The Express. — London, England, 1852-06-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE. OF LORDS.—TI'EsDAY, Jrtt g 13. The LAID Co t•icet.i.on took his seat at 6 o'clock. IrETI l'lONte PRESENTED. Ovano.—By E irl NELSON, from • place in Oxford- shim. censplaisiing of the high price of guano. Alarmiririt.—Mso from the General Asscmtly of the l Church 114 Seutiasel, against any furtir r groat to Nlayliouth. R 'UMAT CAtIIIAUM. By the Duke of NOIIT1117)1. BERLAND, from N.A.:la Shield. and Nevreastle•en-Tyne, e in eretinieg of the want of lights in third-elass railway carnage , Disositirtga ur ins Jaws.—lly the Earl of CAR LISLE, (rum the corporatism of London, praying he • repeal of Jewish disabilities. BURGHS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of the Hall of MINTO, this bill was read a third time, and . 1111171 4 1 A BILL. The Earl of DERBY moved the order of the day for the I mooed reading of this bill, the importance of which would net be uudervalued by any of their lordship.. It had already received the assent of the other house of parlia ment, after long discussion, by overwhelming majorities. It was a bill for reorganising and placing in comparative efficiency the ancient constitution of a militia ic this country ; and after who• had taken place ibis session, and tin discussions in the oth r house of parliament, he could hardly entertaia a doubt that the principle of the bill would be acceded to by their lordships, and meet with almost unanimous concurrence. He begged to repeat now, what he hail said at the commencement of the session, that he did out bound his concurrence in the general views upon this ...object on any immediate apprehension which he en tenanted with regard to the hostile intentions o foreign powers. On the lint occasion on which he addressed the house as a minister of the crown, he expressed the belief which he thin entertained, and which subsequent circuit stances had tended still further to increase and strengthen, in the personal pacific disposition of the present ruler of the French repub.ie. If they were to ask him whether, from any antieipa'ioa of hostility proceeding from the Prince President, he asked for additional measures of defence, he should answer that in quiry with a most distinct and absolute negative. If they went on to ask him whether he considered that the state of France and of the continent of Europe was so firmly totablish.il and free from li ebility of interruption as to ren der It poeible for them to rely on that which might take place from other causes than the actual disposition of the rulers of France, he should answer such a question with much more quelitication than he should a question with regard to the pers ica! predilection of the Pointe President. Ile could not shut his eyes to the fret that frequent changes had taken place of late years in the government of France, and to the tact that in that country many unquiet spirits were now kept down by the stern rule 05 discipline, and were impatient el the control to which they were subjected, anwee 'show would le• found many who were not at all enmity to this country. (Ileac. hear.) If they asked him fortis r wiled.' r. in teat state of things, and looking to the great naval and inilitar resources of France—to her nearness to this country, and the large amount of forte which in a short period she could, it en disposed, throw on our shores— looking at all these circumstances, if they asked him whe ther he thought they ought to be content with our present sc int, provision eit iinst the possibility of in volS1(.11, he should answer that by saying that it would be the height of folly and madness if we were so content, with the probability of any contingency. however remote and unlikely, w bleb should, for the lint time for centuries, inflict on this country the possibility of a hostile descent on our coasts. Hear. Iliac) When the proposition of the late government was brought before the House of Com mon., .'though there was a great acquiescence, not only in the necessity of increasing our force, but also of este- Whiny s militia twee, a difference of opinion prevailed in that house. to which he would not further allude, as he did not wish to call up any reminiscences which might be pain fui to noble lords, on the other side of the house. A differ• race of opinion existed as to the specific plan which the government then propwed for the organisation of a local M1i1.1.1, Mlllll they declared it necessary to introduce a nee ant- tor the purpose of reorganising, amending, and con age' sting the laws relating to the local militia. Thus they arrived, step by step, at thisconclusion--first, that ell Parties agreed that our existing means of defence were in sufficient ; *ext. that all parties fur the most pars agreed that a militia force ouelit to be raised; and thirdly, that the Roue of Common , entertained an opinion, on where it subsequently acted, that it should be not of a local, but of a general character, in accordance with the former law on the subject. That was the position in which affairs stood, when himself and those with whom hr acted were called upon to take the position they now occupied lie believed that very few of their lordships enter tained any doubt that some increase in the force of this country was necessary. Whether under ordinary circum stances the British army was moil for the laborious duties which devolved omit la quota a the globe—whetherit was adequate to the • .1 those duties—or whe ther, for ordinary eiremielesees, looking at the great amount of those duties. alai the enarantly increasing calls which new se giusitiou were isaking on the army—whe ther smiler all these circa:steam that army was sufficient to meet, with a due regard to the comfort of the soldier, the demands now made upon it—was a question which he would not then enter into. But our present peace esta blishment was not sufficient to meet any extraordinary emitesey, still kw au invasion by •disciplined army thrown, at a few hours' notice, on our rusts. (Hear.) Then he had heard it said in the Hone, of Commons, if that be the use, why propose the establishment of a militia force' Why not propose at once to increase the regular army by tea or twenty thousand men' Ten thousand disciplined troops they bad been told would be a more economical and effective force than 50.000 militiamen. lie should, however, adopt web a declaration with some qualification. He spoke with great deference on a subject on which he was not competent to ewes.. au opinion, and in the presence of the highest auth critics on the subject. First, however, as to the ex penditure. lie thought it easy to show that 10,000 regular troop. would, for the purpose for which a militia was now rowel, be more eiradve than 30,000 militiamen. If they wen entering ima im pea armipaila, fir win pima as sir rumeasees es Mile% the hers et a rea u riiii depend, in which they meld have to Mimi misses miler ere, firmness, saddled ins, it was e habit *et the noble sad t duke would WAR L i t lear t a 10,100 Seeps then eamparatively milisiemes. BM the else Si an invan u err i tto emoray, set foe the yam s. of etternser= lIIIIIMIst occupation, but for insult and Weald be different. That would be a eloomelleoei which would regal:east se mad organisation ad trfi pline as would reader asessmey that iii which ohm Bei British army was dellefeat—emaely, in poshamo aill 1 memo. lie would ant enter into details en this but he believed it la been stated over sad seer oils lolll the Masa .meet ef regular troops that said he dews Pother he the thrustdds country from Omsales 'm aimbas. *a ham la lealmad. was AMP ma i sad a Mose Sall aapeaissen, they weal boa say ass Is mama magi as army as mists be lemeilt swam this. Thor ea as the opposition that tremersery paints sad sesegiel piss la this cottony they wire to withdrew /veer dash alm s Sol have all three pass% all itsdiliPPidlf. ell die pridmais sad Isetlisaisia miasma a ass to defend Asa Ill'hy _Ow the dame, ea a Elsa mama scale, of the Isailled plasma that wadi le loping sommAdits what a these 30,000 men WOild nee lei mere thisaei leeit 'anises. Add, therefore, 10,01111mna to the "why lase of ais away, rad sopplaizog the = sea atm ferdrod be palm day ohs ray with they woad lays Is mai a am Nal sada of 10Alltasa, mad 4,000 emairy. But, if imam& of 10,06:1 make limps they had immediately sealable eft or sixty or = tbessand milleiamen„ and they were se place WOO to perilhom the garrison duty, for which Meg egald be seemelly qualified, assisted, as they might hi s by small metim et die regular troops—it was not tea ms& to sa y that these 30,000 militiamen would set tree WOO out of the 30,000 regular troops, and 40,000 or 60,41111 militiamen would be left to co-operate with the 26,000 weep. And ' thus, instead of an army of 10,000 regular taurge, they would have an army free to act in the field of 26,000 regular troops, assisted and supported—mid their services in that respect would be invaluable—byan additional force of fort or fifty thousand militia men, our garrisons and ors being perfectly defended. (Hear, bear.) He was not we dirrialuing discipline and organisation, he was not yes. tending for a moment to compare an individual militiamen with an individual soldier, but he had stated the on which the government preferred trusting the dernel:t the country to a large augmentation of militiamen MU, than to a small increase of the army. (Hear, hear.) Bet there weft other motives; the augmentation of the regular array at a time of passe, would be opening the question in the House of Commons to a motion year after year for the pales' of reducing it. (Hear, hear.) Besides which, although it was not a question which, if thought right, should stop them from taking any course, aid It was not a subject which they ought to put out of their i ensideration, that by the establishment of a militia force they would indicate to all forties esmatries that their motives were purely defensive. tHear, hear.) The augmentation of the regular army, that being of an offensive as well as defensive character, might suggest to 111 , 411 nations the necessity of increasing their forms. But when they simply increased a force which it was certain most he limited to the defence of our own shores, they in. .he ind that their intentions were pacific. (Haar, hear.) Ile came then to the question as to the peculiar mode which could be adopted for carrying into effect the estab ibleit law of the country, as to thy militia, and he would remind their lordships that that taw was so absolute and strict, that without an act In each successive year, the crown would not have the power, although it might have the de sire, of dispensing with the obligation of calling into genet operation the militia forge. He did not wish to enter let* any invelioue comparison between the present measure and that which had been proposed by their predecessors. The noble lord at the heed of the late government had conesta ale ited to him privately the bill which he intruded to sub mit to parliament, and he felt bound not to return for such courteous kindness any unnecessary criticism on the noble lord's bill. (Hear, hear) At the same rm., although that len was nominally for establishing a local militia, yet in two particulars it was divested of the character trually afield to a local totals, sad with regard to them he weld not see any great difference between the bill of tile late government and the pecieet tali. A local militia conveyed the idea of a force dot only locally raised, but qualified to act 'n its own ionise- Cite locality, yet it was stated by the noble lord (Lid J. Russell) that he felt it to hr a matter of importance that a fore, should be provided which might be available for ser vice in aay part of the ('sited Kingdom wherever it. Vll•ifta might be required , and whereas the laws of a local militia strictly forbade substitutes and required ell persons balloted he Is oozes is peas, the noble lord felt so strongly THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1852. the inconvenience and hardship of this provides that he i peace with all the world ; you are providing for announced has intention to depart from if. With regard to 1 • peace establishment. I say that that peace este!) • the number of men proposed to be raised there seemed te i meat Myt h ac, bars been effectually pnviged , g ue UM i g be no iff.yence betweeu the two measures-Lithe amber , fixed by both beitai 81,000 men. Th e muster of men • • 4 ' If that duty had beet' performed, we a kirk grey proposed to take was tee siMillies the shim should not ham had the *planation* of the noble marquis 1 Ism proposed by the late goverment; but takes irithin as to the number of days had the mambo,' of weeks which broader limits, namely, betwilen elb e eme of eigh I tesa It would take* train a reentit, and phlegm out th e galle r y and thirty-tive. lie apps ' -vbie qno remain tattbe expectation as to what troops trailed Tor three weeks, why the lice gave nruaut permitted substitutes iv as or six wefts, or 56 days, would be able be perform. We the pre-sure which would ensue if the men were never have maintained up to this moment ',pew establish. , a:rawn within the narrower limit of age proposed by 1 mint. That is the rest truth. (Hear, hear.) And I say I them. But this system of substitutes would nut diminish we are now in that situation that it is difficult for us to I the hardship with wiliCil the ballot would press on the men form au establishment such as this wintry alwees ought es who were called on to serve. There were amongst the have; end such as this country always had tip to a certain members of their lordship** house a few happy individuals period —e regular peace establishment, founded upon a ' who were within the age of service, but if they were liable, militia. It is true, my lords, there il your regular army; and had been chosen by ballot, they could, without but I tell you that you have not now—yon have bad inconvenience, find substitutes. The burden would fall for the last ten years—a sufficient number of men to relieve on the poorest class within the limit of the age, and the sentries on duty in the different parts of the world. in this respect he thought the bill of the pre- (Hear, bear) That has been the state of your peace sent government was an improvement on that of the establishment foe the last ten years. You have been ' late government. As late as the year 1831, the county of carrying on war is all quieten of the globe, in Middlesex had to raise between 2,000 and 3,000 men by different stations, by means of your peace eats ballot. These men had to be drawn from 18,000; and of blishment. You have the war at the Cape : this these 18,0J0 persons, after going through the preliminary war has been carried on by means of your peace establish process of the ballot, between 10,000 and 16,000 were ex. meat. You have not, I tell you, any more men in your enapted—(bear)—and out of the remaining 2,000 or 3,000, pesos establishment, as originally framed, than is sufficient just 120 men, and no more, served in the militia, after all to relieve your centrism on different stations in all parts of the expense and trouble of the ballot had been gone through the world, and to relieve the different regiments In the —the remainder being mode up of substitutes who received tropics and elsewhere, after their service tbere—of bow the bounty from the balloted men. (Hear.) Out of the long do you suppose I—in some eases, 25 years—(hear)— volunteers they might not perhaps get the very beet men, and, at the very least, 10 years. After 10 years' service but they would get men out of whom he had little doubt there.you gin them five years at home. But it happens very good soldiers could be made. (dear, hear.) But that when the very last troops were sent out to the Cape, if out of 18,000 men they got only 120 of those I was obliged to send a regiment that had not been more balloted for to serve, the remataider required mu t have than 16 months at bouts. (Hear.) Therefore I say you been drawn as substitutes front the same class of never have had a peace establishment; and still you are at men that would retentive. Under*, present measure, peace with all the world. This militia is a part of your therefore, they would, in the first instance, get this class constitutional peace establishment. Let us have that, and of persons without the previous expense, delay, and incest- when you have got it, let us see what you will do next. venom:tee of the ballot. They had not much recollection of (Cheers.) The noble marquis,—my noble friend, if he will the delay, the expense, and inconvenience that attended the allow me to WI him so—thinks that you can form ultimately ballot. He would mention a few of the steps which it was an army of reserve. An army of reserve! What necessary to take. There win to be a general meeting is an army of reserve ? Is it an army to cost lees than 401. after the Ist of October; then there were to be sub-division a man all round ? If the noble merges thinks that poem. meetings ; in every county lists were to be returned, notices ble, I tell him it is impossible. You can have no such served on persons claiming exemptions ; lists to be made out thing. (Hear, hear.) at hat I desire—and I believe it is of persons not claiming exemptions ; notices of appeal to be the most moderate desire that can be formed—is that you served. There were to be three subsequent meetings of should give us, in the first instance, the old constitutional subdivisions, at intervals of three weeks each, for various peace establishment. (Hear, hear.) When we have got other purposes. All these various steps could not occupy that, then you can do what you plasm. My lords, the lees than three months from the commencement of pro- noble marquis says very truly that these 50,000, or 80,000, eeedings, and the expenses connected with them swelled the or 120,000 men will not be lit for active service in six general estimated for the militia. The bulk of these expenses months, or twelve months—not in eighteen months, I say. was bootee by the county rates under the existing law. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, they will be fit for some This was felt by her Majesty's present government to be a service. They will set us at liberty, and enable us to em great pressure on the finances of the individual counties, ploy in the field others who are fit for service. (Cheers.) and they therefore proposed that the country generally And being so employed, they will themselves become fit should bear the expenses connected with the levying and for service. (Hear, hear.) I have been in the habit of raising the militia. They believed that the counties would seeing, in the course of the late war, some regiments of the experience no difficulty in raising the required quits of English militiamen. They were in as high a state:of disci men by volunteers, without having recourse to the previous plane and as fit for service u any men. (Hear, hear.) I machinery of the ballot. But, being responsible for the in my life saw finer troops. (Hear, hear.) It was ire safety of the country, he did not think the government possible to see troops in finer order, higher discipline, would be justified in doing away with the power which or more fit for service, than the whole body of the the crown now possessed of calling on all its sub- British militia were, from the beginning of the present jects, in case of emergency, to take their chance century up to 1810. They were as fine corps as ever were of the ballot. That was a powerful instrument seen; and Ido not doubt that this body of 60,000, or in the hands of the crown, but it would be exercised only 80,000, whatever it may be, will be win the course of time. in the last resort, and when all other means had failed. My lords, I appeal to you to adopt this measure as the corn- Having briefly touched the remaining provisions of the bill, mencement of the completion of your peace establishment. the noble lord, in conclusion, trusted that the measure (Hear, hear.) It will give you a constitutional force. would meet, if net with the unanimous, at least with the (Hear, hear) It will not be at first, nor for some time, MI general coneurceuce of the house. It was • measure which that you may desire; but by degrees it will become that the government thought it to be their bounden duty to carry which we want—en additional force to the regular army. through parliament for the purpose of giving complete and (Cheers.) entire security to the country, nut against a serious invasion, Earl OBEY said this bill was, in feet, neither more nor but against the possibility of a hostile incursion. (Hear, less than a revival of the former militia system. It was in hear.) The noble earl concluded by moving the second tended to bring back into effect, with some sort of adapta readiug of the bill. lion to the times in which we lived, the measures of the The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he was not prepared earlier part of the present century ; and all the important to gave a negative to the motion of the noble earl, because so portions of the act of 1802 were contained in this bill. The important did be consider the grounds on which the bill was house had a right, therefore, to look at our former militia, founded that fur that reason, and that reason alone, did he as- and to judge bow far the measure now proposed would be sent to it. The question they had to consider was, whether in useful or not. They bad just heard from the noble duke case of an invasion of the country this bill would give them that during the last war the militia was a very valuable such an efficient and disciplined army as would effectually force. But during the war that militia wma permanently crush the invading force. After the beet consideration which embodied force. (Hear, hear.) It was embodied • short he was able to give to the subject, he came to the conclusion time before the war broke out ; it was kept embodied ; the that it would not. Ile obtained all the inoormation he men were under strict martial law; they were marched could as to the time, the means, and difficulty attendant on from one part of the country to another; they were under the formation of a soldier, and when be was told that they the constant discipline and charge of their officers; they were to look to this bill for that security which was essential were never allowed to go from their barracks; and were to to the country, he looked to what would be the effect of 21 all intents and purposes a second reviler army. (Hear, days' training,to what would be the effect of 42 dart' training hear.) So completely was that so, that in the debates of or even of rat days training in famishing them with that that period the minister of the day invariably put the material which they wanted. The result of 21 days train- militia along with the regular many, the retun ing them, in the opinion of those best qualified to judge, teen and local militia forming a separate heed. would be that the men at the end of t hat period would be It had often been said that many of the soldiers who fought drilled fur a march, but could not be entrusted with a at Talavera had still upon their uniforms the marks of their musket or carbine. It would require 21 days 'more to respective militia corps; but there was nothing remarkable make them fit to be entrusted with • musket. Was it • in that, considering the circumstances of the time. But force of this Mal that they were to regard as competent to there was one difference between the militia and the reifi =es peat, the urgent, and immediate duty which meets of the line , namely , that the former could not be ewe spa them of meeting and coutenduig with made available out of the United Kingdom, however press an experienced rind powerful army? (Hear, hear.) The ing the necessities of the public service might be. The greatest calmillise might result from fancying that they militia was certainly a little less efficient than the regular had sash ea say when they had it sot. (Mom hear) If army, because the moat zealous and energetic men would seams Amy ithie called on le net aseinst regular and die- be anxious to go abroad ; hut, except in them particulars, eiplieed lumpy mad were defeats& the melt would be there was no difference between the old militia and the striae net se the want of British essigge sail thdebb epielt, regular army. The militia were quite as expen bet to the Medd what, in the Me ells was sive, for although, as the noble lord opposite said, et siyorsonikei than cousegssed ophit— • t wa ft they had no mangoes, they cost more in other ways. eideaciplinn. Ow.) e would teem their lordships to The militia, however, was largely used as an m enage of the abet of the loss of a first bade from such a strument for recruiting the army. In its early days muse on the usage of the peogis of this country. volunteers were forbidden, but afterwards parliament not (Hear, hear.) MAI be Ad saderstalth lbs ems At all the only permitted, but offered inducements for the prectice, in authorities tkat ha mertabed agreed fa the that a the shape of large bounties. But as an Instrument for re -21 days' drill takktebeee all over the Mereld sot minting into the line, it was neither a good nor a cheap sen tila *as efficient as • iblll — M __the regular solemn Se ism measure. Alteough it was nominally constituted partly by period. (Hem, hear The wide earl had ategthiser posed ballot it was really raised by bounty ; for the oup were OM what busdema Gee vest della ef this am, composed almost entirely of substitutes. In the English Mhelly, the thee dins:Mee Om. elms= when you regiments there were twenty-three substitutessubstitutes oat of every bell parted km.) - edmitted twenty-six men •in the Scotch there was only one per *aft ballot was , eel Ist ill Is be dis- cent. of ballotted men ; and in Ireland the ballot never with if ; hut, we the saw it was to operated at all except in 1803. Persons subscribed one or Cis usl ssammi ea sea vim moil into the two guineu a year to militia clubs, which undertook to find fisib 4 . Unit Vale a kellaalier dem ef tin went substitutes for such of their members as were drawn. The obese te snit be the masa of otheloess, shill they bad pries ei • sabeeteste had been as much as 1001. • in some alb sal that sew eget* gm* es ge Mel seathise OMB II Wes bu 1111 L, and once, for a very short time, it ithrse u ti se they - snub impose Ili ethillites. had ben is low as 101. It was evident, therefore, lb not consider that the sew idea wader thus the ems see would be a very onerous burden ail Meet wield be an a•ery to be rola Ili Licking apes On et i t is intelating, in fent, to • poll-tax ; and as at th is et • somas of @ambles aa tuft fens Omd they it wield be lota a was embodied at the break outs& art be the dupe ef tbe same if slab is Mbar ingest ef ile good teases bad been shown why eountries, when the Wilde All s WA* resat ahem- they thread set welt gall them was soma prospect of war. ter from what it had in this eseella),dee meld in led in Meat been.) Allele Alga for which the militia was the history of any 'matey, that a bed bona avail• prepenlede mad whisk we BMA Mee to the purpose, was to skis Ike metes emits at all, with the oath it tethibi ed which midis as ef reserve, which would enable the regular this loth caned. Liles net dale be be wa end yet leave a form ready in case dishapribed thlthetheas ; bet they hat ili o=tatal ra re= Issaishig out of a war. Now they had no ex• totally dams II imiar from this militia. The milks earl redeem to slew whether the militia would be likely had touched mph the Militia Bill of the is govee mest. le be useful A that respect. They did not want He wished alibi MilleLlate as bacidiess mesperison be• slowly to orgsmies • large form, for the only dan *wren *seem Alts. The ark bet eedaillasilly had a in to which this ematry was liable was in the event right to sir wbetbse be Os MA* of lassfeeree) relied of a sudden ate Akre we had time to prepare om en that bill se ilmilig set Atha . He selves against it. ) Now, suppose the week after in is nab! 110 We thee be • red next the country should be invaded, what possible sort It Mt But lis hal theists ii implifts that, by of service could the =pest the militia to be 1 (Hear, Igi C may di. tb. takeinta ll ettail seat l iMi b illisild6 beze iss% and oar Itr7 . 7govil maim bs bellirml ." be that on e t °Sr hal re tta a rfiplined b gei lli l li g is mintiry eirt serseetsell stessest lle "." lo - cZa if sup p orted rse lig li;a_ l 7weeted three ef fr to . re gem ar , bear.) M ig / / me w o n thou boa be whleh they rrg e boo a Imo of Bat v al e t =eta pe t get sew they Ind& be to the rar ba t ur h! eel towns is dames la sun of amegesey - in . in__ demi ? TPly seer A air 7 1 . • week labour- Hi=te sew *aka whim be mid that asither - the te um r "• alma. whin *BY were es militia ielpteel, sow ottseobsth se en my a reserve, and to 82610 W4 w hile Wag" want mash BrUWW. W by, would NOM Hats Jamey whisk wee aiessmT he the there wen se illesisle, eves in the soslh el Negier, ' defense sifts ossetey. He ksew this view was adm ore to where wages wen se low se 7s. • week. And tame were, that of mow of bib friends, who felt a to a moreover, eons auks prespictive advantages held out to ow . Dos be f e l t that i t wass ig Aube is the militia whisk were eared in the aimy, sub IN T = elllg thmm maim sod safeguards whisk I. mother peeled think Ipreelethele. and the like. Nee was SM aIL in spat w ith iw o r i et y aga i ns t the ryes if s a nn ang mmt did net safest and mast efficient of all hew Weald lamel enter into an thogemsat to serve 21 mem ; end he hie& it his duty to avow Ms opiates =la the roar, but es they were liable la ease of war to be the foes their hom for five years, sad kept ender mu bead i n te a increase a the New f., a m p del law, subject to the Mutiny let, sad the entire military In avowing this be eintiolmed est whether MMus. The better clam of the ithearing people would not epee pap a w or unpopular, U b e mot i n the ou r videntser upon terms like these. Zees the lanai of a regular is., be should think it his boy to 111 his comlitessa, sollier was not reckoned a yesearenek tl e most intelli. MN if they meant to be efelegady‘eiggelese, nes Zp m a st fed if the working men. He Or 7) they were mks up their minds to be dieheakeigleg n way, mistaken, for bolds( at the , and the (lher.) He felt the force of MO dal sailbeast, certainty, is cam at Pad madam% le a Pendant it Wu by Mee mth . tie security whack the of Oa no means a bed career to • mas • issilasil to do his duty. as useesestar edes d thus Mfitio-, (Hear, hear.) Bat they mull eel say the some of the thug, ffaa gthests wog boo sib so on t or" wh.. militiamen; sal they bed as right as expect that say Hut the warular omit bthuotog, mot mo t t o h o would enter the corps erupt these le wham tie bounty diminished, wit ne t a hue maredd was an eneffieu ese the object. He did not know bow much of that beauty state of the world whisk ampleal the taireer. That it was rr.7 1 . 0 4 if r.y union to the remit. but miles "•••••,i , was a ganger he theuth be pegged te Wu; bat it was • gave him a large proportion of the 61. they would net be danger to which this hill s Ohl min gemenste Ass a m iliti a , able to get the men. If they paid down the whole MR was o pen. All time galotoloo osoomeo wm attend e d with they would doubtless get a great number, but thew weeld expense and inconvenience. The vete for the militia could consist of the least intelligent and the least valuable part not be continued without the approbation of parliament; of the community. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, it was pro and if the House of Commens should take a different view posed to train thas men at different periods, for fifteen from that it now entertebeil—if wiser statesmen or more weeks, being about two weeks mare than was required popular leaders should think the militia no longer neecs- to teach a recruit the rudiments of his profession ; but when airy, it might be peered to cut it off; end that he (Earl Grey) was Secretary at War, he was told by the might be done in every case. At the same time, authorities at the Horse Guards that when a regiment re if it afforded any facility for the formation of turned from India and had a great number of vacancies to an army of reserve, for he would not insult an army of Ibe filled up, it required a year's drill before it was 'n reserve by calling this militia one—he would accept it on efficient ; although in those eases they still retained the ske that mound, be'ieving that an arm of reserve, properly kton of the regiment . He considered that the bill, while it I constituted and disciplined, was capable of becoming nearly would be a failure in itself, would also interfere with the a . 4 fttci e nt as a regular ar.r. He trusted that this imper. regular army. If the new force was constituted by volun feet measure would not be the only measure which parlia- tart' enrolment, the supply would be drawn from the cl ass want and the country would have recourse to for the of young men who supplied our recruits. Ho showed that puree*: of plating England on that pinnacle which was this effect had been produced during the last war; and he essential to its glory, isindependence, and its con ti nu ed es reseal his conviction that the bill would prove not only 1 prosperity. (Cheers) • failure in itself, but be most dangerous in its operation. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I certainly, my lords, On this point he eluded to the experience of France. The i . Present was a period of petit tranquility, arising from the am the last person to endeavour to deceive your lordships . ge neral welfare, but such a happy state of things could not upon the relative advantage of meeting an enemy with die- ' always he calculated on ; and whet would be the result eiplined, or undisciplined, or halfoliscipliaed troops. My when new troubles and excitements arose of giving to , the least trustworthy portion of the population a knowledge lords, these things are so different, that they are not to be of military discipline ? The bill brought forward by the compared at all. (Cheers .) With disciplined troops , we late government was essentially different from the pr t bare the greatest confidence that that which they ought to measure, and the opposition now offered to it could not be perform they will perform; with undisciplined troops, we reieirdeol as involving any inconsistency. lie considered it in have no such confidence. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, in ` e most unfurtunste circumstance that at the clam of the war I tha latter ease, it would be impossible to newer for what I the local militia was abandoned. Ile lamented the deficient 1 night o happen, and one would be in. lined to expect the I elate i o n f the t poteet i many n ;"Ittg d : i ßrtasse d t : 14 ray reverse of what bad been ordered. (Cheen and 1 been nosed by parents from the public revenue. Ile X ' latighter) We must look to the state in which we stand at I !leved that volunteer rifle corps also might have been made the present moment. This country is at peace with the a far more useful arm .f defen ce than that now con-1 templated in the event of . any sudden emergency. Tbe whole woad, excepting in certain puts of the frontiers of better elem.,' would sot subject themselves to the risk of its own distant dominions, with which operations of war service for five years as commas aoldien if war broke out. are carried on by enema of your peace establishment. You 1 He would not have enyported the 'maestro of the late go- are now providing for a poses establishment. You are at vernment had he believed the ballot would ever Wale practice* Intis'operation. The no' le earl concluded by some general observations on the defences of the country. Tit Earl of ELLESMERE draw the attention of the honer, in the first place, to the necessity of such a measure which his contended was generally con curred in. There were in France, aa in England, many roads to spurious and temporary popularity, and among them existed ens which isolated to as invasion of this country. Ile bad seen no desire whatever on the part of the person who now ruled in Franc,' to adopt such au expedient ; but he, nevertheless, in the existing state of the two countries, thought that wo ought to be prepared spinat all omergenciev. lie could not say that either of the two hdla fur raising • militia that had been brought forward would supply an efficient field farce, but for many purposes the force so created world be very useful, and, therefore, he would support the bill. The Earl of WALDEGRAVE approved of the bill, and considered all the objections to be only questions of detail. , The bill was then road • second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. TURNPIKE TRUSTS ARRANGEMENT BILL. This bill was read a second time. SCHOOL SITES ACT EXTENSION BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. THE BARON DE BODE 'S CLAIM. The select committee on the Baron de Bode's claim was named. PROPERTY TAX. The Duke of RICHMOND presented • petition from John and Henry Ellman, of Lewes, complaining of the operation of the property tax, which prevented a farmer appealing against the tax if he took his farm from Mid summer to Midsummer, instead of from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. Ile hoped the government would have the subject inquired into. Lord BERNERS supported the prayer of the petition. A short act should be passed to remedy the evil. The Earl of DERBY said he bad not before heard the objection, but he would take the earliest opportunity of in quiring into the subject. The Duke of ARGYLL thought the inrome tax ought to be assessed in the same way on farm, n as other traders. After a few words from the Earl of Debut, the house ad journed at a quarter before ten o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TvEsDAY. JUNE 15. The 15111AIZI1 took the chair at one o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Loans' AXINDWENTS CONNIDZIttO AND AGREED TO. — South Wales Railway; Yeovil and Ilehester Turnpike Trusts ; Eastern Counties Railway (power to use the East Anglian Railway!, ttc.) ; The Presbyterian Ministers', Widows', and Orphans' Fund, and the East London Waterworks (amendment of acts, ac.), Bills were read a third time and passed. /Stun READ A SECOND TlME.—Fleming's Estate; Hol loway House of Correction; Howell's Chanty; Bids. PUBLIC BUSINESS. JOINT STOCK INSURANCE COMPANIES. Mr. FORSTER felt called upon to explain the question he yesterday put to the President of the Board of Trade re. spectiug Joint Stock Insurance Companies. His question was supposed to refer to joint stock companies generally, and one of the papers had headed his question "Joint Stock Banks." But joint stock banks were regulated under a separate act. The return to which his question referred related to insurance companies exclusively; and from which it appeared that many of them, particularly life insurance companies, had been established without capital, and that some of them were apparently in a state of actual bank ruptcy. MAYNOOTII. Mr. SPOONER (in reply to Mr. Kzoolt) said he took the division on the adjournment of the house, at the pre vious sitting, as a decision on the main question—e` Oh, oh !" and laughter),—and it was not his intention to bring on the subject again. (Ironical cheers.) Mr. KEOGH protested altogether against the interpro. lotion put upon the proceedings of that morning by the hon. gentleman, and called upon him, in justice to the cha racter of the house, to discharge the order, and not to leave it on the paper, to be brought forward at any moment when a favourable division could be snatched. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Bouverie, Mr. W. Williams, Mr. Elliott, Mr. H. Herbert, Mr. Megan, Capt. Scobell, Col. Thompson, s and other members, protested against such an interpretation of a motion for adjourning the house. Mr. MUNTZ defended the course takes by Mr. Spooner, and asked the opposition if they were not afraid of inquiry, why they did not assist in bringing on a division on the motion ?__ . . Mr. KEOGH repeated the charge against the government of keeping this question before the public for election pur poses, and accused them, and especially Lord Naas, while professing here to support Mr. Spooner, aiding candidates in Ireland on the Derby interest, whose addresses promised to support Maynooth, and to agitate for the repeal of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. The SECRETARY for IRELAND repudiated the charge that be or any member of the government had aided with money or introductions the Iri.h candidates who were , government supporters at the coming elections. Mr. OSBORNE described the conduct of ministers in regard to this question as an organised hypocrisy. If the house had any regard for its character it would deal with with the question by discharging the order, and ►easing Mr. Spooner's notice—as Lord Winchelsea had done in the Lords—of a motion for next minion. The SECRETARY-AT-WAR thought the house had had more than enough of the Maynooth question for the present session, and advised them to dismiss it and pro seed to the business remaining to be done. Mr. BOU VERIE reminded the government that their own conduct was the cause of these frequent discussions on the same subject. After some farther discussion the subject dropped with out any decision. MR. O'CONNOR. _ _ On the motion ofSit.Ai. s;a7rVii . (in the absence of Mr. Walpole), the following gentlemen were nominated to serve on a select committee on the petition respectirg Feargus O'Connor, Ku.: Mr. Weirdo, Mr. V. Smith, Mr. Whiteside, Mr. Baines, Mr. Mills, the O'Gorman Mahon, end Mr. M. J. O'Connell. Mr. F. FRENCH thought it a great discourtesy to the hon. member for Bt. Albam (Mr. Bell) that he wu not put oa this committee. _ _ . -. Sir W. said that the name of the hon. gen tleman was omitted because he might have to give evidence before the committee. The committee was then agreed to. MILITIA SUSPENSION OF THE BALLOT. TheSECRETARY at WAR Lieare;.;i;l;ili in a bill to suspend the ballot for the militia during the present year. The new bill extended only to England, and not to Scotland or Ireland, and it was necessary, tierefore, to bring in a bill for the suspension of the ballot. Leave given. CRIME AND OUTRAGE IN IRELAND. Xr. NAPIER moved for leave to bring is a bill to con tinue an eat of the Ilth and 12th of her peanut Xigesty, fee the Wire premedw of crime and outrage is IMand. Heidi that, as it had been clearly intimated that this bill tier te be opposed en every stage, he thought the best Mlle her him to wane was to state at coos the objects j heamstsasee which in the eyes of the government the meosnee which he ROW asked for leave bring in. It wee an act pearled by the pre sent parliament far a limited period. (Hoar, hear) It was resseeed under the late government for a hither limbed period, and fee thought the per , glides X the Irene sbiesbl be divested on the sent eesmint M the einumennees under whisk OM not was pmesdand renewed kr a Anther ported, end Cher they were etbstantially m denim to thdpennnt Is prove the semmity of matindei the ac t. lb thenght it important te gall the atteatien if the house to the exact desrecter of that act. It wee pawed within a short peeled after a general eked's, when there had been • peat deal of excitement in the country, sad ilem the lists of crime bad been in comsqueses es. prolog. They were new on the eve of onedher pima , and *weight not to leave Ireland on. during the whole period of parliamentary mita. by lbws special poems he the bands of the executive of diet aroany for the preteetioe of the peaceable and orderly mum of the population. This law was not intended to Vbut prevent sane. It was a wise and salutary . a to It wee paned with »bream to a particular clan si aim whisk them yoroilod and it provided the executive lowenonnat, on tie obvile . of the Privy Council, which wee not a ffeetnating be rocia dz ia t i r t ith the power, under special 'intimateness, of p any particular district, and, if =comb to send down So a s additional hoes of police, and in pseticular Imamss whole alms mom esaunitted in a partlaular district and when the ordinary of the government were melees, it gave the Lieutenant 'lower ea tag PAM principle of the old Saxon law, of making the etretebeleg se sent down a charge on the whole district. H. timed there was nothing coercive or severe fa that. The sent particular portion of the act was, that it provided that the Whlteboy code should come into force in these districts which were proclaimed. That cods applied to districts in an insurrec tionary state, but it could not be put in force without the continuance of this act. The Whiteboy code also contained a verry important clause, introduced by the hon. and learned member for Hull, which made persons who screened or harboured offenders amenable to justice. A most im portant conviction had taken place under that provision. The act also had a provision with regard to arms, by which the Lord-Lieutenant could call upon persons in par ticular districts to surrender their arms. No arms et eepting those which were licensed were allowed to be re• tamed by private persons. This provided a security against lawless Forgone having arms, to which circumstance was to be attributed a great portion of that loss of life which had taken place from time to time in parts of Ireland. The government having been charged with the duty of maintaining the law in Ireland, he must say that ho thought parliamm.t ought to assist them in their efforts. Ile hoped the house would consent to the continuance of the law for a limited period, in order that the proclamations made under it by the late government might not fail to produce a lasting effect, in order that °Minden might not escape from gaol, and in order that desperate criminals might not be able to effect their purposes during the period when parliament would nut be Pitting. The house would take upon itself a fearful respenabiltty by refusing such a mo derate request. The government could not bo responsible for the peace of Ireland if the bill were not paned. lie might be asked how it was that there was such an apparent calm in Ireland, that th.- judges could go the circuits with out way danger ? Why, there were parts of that country in which he could walk with as little concern as in West minster, although the confederacy existed in the locality. Persons were shot down now and then, Isere and there, from behind a ditch ; there was no general disturbance ; the eonr•Kkracy was of so peculiar a character that English. men meld form no idea Of it. In the county of Louth, front the let of April, 1849, to the let of February, 1832, there were 23 cases connected with crimes growing oat of this ounfederaey, and 17 of those cases includ ing several murders, not one of the parties were brought to /twice. Yet thatcounty was otherwise very peaceable and quiet. It was not the number of crimes, but their character, which was chiefly to he considered ; and the member of agrarian crimes in 1851 was nearly double the number in 1847. These were the crimes in which the Rib bon confederacy engaged--a standing confederacy, which rixtended to Mtneliester, Birmingham, Glasgow, and to almost every place where there was any supposed grievance to be redressed. The Sheriff of Louth was examined as to the intimidation of juroni, and said he had no doubt that m anything like a remote district if a man had been on a jury by which a prisoner bad been convicted his life wu mot see. This declaration, he said, was founded on his own ,personal knowledge and experience. If the constabulary were taken away from such districts, and the confederacy allowed to have arms, what would be the post- , tioa of those poor men who were oblixed to give a verdict according to the evidence? (Rear, hear.) Sir Matthew Barrington had written to him declaring that he considered it absolutely necessary to cuntiaue the act ; and it was his (Mr. Napier'e) belief that its continuance would prevent many fatal outrages. All he asked was, that it should be continued until the 31st of December next, leaving the question of its further continuance to be decided by the next parliament. Mr. LAWLESS should oppose the introduction of such a bill, unaccompanied by any measure for ameliorating the condition of Ireland. . . _ . . . . ---...-.. Mr. F. SCULLY conside►ed it unfair to introduce the bill before the evidence which had been taken by the committee was in the hands of members. He opposed the bill further on the ground of the severity of its provisiowi, anal because the outrages against which it was directed arose from the disordered relations between landlord and tenant, for which remedial measures had been promised in 1847, but the promises had not yet been redeemed. Mr. S. CRAWFORD likewise called fur remedial mea- lure. before coercive ones were enacted The whole cause of agrarian outrages in Ireland, he believed, was to be found in the disordered relations between landlord and tenant. Mr. C. ANSTEY also opposed the hill, contending that no grounds had been offered for a measure of that descrip• Lion. As to Ribbonism it would not touch it, and there the only feasible reason fell to the ground. Besides, he objected to the practice of coming to parliament to ask for a previous indemnity. Let the Irish executive act on its re sponsibility, and if it acted rightly the courts of law would sustain it. The branding of arms was an incon venience to the innocent, and no check on the guilty Neither were domiciliary visits of any use, as it was well known that houses had often been thrown open at night to supposed policemen, who having obtained an entry, turned out to be whiteboys. (" Divide.") He knew why gentle. men cried out" Divide." It was very well known that her Majesty's ministers had mode arrangements for a count out at 6 o'clock, and he would not gratify them, unless they promised not to press this objectionable bill. Ile should move that this debate be now adjourned. The motion not being seconded fell to the ground. Mr. KEOGH complained that the present government, notwithstanding former professions, had introduced no measures for the redress of the grievances of Ireland, ex cept this coercive measure, against the severe penalties of which he inveighed. Ile disputed the accuracy of the sta- tistics of crime adduced by Mr. Napier, which were at variance with a recent official return laid before the com mittee, showing a decrease of crime; and contended that no case had been made out for a bill like this, which, he observed, taught landlords in Ireland to rely upon the legislation of that house instead of, as in England, upon their own conduct. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied that this was a measure of coercion it was a measure of police, which was expiring, and the condition of Ireland required its continuance. With respect to remedial (measures such measures, ho said, had been already prepared by the government ; but he asked whether any member, looking at the position of the ministry and the temper of the house generally in the transaction of public business, could really say that it had been in their power to introduce them. The government could not incur the responsibility of letting this act expire, which would release great criminals; but the bill was to continue only until next December, so that the subject must be reconsidered in the ensuing parliament. The house then divided : For bringing in the bill l4O Against The bill was accordingly brought in and read a first time. PETITIONS FROM THE CITY OF LONDON. The CorruaLL and Swim brought up to the bar two petitions, agreed to in common council assembled from the City of London; the one in favour of Jewish Emancipation, and the second praying that the law apply. fag to steam furnaces may be applied to the steamers navi gating the Thames. On the motion of Mr. DISRAELI, the house at d o'clock, adjourned to 7 o'clock. The house resumed at 7 o'clock. I'ETI I'lolo. INSPECTION or NrNsrocrs.—By Sir. LACY, from Camberwell, for. COMMON LAW PROCEDVRE BILL.-By Mr. COWAN, from Edinburgh, against. VENTILATION OF THE HOUSE. Mr. HINDLEY begged to ask the Chief Commissioner of Works, what course the government intend to pursue in reference to the report and recommendation of the com mittee on the ventilation and lighting of the house; and whether Dr. Reid is to be restored to the position be occu pied before 1816, and to have the charge of ventilating and lighting the house and its appurtenances, under the super vision of the Chief Commissioner of Works, assisted by a committee of observation, to be appointed annually by the house, in order to report their opinion as to the way in which the management is conducted ? Lord J. MANNERS replied that in the opinion of the government the recommendation of the select committee is wise and prudent, and there was every disposition on their part to carry those recommendations into effect. With regard to the second part of the hon. member's ques tion, with reference to the competent person who was to be appointed in accordance with the recommendation of the committee, it was not possible at present to state who that competent parson in the opinion of the government ought to be. His own individual opinion was that the system of ventilation adopted by Dr. Reid had not received that amount of fair play which was necessary to come to a decision on its merits. EXPULSION OF ENGLISH MISSIONARIES FROM lICNOARY. Mr. ANSTEY moved the following resolution :—" That this house, recognising the undoubted title of the Queen's subjects resident in foreign countries to the continual pro- I tection of her Majesty, in respect of their liberty, property, and other personal rights, and considering that in the ease , of the Rev. Messrs. Wingate, Smith, and Edward, arbi trarily expelled from the Austrian dominions in the month of January last, with their wives and children, under cir cumstances involving much sacrifice of property, end other hardships to the sufferers, those rights were violated, and that no redress has been hitherto obtained for the violation, is of opinion that the case is one calling for prompt and ear nest measures on the part of her Majesty's government." The hon. member said ho should p,ocred with his state ment, notwithstanding the rumour that had reached him of the determination of the government not to allow this question to be brought to a decision in the home. Public opinion was very loud in favour of this case. Ile should proceed with it. After a passing allusion to the resolution moved by the Earl of Derby, in the House of Lords, on the Greek question, the hon. gentleman proceeded to say that the noble lord's support of despotic power on the conti nent had been seconded by the kindly congratulations which he received from the Austrian and other govern ments on his accession to office. With regard to the case of these missionaries the government had promised to lay the correspondence upon the table of the house, but they had failed to do so though it had all appeared fiat Exeter Hall and in the newspapers. The hon. and learned gentleman then entered in detail into the facts connected with the expulsion of Messrs. Wingate and Smith from Pesth and of Mr. Edwards from Lemberg. The facts of the case were not denied. It was admitted, amongst other things, that there was a loss of property ; but Lord Malmesbury condescended to be the apologist of the Austrian government, and would not ask redress for the wrongs which had been inflicted. The parties com plaining were told, in effect, in the name of the Austrian government, whom the noble lord wished to conciliate, that they had no right to endeavour to convert Jews who were the property, soul and body, of their Austrian master. It was not to be expected that Scottish blood would remain quiet under such treatment. Accordingly meetings were held in which was used language adequate to the occasion ; and it was determined no longer to me morialise the government but to appeal to the le gialsture. It would appear that Lord Malmesbury then began to reflect seriously on the course which he had pursued ; and on the 28th of April, 1852, he desired his under-secretary to write a letter which closed the corre spondence. l i i this letter the under-secretary said he was desired by the Earl of Malmesbury to state that after several urgent appeals made to the Austrian government through the Earl of Westmoreland, a reply had at length been received; that the reason assigned by the Austrian government for the delay which had occurred in giving this reply was the necessity of awaiting the detailed ' report of the local authorities on the matter; that this report had now been received, and that Lord Malmesbory regretted to say that it was completely un favourable ; that the local authorities said that the mission• ' arise first confined themselves to the reading of divine , service. The hon. and learned member here appealed to , the house to attend to these documentary references ; ob r serving that they wore very important to the proper under , standing of the case, when An Hon. Mustier( moved that the house be counted, and strangers were ordered to withdraw. After the lapels of two or three minutes strangers were re-admitted, and , it was then found that the house had adjourned, there hiv ing been only 37 members tiniest. 'the adjournment took place at about 10 minutes to 8. " I THE LABOUR OY THE SESSION.—From a panto, mentiry paper, it appears that during the session and up to Saturday lut, there were 126 public bills brought before parliament, which have been &spoiled of in the following manner: 20 had received the royal anent, 42 were intro duced by the present goser.ment now in progress, end II by the late government now in progress. There were 31 bills brought forward ay private members of both houses, sad '22 bills had b...en rejected or withdrawn, making the total 128._ Tim MASTER AND WARDENS OF THE NiERCERB' COMPANY have received a letter from Sir Harry Smith, rpretting that it will not be in his power to accept their invitation to a dinner at Maroon' the erpregio. TO CORI:101'0N DENTS. A reread &lake o f " The Eaprors," COlitaillth;j 7 he Nuns sr wro, •• imutte."ll, Ptibil.hed ow, I tosool., sal stator • .2 la oe for poet tolvettarior sits tsreato4l 'or "The Firms.," ?moils FA, n‘no , kr Ar, .1411er, 10 T.„ day st puto:astior. HIGH WATHIt AT LONDON BRIDOR Tsis 1/Ay—Morning. 1 &harm. lb. Lam. ••••oltal ,r—)l. "amt . , I A 46 • . MWeamirn, i.e. LONDON, WED.VESDA l', JUNE 14,, LORD MALMESBURY has added another leaf to his chaplet of blunders—another bell to the cap he ap propriately wears. Ily his own confession on Monday night, it appears that he had the astounding ignor ance and temerity to introduce, a few days previou s ly, a bill regarding the surrender of foreign refugees t o the French government, the effect of which he did not understand, but the real and practical meaning of which, as suggested by his lordship's friends at the Elysee, would have been to constitute England a new department of the French police ! Literally so; for when the silver paper covering was torn off this precious "gift of the Greeks," the scandalous truth became so obvious to all, that the miserable sham of a Foreign Secretary was fain to deprecate all further discussion, on the ground that having made a mistake he meant to abandon the bill. Well might the Opposition cheer. At the very same moment the House of; Commons was ringing with similar expressions of derision at the same bur lesque on a minister. Perhaps Lord lons ItrssEt.t might have deemed it unnecessary to aim so many and keenly barbed arrows at the tory Secretary of State, had he known that in the other house the suc cessor of CINNING and PALMERSTON was actually then doing penance in a white sheet for a far more important and heinous error. The wound of Mr. MATHER, though chaffered about, and trifled wit;i, was at worst the reckless net of a mercenary soldier in a petty Italian state. That the name of England's Qi• stEst should ever have been associated with a bur tering parley for the price of a wound wrongfully in. flicted on one of her MAJESTY'S unarmed sub:pets in the streets even of Florence, is humi liating enough ; but still our indignation is somewhat tempered by our pity when we rvcol. lect how helpless and passive is the condition of the Tuscan government, from whom alone our discreet foreign minister ventured to ask redress. But the attempt to obtain the assent of parliament to a bill for the surrender of every fugitive front France whom the ruler of that country chooses to demand as a criminal, was a far different affair. It was the first effort made since the infamous days of CHARLES 11. to render the permanent law of this country sub. servient to the policy of France. Various adminis trations have, under var ing circumstances, been ac cused of too ready a compliance, in matters of diplo macy with the wishes of our somewhat exacting neighbours ; but neither Nrwcssrix, nor NORTH, CASTLEREAGII,OTCYCII LOUIS PHILIPPE'S "dear friend ABERDEEN," were ever suspected of the un-national baseness of undertaking to get a bill passed through parliament to please the I. rench government, the provisions of which bill, if put plainly before the nation, would have been spurned as an insult and degradation. The revival of the too famous prece dent we have alluded to was reserved for the Right Honourable the Earl of NIALNIESBURY, the confiden tial friend of LOUIS NAPOLEON, and the confidential Minister for Foreign Affairs in Lord DEntiv's admi nistration. Why he was selected for such a post, or by whom his notelette name was first suggested, it is difficult to say. At the first formation of the pre sent cabinet, its supporters in the press did not scruple boldly to assert for Lord Mst.srEstieta the extraordinary claim of being tho personal friend of the Prince who still calls himself in badinaye President of a constitutional commonwealth. Men stared at one another, as they heard such a recommendation ostentatiously put forward on behalf of an English politician; but among an unsuspicious people un worthy thoughts seldom spring up spontaneously, and wo will even confess that we were of the many who were rather disposed to laugh at the folly of so clumsy a puff; than to consider how far it might betray the existence of a grave and specific disquali fication. We should have been ashamed to have cherished against a new and untried man, whatever his party or opinions, misgivings such as Lord MALMESBURY'S conduct has subsequently justified. We gave him credit for the ordinary spirit and in telligence of an English peer and an English politi cian ; and had anybody insinuated the contrary three months ago, we should have felt rather inclined to reprove than embrace what common charity and the common pride of country would have prompted us to consider as an unwarrantable imputation. -But Lord MALuttsnuar, unhappily for himself and his colleagues, has become his own accuser. llis despatches to Mr. Sesat.tivr and Sir HENRY But. WEE convict him of inconceivable ignorance and in capacity, and of still more amazing insensibility to the claims of individual justice and national honour. His hasty and humiliating confession in the House ofLordson Monday last,that he did not know what he had been doing when he brought in the Extradition of Refugees Bill, and his abject admission that by its provisions any subject of any state—ltalian,German,or oven Enylisli—might have been demanded as a victim by the French government, and must have been there upon given up to the justice and mercy inaugurated on the 2nd of December—these are counts in ;the in dictment the like of which no British statesman of our times has ever had preferred against hint, and the like of which, for the safety and dignity of the country, it is to be hoped we may never hear of again. . But if the national sense of what is right and dc tant—(it were farcical to talk of p they or wisdom) — is not to be again outraged by the same hand, not a day ought to be suffered to elapse without the only effectual means that is possible being taken to pre vent the recurrence of so discreditable and dangerous a contingency. The stock of political reputation with which Lord DERBY'S cabinet started was not buge. It has since suffered many and heavy losses; and whatever may . be supposed to remain can ill afford further diminution. To retain a man thus stultified in the office of Foreign Affairs would be poetically impossible, as the Paoli: MtstisrEit well knows; and if he really clings to the hope of being able to meet the now parliament, Lord DERBY must be conscious that it is indispensable Lord NIALMEf- BURY should be forthwith cashiered. His retention of the seals can admit of but one interpretation. namely, that Lord DERBY feels his desperate experi ment of a tory cabinet has already failed. and that it is hardly worth while making any serious effort to defer its inevitable doom. To-DAY a Bill that has already been read a second time, is to come again before tho House of Commons, under the title of Corrupt Practices at Elections (:io• 2) Bill. Its object, as its name denotes, is to provide further cheeks upon the practice of bribery at elec tions. Its scope and tenour are extremely simple and intelligible; and in brevity it stands pre-eminent , inasmuch as it contains neither recitals nor preamble, but consists wholly of two clauses not exceeding a score of legislative lines. The sound and useful portion of the bill is that whereby it is proposed to give the County Courts jurisdiction to try suits for the recovery of penalties for bribery under the existing law. Few persons who talk about the necessity of enacting new and stringent statutes against corruption are aware that by the law as it actually stands any person being an elector, candidate, or agent, who shall be proved to have given or received any consideration for a vote , is liable to penalties to the extent of 500/. for every such offence. These penalties have hitherto been recoverable only by action of debt in one of the superior courts of law at Westminster ; and to this mainly is attri butable the fact, that the statute 2 Geo. 11. chap.2l, under which the right of action for the recovery of these penalties was originally given, has practiCally lain a dead letter. The cost of bringing such suits. certain as they were in most instances to be defended with all the resources of long pleadings and long purses, has almost invariably prevtmted their being brought. To this must be attaeil also, that the ex cessive nature of the petial.',: t es was at all times cal culated to frustrate corr:tietion and punishment. To be condemned to pay 500/. was felt to he eq uivalent j in the east , of a poor man to a sentence of ruin; and the experience of everyday proves that exaggenition of punishment tends to prevent its indiction. Men of humane disposition shrank from tho odiou.s duty; men of cautious temper, from the cost of tortuous.