such powerful cheek, that its efforts will he abortive, until the national voice, raised by its representatives in the forum of debate, shall legally determine how to dispose of that head; seeing that it is as insensible to the stronglysexpressed desire of the nation, as a stone is insensible to the action of a violent storm. I'resent measures have been taken against a repetition of the attempt of the 17th by sending the 2nd Cacadures from hence to St. Übcs, and removing Colonel Taborda from the command of the 16th regi ment, and directing him to reside at Torres Vedrno. The Ist regiment of infantry, from Oporto, has also strengthened the regenerating army in Lisbon; we are, therefore, breathing an air which is fast Lppreaciiing the temperature of security. I must not omit to mention that during the disturbance the students of the I'olre:chine and Army schools went to the marshal and offered to aria in defenee of, and to maintain the move ment that has been [fleeted. A letter from the Count de Thocuar to the Duke de Sal danha iv now the subject of consideration. [This letter has ulre.uly appeared in the columns of the London daily papa•rs.l The billowing is D. Miguel Ximene's reply "D. Miguel Ximenes, armed by his conscience, and shielded by the opinion of the Portuguese people, repels with the highest disdain the calumnies and injuries which were published in Spanish, copied into the Lei of to-day, and written by that accomplished defaulter, infamous embezzler, and proved thief, the Count de Thomar. Lison, 19th of May, 1851. D. Miguel Ximenes."—As I have mentioned the /A, it is necessary to observe, that that paper, having been the count's organ, and supported by a treasury allowance, discontinued when its patron tied, but it having re-appeared, it is to be presumed that it has received timely succour ; it !masts of its principles, and this alone shows that hopes—indeed they must be delusive—waist that Thumar will return to power. The result of the Spanish elections must show that those hopes are vain. The Count do Thomar will have it that he has conferred great benefits upon Portugal. A ruined commerce, exorbitant taxes, an unpaid army anal navy, a demoralised and retrograding social community, :mil an additional debt of forty millions of crasadus are among those beuctita, while no account was ever given of the public money. Senhor Avila'. successor iu the finance department, Senhor Iranziui, now affinals a wide contrast between his system and that of his pre dreessur, inasmuch as he publishes a daily account of the receipts of the treasury, and the use made of the funds that come to hand. This cannot fail to prepossess the impartial observer in favour of the actual minister, and consequently of the ministry of which he forms as part. The gentlemen and other persons connected the press, and the students of the Naval Polytechnic ono Army Schools, have presented addresses to the Duke de Siddaulia. Upon the &Suite formation of the ' try, perhaps the press will be relieved from the odious law which oppresses R, although it remains at present a sort of dead letter: yet the deposits made under it ought to be returned under some provisional h•gislation. The Count de Tiaomar hail a short time ago his wife's mother, a Mrs. Reid, at his house, and was desirous of hav ing all his property !dated in her nape; fur which end, it is said, he made inquiries of the British authorities, to know how far they would protect it in an eventual cue- ; but I believe the encouragement was so weak that the desire was abandoned. The count knew full well his power was built upon delusion, and he anticipated that one day he would lie obliged to give an account of his possessions. In many places, civil governors have been appointed who are well affected to the popular movement; and here, in Lisbon, the civil governor has dismissed, or is about to dis miss, the administrators of Bairrus, and has nominated as their successors gentlemen who are said to combine the necessary qualifications of honesty, patriotism, and devotion to the cause. It is necessary to dismiss all Cabralistas. Thu Count de Azinhaga goes as ambassador to Paris, and Senhor Luiz de Noronha to Madrid. The Marquis of Vallada and his friends gave a aplendid reception to the Duke Regenerator at the theatre of Donna Maria the Second last night. The enthusiasm has not di miui•hed; but descr i ptions of such receptions would only be a repetition of former ones. . . - The most satislketory news begins to reach Lisbon from the provinces. Braga, Braganca, Bte., enjoy the greatest possible tranquillity ; all letters express the satisfaction of the people and the hopes they entertain from the duke's goi ernurent. Thu definitive ministry is formed (as stated above). The Duke remains with the Presidency and War depart ment. All the ministers ore nuidernte progressistas, and will, no doubt, have the confidence of the nation. foreign nations do not interfere to preserve intact the au thority of any lump of morality that may he in the place of a more worthy p. :sou, and ther,.hy again opui the pande monium of iutrrgue and corruption, l'ortugal may yet be prosperous, happy, and free, and her sons take their ride tire stations among the statesmen of the world, for eloquence in the tribune, or eminence in the departments of learning, sciences, or the arts. . _ _ CounZillor Ferra9, who was dismissed from the Amorti,a lion Board, in consequence of the arbitrary and illegal conduct of the Count de Thomar, has been reinstated a member of that board. FRANCE. PARIS. TI:EdDAT EVENING. The club of the Rue des Pyramides held last night an extraordinary sitting, under the presidency of the Duke de Broglie, and, after a debate, in which MM. de Broglie, Lestiboudois, Ileurtier, and others took part, adopted the Mowing resolution: " The under signed representatives, with the object of restoring to the nation' the full exercise of its sovereignty, have the honour to express the wish that the consti tution be revised." This resolution was signed by 182 members. A fresh subject of contention between the frac tions of the majority has arisen in the proximate renewal of the questors. The ltue-des-Pyramides men, who wish to strengthen the hands of the exe cutive, want naturally to exclude the strenuous parliamentarian Baze, who loses no octiu.'.on of marking his contempt and opposition of the Elysee. But the same reasons that make Due an objeetion able qttestor to the larger fraction of the majority, cause him to be zealously supported by the ultra le.itimists and regentists. fhe amatituliunnet devotes several columns to re gistering the results of the petition movement. The Bonapartist petition has obtained 20,000 sig ' natures in the department of the Marne. The battalion of Chasseurs de Vincennes, just ordered to Rome, is a corps of those formidable sharpshooters who did such terrible execution at the siege of Rome by picking off the Roman gunners. Their missile, instead of a ball, is a cylinder, with a conical tip, which is carried by the rifles an immense distance with fearful precision. The men are picked with great care from the nimblest and most quick sighted, and arc generally small and square set. It was by a chasseur of Vincennes that Lavevron, the French sympathiser, was shot in the &reit - cad as be peered R moment over the Roman walL t~:~ The folloWing semi-official article in the Dalktia de Paris, upon the instructions sent to Gen. Genuau, is worthy of attention, as it indic4tes a diversion in tUvour of liberalism on the part of the French go vernment, and the firm intention of detaching the Pogo from Antonelli and the Jesuits, and setting his Holiness, with polite constraint, on the wa y o f th oso reforms which have of late become so unpalatable to him: The instructions which have been sent to General ()emcee, commanding the French corps of occupation at Rome, are very energetic and very explicit. 'They are favourable to the pontifical government; they assure protection to Pope Piux IX and have for special aim th e security of cur army. Italy is at the present moment in a state of ferment which might become dangerous were not the at titude of our flag strong and lofty before the country and before Europe. There is talk of a great military 1111 A in Naples, the aim of which is not known. Gcn. Getneau has provided the means for maintaining tranipilliq in Rome and the neighbouring provinees,as well as fur resisting all attempts on the part of the demagogic faction. Thu public clay be assured on this point. (Jur diplomacy will, at the same time, know how to foil such wicked intrigues WI have no support from the moderate party, and which are di-approved of by the liberal wisdom of the Pope. Severe repressive measures have already caused the cessation of the agitations and criminal acts which have fur some time h'cn observed in Rome. Whatever happens our troops have nothing to fear at ROM'. General Gemeau has taken such precautions that no sunrise or attack is to be feared. 12,000 French soldiers, well supplied, need fear nothing in a town where, in Ifil 1, General with a few hundred conscripts, could hold the Castle of St. Angelo fur three months, in presence of an insurgent population and an army of 50,000 Neapolitans. France hue undertaken a glorious work in reestablishing the sovereign poutilf on his throne, overturned by . demagogic; she will accom plish that work by maintaining him upon that throne, vene rated by all Christendom, and at the same time assuring to the population of his states the benefits of a liberal h.ter- Tention. The amendment of 31. llennequin, relative to ex clusions from the service of the National Guard, was rejected at the close of yesterday's sitting, by 391 against 231. . lhe first speech, worthy the name, which has been made on the debate on the National Guard bill has been that of Jules Fevre. One of the features of the new law which has stirred the most rea s soicsble oppo sition is that which prevents those citizens tor whom the service may- be onerous from being the judges of their own case, the decision as to their exclusion lying in the hands of the rim veil ,le rereow meat, a council consisting of nominees of the govern ment. The range of this clause is evidently immense. It enables the executive power to disarm the whole poorer class, under colour of the service being onerous. The speech of Jules Favre was not, how ever, confined to this provision, but embraced a popular view of the whole institution. The argument by which M. de niancey defended the clause smacked of the jesuitical school in which that lieutenant of Muntalembert has studied. It spared the pour, he said, the shame of confessing their poverty. And to remedy this, replied M. lavre, you puldirh their poverty on your lists of exclusion. The excluded may remonstrate ; but with what chance of being heard? By the law the care of forming the mires of the national guard wag con fided to the executive power. The consul/. de recenscnient, the juries of revision, would consist of the friends and de pendant, of the sub-prefects. They feared authorities freely elected; and would not trust the municipal councils. Thu juries of revision would invariably confirm the decisions of the coated. de recensc,ievel. Ile would vote this bill only on one condition ; and that was if they would allow his side of the Assembly to appoint the sub-prefects. (Laughter.) Support: a ministry of the Left CAM; into lamer, would they lie then satisfied with the way in which their law would act ? No ; it was full of danger, and gave boundless scope fur the sway of arbitrary, narrow caprice in an institution of which the origin, design, and nature were essentially broad and po pular. The tendency of inferior agClltzl of the government to err on the side of zeal would aggravate the trills of the law There was a coterie of statesmen who persisted in regard ing the revolution of February as a surprise and accident, due to the blunder of a cabinet, to the failure in executing a military order. These statesmen want,il w had 01..nt back beyond 1830—uay beyond 175th. Ile was permadisl that the revolution of February was not only an 11111gIVIUM reality for France, but for Europe; and those who were of his opinion resisted the retrograde movement of the li-sis lature to stave tar a civil war. They had wituirsed the '' sad spectacle of men who had Inlrun by doing hinn.xie to the revolution by writing upon the tomb of tae ttttt narehy thu epitaph of their amnition. But there had changed their tone. 'their eyes, suddenly opened by the light, bail closed gradually us the great fact had receded front them. They had voted a law fur what they called freedom of education, by which education had been put in the hands of ignorance. They had a:wliebed universal suffrage. 'They wanted now to crown their work by disarming thos, whom they had diafranchised. They wanted alive uf helots sad of privileged citizens—coercion on one hand and suffer- Knee upon the other. (Great noise, and cheers on thu Left.) Au authority, whom th e y would uo doubt prefer to Itobespierre, w hose none seemed to grate on the delitato ear of the Assembly, had said " I think with MM. no bespierre and l'etient that every domiciled citizen ought to perform the service of the national guard, that there may nut be two classes in the starts." M. de Noailles had said that. (Loud laughter.) The national guard was not like the army, the armed hand which executed. It was the armed heart of France. " The ministry of l'olignae would never have been appointed, nor its ordinances published, hail there been 60,000 armed cilia, us at Paris." Hu was quoting from M. Charles Dupin. (Laughter.) His party had been accused of organising civil war. To split the nation into privileged and unprivili ged, was organising civil war with a vengeance. By the frank practice of civil equality alone they would restore peace and work. Thu future of Europe was nut in that congress of kings who sought to crush liberty under the weight of 700,000 bayonets; with them the future was barbarism. The future he would rather 'mint out amid a free nation, which invited all intelligence, all efforts to great industrial conquests. If France had spent since MO, upon works of industry, the halt of thew sums whirl' she had squandered upon sterile armaments, how advanced would have been her prosperity at the prereut moment. The cheapest armies were those winch lay it, the vast reserve of an armed population militarily educated. The national guard was hat au iusti tuti"n destined to hinder revolutions, but to make Item invinciple upon the soil of their country. The t',in of such a corps would vanish with its mutilation and arbi trary composttion. it was continually said that society wail threatened; and this was the excuse assigned fur sapping the pillars upon which society stood. The way was being paved fur the establishment of military sway. (Movement.) In vain was France dragged toward, the monarchy. She would and could govern herself. She would not bee go vernment at the hands of those political iutriguers who, In the space of twenty-five years, bud brought about two foreign invasions, lust three crowns, aud piled up tw o revo lutions. To-day the Assembly resumed the debate on the National Guard Bill. Six articles, iueluding the 20th, were passed without discussion. Art 21 con cerns the composition of the eohstils de reeensumeht. The committee proposed to unit• to the municipal councillors national guards appointed by the preltets. M. Pascal I)uprut moved as an amendment that the municipal councils should perform the functions of the ewseei , s de recensemeid. 'Phis amendment, after being opposed by MM. Lacrosse amid the reporter, and defended by General Lamoriciere and M. Dept at, was rejected b?• 327 votes against 2'%. Atter the rejection of two other amendments the clause of the committee was put to the vote and car ried. Several articles, up to the 33rd inclusive, were then passed without discussion. As an amendment to the filth, M. Schtelcher demanded the re-establish ment of the artillery, and particularly of that of Paris. An incident in the speech of the mentla•r for Guadaloupe excited some sensation. You remember that the printing establishment of M. Houk, the printer of the R•uple, was pillaged by the tui tional guards of the Ist Legion. M. Se}Keleher, and atter him General Gourgaud, affirmed that these national guards had acted upon this occasion in obedience to the orders which they had received from the Minister of the Interior, who stuck at no measure to prevent certain journals trout appearing. This assertion culled down an emphatic denial from M. Dufaure. The amendment of M. Schleicher, who was twice called to order, was re jected. TO COMIESPONDENTS. A &can! FAltion I " the Express," chatelaine he same event, e's **Om tte," le puLiceicil terry Twatlay eel rreley tag ,In time for po-t. . . . avow:mom:o mt.-stied for "Tbe Ewe.," Lon.loc Escr.ing me.tsr, must to at the ttshce, ta, Bourenmstroet, by Two o'clock au the day of mtb:scalson. 111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tan —Vorniag I lh. 130. Aftrnmos. 120. &fa. TirmuLavr —3lorning, ICY. Gina thernoon, IY. lip. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 28. MANES to the M'IIALE squad, government is likely to get through the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill- it h large majorities. Thanks to the mode and tone of resistance of this same squad, the bill itself, against ministerial hope, will be more stringent. There is no one who has observed the progress of opinion upon the question but must have seen how easy it would have been at one time to have carried a clause or an amendment, exempting Ireland from the bill. But the tact and eloquence of Messrs. ItErNottis, MOORE, and 12in.tvras have nailed the Roman catholic church in Ireland to the same con ditions as that in England. We arc far from thinking those conditions definitive. Were this to be the final and determinate settlement of the relation be tween the state on one side, the Roman catholic and proteatant Charches on the other, we should be inclined to echo much of Mr.MILNER GIII.SON'S denunciation of anomaly and injustice. But we look upon the present as a state of war, of open belligerence be tween the successors of LEO and those of LUTIIER, between foreign dietationists and native supremacy. Were peace, present and future, to be obtained by submission, we should probably counsel submission even Ito ltomish titles and Romish tenitorial divisions. But when these are but the first maximums, of war, the mere trumpet sounds,—a proclamation investing the sacerdotal generalissimos with authority, we are certainly for taking the field forthwith against them, I denying their authority, denouncing their spirit, and repudiating their laws. When the Romans amongst us I consent to be plain F:nglish subjects and fellow-citizens, then we should be willing to treat them on a footing of peace and equality : But as long as they come mounted on papal chariots, claiming the jurisdiction 'of the middle ages, we say, let us proscribe the pageant, and desecrate the idols. Mr. WALPOLE, however, makes the mistake of re garding the present as definitive legislation, and he would establish as a permanent rule, that no Roman catholic bishop should put forth territorial authority, or even territorial titles in England. Whereas in Ireland he would not only overlook their do ing so, but absolutely sanction it. This is certainly the simplest way that has been ' yet devised of letting down the protestant church in Ireland ; fur, having done so much with regard to authority and supremacy, Mr. WALPOLE could not oppose any legislation, follow ing up the same principles with regard to church property. We cannot, however, believe that the arrangements between the church, or between the English state, representing as it does by law the protestant church, and the Roman catholic church, can be anything else than a compromise. And no compromise is ossible, if you set out by making one , party waive al l its rights and the other shake o ff , ' of its own authority, every one of its disadvantages. We do not say but that many of the disadvan tages under which the Roman catholic church la bours in these realms are either tolerable or just ; but we do not arrange and create ail laws and rela tions at once by reason or by generosity. The posi tion of the Roman catholics is the result of several centuries of history, of party struggles, constitutional campaigns, dynastic rivalries, hotly-contested fields -)f b ittle. All these leave results the more durableperhaps the more free the people, and to be removed and remedied as they can. The protestants of this empire came as early to a full sense of the injustice of their ascendancy me the catholics themselves. But GERMANY. A telegraphic despatch dated Berlin, May 2d, says, " Mantes! has returned. The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia quit Warsaw to-morrow ; the Enincror of Russia will go to Olhautz ; the monarchs would separate at Oderburg; and the King will arrive at Berlin on Thursday.' A USTIdA. The comparative view of the revenue in 18.19 and 18.19 show that the ordinary revenue in 1819 was 145,189,531 florins; the extraordinary, 149,617,132; t0tu1,.291,798,666. In 1850, the ordinary revenue was 177,2M,4843; the extraordinary, 191,296,137; total, 388,3a4,923; bang an increase, in 1850, of 78,780,257 florins. 'rho expenditure waif— In 18E1—Ordinary expenses P1.158,6i6,093 „ Extr,tordinary Tutal 1 i 9,464,048 13.50—Ortlinary expenses Extraordinary Total Doing a decrease ia 100 x[21,009,688 floriaa. . • q 144 *Pk H