The Express. — London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

tors of the kingdom to be relieved from the defy on their certificates. If his right bon. friend would give him that assurance he would not prom his natation for leave to bring in a bill on the subject. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that in the present state of the finances of the country he could not spare the amount which this tax raised; viz., about 140,0001. He would, however consider the claims of the individuals alluded to. but at 'the same time he must guard himself against being supposed to make any dietinet promise as to the course which might eventually be taken. L o rd It. GROSVENOR said that he wld not bring on his motion without giving due notice t o his right hon. friend. PUBLIC RECORDS. Mr. M. MILNES inquired whether it was the intention of the government to bring in a bill for the erection of • proper of ice fur keeping the publictime records, which oods and wen at present in a perilous state ? Some since Forestalled appropriated part of the Rolls estate as • site for this purpose, and no.ices to quit had been given to tenants in possession in Chancery-lane and the neighbourhood, and he hoped no time would be lost in adopting measures to pre serve the great muniments of the empire, which at present were exposed to daily peril. Sir G. OItEY leashed that it his noble friend at the bead of the WOUI I / 1 and Forests was to bring in a bill this year the matter would not be much advanced, because he was afraid his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not at present in a condition to grant the means for ear. Tying out the works. THE CHARTIST MEETINGS. Mr. G. THOMPSON ha d a question to put to the right hon. baronet at the heed of the Home Department on the subject of the oecurrences which had taken place yesterday (Sunday) in various parts of the Tower Hamlets. He (Mr. G. Timely on) hod had communications from a number of persons who had been on the spot, where conflicts had taken plate, and where persons had gathered together in consider able numlwrs, for the purpose, as he was informed, ot dis cus,ing political matters ; and he begged to ask the right hon. b a ronet whether he had received any official information on the subject, and upon what authority the police, by violence wholly unprovoked—(oh, oh)—uuprovoked, as he was in form, el, hal undertaken to disperse the persons so 'assembled ? Ile had been told by those who had taken a leading part in the proceedings yesterday that two meetings had been held its Bonner's fields—one at two and the other at five o'clock—and that both bad been commenced, had continued, and had ended without any interruption to the public peace, and that, after the business had been gone through, the people had been enjoined to disperse quietly, and atter large numbers had left the field on their way to their respective homes, the police inside an unprovoked attack on those eh) remained, and who suffered consider able injuries. (Oh, oh.) He was not there to assert or deny the wait of the statements which had reached his ears, but he wee anxious, after such serious conflicts, that the house should have the benefit of any information which the right hon. baronet might have in his penessiou. Sir G. GREY—It the lion. gentleman had given me notice before I came down to the house of his intention to ask the questii n he has put to me, I would have brought down some documentary evidence from which the house would be lel to believe that these meetings were of a very different character to that stated by the honourable pen lemma. (Hear, hear.) I have no hesitation in creaming to myself the whole responsibility of the police, acting as they did under the direct instructions I gave to the police commissioners not to allow meetings to be held at unssaisonalie hours. (Cheers.) After the experience of the last week or ten diked, loud. general, and just complaints have been made from the ii.habitants el the districts in which these meetings assembled, and which meetings had led to acts of violence to person and property, against which the in habitants had a right to look to the government for protec tion. (Cheers.) They have been assured that that protect lion shall be afforded, so far as the law wia allow us to afford that protection ; and I believe the law will be found com pletely effectual fir that purpose. (Hear, hear.) The meet ing which the hon. gentleman has referred to in Bishop Bonner's fields was not interrupted by the police, because it was not held at au umr.asonable hour ; but immediately on the breaking up of that meeting an attack wee made on a church in the neighbourhood. I believe it was supposed some policemen were concealed in the church, and they were in the neighbourhood. A number of windows were broken, end on tho police interfering for the purpose of dis persing the mob thus riotously assembled they were assaulted, and a conflict took pities. lam happy to say they succeeeed in dispersing the mob, but not until about 30 of them had been seri .usly injured, one man being stabbed through the hand (the blow having been aimed at his breast), and several others having suffered very severe injuries. Sir, in consequence of the experience we have had of former meetings, where the parties assembling at them had not any plausible pretext for saying that they were held for a legiti mate purpose, we have thought it our duty to direct the police not to allow those meetings to be held, if composed of the class of persons who have recently met for that purpose, which meetings have given rise to serious complaints on the part of the inhabitants, and to breaches of the peace; and effectual measures will be taken for their prevention in future. (Cheers.) ENGLISH INTERFERENCE IN ITALY. Mr. MUNTZ said he was informed that there was a gene ral feeling in Italy that E was aiding the Austrian part), and that the late horrible massacre in Naples had not been without the sanction of the English ambassador. (Laughter.) However absurd the supposition might be the belief had gained ground, and it was therefore desirable that the assertion should receive a decided contradiction from the government, for it was alike prejudicial to Englishmen and to English commercial affairs. He therefore wished to ask if the gm raiment had interfered in favour of Austria ; and if so, to what extent Viscount PALMERSTON said he was glad the question had been put, as he knew many meet absurd, false, and calumnious reports had been circulated in Italy with regard to the conduct of the Britisa agents. and the instructions and acts of Brit sh government. He had great satisfac tion in assuring the house that there was no foundation whatever for those reports. (Hear, hear.) The British government, though • party to the treaty of Vienna, by which certain arrangements were made, was not bound by that treaty to interfere in an' manner in the events now tak ing place in Italy. Though the government nad been in ancient alliance and friendly relations with the empire of Austeis, it could not but feel a strong sympathy with the successtul endeavours which had been made of late by the people of Italy to obtain for themselves free and constitu tional liberty. (Hear, hear.) The natural and proper posi tion of Great Britain, with regard to passing events, was to be a spectator of what was going on, hut not to interfere, either directly or indite cdy. (Hear, hear.) Judging from the offisial reports Which the g ive.nment had received, the events which had lately taken place at Naples had been very much misrepresented in their character. In consequence of what had passed he should lay on the table of the house the account of those transseti ms which had been received from her Majesty's charge d'Affaires at Naples, which we uld show that he bad had nothing to do with those events; and would alsoshow that those events did not bear the character which, in many of th^ public prints, had been attributed to them. Mr. ANSI - RV asked if the noble lord had any objection !Slay before the house copies of despatches to the detlereat governments of Italy in which he might havesignified those strati me nts ? Viscount PALMERSTON was not prepared to do so with out examining what portion of the despatches were proper to be communicated to the house, but would answer the question on another day. LAW EXPENSES OF PUBLIC DEPARTMENTS. Mr. AGLIONB a' moved for certain returns connected with these expenses, which he said he believed were un- opposed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER protested against hon. members assuming that returns would be on. opposed without communicating with the department from which they were to come. Mr. V. SMITH said the printing of unopposed returns was a source of very great expense. He intended to submit a motion requiring notice to be given of all such returns, so that they might be opposed either by the government, or by any individual member. Frequently , long lists of names were printed, in which no one took the slightest interest. After a conversation, The motion was withdrawn, Mr. AOLIONBY Mating that he would bringi t on in its course, after the orders of the day were disposed of. NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. RICARDO asked the noble lord at the head of the government whether it was probable the debate on the navigation laws would be resumed that evening t Lord J. RUSSELL bald that if the debate on Spanish affairs lasted so toms as ten o'clock he should certainly not think it advisable to resume the discussion on the navigation laws that evening, but would pmtpone it tilt Thursday ; or he would ask those hon. gentlemen who had notices tor to-morrow to postpone them till Thursday—then to have the preference —and to proceed with the navigw ion laws te-morrow. JAMAICA AND BRITISH GUIANA. Mr GOULBURN asked if any official accounts had been received from the governor of Jamaica by the recent packet ? Mr. HAWES was understood to reply in the negative. In answer toe question from Mr. RomsnioN, Mr. HAWES stated that despatches had been received by the lut packet from the governor of British Guiana. PRUSSIA AND DENMARK. Mr. URQUHART asked in what position this country stood with respect to the mediation between Prussia and Denmark ? Viscount PALMERSTON said that the negotiations were carried on between the Prussian government as represented in the German ennfedcration sod the Danish government. The mediation of this country was going on singly, not con jointly with that of any other government. SPANISH AFFAIRS. Mr. URQUHART wished to know if the noble lord (Pal merston) had any objection to lay before the house copies of the application of the Spanish government to this govern ment for aid under the quadruple treaty, and of the reply sent by this government; also an account of the monies due from the Spanish Government. Viscount PALMERSTON said that the papers in which the Spanish government had claimed aid under the quadruple treaty would be found amongst those relating to the affairs of Portugal. If the hon. member would furnish him with a list of the other documents he asked for he (Lord Palmerston) would state afterwards whether there was nay objection to their being produci.cl. BOROUGH OF HORSHAM. Mr. GORING moved that a new writ should issue, for this borough, in the room of John Jervis, Esq., whose election had been declared void. Ho was induced to make this mo tion on the ground that the Borough Elections Bill would not interfere with this case. The motion being seconded, Mr. HUME expressed his surprise that this motion had been brought forward. (Hear, hear.) If the reform be ad vocated were adopted, he hoped Horsham would never re turn a member again, but only ea one of s series of boroughs. THE E X PRESS, TUESDAY thivalrone, and gallant nation. He coal not but feel, 'ineettever, that If finale had 'derived ►4ventngea r. we hid else derived advasr t s:tom oge tonnesien SPI"e tra m her *Sal gallaatfoti Holt *mot to peat the warriors of N and thchigh Spaln Would aster forget her obligations, jet the constant ?chees e/I of theta by at might arouse something bordering on a vindictive feeling tb supply the place of international Mend• ship. He regretted these unhappy despatches, therefore, on other grounds than the mere dimmed of our minister. lie regretted them, among other things, because he Mend they might be drawn into a precedent. It was far that cellos that he had been moat snaious to press forward this debate so early. He wished to guard against these papers being filmed in the liiirary of that house without thins Ming annexed to them an immediate protest. That was what he desired to guard against. And now let him come to the consideration of tho documents that were phased before them. In the outset he must complain that the paper. presented to parliament as" papers relative to the affairs of Spain" were mere extracts, and very partial ones. What did the house think, far instance, of such a correspond- once as this: Mr. Itutwer to vlseount Palmerston. -I havetuat hail en interview with the Duke of botouniyor, who, liming requested to see me, Muted • • • • • (Loud laughter.) Absolutely that was ell. (Renewed laughter). That was a complete paragraph in a despatch of our Simonds Ambassador to hie minister, coin inuaicated for the information of the British Heuer of Commons! (Cheers.) Almost en the same page with this remarkable auto document was another despatch, in which Lord Palmerston expressed himself highly displeased at the decree of the Cortes giving the go vernment of Spain extraordinary powers. Why, what right had the noble lord to be highly displeased or offended with such matters ? These powers were voted by the Spaniel% Cortes by a majority of 1-111 to 45 in one house, and of 113 to 13 in the other assembly. lie must remark, too, that a great portion of these " papers" was composed of extracts from newspapers. lie (Mr. llankes) did not undervalue news papers lie had no doubt that in Spain, as in England, there were papers conducted by men of the highest talent end of the purest character; but as newspapers both in Spain and England were anenymous publications, he must always feel regret when lie found them brought torwanl as authorities uvon matters of state. (Hear, hear.) Only two hours had elapsed since the last series of papers upon this subject had been delivered to members of the legiblature, and in this series there were, lie must remark, extracts from newspapers, which he thought the government had scarcely exercised a wise discretion in introducing. One of them was from the Herald° of Hey 111, which, alter setting forth that fears ware entertained in Spain of the anger id England 111 consequence of these events, proceeded thus: A singular reflection however anion, vie., the ionnowilillity of Eng. Ltd taking offence at present, in commmence of the hostile attitude of Ireland, whoh ie wwurig her ricatiareua -by the increasing Mika to her treasury-by the suspieiona enter Willed t. 4 her tlirougl o Europe in consequence ot her friendly relations math the court of Vienna-and finally, by the proceedings of the chartist party, which calculates on the salmon of the new parliamentary IoT s. headed by Meows. home owl laughter) -who will no eloolit take advantage of the itaticulhe-d into which the county In thew. n, In order to kindle the torch of civil discord throughout the lona. (Much laughter and some opposition cheering ) These were the documents the noble lord gave to them as part of a great parliamen'ary record. (Hear, hear.) Thus it was that elate papers were made up-(cheers) -and he must say that it did seem to him that these sort of things had been put tee:ether with considerable haste in order 10 OCCMIIIiOII a dality-that they hail hi en collected with much toilsome indeetry an osiler to gain time. (Cheering.) Ile now came to the next in pnrtant document-the nob], lord's memorable eantidem dial" despatch to Mr. Bulwer of March 15. It would Le re• collected that it ran thus ; 1 have to instruct you to recommend veniality to the Spanish vernment and to the QueemMother, if you have an opportunity of doing so, the adoption of a legal and eonstitutiuga l worse of go, e onslowan inpain. (" Hear, hear," from the liberal aide.) This was pretty well The Cortes it would be remembered was sitting at the time, carrying what they thought " legal and constitutional mea sures" by large majorities. The recent fall of the King of the French and of his whole family, and the expulsion of his ministers, ought to teach the Spiudsh court and goverionent how great is the linger of as utterniat to govern a country in a manner at visaa.01:V1.1111114 1 realities and 00111010 of the nation; sod the catastrophe which ha, happened in France mud serve to snow that even a large and well disciplined army becomes an ineffectual defence fee the crown when the course panels,' by the crown is at variance with the general eentimente of the country. It would then be woe for the toren of Spain in the present critical date of ittlairs to strengthen the executive government by anlsraing the bunts upon which the administration Is toweled, 00 by calling w luo councils some of those men who paves. the confidence of B.c liberal party t Mach cheering from the liberal side.) Now it might have been good fur Spain and this country if the policy recoil'. mended by the noble lord had been adapted, but certainly if the noble lord wished to defeat such a measure be could not have adopted a course more calculated to carry that object (Hear, hear.) lie ( Mr. liankes) was ready to admit that the feeling of Spain towards us had not been very favourable, and that the acts of the Spanish government had not been very kindly. We hail probably *uttered s , me disappointment by the course Spain had churn to pursue with reference to our free trade policy. There was not, as he conceived, any better employment of time fur ministers than watching our commercial relations with le reign countries ; but he did doubt the expedieucy of inter fering with the political &Weirs of nations, and especially of endeavouring to force upon them certain individuals and parties to act as ministers and governors of the country. (Cheers.l Why. what should we coy, if the Spanish alias ter for koreian Affairs, seeing the chartists in England and the repeaters in inland in a state of discontent, were to write to us, insisting that it would be better far Great Britain, if the government were placed upon a wider basis, and if hirers. Cobden and Hume were at once railed to the councils of the sovereign 1 (Hear, hear.) What should we say if, having told us that, they were to conclu de by stating that whether we adopted such measures or not, they would at least have the satisfaction of having given timely warning (Cheers.) Tte noble lord might say that Spain was in peculiar relations to. wards England-he might insist on the sort of obli gatory link which existed-and which he seemed to think bound the Spanish nation to a state of suh,erviency to us because of benefit' received ; but this was not enough. Cases had happened before where diplomatists as able as the noble lord hail been concerned, and where a very dif f erent tone had been creamed on subjects by no means dunimilar to that under diseu bioll. The noble lord, he was sure, would not be offended with a comparison which he would institute. Holland, at one period of her history, was a state divided by opposite factions. She was under the greatest obligations to us for the preservation of her liberty, and for affardieg her the means of carrying on her commerce. At such a time, and at a period of great clangir to her, we had a vigilant and able ambassador at the Hogue, whine des;.atchee were ex tant. He alluded to the noble lord's ancestor, Sir \V. temple. Writing from the Hague in 11)70, that gentleman, after adverting to the state of internal ethers in Holland, said : -- • I have thought fit ta pay thin meth that so yin may make up your reports of thew affair., and to it is our part to went the least con cerned we can in them, the best we can do is to watch die Interests of the country, doing as little akwe can to interfere with their internal interests. lie (Mr. Bankea) wished the noble lord had followed the example of his great ancestor, and been satiatied with watch ing vigiantly and anxioasly the domestic interests of Spain —ready to affor aid when required. but knowing that to offer it unasked was only likely to excite ill will. (Cheers.) But he had another can -to cite. Nearly at the same period, in 1678, we had an amitassador at Al drid, Sir Wil liam Godolphin, who had occasion to make remon ! strums of a serious rature on tne part of his government. lie addressed a letter to Don John of Auntie, informing him that " the king, his master, hail commanded him frequently to complain of the ill conduct of the Spanish ministers at his court, which he was directed to say had nut been amended by the minister now pres. nt." What wan the result of this remonstrance ? It met with im- ' mediate attention. The Spanish mioisu rat the court of St. James's was removed, showing that Spain, at the period of her molt palmy greatness, was not above receiving with courtesy an appeal ter the removal of her ambassador. What reason was there to suppose that her heart was so broken by subsequi ut misfortune that she should not ri-e up now in resentment when an experiment was triedupon her patience ? (Cheers.) But he proceeded with the despatches. The fol lowing was from Viscount Palmerston to Mr. Bulwer Foreign-office, April 20, Ists.—ser, —I have reeeivevl your &s -patch of the 11th inst., with its enclosures, and I have to hotrod you to state to the Duke of notomayor that her Majesty's government en tirely approve the step you took in making your communication of the 1 lilt inst., and, likewise, of your note of the 12th. That her Majesty's ; governnunt, however, are not at all offended, either by the venting back of your commumenliun of the 7th of April, or by the angry tone and language of the Duke of Sotomayor's note of the loth, loiw ever they may regret the existence of those (yelled/tin the minds of the !Spanish government, of which the language of Mrs exisdleocy's note and the return of yours were profs. tier Majesty% govern ment, in making to the government of Spain the representations, and in giving the advice which yaw communication conveyed, were in . spired by no sentiment but that of elneere friendship tar Spain, and of deep Interest In the welfare of Queen Isabella. They felt that in making that communication they were performing a duty, and wit taking any undue liberty; and, therefore, at all events, It is a media faction to her Majesty's government to reflect that although their counsel has been rejected and their communication has been returned, the note has, nevertheless, been read and the counsel has been tendered, and that whatever calamity may happen In Spain her Mitjeety'a government stand acquitted of nut having done what they could to prevent it. With regard .! to the contents of the Duke of rotemayor's note, her Majeety:a government have only to observe, that if the right of her Britannic Majesty to the throne of the United Kingdom had been disputed by a pretender; if civil war had arisen out of such a conflict of claims; if the Britieb government had only a few years ago pent a ; special envoy to Madrid to oohed the asets . terioe man o ce f S h pto, bc. in ord o e s r en to , - place her Majesty on her throne; U that both morally by treaty engagements, and physically by military and naval forms • tribe aid thus afforded by Spain had oontributed ino essential a degree to secure the crown to her Majesty, that ig might with truth be said , that without such aid her Majesty would not now have been Queen of England ; if, moreover, there still remained a I pretender, who hie right and whose pretensions were backed , by a large party in the Felted Kingdom ; and if upon every symptom of danger from that pretender, and that parte, the British govern , ment was in the habit of reminding Spain of the treaty engagements which she had entered into; wa alto in the habit of asserting that , thane engagements were atilt in force, and woo continually claiming the benefit of the alleged existence of these en gagements ; If all those things existed, and if the govern. mend of Spain had, in a moment of general disturbance In Europe, warned the Britieh government of dangers by which, In their opinion, the security of her Majesty'e throne was menated—l think I may confidently affirm that, under such circumstances, any stateemen who might be ministers of the British crown, instead of sending buck the note In which sorb reprrnentations were conveyed, I and Instead of replying to it in dtsoourteoue terras, would have ac. cepted the communication in the same eplrit of friendship in which it , was made; and whether they adopted or not the advice which it con. tained, would at least have considered it a proof of the continued ex istence of that friendship on the part of Spain, to which In such case ! would have been owing the circumstance that those British ministers L had the honour of beirg adviser* of the crown instead of being pro , scribed exiles In a foreign land. You will transmit to the Duke of Sotomayor a copy of this despatch.—(Signed) Peusgasrox. to tell the government of r Now, certainly it was rather strong ' Spain that we had been the instrument of putting the crown • of Spain on the beset of the Queen, when al: we had pur ported to dr, was to lend our aid in confirmation of the Under thew circumstances he hoped the sedan would be withdrawn. Mr. ANSTEY trusted the opposition would Cot be pens mired in, as the refusal of the writ would itetablish a dan gerous preeedent—that treating was just es bed as bribery' Biel. HARMER said he felt the incenvenie to which the uncertain progress of his bill subjected the me ouse lie hoped the writ would at least be suspended till after Whit suntide. Sir It. PEEL said the bill of 1842 had made certain acts liable to the penalties of bribery, not theretofore so punish able. Ile regretted to find that that act had been inopera tive. This session had afforded repeated proofs that these usages were still committed by local agent , without the knowledge of the candidates, whereby their wets were corn promesed. (Hear, hear.) This was very hard upon hon. members; and if no attempt were made to shack such prac tices, they would be placed under a manifest disadvantage, and probably an inferior class of persons might be returned to that house. (Hear, hear.) On this ground he thought the writs ought to be suspended ; but while doing this, the duty of the house to the constituencies required that other public business should be postponed for the consideration of this important question. Lord J. RUSSELL thought it would be advisable to sus pend the writ, as toe house purposed inquiry, which was evident from the Borough Elections Bill, now before it. At the same time, he could not agree tut a bill of that nature ought to take pr,cedence of all other business Whatever. Mr. DISRAELI said the government had in effect ad mitted that there was not the slightest chance of any general measure affecting these boroughs being catriee ibis year. That being the case, the least inconveniesce would be to issue the writ immediately in all these cases, and let the in quiry be afterwards undertaken if nectwory. Mr. BANKES said the noble lord had omitted to remark on his own bill for Horsham, which stood for Wednesday neat, and which would probably be carried without oppobt tion, if the noble lord chose to press it. If he would do so he (Mr. Booties) would oppose the writ now issuing; if not, he could not consent to such an injustice. Mr. STAFFORD said he did not think the hon. gentle man the Attorney-General had acted well towards Horsham, which bad done for his near and dear relative all that a borough could do ; but, when the question for the re-issuing of the writ came on, left his place vacant, and the noble lord behind to vote for the suspension of the writ. (Hear.) They were told that a party had been formed in St. James's. square, and that Sir J. Walmsley had been named as tbe gentleman who was to act as whlpper-io. That party was not very well organised to be sure; and one hm. gentleman and then another declared that his name ought not to be amongst those who termed it. mach machinery of a party. (Qution, question.) on He an could well understand hon. gentlemen belonging to that party wincing under those observations—( • hear, hear," and laughter)—and that a party which protessed superior purity, and advocated an extension of the suffrage, should receive with disgust the announcement that the hon. gentleman who was to look after their seats had so completely failed in the commencement as not to be able to retain his own, and that it had Leer* proved with respect to the constituency of Leicester that bribes had been tendered and accepted. Nt ith respect to Harsher's, there had been only some insignificant cases of treating proved. Ho would vote for the issuing of the writ, because he thought no case was mode out for &Arun : chisement, and because the parties most guilty were not before them. (Hear, Ilene) Mr. MUNTZ thought the best way of removing the practices which had been complained of with respect to Horsham was to e xtend the franchise. Mr. tiOULBURN said the effect of the hon. gentleman's plan would be to give them more Leicester* and Derbys, instead of another Horsham. (Hear, hear.) lie would pursue on the present occasion the same course he pursued with respect to the Derby writ. Mr. MANGLES said he had been informed by a gentle man who lived in the neighbourhood of Horsham that bribery and treating to an enormous extent prevails 1 in the borough, and if they were to agree to the hewing of the writ without investigation into that bribery they would become the laughing -stock of the country. Mr. S. HERBERT said it was of importinee that they should be consistent in the course they meant to pursue, and therefore be would support the suspension of the writ. Mr. J. STUART said that it was not the wry to do justice to Horsham to suspend the writ on the surmises of hon. gentlemen. 11 they had any judicial grounds on which to proceed, he could understand their suspending the writ; but as they had not, it was a ',oestrous iujustice to continue its disfranchisement. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GORING thought the public would draw their own conclusion horn the members of the government voting for the looting of the writ for Derby, where bribery was proved, rea d opposing it in the case of Horsham, where no bribery was proved. (Hear, hear.) The public would he opt to conclude that this took place from the feet of Derby having returned two whip members fur the last 30 years, and that Horaham would probably return a member opposed to them if the writ wee now issued. (Hear, hear.) The hoe. member for Guiliferd (Mr. Mangles) spoke of the bribery at Horsham as being quite notorious. Ile could only say that the Attorney-General was deeply impli. cat d in it if It existed. M. HUME thought that those were the real despots and destroyers of the constitution who refused inquiry in the present case. (Question, question.) . The house divided—For the writ Against it ARREST OF COL. BRISTOWE. The O'GORMAN MAIION wished to know from the noble lordlwhether he had remised any official information re specting the arrest of a British officer by tit., government of Spain ? The subject had excited considerable interest. Lord PALMERSTON said he had received information to the etfect that Col. Bristowe had liven arrested and expelled the Spanish territory. No reason as fer as he knew was as signed for that expulsion. lie thought it his duty to make inquiry on the suo;ect, and as yet had received nosatisfactory answer. THE SPANISH QUESTION. Mr. BANKES rose to move as an ameudrnent to the order of the day the volution of which be had given notice. That this house teems with deep regret from a correspitudenci be tween the British government and the government of Spain, now on the table of Ude home, that a prove.% interference with the internal concerns of the Spanish government, as conducted under the authority and with the entire approval of her Majesty'a niinistere, bus phtoed the Briti.h government and our representative at the curt of Madrid in a poon Lumtliaticg in its character, awl which is calculator to affect the friendly relations existing between the courts ul Great Britain and Spain. Amongst the singular events which distingui-hed the pre• sent year it was not the least singular that a British minister, perhaps for the first time, had been expelled from a friendly foreign country by the court to which he was accredited, and it in no degree tended to diminish the singularity of this event to observe the manner in which that fact had la een re ceived by her Majesty's government—the complacency, the quiet and tranquillity, they evinced in regard to it. And yet, it was utterly unexpected by them, because, a few days ego, their answers to questions put to them on the subject were to the effect that notwithstanding any transactions which had taken place, the friendly dispositions of the two courts were in no degreedisturbed. So little emotion did it excite in their minus, when on a sudden they received a despatch, inform ing them of the extraordin .ry event, that were it not for questions put to him in that house, the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would nut have thought it necessary to make any communication to this house, and they should have learned this transaction for the first time, as they had learned all other transactions relating to the foreign diplomacy of the country, from the columns of foreign newspapers. It did seem surprising that no member of the government, on receiving the report of a transaction so utterly unexpected by them, should have thought it right to give some explanation on to anxious a subject—anxious to all who felt interested in the honour and character of the country ; and that it should be left to a member of the oppo sition to give the government an opportunity of making this explanation. It was asserted by the Duke of Soto mayor, or in the papers before them, that the cabinet of Great Britain did not justify the conduct of their ambas sador. The noble lord would now have an opportunity of stating whether or not the cabinet of Great Britain had given authority to the Duke of Sotomayor to make any such assertion. The noble lord ought to thank him for giving him the present opportunity of making explanations with regard to the reel state of the qui scion, because he was greatly mistaken if he supposed that there was any want of spirit in this country to resent an affront to it in the person of their arnhaisailor, or that it would endure an injury of that description. He should like to know from the noble lord whether it was or was not the fact that the whole grounds of the charges brought against their ambassador were as signed in the pupers before them? It was most essential that they should know that; and he could coneeive no grounds for coacealment upon the subject. It was impossible that the noble lord should not be cognisant of the whole facto, for ho bad every individual before him from whom information could be obtained —the ambassador himself and the special envoy from the court of Maerid. smith whom he beliescd the noble lord was in com munication through the Spanish ambassador. He knew the story on one side and the other; he knew what the other accusations were, if other accusations existed than those contained in the papers. He believed that the despatch of the noble lord was an unhappy and unfortunate piece of diplomacy, but that that could form any justification for the expulsion of their ambassador was what no man in that house would believe. (Hear, hear.) He might and did lament that any instructions given to their ambassador — though not exceeded by him, as far as his judgment led him to form a conclusion—should have led to a result so humi liating to them —that the government of Spain should have rejected the despatch of the noble lord, and that they, as a nation, should be insulted. As the noble lord had justified the conduct of the ambassador the latter should receive no blame from him (Mr. Bankes). But having gone to that extent, which in his opinion was far indeed, the Spanish government went a step further, when they not only returned the ambassador's despatch, but rejected also the ambassador, telling him that though he and his nation "might not be offended," yet that he had better not stay there, but take himself off in order to avoid offence. (Hear, hear.) The house had before them, in the papers presented by the government, the siespetches which had first passed respecting these matters. Undoubtedly those despatches were from the first considered in that house to present points for grave consideration. It had seemed to him, and he believed to others, that an interference had been proposed with the affairs of a friendly p ewer which no government could have borne without resentment; and certainly, from the first, he had anticipated that something would follow calculated to disturb the friendly relations subsisting between England and Spain—relations which had existed for many years, and which were maintained by many important cenaiderations. True it was that Spalnowed to us a debt of gratitude; but it could not but be felt by a generous people that a claim of that sort insisted upon at all tames and under all ci eumstances could not be advanced creditably to ourselves nor without offence to a proud, ;NINE, JUNE 6, 1848. - *tains of the person whom ere otmeldered justly entitled to at O d eo wn. Altogether, he could not but think that, what- ever Wants attached totheettberquent conduct of the Spanish government towards Sir Henry Bulwer—sad he quite agreed Ye wearing that conducts. highly arbitrary sad Improper— there Whom in tho tone observed bythe noble lord much that would naturally irritate and wound the feelings of the Spanish government and nation, end he therefore trusted that in the explanation which the noble lord would, he pre sumed, that night offer, the noble lord would admit, what he surely must feel, that he had been injudicious, at all events In the manner and time of his interposition. Moat undoubtedly the British nation, while ever prepared to vin- Welt, its honour, would not hesitee to express its regret, if ar y hasty expreadon on the part of itsgovernment had wounded the generous sensibilities of a high.souled and friendly gee , ple. (Hear, hear.) Such an expression of regret on the part of the noble lord would at once tend to smooth away the unfortunate asperities which had arisen. It should not be forgotten that the noble lord and his noble colleague at the head of affairs, were members of that same government of Lord Grey, whose grand pro ession of faith was economy, reform, and non-interference with foreign states. Viscount PALMERSTON—Peace, retrenchment, and re- form. Mr. BANKES.—Theee were the same things in other words; peace was non intervention, and non-intervention peace. This profession of faith had reference to the contrary policy of former governments—of one or more of w hich, ver y possibly, the noble viscount had himee If formed part. (A laugh.) And the noble viscount would have done well had he adhered to it in the present matter. Among the inap &Hefted to members that morning, there was one par ticular, from Sir H. Bulwareatrhich he would beg to quote. And here let him observe that he had throughout considered Sir Ilenry Bulwer's conduct required ro vindication. (Hear.) Teat functionary hail on no apparent occasion exoestuled or Sullen short of his filletructions,but had, it would seem. exactly earth d out the vie res of the noble viscount. 'f here were various points to which he (Mr. Ranker) desired to direct the noble viscount's reply .---Ist. Whether any other cause or causes than those already made known had been assigned by the Spanish government for dismissing Sir 11. Bitterer ? 2nd, As to the degree of approbation, whethet more or lees com plete, which the British government gave to Sir 11. Bulwer'e proceedings ? Next, as to the precise nature and extent of the hold which the British government assumed to have upon the crown and government of Spain ; for instance, whether the noble viscount really aseumed that we had placed Donna Isabella on the throne, not from any claim of right on her part, but because of the peculiar principles which she and tier udherente professed, in contradistinction to those advo cate.' by other pretenders to the throne ? In the note of Sir 11. Bulwer to the Duke of Sotomayor, dated April 16, we find this paseage There am came Indent In which mere advice from one government to another would be a yucationab!e act of propriety and interference; but where It el/ happens that the former government h am remised particular support from another, and dor on account of particular prinemlea; and more especially where it no happens that the former mover nment imp still entertain the hope that if the struggle In which it has once been victorious were to be 'mewed, it would again receive Winkler wisit.tance lean its late auxiliary; here exists one of those peculiar cams in which, without any attempt at dictation, a Mate whit tins proved as useful any may say to that state which it ha. served, "Take care, you are in a moment of dancer; beware that too do not separate yourself from those pi inciples which were the to lineal feature of your canoe; In this manner you mar lam the Ca . .., you desire to maintain ; in this manner you may forfeit the • Nasal of your best friend s both at home and Maned ; let me be et you, even If your intentions are goad, to ael/111 arraying, If 100.11114.,1411111,11Lt1ieen against you." Such were some of the pint. to which he desired to direct the noble viscount's reply. There was yet another: It Kippered very singular that among the papers already produced there were no instructi o ns from the noble lord subs. quent to the 20th of April. 11. should wish to know whether there had been any instructions issued poste rior to that eltite ? Probably, and it might be at no distant period, when this matter should be settl. dl, as he trusted it would lie in an amicable way between the two countries, the noble lord, in making a statement to that effect to the house, would feel it necessary to call upon the haute for an opinion as to the whole of these proceedings. Meanwhile, he would remark, that he hail braught forward the present resolution because he had heard from the noble lord that its diacuesion would in no degree embarrass the existing negotiations. Hid the noble lord given any other intimation, he should of course have delay. d the pros coition. Should the resolution he was now about to submit to the house give to the noble lord an opportunity fir making any explanatory or concilia tory statement, ti ruling to heal the wound which haul been iiititeted on the honest pride of the Spanish nation, he should rejoice in this part he had taken towards removing the sure feeling which bad arisen between two countries hitherto so friendly. The resolution having been put from the chair, Mr. SIILIL said—Tne hon. gentli man, on the 10th May, g•st.. notice of a motion, in relation to a paragraph in one of Sir H. Bulwer's letters, for the purpose of hiforatietion. He has now changed his ground, and prop 'bell for the adoption of the house a resolution of censure on my noble frien.t. I am very far from saying that this change in his tactics is we dee. eying of commendation. lily notes friend is clearly re sj °risible f tar all that has b. en said or done y Sir 11. Bulwer, and I therefore think the hon. gentleman quite right in saying that by his motion he is conferring an obligation on my noble friend ; my noble friend is equally indebted to the hen. gentlemen fir his motion and for his speech, for both will serve him. (Hear, hear.) The true question is—l purposely avoid any prefatory pro lixity—the true question is, whether the noble lord the Sec retary of State for Foreign Affairs was justified in interfering in the internal affairs of Spain, by the peculiar relations in which we stand towards that country? (Hear, hear.) What are those relations? It will be necessary to take a retro sista, which I promise you shall be a rapid one. In 1834, the Spanish government solicited the assistance of England— a special negotiator, the Marquis Miraflores, was sent to England. That nobleman has published an account of his mite-ion, which I think I see in the hands of the hon. mem her for Pontefract. (A laugh.) The marquis states that Lord Palmerston had very great difficulues to contend against, but his earnestness in the rause of SpaM and of Spanish liberty overt ime every obstacle that stood in his way, and on the 22nd of April, 1834, the preliminary articles of a treaty of quadruple alliance were signed. At that period the Duke of Richmond, Sir J. Greham, the Earl of Ripon, and the nobleman who has recently taken so active a part in the questien in another house (Lord Stanley) had not retired from the cabinet. (Hear, hear.) The marquis states that the effect of even these preliminary articles was signal and immediate. Don Carlos assent. d, and it was sup posed that the pacificstion of Spain would be the result of the mile'. a. This anticipation was not carried oat. Don Carlos retired into the provinces, end the entire of the Basque population arise for him; the court of Spain was filled with dismay, aud the Marquis Miraflores, instructed by his government, again waited upon Lord Palmerston, and, to use his own language, " implored his aid with adju rations, ardent and unremitted." Lord Palmerston redeemed I the pledge he had given, by aid, naval, military, and moral, and there cannot he a doubt, that but for the interposition of England, Don Carlos would have been King of Spain. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Baillie Cochrane.) The whole population of the Basque provinces, the church, the monastic orders, the nobility, and the still nobler pea santry of Spain, were all of the Cellist party. (Renewed cheers from t he same quarter.) It is raid by the Duke of S oomayor, in very sonorous Castilian, that England inter fered from selfish motives. From what selfish motives I can not conjecture. (Hear, hear.) The people of this country, tilled with an ardent love of liberty, which I trust will ever inspire them, gave energetic aid to a nation struggling for freedom ; but England, all Sir H. Bulwer well pointed out, had nothing to gain in the matter hot the lofty con sciousness of having assisted the Spanish people in the asser tion of their right to free institutions. These institutions were established, end they remained stable till the fall of Espartero. The late minister of this country, I well remem ber, expressed deep regret for that fall, and in his regret Lord Aberdeen fuUy concurred. lam far from disapproving of the policy of Lord Aberdeen toward. Spain. It was Lord Aberdeen who appointed Sir H. Bulwer to the post he 'Attie occupied, and in this appointment Lord Aberdeen manifested a just and most sound appreciation of the valua ble services which Sir H. Bulwer hat rendered to his country at Constantinople and in other quarters. (Hear, hear.) It is said that Lord Aberdeen never interfered in the affairs of Spain. 1 will show the contrary ; I will show that Lord Alo Hien did interfere in the affairs of Spain, en d this in a manner which reflected upon him thelgreatesthonour. Sir H. Balwer wrote to Lord Aberdeen that ne had heard from per sons of good authority that it was in contemplation to plight the Queen first, and then communicate the fact to the Cortes, when it should be too late to revoke the betrothal. Thereupon Lord Aberdeen at once sent directions to Sir It Bulwer to call upon General Narvaez without delay, and to say to him that he could not, indeed, believe the report in question, but that if any such illicit and discreditable proceeding were in tended, the British government would protest against it as an infringement on the Spanish etnetitetion, as exposing the Queen to danger, and as calculated to spread confusion and peril throughout the country. Here, surely, was a case of interference—(bear, beer) ; and, rut such, if Lord Aber deen was warranted—and warranted he was—in interfering, Lord Palmerston was called upon to da so when he raw the Cortes about to be abolished, and every vestige of freedom about to be swept away. In 1846 Lord Aberdeen retired from o ffi ce, and Lord Palmerston, upon acceding to it, naturally directed his attention to the affairs of Spain. I have read the remarkable despatch of July, 1846, to which reference has been made by the greatest journal of this country, which, in relation to it, speaks of the despatch as having proceeded front my noble friend, when baffled on the great liontpensier machination. Now, it was not till Sep tember that the Spanish marriages took place, and at the time of the despatch in July there was no sort of quarrel with Spain on that subject. Bat the Cortes had been ren dered a passive instrument in the bands of the government, the liberty of the press was a nullity, the pro perty and the liberty of the subject were outraged with impunity, and men were daily put to death without a shadow of trial ; the name of freedom had, in • word, become a mockery. Lord Palmerston, struck with this spectacle, did what a British minister was bound to do under the circumstances : he intimated to the Spanish go vernment that it was not for the purpose of establishing a grinding tyranny in Spain that the English government had interfered to settle the crown of Spain on its present basis. (Hear, hear.) The circumstances of 1848 are different, be it remembered, from those of 1846. In 1846 there was no European convulsion ; the authority of Louis Philippe was ostensibly stable. In 1848 occurred those mighty events at whose aspect contemporaries stand appalled, and at which history will look back with amazement. The noble lord was earned by Sir H. Bulwer that revolution threatened Spain, that the Carlista were in motion, and that, it they were encouraged to come forward, a disastrous civil war would be the inevitable result, involving the coun try and its throne in the utmost misfortune and peril. His noble friend hereupon transmitted that despatch which has been so repeatedly referred to. But when this despatch was given to Sir H. Bulwer,did he at once rush to the_palace and deliver it up in the abrupt manner suggested ? 1%; be kept it by him for 20 days, reserving it as a last expedient— as a final resource. EGA the dates : the despatch was re ceived by Sir H. Bulwer ea Ile 21st March ; on the 23rd the Cortes were dissolved; ea the 31st an insurrection took place at Madrid. Oa these occasions Sir H. Buller offered counsel to the Spanish govern ment in the most amicable spirit ; but, as yet, he did not produce the despatch. His preliminary efforts were of no avail •, he went to the Queen-Mother with as little effect; and, at length, on the 9th April, Sir IT. Bulwer, finding that every other expedient had been exhausted, and thinking that Lord Palmerston 's despatch might produce an effect whir him own verbal communicatiena had failed to do, sent in the despatch, and it is but an act of justice to Sir H. Bulwer that I should here read an extract from one of his letters in vindication of the conduct he had pursued, and which, I submit, perfectly justify that conduct. In the letter dated April 22, 1848, Sir H. Bulwer says:— In tide Mate el circumstances I consulted my instructions; had already soled upon them by giving friendly and Intimate advice with out say Whet being produced. It began to be very probable that Omit llonteruolin might chow himself, supported by the literal party, and with the cry of the constitution of 1512: this was here enanweed on one side, a republic on the other. Now, if the Pre tender raked his banner, proclaiming constitutional principles, and we were called upon to support Queen Isabella, her catholic: Majesty upholding military government, it would be difficult for la to imprint t the military government sgainet the constitut onel one, or to desert Queen Isabella suddenly, on the ground that we disapproved of the course she had pursued, soiree there was some proof that we had so dimpproved. My unofficial con nienatiiiial had no authority. keen if her catholic ?dainty fell without exposing us to this dillicult and particular question, it might be Milt, Why did not Mr. Bulw.r warn the Spanish govern ment of the dangerous ooune they were pursuing! Why did he not do so with all Um weight that a formal communication of the views of Great Britain would have afforded!" It was, my land, In view of all theme various probabilities :hut I gave the 'amnion of your lord ship's name, and of my opinion o the advice 1 presumed to offer. It woollen, that I am aware of, couched in improper term",; I did not tbeirehre expect • voluntary hostile reply, or that the present govern. meet of Span wonid Involve amongst Queen Imbelbihs enemies her Meiwity's government, with Minn than the precipitancy with 'itch it bad Included in this category distinguished and loyal Spinniftla. The result shows I was miotaken. And the result does show this. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member has read paragraphs from the Spanish newspaper. the Herald°. The Herald° was edited at one period by Sartorius, and is still wholly under his influence, or, as the French express it, inspired by him. It may, in a word, be considered the organ of the opinions, feelings, and vi wee of the Spanish government. The hon, gentleman ha+ read an extract from this paper, whence it appears that the editor and the government expected a revolution in England, mis taking a chartist procession for • national march. (Hear, hear.) Not knowing that in England liberty and order have entered into mutual guarantees—(hear, hear)—not knowing that our institutions are built on a rack, and bound together with an imperishable cement—(hear)—imagining, in short, that our polity was as frail as the weak, loose structures which continental architects are pleased to call constitutions. (Rear, hear.) Under this impression it wan that the Spanish government thought it could put contumely upon my noble friend and upon the English nation, forgetting the services conferred by us upon Spain—(her, hear) ; or rather, perhaps, I may say, resenting the obligations we had conferred upon her. (lieu, hear.) The Spanish govern• ment thought, under such circumstances, to put au insult upon my noble friend ; and the hon. gentleman over the way says that the government of England has been humi liated. It would be strange, indeed, if the government of this great and powerful country — a country which had the power to revenge an insult, but could afford to despise one —it would be strange, indeed, if the government of England could be humiliated by anything that could be done by the Spanish government, that, in its need, fell down on its knees before us. '(Hear, hear.) But instead of relying on this, I prefer to insist that with truth, with right, with reason, and with honour, humiliation cannot coo list. (Hear. hear.) The hon. gentleman spoke of the quarrels of individuals and of nations, and said they were the same thing. It is, I admit, with actions as with men, and I will put this case to the hon. and learned gentleman. If a man calling himself his friend had lied to him for aid, if the required assistance had been given, and he had not only raised th; suppliant from the earth, but elevated him into prosperity, and become his surety and pledge t, other*, and, if then, seeing this man rushing on to ruin, he were to interfere to save him, and, in stead of gratif'ude, was to meet with contumely, would nut the hon. end learned gentleman feel that the insult re coiled, and that the intended insult fell full upon the de graded ingrate himself and not upon his benefactor? This point of view applied to the whole of the present transaction. From the first report of Sir H. Bulwer down to the letter dismissing Sir li Bulwer from Spain, on grounds of which the annals of diplomacy afforded no parallel—(hear, hear)— Sir Bulwer had been assailed with every species of ;adurnay, with every threat, assassination included, and with the de claration that he was abandoned here. But he is not aban doned hire. (Cheers.) Ile is not abandoned by parliament, he is nut abandoned by the government, he is not abandoned by ray noble friend at the heed of the department in which Sir 11. Bulwer has so' aely served, and who, I am will assured, will rather throw his office to the winds than desert the man who has so devotedly, under his direction, served our common country. The hon. and learned gentleman asked whether any other charges have been made against Sir IL Bulwer ? 1 know not what further allegatious may be adduced by the Spanish government, but I know that calumnies of the vilest sort have been put in circelat:on against him, derived from the vile source of inquisitorial espionage. One example will suffice it was said, when Fulgosio wee put to death, that Mr. Bulwer paid for his death in gold. Calumnies such r these will be treated by the people of this country simply with di-gust and scoen. (Cheers.) This is not the tirst time that my noble friend has been made the object of fierce and calumnious attack. Many a time have I heard him usaiLd in this house with vehement vituperation; but my noble friend has ever, when arraigned before the great tribunal, where the public men of England are tried by the gentlemen of England, has ever vindicated himself with triumph from each attack, and has prosed himself the conscientious. as he is the aisle, champion of liberty all over the world. ( Hear, hear.) He will, I. am sure, do so now. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend, like the rest of us, has his faults; but these are not times in which such faults as his are to be made subjects of party strife (hear, hear) ; the tremendous crisis of European affairs will not admit of our making experiments heedlessly upon public men. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend has his faults; but among these faults his enemies will not reckon the want of sagacity to divern danger, or the want of firm tranquil courage, and of indomitable constancy to encounter it. Lord MAHON said that in the first place he was ready to concede to the fullest extent that the noble lord had a perfect right to tender advice to the Spanish government—(hear)—provided that advice was couched in suitable and proper language. But then came the question, what are the suitable terms in which to convey such advice; and here he must at once assert that lie did not concur in the opinion that had been expressed, that the despatch of the noble lord of the 16th of March was suitable either in 'aspect to the advice that was tendered. or as to the terms in which that despatch was couched. The titbit: lord not only gives his aavice as to the policy that the government of Spain ought to pursue, but also recommends in that despatch a change in the administration, and advises the Queen of Spain to call other men to her councils than those who already were her ministers. He (Lord Mahon) could not hut think that in so doing the noble lord h d stepped out of his way, and that the language of the despstch in question ought not to have been employed. When he looked at the terms in which the despatch of March 16th was conceived, he also was of opinion there was some room for regret. The noble lord should have prefaced his recommendations with a statement of the grounds on which they were mode ; such, for instance, as the assistance that Spain hall received from England, and the sympathy with which this country regarded everything that tended to shake the stability of Queen Isabella's throne—and upon those grounds the noble lord might have justified the advice which he offered. Bat it had been stated that the despatch of March 16 was not intended to be communicated directly to the Spanish go vernment. He therefore begged to ask the noble lord whe ther that was the case?—whether the despatch in rotation was intended for Sir H. Bulwer's private information and guidance, or was it intended to be communicated to the Spa nish ministry? If it was only intended for the instruction of Sir 11. Bulwer, then tot doubt could be entertained that the noble lord was justified in writing it. (Hear.) Ilea Sir H. Bulwer, by an error of judgment, to which the ablest men were occasionally liable, communicated the despatch of March 16 by mistake to the Spanish government, ntll he (Lord Mahon) did not think that the noble lord ought to have sanctioned that error by the distinct and reiterated approval which he had transmitted. He, therefore, again asked the noble lord whether he did mean the despatch of March 16 to be communicated in its actual form to the Spanish minister, and if that question was affirmatis elv anawered,:then he must ask again, why slid the noble lora adopt a tone that was certain to give offence. Now, with respect to the general question which was involved in the motion before the house, the present information as to the position in which the government stood with respect to Spain was altogether incomplete. (Hear.) In the absence, there fore, of any justifiable groan& for the proceedings of the Spanish government towards Sir 11. Bulwer, and ignorant as ha at present was of the facts of the case, he should most carefully abstain from pronouncing any opinion on that part tithe case. But, judging from the papers that had been hitherto produced, he must say at once that he saw ne ground whatever fur the proceeding of the Spanish govern ment towards Sir 11. Bulwer. (Loud cheers on all sides.) The next question he Ilan to consider was, whether he could concur in the resolution before the house. Now, he must at car declare that he could not concur in it. The resolution was a distinct vote of aensure upon the government. (No.) Yes, ._there was an expression of regret ; but that regret con veyed a direct censure upon the government, and he could not but think that in the absence of fuller and more satisfactory information upon all the points in question, the House of Commons would best consult its dignity by withholding its sanction from the resolution. Lord .1. RUSSELL said : Sir, the noble lord who has just set down has spoken so fairly—(hear)—and expressed his doubts, where he entertains doubts, and his approbation where he approves, as well as his reluctance to express cen sure, in terms so manly and so fair that I cannot refrain from endeavouring to satisfy the noble lord upon those points on which he is, as he observes, yet uninformed. The noble lord admits, as I believe the house will be willing to admit, that setting aside the peculiar relations which exists; between this country and Spain it is competent for a government to give advice to a foreign power with whom it is on friendly terms, and that it is even bound to offer such advice, provided it be couched in friendly language, and that its object is a legitimate one. I believe there are few who hear me, who are prepared to deny that there may arise occasions on which counsels such as I refer to may with pro priety be offered. Indeed, without referring to the innume able instances which might be adduced in support of this assertion, I may mention one case of this description, which I read of two or three days ago, and which occurred in Italy'. A personage in a very high station at Naples, stated that he informed the foreign ministers that tranpilay was restored. One of them spoke to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, sad said that the time was come when clemency might very properly be shown to the people. Now, who was th a t foreign minister ? It was the representative of her Moat Catholic Msjesty. (Hear, hear.) I find that same minister represented subsequently counselling the King of Naples, in conjunction with the Engli.h ambassador, as to the propriety of preserving the chambers, but I do not find that it ever occurred to the minister of the King of Naples to regard such a proceeding as offensive or insulting. or that he badd the Spanish envoy wait till he asked him for his advice on the internal concerns of the kingdom. Bat the noble lord truly admits that there are resume why Easg_ land, of all other countrii.s, should be entitled to offer adTlott to the ministers of the Spanish crown. When the Marquis of Miralfores came to this country to supplicate for the aid of England, our wsistance was too readily and effectually given for us not to consider that when the throne of Queen Isabella was in danger our advice, if tendered, would not be considered as off. nsive or officious. The events which have recently occurred in Europa are of the most extraordinary description. My right hon, friend the Mast. rof the Mint, who has made s +surly a speech, referred to the despatch of my noble friend, dated in 1846, wherein my noble friend states what hil sentiments are to the ambassador at Madrid, who informs the Spanish minister of them when the occasion serves, but does not intrude them upon him. But, as I have already observed, the events of the early part of this year have been of the most extraordinary character, and there has been no country which could be considered safe from those convulsi o ns which have overthrown constitutions and thrones on the continent of Europe. It is impossible for the house not to think that the state of Spain during these convulsions in ether states must have powerfully attracted the attention of my noble friend at the head of the Foreign office. My noble friend, acting upon these impressions, wrote the despatch of March The noble lord opposite (Lord Mahon) asks—and I ad mit his question is perfectly justifiable —whether thtt despatch was intended to be communicated to the Spanish governmint, or whether it was meant only to verve as a guide to Sir H. llulwer. The answer I shall give to the noble lord will be heat conveyed in a relation of the events as they . have occurred. My noble friend wrote that despatch, not as it is termed in the form of a note to be rodeo:untested . . to the Spanish government. It was intended for the in formation of the minister wh i had been chosen to represent this country at the court of Madrid on account of b r ie mai. rent abilities, and who being thoroughly acquainted with the state of Spain has conducted the diplomacy of tt.is coup. try there with great wi.dom and skill. Sir H. Bulwer per. tectly well understood my noble friend's despatch of March 16 as it was meant—nem, ly, for his guidance alone. But there occurred soon after he received it • state of things which roused in his mind a great degree of rearm for the safety of the throne, and Sir 11. Bulwer d: scribes that state of thing. to my noble friend in his despatch of the 22nd of April. He then states: The Cortes itself nos Prorogued, and on a tumult (.leel tied by the government statement to be the act of an isodgodieset mob) occur. ring, almost every ottoer of note in the progredvta party ea. arrested or banished, unit 10111 e of the meet dki. , frubbed deputies were wired and Imprisoned with an apparent intent to U. port them, and all this w.thout the penis, thus treated being told of their offence, or submitted to any sort of trial. I believe it to be Sir Iknryßulwer's opinion that th e b es t policy for the Queen of Spain to follow would be to unite in her councils all the most eminent men of those various opinions who had contributed to assert and maintain her title to the throne, whether they were styled moderalos, progresistas, or exaltados. It is Sir Henry Bulwer', op uion that the Queen of Spain's interest is to unite these parties, and to form by their means a rampart against toe pest:foie= of any other prince. This is the opinion of Sir Henry Bulwer, formed not in consequence of any predi lections on his part, but from an honest survey of the situation of affairs in Spain. Under these circumstances, he saw with great alarm all the mai. tutional guarantees suspended or taken away from the people and their liberties threatened, as well as the highest men in the kingdom seized and threatened with impiisonment or deportation. Sir Henry Bulwer feared the pretensions of the Count Montemolin might be advanced by a emitter revolution, and with these apprehensions in his mind, he states in his despatch to which I have a't (-Rely slurred that he consulted again his instructions. That course of pro ceeding, as well as the expressions which he use, sufficiently show that he rightly undemood those instructions as entitling him to offer his friendly advice to the Spanish minister, without producing the despatch on which they were founded. But at the same time it occurred to Sit Henry Bulwer that if he did not produce Vie despatch of my noble friend of March 16, there would lie no record left of the fact of his having offered the advice which he had done •, and consequently that no trace of any into rference on the part of England, in defence of the Queen of Spain, would hereafter be found in the archives of the British Chancel lerie at Madrid; and acting upon these impressions he wrote the letter of April 7 to the Duke of Sotomayor inclosing the despatch of my liable friend of March 16. These are the facts of the csse. The despatch of March 16 certainly is couched in more abrupt language than if it bad been iut.wied to have ben transaii tad to the Spanish government. But the circumstance, account for the course taken by Sir H. Bulwer in se :ding it to the Duke of Sotomayor. It never was intended that the despatch should be transmitted to the Spanish minister. At the same time we were hound to consider whether Sir 11. Bulwer had acted property in so sending it. We thought that he had acted properly, and that he de served our support and approbation (cheer.), sad I think we should have pursued a very bad c curse indeed if taking advantage of a technical point, we had turned round upon Sir H. Bulwer, who has satisfactorily fulfilled for years the functions of ambassador at Madrid, and said to him ", you were not instructed to deliver in the note of March 16, and we disavow your proceeding." We should have very much lowered the government had we so acted, and we con sider we were right in taking upon oursalvas the reeponsibi• lity or rather let us say the greater part of the responsibility, for the hon. member for Dorsetahire is right in saying that if there is cause for censure, the censure must rest on the ge cerement at home, and not on the agent. (Hear.) We, therefore, do take the greater share of that responsibility, and we stand here to be acquitted of all blame, or to be censured, if it should please the house to censure our con duct in this proceeding. But, at all events, not denying or seeking to evade the responsibility which properly rests upon us, my noble friend's subsequent despatches to Sir H. Bulwer have been censured ou another ground; and it has been said that after such en affront had been offered him as that of sending back his deep itch, he ought to have fallen into a passion, and in pompous terms, and by some acts of an extreme nature, he ought to have resented the indignity put upon him. I think my noble friend took a much better and wiser course in explaining that his motives were friendly, and that if the Spanish ministers were angry, we should not be offended with them. I re collect a sory which Lord Holland told me, of a dinner at which he was invited ; and when he arrived, he found there Lord Archibald Hamilton, and a gentleman who was not known to him. Lord Archibald Came up to him and said that the gentleman had been saying each things to him that he must either laugh at him or knock him down, upon which, said Lord Holland, I advised my friend to laugh, and not to think of knocking down. So, I think, is the case with my noble friend (Lord Palmerston), the question isnot one which involves a grave national quarrel. Then there has been another species of criticism passed upon the used in the notes addle seed to the minister of Spain h i g a ffrH. Bulwer. Bulwer. It his been said that we ought not to remind Spain of the obligations she is under to this country. New, I differ in opinion with those who think thus. Ido not think that if the Spanish government had really consulted the in terests of their mistress they would have returned such an answer as that of the Duke of Sotomayor to Sir IL Bul wer. They ought to have been too mindful of their Queen's interests to indulge in such sarcasms as ware vented in their reply to Sir H. Bulwer'e note of April 7. But as they had chosen tai do so, they fairly drew upon themselves the retort that the Qeeen of England had received no such obligations as had been be stowed upon the Queen of Spain. The hon. member for Dorsetshire has chosen to bring forward his motion, and be thinks it both wise and becoming to do so whits negotiations are yet pending on the very subject under discussion. He professes only t ) ask far information, and doing ao, he pro poses to the house to wee tea vote of censure on our con duct. I endeavoured to justify the discretion of the hon.mem her ; for whilst it was not proper for us to ask him to put off his motion, I cannot agree with him in his asser tion that it was highly proper to bring such a resolution forward whi:st the matters involved in it were yet being discussed ; and if the House of Commons adopts that reso lution the effect cannot but he to weaken—l will not say the present government—but her Majesty's representatives wherever they may be stationed. (Hear.) As to our relations with Spain they are alike peculiar and delicate ; hut whilst the existing state of them demands that we preserve the honour of England, we must alao act with the greatest forbearance. Perhaps, it the forces of the two kingdoms were more equal, it would be mare difficult than it now is to observe that for bearance. But, knowing the power of England and that of Split', we are not only justified in so acting, but we are abso lutely bound to show the utmost forbearance and cons der ation for the latter country. I trust we shall be able to take care that no stain remains on the honour of England whilst we endeavour to preserve the friendly relations which exist between the two countries. If, as I confess lam unable, I cannot find any reasonable excuse for the violence which has been committed, yet I must consider that there is the Queen of Spain, whose throne demands the utmost support we an give it, and whow country requires all our best and most friendly efforts. There is the Spanish nation, as gallant and highly endowed a people as any in Europe ; and whilst I think that the Queen of Spain has, unfortunately, placed the affairs of the nation in hands wanting in discretion, wanting in temper, and wanting in demeanour to a faithful, a warm, ands generous ally ; and whilst, more over, I thank that the Spanish nation possesses only very imperfect organs in the Dukes of Valencia and of Sotomayor, yet at the same time, sir, I think that in all we do, in all we say, and in all we write on this subject, we ought never to forget that whilst those persons whom I have named are only the temporary representatives of Spain, the interests of the Queen of that nation, and also the character of that high-spirited and noble race of men, demand to be regarded by us with the utmost degree of consideration. Mr. D'ISRAELI said it would he difficult, in following* debate conducted as that had been, fur any one who had not been previously acquainted with the public affairs which hid recently occurred between this country and Spain to antici pate what really had happened. Was it easy to imagine that sagroe of se . publichadunpmeedenoutragetedflagrancy been andncy7mm po i u tted n , under circum stances individual, who, both from the position he held and the estimation with which he was regarded, was one in whose treatment this country must take the deepest interest. (Hear, hear.) Would any one have imagined that the government of a foreign country had dismissed the representative of the Queen of Great Britain almost ignominiously from their capital ? That he had arrived in London in baste, and that the circumstances which had led to such an outrage had only transpired to the