The Express. — London, England, 1847-03-30 00:00:00

attest be the disapprobation, the diarist, the indignation which such a barbarous proclamation must inspire in the minds of every member of the government (Hear, bear.) Undoubtedly the hon. gentleman bad shown a great con trast in favour of that pnoce whom he considered entitled to the throne of Spain, as far as consideration and humane priociples went; this was shown in the proclamation he had read, contrasted with the savage tone and intention of the other. Goaeral Mina, who bad issued this proclamation, was no long. r in his office ; and he (Lord Palmerton) was not awaro that his successor had adopted that order. He was excoolirigly sorry to bear it ; and undoubtedly, so far as the infleence of her Majesty's government could go, in any ad vice which they might think it competent to give to the Spanish government, they should seek to impress upon that government the necessity of acting upon humane, and not upon barbarous principles. While blaming and censuring these praceeings, the house ought to bear in mind that these atrocita were re tof very recent dote. It was impos sible to forget the decree of lharango—(hear, bear) ;.1l11(1 in the last civil wan tee atrocities were not as the hon. member had wished to represent, entirely on the aide of the Queen's troops ; they had prevailed on both sides, with this dl5 renec, that while Don Carlos had issued the decree of Durango, nonesuch had been issued on the part of the Queen. But the barbarous practice of shooting prisoners did not aiginate even at that period ; it would be remembered that military murders were committed under the government of a former period. Having answered the question of the hon. member, he could not refraia from expreseing his regret at some indications which appeared in the proclamation or cir cular of the Conde de Montemolin. He there spoke of ranks, and armies, and fields of battle, and of enemies ; and there was an indication that the prince by whom it had been trued intended to .ender his native countrythe scene of that discord which had so long and so fatally prevailed there. If it meant anything, it seemed to moon, that we might expect Spain again to be the theatre of civil war, originating from, and carried on by the designs of, that party of whom the prince was the chief. He (Lord Palmerston) should be most sorry indeed if such a result should take place. (Hear, hear.) Should Spain again be made the scene of a bloody Civil war by the friends of that prince,judging from the cha racter and conduct of that prince since he had been promi nently before the public, that course would not be adopted with his approbation and sanction: and it was to be hoped that those persona in this countre who had the means of frieing advice to that illustrious individual would use their influence to induce him to restrain his friends, and prevent Spain being again the Keno of such devastating calamities. (Hear, hear.) Sir De L. EVANS said he was extremely glad to wit ness the warm anxiety which had been evinced by the hon. member for Everham for the preservation of peace in Spain; he ceuld only regret that the hon. member had not evinced the same anxiety on a former occasion, when his fellow-sub jects were slaughtered in that country. He (Sir De L. Evans) had arrived in Spain immediately after the Elliott convention ' • he continued to serve there nearly two years ; and he was bound to sar, in reference to the statement of the noble lord, as to both parties being equally criminal, that, to his knowledge, not one of the general officers serving under the Queen was otherwise than most anxious to carry the Ellett convention into effect. (Hear, hear.) He did not believe that any one of them violated that convention, while he served there. On one occasion he took 1,000 prisoners, and 100 officer', but their lives were held sacred. It was, there floe, rather too much to hear the representatives of the fallen dynasty, the upholders of the pretender, come forward and plume themielvre on their humanity in conducting the war in that ementry. He also wished to ask the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, if it was consistent with the preservation of international law, that a proclamation denouncing the government of one of our allies as a usurpa tion, should be permitted to go forth from • person receiving the hospitality of this country. Viscount PALMERSTON said it was certainly a great abuse of the hospitality which this country a ff orded to all foreigaers of whatever rank or class, who chose to reside here, that they should issue proclamations or publications of any kind, tending to excite a war or hostilities in a foreign state which was an ally of this country. (Hear, hear.) LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT IN IRELAND. Mr. W. S. CRAWFORD asked the noble lord at the head of the government whether the promised measure for regulating the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland would be chortle introduced, and when it might be expected. Lord 3 . RUSSELL said he had already stated that this measure could not be introduced till after Easter. These had been a great many difficulties in the way of the thee eine ;it was not yet prepared, owing to the great pressure of business before the government ; but it would be brought forward with as little delay as possible. ADDITIONAL POWERS TO THE DUBLIN COR PORATION. Mr. LABOUCHERE, in answer to a question from Mr. OROCAN, with reference to a bill promsted by the cor poration of Dublin for giving them extended powers, said that he so for approved of that bill that be should 'rapport the second reading. DEATHS FROM STARVATION IN IRELAND. Lord G. BENTINCK rerewed the inquiry he had made on a former eveeing as to the possibility of obtaining returns elf the co:nparati re mortality of Ireland in the past and pre tend yeett Re road a letter which he hod received that day from a Roman Catholic clergyman, stating that the re turns of the numbers, and even the names, could be fur niehee without eifficulty, and would show an increase of 20 to 1 iu the pr. sent year. Mr. LABOU (MERE, without at all denying the unfor tunate tact that a great mortality had taken. place owing to the destitution in Ireland, said he eoubted whether any accurate returns could be obtained, and he objected to laying Wore the house, on a subject of this nature, vague and con jecturel statements. In a letter which he had that morning re ceive:l from Mr. liceington, it was stated, on the authority of arc of the mod respectable and leading clergymen of the Church of England is Dublin, that the registries of deaths kept ty the incumbenee of each parish could not be relied upon, as they were most imperfect in many cases ; and that such registries only embrand those interred in yards ad joining the church, aria: not the interments made in open churchyards, which were the principal places of interment in Ireland. Such a return would be most unsatisfactory, and would answer no public object. The Roman Catholic clef; v, to whom the noble lord had alluded, were not public functionaries in the same sense as the clergy of the Church of Elegised ; and therefore the returns from them could not be enforced. But, on the firmer discussion, several Roman Catholic members had expressed their belief that it would be impossible to obtain any accurate returns through the medium of their clergy; he, therefore, hesitated to spree to the principle of producing such returns. He would endea vour to ascertain if it was possible or practicable to obtain accurate returns, which he greatly doubted.. His oppo sition proceeded not from any desire to prevent the house having this information, but from the fear that it could not be obtained with sufficient accuracy. Loll J. MANNERS seed that he held in his hand a letter from the renter of Carrick, in which that gentleman begged to express his surprise that the right bon. gentleman (Mr. Laboachere) bad stated that there were no means of ascer taining the amount of deaths which had taken place during tee last year. Lord J. RUSSELL rail that those members who wished such returns to be made, should recollect that at this moment a very great burthea was imposed on the public officers, both here and in Ireland. With regard to the Trea sury, those connected with that department underwent very great labour. With regard to the office in Dublin, there were a great many anions who said that there never had been such work in it. Those employed in that department commenced business at live o'clock in the morning, and did not finish until eleven o'clock at night. There was a similar amount of labour done in that office at Christmas time. Though a great number of additional clerks had been em ployed, the labour which would attend the making out of the returns sought ter was what it was impossible, under existing circumstances, for public officers to perform. Mr. DISRAELI observed that the noble lord was no doubt actuated in what be said by a proper consideration of the work done in public offices ; but, considering that his noble friend 'Gad only asked for a return of an unprre oedcated mortality in the sister kingdom, he thought that the house ought to obtain it. Lord J. RUSSELL repeated that it was utterly impoude Mc, under the present pressure of business in the public offices, that a proper return °mild be made. Mr.W.S.O'BRI EN wished to ask the noble lord whether, supposing the Archbishop of Twain volunteered to supply the government with the number of deaths which had oc curreJ during tee last year, the government would refuse to lay the information en obtained on the table of the house. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he bad no objection to lay on the creole of the house any correct information obtained by the government, but he would be very sorry to lay on the table incorrect information obtained from a clergyman. Mr. I'. SCIIOPE said that if a correct emus of the popu lation was made during the time of the extreme distress, they would not have had eo many cases as they had heard of, of persons its leg in remote parte of parishes, totally unknown and neglected by those about them. Mr. LABOUCIiERE said that one of the earliest steps taken by the government Ives to prepare a list of all the destitute patens in each district—Here the subject dropped. POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. On the house going into committee on this bill, Mr. P. SCItOPE moved the insertion of a clause for en forair.g performance of the g . uardians duties, and also of a clause for enlarging the maximom extent of land they are empowered to purchase for the employment , and buil ding they are allowed to erect for the accommodation of the poor. He objected to the present mode of confining industrious able.bodied labourers in close buildings like prisons, without encouraging habits of industry, or taking advantage of the out-door labour of the poor. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said that it was an absolute infatuation not to give the guardians that power which the clause of the hot:. member for Strand would afford them. Ile wished to exptves his thanks to that hon. gentleman for submitting such a proposition to the house. Mr. S. CRAWFORD expressed his concurrence with the view , taken bj the hen. member for Stroud. Mr. SHAW objected to the clause increasing theguardiame power of purchasing land and erecting holdings, as it would tend 'o ine ere the people to depend for their selisktenee Cla pauper labeler, which would be productive of harm instead of good. Such a system was very proper during a period of starvation, but it would be • bad principle to adopt generally. Sir G. GREY sei4 at the b ill which had been passed for the reclear.ation . este leads had for its object that sort of employment . was sought for by the hon. member for Stroud. The ills already passed rendered the clause of the hon. gentleman quite unnecessary, and on that ground her Majesty's government thought fit to oppose its lam:hie ion . Dir. P. SC ROPE said that the object of his clause differed from that of the measures already passed by government, in se far as it plaided that those employed out of doors shoulebekreneinder mosithowe Mr. SHAW thought that the outdoor work proposed to be given to the pauper by the amendments of the hon. 'nem bee would interfere with independent labour, by creating a dabs to go Into tho workhouse. Sir H. W. BARRON could not understand why a pauper wee more likely to remain in the workhouse by being obliged to give labour for his maintenance instead of doing no work at an. Lord J. RUSSELL said the aim should be to make poor relief se efficient as possible, and not aim at other objects. His Ma. friend wished to make model farms in connexion with the workhouse, and thus improve the agriculture of Ireland; he thought, however, that be would fail in his object: there would be a number of paupers uriskilfully em. played under inefficient instructors. While aiming at such a purpose they would lam the object of relieving, in the beet possible manner, people who were starving, by which be meant, applying an efficient test when they gave relief. Confinement in a workhouse was found to be irksome to the labourer, and he never resorted to it unless be was wd to do so ; whereas, if he was allowed rk the greater part of the day out of doors, be would not find it go unpleasant a life, and would rued to the workhouse when he was not obliged to do so by mestasity . , and thus realise the fears of the Archbishop of Dublin, in which he did not participate. He thought it was better to confine the bill to the relief of the poor, and stake the question of the improvement of agriculture in Ireland the subject of a separate measure. Cal. ROLLESTON opposed the motion. Sir W. JAMES suggested that the quantity of land might be enlarged from twelve to twenty-five acres with advantage; it would afford the means of giving agricultural instruction to paupers Alter a few words from Mr. Leweitas, Sir H. W. BARRON considered it desirable that the quantity of land proposed by the bill should be increased to twenty.four or twenty-five acres, nor making it imperative, but leaving it to the option of the guardians. Mr. CURTEIS opposed the motion. Sir G. GREY said, if it was found desirable, on inquiry, to increase the quantity of land attached to workhouses in large unions, he should have no objection to propose a clause for that purpose on the third reading. (Hear, hear.) In answer to a question from Lord J. MANNERS, Sir G. GREY said it was intended to take land, not exceeding three acme, in connexion with the unions, for the purposes of fever wards and interment. Me. SHAW inquired if the as. 'mentioned in the bill, Were intended to be English or Dia sexes ? Sir 0. GREY replied that they Wile to be English acres. Mr. P SCILOFE withdrew Mt someadinents. Mr. ORBOOBY thee remsed ke knowing Mime ; Art be It mgaluill than atilentstssask So the saidislaw of the ecard of mgreffirms e slog gmsa IligiLessegise et lied within nob rim ems to edema Mee 4111Weeirer ~ shall te Vain le Ors wpgrielmera et es eat Whether held under lama or se eel at elk sea to edges ream with all persoas met Ma Medi ogre ari Malemee ; =imersoiell Me lee sr ii We Mee siete - , sr se epieret imp sleet kr kit= es 11 1 =er i gnon to leallnk. leassesedgents his ea se le wilka, epee theakeeke l t sweiseerier art las eat e eenehe ef Ohs lawlemele te lift lo arse were for tent whish hempen me the sail essele sales= vide two-deka Nee lar m aeeetem wade! le ler the eedgarthw St Mk sell Ms issiki esa mite meth owe, It she beam do wel id grienel a allikmino mem pareeet dee be sese. sperm vase es elle ef the deka asa Is pg siarlo we elm. se boar worm as doll be dloodell im V u ripininielal Is ald of asederadand see cm sea arterealegee bet of thifnmesseledeed twee emillestemw saidessld, asteleieseleg thet Ng ler OM se deed sad Me m mere m at s saw sr yrr sr ~ls Ow esmeee le veto edM deed ile. sed saleaseteker fat seek essepW el his Swap wag hatt le, Tar liagebeis. lemma of die weetheres of such wear Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN eel that a elms steal ea the moe in his name, on the some sediest as that to which ha hon. friend's clause referred, the object of whick was to remove the existing restrictions whisk tended to prevent boards of guardians from assisting emigration. As by his clause the matter was left in the hands of the boards of guardians, he preferred it to that of Idrhon. friend's ; but if the sense of the committee was diffeent he would acquiesce. Sir G. GREY said he had no Aker to the clause of the hon. member !or Dublin, whisk the preferred to that of the hon. member for Limerick. The dare of the hon. member for Dublin, would remove the restrictions which it was the object of the hon. member for Limerick to remove. Mr. P. HOWARD thought it was • new principle to allow the public rates to go to promote emigration to foreign countries. He thought that the words " British colonies " should be inserted. Mr. BELLEW said that the emigration from his part of Ireland was principally to the United States. He would, therefore, oppose the insertion of the words proposed. Mr. VESIiY said that persons could go to the United States by Quebec as cheaply as if they went direct to New York. Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to the clause with out the words. Mr. TRELAWNEY thought it better that persons should be allowed to go where they liked. The clause was then agreed to with some verbal amend ments. Mr. GREGORY vrososed the following clause : And be it farther aselel last no pines who shill be In the men =anwhether make es seseent, or as tenant at will, or ' km par to yarrow la q slew Emir whatsoever, of any land of for Metter • mew eta delft, ewe, shell be deemed and Ulm is b' • astlliate peepers= seer the previsions of this act, or of am 4 taw sit dynamst; aft dril isle head foe any board of ss *grog smy vita oboes, In or seed the "redeem se saysethesteer es we, se deem ert if ray rem heves tea ark es as sans old. Ma ash lose Mead rawases easelisf so a areltele m m i poisse, lerma re beimmee seer ear. drestogree sew le et key dell be Mlle Mt mot per son Imeeendle sad seer= alostesely parted with and serwerred say sr Me wtdrh be may lave had to the campa ignOwyseere andiebere such ram se afor,rid, of =cum. -ter ot a mar one. His object in prepedeg this clause was to prevent persons from pursuing this doable, but, in Ireland, by no means in compatible otos of pauper and farmer. In a country like Ireland &mild, if possible, be left undeterminate, and it we', of the greatest importance to soy where destitu tion might be supposed to cease. At first he intended to propose to fix the limit at half an acre, but he had been assured by persons well acquainted with Ireland that a limit of half an acre would be too extensive. He therefore pro posed, that any person who held more than a quarter of a statute acre should not be considered • fit object of relief. He believed the government had no objection to the clause. Mr. CURTEIS was sorry to heer that the government bed atemtled to this clause, because the effect of it would be to withheld relief from the most destitute classes in Ireland. It weed render the bill unpopular in the eyes of the Eng- Ede people, who would not feel satisfied if everything was not done to relieve the Irish poor at the expense of Irish landlords. Sir G. GREY said this subject had been very much con sidered by the government, and they considered that it weld be beneficial if the land of those who bad very small i passed into the hands of those who were better able t i o=ate it; for it was found that such persons had ne glected their farms, and preferred earning wages on the public works. This clause would not prevent persons holding a quarter of an acre from receiving relief, but it would prevent persons who held a larger quantity of land from throwing themselves on the poor-rates for relief. But there should be some limitation of time, as many such persons had gone into the workhouses who ought not to be affected by the clause. He would therefore propose to ins( rt the words " from and after the Ist of November next." (Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the present poor-law wss an imitation of the English one. By the English poor-law, persons were only allowed to retain their tools. He therefore considered the present clause • merciful one. Mr. BELLEW considered that such a douse was abso lutely essential to the well-working of the poor-law in Ire land. Mr. P. SCROPE thought the clause would effect a com plete clearance of the small holders in Ireland—(hear, hear)—and create a social revolution of a portentous character. If an emergency like the present were to occur again, they . would have the 400,000 persons who held under five acres in Ireland thrown loose on society.Sl Would the landed proprietors find employment for them? Was it consistent with kind treatment of the poor, that if they held two or three acres, and were visited by sickness fora short time, they could not get relief without giving up their land. Mr. S. CRAWFORD did not deny that some limitation was necessary with respect to the quantity of land in the possession of those who applied for relief, but he could by no means agree to this clause. It was too authoritative. He thought that a discretionary power should be vested in the boards of guardians. If a poor man built a good house on a few acres of land, and from sickness, or some other came, required temporary relief, was it to be denied him, unless he sacrificed his house ? (Hear, hear.) He had such an ob jection to the clause, that, if he stood alone, he would divide the committee against it. Mr. BELLEW said that there were hospitals, to which persons labouring under sickness might go. Mr. YOUNG supported the clause. If they admitted the principle of giving relief to persons who had land, where were they to stop ? It was remarkable that the limit fixed upon by . the hon. member for Dublin was that adopted by the commissioners for inquiring into the Irish poor-low system in 1834 ; and the holding of one quarter of an acre by the persons contemplated in the clause was spoken of as one great cause ofthe demoralisation of Ireland. Mr. W. WILLIAMS said that in England persons had a positive right to relief. The ease would be different in Ire land ; and he was at a loss to know what was to become of a person who should be deprived of his cottage and his quarter of an acre of garden ground when forced to apply for relief through the operation of some extraordinary cause. In England such a person was not turned out of possession unless his character were notoriously bad. Mr. C. F.VILLIERS would answer the question put hythe hon. member for Coventry. In the case supposed the man would receive relief on citing up possession of the land; that was to be the condition of his receiving relief and if he complied with it his having relief was what would " become of him." (Lsughter.) He knew of no part of this country in which • man holding land would not be compelled to give it up before his claim to relief would be allowed. (Hem, hear.) The clause would, he hoped, lead numbers who had depended on the cultivation of land to become independent labourers. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN thought that as the poor rate would fall chiefly on land it was impossible that the burden could be met without such a provision as that under discussion. Without some limit there could be no hope for the agriculture of Ireland, and no chance of introducing a system of a Mr. 8. ClrAVlPO wa gi said there was one Brat distinction between England mad Ireland as regarded this question. In the farmer country the landowner generally provided the cottage ; in the latter, the occupier usually paid for the building of 'the cottage, without receiving any security. Under this clause, the cottage might be taken from the poor man without Ms being able to obtain any redress. Mr, GREGORY said it was impossible that there could be any legialafion by which the interests of some would not be hijurionsly affected. Some bon. members, however, THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 30, 1847. seemed m argue as if the resources of Ireland were perfectly inexhaustible—(hear, hear),—and to be disposed for a Jack Cade sort of legislation (as was understood), by which the wants and wishes at all would be met. (Hear, bear.) As to the objectios that the clause would, by its operation, destroy the small fermate of Ireland, he would really ask of what value such palms were to the country. (Hear, hear.) He did not conceive that that *Need in ought to he allowed to messil, 'nat./tea. member apposite (Mr. S. Crawford) thought the matter ought to be left to the discretion of the boards of guardians. He (Mr. Gregory) was very anxious to see guardians who would be vigilant keepers of the public purse, and he feared lest the cry of the poor man's guardian" should he raised in the ocuntry. Mr. 11. J. O'CONNELL supported the clause on the ground that it would prevent the land from being burthened with a class of persons who were neither labourers nor farmers, but a sort of mixture of the two without the hhu ley of the one, or the skill of the other. Col. RAWDON would like to knew how the clause would affect the descendants of a person who had land of his own. The case was an extreme one, but still it might arise. M. ARCHBOLD said he knew men holding 10 acres of land, who had obtained relief by means of employment on the public works. In almost every instance of that kind, it was the man's own fault that he was reduced to each a position. It was the interest of all, from the highest to the lowest member of the community, to get rid of farmers of that descrip•ion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. SHAW (in reply to Col. Rawdon) observed, that if a person happened to own a quarter of an acre of land, he must of come dispose of it. (Hear, hear.) It was a great stress of imagioat:en, however, to suppose such a case. Mr. Alderman HUMPHERY said he was disposed to move, as an amendment to the clause, that a person should not receive relief if he occupied five acres of land. (Great laughter.) The clause spoke only of a quarter of an acre. Mr. I'. SCROPE witted to know whether the right bon. gentleman (Sir G. Grey) h►d formed a proximate estimate of the number of persons of this class who were likely to be dismissed from their holdings through the operation of the clause ? _ . Sir G. GREY said he had not. The object of the clause was, however, to diminish the number, and to separate the really destitute from those who ought to cultivate the land. As regarded the point rased by the ot h er hon. member (Mr. Ald. Humphery, he would observe that the clause, as it stood, would effectually cut off tho claim of all persons who held five acres —(" hear, hear," and laughter)—and all other quantities of land exceeding the amount specified. The committee theu divided— For the Clause ll7 Against it 7-110 Mr. W. 8. O'BRIEN then moved the insertion of a clause giving to the poor-law commiasioners the power of re vising and reconstructing electoral districts with a view to secure a rating as nearly uniform throughout each union as circumstances would permit. The hon. member adduced several instances to show the inequality of the system of assessment now prevailing. Sir G. GREY said the poor-law commissioners already possessed the power which this clause sought to give thorn, and, therefore, it was unnecessary. Mr. HAMILTON said nothing gave more dissatisfaction in Ireland at present than the great disproportion in the aasannients. Mr. 2.1_,J. O'CONNELL confirmed this view. Lord G. BENTINCK mentioned the case of Bsßina union, portions of which were forty-six miles distant from the union-house. The noble lord introduced an argument that the public works might have been regulated far more efficiently and cheaply, and affirmed that no lees than four millions might have been, by better management, saved un der this head in the course of the put year. He stated that between two and three millions of people might have been fed, and lodging, and hospitals provided for them, at an out lay of seven millions. The noble lord went into a minute detail of figures, to show in what manner he would hare ex =eed the money, instead of spending it in spoiling the roads. would have been no leaving of the land untitled, and in every respect the condition of the people would have been raised, and the hundreds of thousands who had died through the ndentanagentent and indifference of the government — sad tits amber of which they kept is such profound seereey—would have been saved. Mr. LABOUCHERE remiudel the committee that the clause which they were discussing was, " that the poor-law commissioners should revise and re-constitute the unions ' so that nounion should contain more than 150,000 acres." He was too unwilling is interfere with the progress of i the bill to enter nto the topics brought forward by the noble lord, but there was one assertion which the noble lord had made, that the government were in different to the sufferings of the peoele of Ireland, and were anxious to conceal from the house the number at persons who had died in Ireland. He would content himself with giving to that assertion as complete, as explicit, and as direct a denial as his respect for the house would permit. (Great cheering.) Ile must apologise to the house for interposing even so far with the progress of the bill; but he thought it his duty, as a minister of the crown, not to permit such an assertion of the noble lord to pass unnoticed, and what he had said was only wrung from him by the tone and temper In which the speech of the noble lord had been couched. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY urged the hon. member for Limerick to withdraw the clause, and he (Sir G. Grey) would consider it before the bringing up of the report. Mr. REPTON ' as a member on that (the ap position) side of the house, was desirous of expressing his opinion that the conduct of the government had been most considerate to the people of Ireland. After a few words from Mr.W. S. O'Betee and Mr. New ngoars, the clause was negatived. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN then moved the following clauses : That the relief committee:, cosiMituted as Mbremill, doll consider sad determine who are the persons entitled le resets.reltet in the sewed electoral divisions ke width they set. and ash artily then' *nice with repeat Or Me dims et ash masa who my apply for robot to the Mord of frandas, sad doll w to their whim the wan ecomplylng omit to be rel sues laoad th hogre e worthome sr oat edit That the rats required to pay the MOW seat el beilliag the weethonise Mom very unequally apse wertely in alas ameral unions of leasd, sal that ths ripayessot of Malmo; lonosed wrier te e = . s s f the poor-her morale come Meths amormisa of dna be derma by mom or a rats ho amord ine to the asst whistles as ma maim maims so all meal& mo pert, thesegltetEshol. That the, pose•law sossidsase *all UM inmates steps for =sa mimasa et ratable prmerty hawelhaut In- Mt poor malstagixed bums, am Make by way eijeiftwa rent-dime. or any other amity, sioh= to sal raise Wel it the relief of the pear in the sum manner as 11 the Mess= so recolsed were receivable ea rent. which wear severally put and negatived. Mr. W. 8. O'BRIEN then moved the adoption of a clause to enable the guardians to put out to nurse orphans or deserted children, and to charge the coat of their mainte nance upon the unions. Sir G. GREY opposed the clause on the ground (as we uniersto3d) that, under the Grand Jury Acts, revision was made for such cases. The clause was supported by Mr. M. J. O'Coggett, Mr. BELLEW, and Sir H. W. BARRON. Clause negatived. Mr. V. STUART moved a clause empowering the guar discs of any union to attach to the poor-house thereof, if six miles from any infirmary, buildings or wards, to be improved of by the commissioners, for the reception of destitute poor pardons requiring surgical assistance—the expense to be paid out of the rates. Sir 0. GREY promised to consider the clause, which was thereupon negatived. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL (for Mr. J. O'Connell) moved a clause to obviate possible differences among the guardians is matters concerning religions grievances and the education of youth, by enacting that •eltapel or apartment should be spe cially appropriated for the religious worship and practices of each denomination of Christians amongst the pauper.; end, also, that all mares concerning the appointment ordismissal of the echoolmaster and schoolmistress, for each religious denomination, should be delegated to a permanent sub-com mittee of the ard of guardians. Sir G. GREY would consider the propriety of introducing some provision to meet the object of the first part of the clause ; but he entirely objected. to the second past, as he deemed it most injudicious to interfere in this measure with the management of schools. Clause negatived. Lord G. BENTINCK moved the addition of two cheeses, of which he had given notice. lie object was the more com pletely to assimilate this bill to the English poor-law. The first clause proposed that no deduction should be made from the rent of ratable property, in respect of any rates levied thereon, after the Ist of January, 1849. The effect of this provision would be, that the tenant would pay the rates, and an equitable arrangement would be made between him and his landlord. In the course of the present and thefollow , big year, parties would be able to form an idea ofthe amount of rated which would have to be paid ; and they would then be its situation to make the arrangement referred to. At present, the poor-rue valuation in Ireland was only about three.fourtha of the rack-rental ; while the valuatson was 13,187,4701., the real value was about 1 7 millions. By the arrangement which threw two-thirds of the rates on the landlords, the occupying tenants had at present little inter. eat in k , eping down the rates; and he proposed to remedy this anomaly, by making the tenants liable for the whole rates. In Ireland there were but 15,000 houses occupied by the gentry, clergy, and persons of a higher class than farmers, and about a million, occupied by more than di mil lions of persons, 490,000 of which houses were but mud cabins, without either windows or doors. Con sidering that nearly as large an amount would probably be disbursed in poor-rates as was now paid for the public works, which was at the rate of about six millions sterling per scum, and remembering that the annual rental of Ireland was only 13,187,4701., and that mortgages existed to the *mount of nine millions, it was highly probable that the pea rate would amount to 20s. in the pound. The noble bri then alluded to the operation of the Labour Rate hot, end of the measures adopted by the late government for giving relief to the necessitous ; and cited some individual instances of theopersition of those measures. It would be for the advantage of all parties to throw the en tire responsibility on the rate-payers, who would thus have an interest in keeping down the rates by employing the poor in cultivating the land. In this amendment he was follow ing out the principle laid down by the noble lord (J.Russell), who had avowed that it was of the greatest importance to give the rate payer aasersonal interest in watching and keep mg down the rate. The comity for the general adminis tration of out-door relief could be prevented, not by the landlords, but by the tenant farmers who were the principal employers of labour. He would now move his second clause, the object of which was to extend the application of the act 6 and 7 Via., by which rates were recoverable on property rated to a net annual value not exceeding 41., to property rated to a net annual value not exceeding 51. His object in bringing be fore them this dame was to reduce the number of little rate payers, from whom it was very difficult to obtain rates. Sir G. GREY asked the noble lord whether the third clauses were distinct or united, that ii, whether the house could pass one while they rejected the others Lord (1. BENTINCE. said that they were connected, but not Inseparably connected. Each would stand on its own merits, thoug:i each had a bearing on the other. Sir Ci. GREY thought that the clause of the noble lord would have the effect of throwing the entire bard, n on the occupier, which he thought would not be right. To the principle of the clause he had no objection, bat to apply it so Ireland tinder present circumstances, he thought, would be extremely inconvenient. What was the state of things in Ireland at this moment? Practically, the laid lord was directly taxable fur about two millions, while the remaining eleven millions,to which the Irish roe tel amoun'ed, were rated to the tenant. The latter was entitled to charge half to his landlord, and he feared that the clause proposed by the noble lord would injuriously increase his liabiAy. Whatever might h. he ultimate justice of the noble 1 rd's principle, he did not feel justified in assenting to its ri cog nition during the present year. Mr. SHAW surported the clause. In his opinion it would act beneficially in giving the occupying tenant as inter.. st in keeping down the rate. If Ireland was to have the E iglish Poor Law, let her have its advantages as well mite d fecta. Mr. BROTHER'fON moved that the chairman should report progress. (Cries of "Oh, oh" and ' Go in.") Capt.' HARRIS thanked the noble lord the first u.inister of the crown for goppling with so difficult a subject as that of providing relief fur the Irish poor. He did not see, how. ever, why they should not have the English law, an.; there fore why the occupier should not be liable for the rat s. Sir W. JOLLIFFE supported the clause. It would make the occupier interested in keeping down Co rates, which would after all eventually fall upon the land. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that the Irish ten' rats did not ask for the proposition of the noble lord. Ihe hon. member for Northamptonshire spoke of extenilhg the English poor-law to Ireland, but he denied that they could extend a system of three or four centuries 'tent . ' og to a country like Ireland, where it was but newly in' roduced. He warned the committee that a more dangerous or destruc tive proposition than that of the noble lord could es' be pro posed. Mr. P. SCROPE said that the proposition rot a most outrageous one, and could only originate in a house :oroposed of landlords. Mr. SHAW asked whether the landlords of En2' and paid a shill:ng to the rates. Mr S. CRAWFORD said they had no right ' 4 impose such a burden as this would be upon the occupiers if land in Ireland. The Irish tenant had no option but t . take the land on the terms proposed by the landlord. H, mounted against such a proposition as that proposed by ae noble lord, and if carried it would create nothing but d ,turbaace in Ireland. (Hear.) The committee divided—For the clause Against it 79-3 Sir G. GREY proposed a clause providing that additional land may be occupied by the guardians. The clause having been agreed to, The Chairman then left the chair. The report , rdercd to be received on Wednesday neat Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to a question from Mr. Got:Lnon_e, intimated that he should move the th rd reading of the bill on Monday, the 12th of April. ARMY SERVICE BILL. _ Mr. F. MAULE intimated that as it was very dasirable to proceed with this bill, he should propose that the house ,do meet this day at twelve o'clock. Sir H. DOUGLAS strongly objected to so triconstitu tional a proceeding as discussing bills of such impurtance at mornin sittings. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GOULIIURN also thought it exceedingly hard to ask the house to meet again at twelve after aitung till two. (Renewed cries of " Hear, hear.")' Mr. 8. HERBERT said no one would attend at twelve o'clock. There were various important committe s sitting, and many members had already left town. Colonel SIBTHORP said these twelve o'cloc' sittings were only arranged in order that bills might be muggled through parliament. He was sorry to find the present go vernment would attempt such a practice. Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to say that if the dis cussion on the bill could be taken on the third reading, he would not press the morning sitting. Sir H. DOUGLAS patented to this course, end it was un derstood in consequence that Mr. Fox Mettle's . proposition was withdrawn. The house adjourned at a quarter past 2. DRAINAGE OF LANDS BILL. DrvivioN In favour of thz woad reading of this Bill, an I against Cal. Sibthorpc'e amendment, that the house should adjourn, Are, I ; Non, 49. ATES. Arkwright, O. t3lkthorraf. and Mr. C. Berkeley. NOES. Adderley, C. B. DMldiom, P. 11. Atacnamars, Maj.Pahner, Ttnbert Airliouby, H. A. Duckworth, flirJ.M . Cairlbe, A. Nebel. a apt. 11..relfigto4 Vic Dandle, Adm. kluternian, J. Peel, Sir S. Berkeky,Hn.CptDundae, Sir D. Maude, Hoe. P. Bleardn, r. Blackstone, W.S.FAcott, lf. Monahan, J. 11. Bandon, Sleet. &wring, Ur. Greene, T. Napier, Sir C. Somervil , .., W. Brotherthi, J. Grey, Sir O. Neville,ltalph Torun, H. Buller, C. Hawes, B. O'Brien, A. S. Ward, H. 0. Buller, Sir J. T. Henley, LW. O'Brien, C. Wawa, J. T. Carew, W. IL P. Howard. C.W.O.O'Bnen. W. 8. Wiliam-, W. Craig, W. 0. Hume, J. Mansell, M. J. rsiz.r.as. Crawford, W. S. Jervis, Ski. tremor D 11..6 4 Bari Dudes, W. Laboachere, Paella, C. W. Treillage, Sir J. Eenars.—Thareday, March 25, Poor _Relief (Ireland) liil4 (Irt Division), in the Ai ea, Inert Lefroy, Aatkony.—(24 the Tellers for the SOON leave oot W. A. Stafford O'Brien ; insert Mr. Wiliam Smith O'Brien. ght rem%• TN mails Mr New South Wales, Van Dimmer' Lend, end New Zealand will be mode up on the credit, of the Stet March. The West. India moils., Including those for Mexico, Bandana, end the lionninh, rill be Endo up Lin the morning of the Ind April Tke overlani mans the Gibmilear, Malta, Greece, the lonian !donde, Eavpl,Aden, W e India, Ilona -Kong, and China, Ma Southampton, MR be made up an the morning of the 3rd April. The nails for Brittih North America, Bermuda, and the I:Mted Mater, will tie mute up on the evening of the 3rd April. The Sarah Sawn Mesmer is appointed tonsil from Liverpool on the lith April, the New York; letters in time on the sth April. The mails for the Britons, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernalo =tains. Madeira and Daenos Ayres, will be nude up on the *lns 3th April. Tbr malls for Vigo, Oporto, !Ano, Modeirs, Cadiz, and Oikilter, srll be made un on the morning of the 7th April. The overland elowd mak, Ma 'Greenlee, to tho Mediterronean, =Ades, Ceylon, India, Hoag Kong, Re., will be made up on the of the 7th April. TO CORRESPONDENTS. The Advertising Musa the "DAILY NEVIS" end "EXPRT:96" have been REMOVED from 90, FLT-STREET, to 10, BOITVIIILIF 7 BIIq . ET, YLEIMISTREET,OOntiguous to the Pr:atlas Gincce. , _ e.• ddrertieemente Intended far T. &press, London eveaingpver, oast be at the Otlec by Taro eeloek on the day of publication. MGR WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE Two Dow—Morning, 27 min. pant 1 ; Afternoon, 44 min. pa 4 1. To-Monnoir—llornirot, 59 min peat I ; Afternoon, 15 loin. put 9. LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 30. As the minutes of the Council of Education become mere generally known, the ministerial measures find a large increase of advocacy, and a sensible diminu tion of hostility. Condemnatory resolutions were proposed in the Town Council of Hull. but they were rejected by a majority of two to one, and the follow ing series, warmly approving the measure, adopt, , d in their stead : I. That this council, haying had its attention drawn to the late minutes of the Committee of Privy Council on Edu cation, rejoices to learn, that her Majesty's government is deeply impressed with the duty of providing the means of a sound moral education for the ch.ldren of all classes of the people, without respect to creed, sect, or party, as propoad in the plan embodied in the minutes aforesaid—a plan which council gratefully accepts and corlially supports as an excellent instalment of a still more comprehensive measure. " 2. That considering that sums to an amount exceeding twenty millions sterling, are annually voted to defray the war and criminal expenses of this country ; and regarding the necessity of an annual appeal to parliament, as the best safe guard against abuse in the application of any portion of tLe public income, this Council prefers that the money required for the purposes of education—even to the amount of two ~na—should be the subject of en annual vote, rather than be embodied in a bill, which would remove the grant beyond the direct control of the people and their representa tives in parliament. " 3. That while this Council regards with the utmost jealousy any extension of the irresponsible power and patro nage of the Crown, it views, not only without distrust, but with entire approbation and general thankfulness, the multi plication of schools and school teachers, the provisions pro posed to be made for inculcating habits of juvenile industry, and the prospects of advancement held forth to pupils distin guished for scholastic attainments and high moral conduct. Believing that many of the vices and most of the miseries that keep the poor in a state of moral and physical bondage proceed wholly from ignorance, thit council recogaiws in the plan of national education, partially develop:ld by the pre sent government, the enlightened policy of a really-liberal administration, Intent on increasing the happiness and per petuating the liberties of the people. And that, femme& as the effect of an increase of national education mat midst rally tend to improve the condition of the working dews, and consequently render them more independent, the ru moured alarm about the liberties of the people of this manu try being endangered by any number of schooisigniMti school-assistants, school-apprentices, and school-impels% is utterly groundless and absurd. " 4. that the townelerk of this borough be instructed be draw up • memorial, embracing the substance of the forego• ing resolutions, to be forwarded, with the corporation's semi Milled, to the Lord President of the Committee of the Privy Council on Education; and that printed copies thereof be sent by the town-clerk, on behalf and in the name of this council, to the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the 'honourable mem ben for this borough." We approve these candid and judicious resolutions, because they lay amide all considerations of church and sect, and place the question on its right basis, the general advantage of the entire community. It is to us inexpressibly painful to fled men seriously contending that the state should only be known to the working classes of England as a con strainer, an avenger, and a punisher, and that it must never present itself to them as a guide, a protector, and an instructor. Until the present yew, it was received as an aphorism that it was the duty of every civilised and free cora- Inanity to provide its members with some know ' ledge of their rights as men, aad their duties as citizens; until the present year, all publicists re garded it as a gross injustice in a penal system to punish delinquents for violating laws of which they had never heard, and for neglecting duties which they were never taught. Until the present day, there was unanimous condemnation of the Spanish inqui sitor, who ordered the slaughter of an American chief for having flung down a book to which he was un conscious that any sanctity was attached. Hitherto men have lamented that punishment was unjustly in flicted on persons ignorant of the nature of crime, because they had net been taught the distinctions be tween right and wrong; we feel grieved, we feel ashamed that the United States of America, a governmeet which has not yet existed for a century, should possess a complete and efficient system of national education, and that England should be the only civilised country on earth in which the state manifests its existence to the great body of the people, solely by means of coercion. This point was very ably handled by the Rev. Mr. BAY LEY, of Sheffield, whose words we quote : There was a third reason why he approved of the govern ment measure; forming as it did in English history a new principle of government. It had all been done on the law system hitherto—flog, scourge, vinegar, gall, the screw, the boot-jack, the gallows, and all the implements of torture. But now, government for the first time was be ginning to try the principle of rewarding well-done. Mark, he did not say the pensioning system was wise, in the way it was proposed to put it in operation ; but he maintained that the principle was good, and philosophical, and wise. It was a progressive and grand reform—to hear an English govern ment saying to a humble man in the country—" Well done; we are glad to see you have done something ; and here is a reward for you.' He believed the reward principle would take the place of the punishment principle. It was a beautiful principle—it was God's principle. And, what men would like it perhaps more for, it was the cheapest prin ciple by far of the two. Now, he was going to say a ques tionable thing. Being a schoolmaster, he did not allude to personal grounds. Not being likely to receive a share in the spoil, he could not be supposed to make any undue preference. Butwas it not something that it proposed to lift them up from the starvation condition in which many of them were ,• and, after wearing out their lives in teaching our children, did we not think that it was an improvement that government pro posed to give schoolmasters brown bread and a little water during their superannuated period ? And, although the pensionary principle might be had in a pare state of being, it was fully as good to give it to oar achoolmatters as to our lord chancellors ;—quite as humane to pension our school masters as clergy and members of parliament, or soldiers in the army who perhaps have lost a fourth finger, or it may be a little toe. We have heard equally generous sentiments from the Rev. Dr. VAUGHAN (Eheu! guantem mutate), and, in spite of recent aberrations, we trust to find him again zealously contending for the moral elevation of the people, for the suppression of ignorance and vice, for the promotion of knowledge and virtue. We have paid the most respectful atten tion to the objections which the Rev. dr. Ben= and the Rev. Dr. VAUGIIAN have urg ed against tie ministerial measures, and we candi dly confess that these objections would be decisive, if the government Were free to give the country a new and complete measure of national education, and if the ground had sot been pre-occupied by educational societies. It was not free to the committee of council to inquire what was most desirable in the abstract, but whet was most attainable under the existing circumstances. As Mr. HAMILTON, in a very able pamphlet, recently published, justly observes: Nallibat the exclusive church system nor the exclusive aisle I asp emle practicable, and the exclusive voluntary epee= is tto meet the wants of the country; there there- Ze=one available alternative, that the people aboulil bessieed by the government in the task of educating them selves. Ia other words, we must have such a combination of tilevoleatary and state systems as shall vest the general separinteadence of popular education in the state, but shall have it to be exercised in conjunction and 00-operation with the people. There are certain conditions on which alone the state, or the executive government, can discharge the fanstieee thus assigned to it It must, as we have just sees, avail itself of the t slating schools; it must secure full free doms et eessrsence, and it must net with strict imps. eiaNty eawards tho several denominations of dissents' s. Here, however, we arc met by that question which has been the source of so much unhappy controversy, the question of religious instruction. This it has been propo-ed to adjust by one or other of the three following modes. First, by making the Church Catechism the basis of instruction in the doc trines of Christianity, as in the schools of the National So ciety. Secondly, by making the Holy Scriptures the vehicle of general religious instruction, as in the schools of the Bri tish and Foreign Society. And thisdly, by excluding religious iustrueiion altogether from the shy schools, and devolving it on the clergy of the several denominations. It would be superfluous to enter into a formal examination of theie proposed methods of settlina this controverted point ; LEGISLATORS and governments appear to have laid inasmuch as we know beforehand that the first would be re it down as an axiom that railways are exceptional ex acted by dissenters, the second by churchmen, and the third by the everwh•lining majority o 1 both. istences, and to be dealt with on entirely different These difficulties could not have escaped so able principles from all others. Two cases have been and intelligent a writer as Dr. VAUG3AN, when be supplied lately by Lord LYNDHURST'S committee of eloquently and powerfully invoked the interference inquiry on the affairs of the Oxford and Birmingham of the State to check juvenile ignorance, and its two Junction, and by the report of " The Government" of fearful consequences, juvenile destitution and juvenile Bombay relating to the Great Indian Peninsula Rail depravity, some months ago. It is to be regretted way Company. that he canvasses the proceedings of the Committee In general it is understood that it is the business of Council as if no such difficulties were to be en- of legislatures to make laws, and of courts of law to countered. When wo asserted that the proposed apply them. It was the business of the House of measure is identical in principle with that established Lords (assisted by the other two branches of the legis in Ireland and in the United States, we added that it latare) to make the Act incorporating the Birming differed from the Irish and the American system in ham and Oxford Junction. The question whether the some not unimportant details. We deplore those shareholders or directors. have acted in conformity to differences ; we deplore them the more b ec ause we that law, it is for the courts of common law or equity believe them to be unavoidable. The National to decide. Yet, Lord LYNDHURST asked, and the Society and the British and Foreign School Society House of Lords granted, a committee to inquire will not get out of the way and make room for whether, by certain sales and transfers of shares in the state to give us in full size and efficiency a the company, the Act had or had notbeenviolated. The truly national system of education. Had Dr. railway share for which a man pays his money is as VAUGHAN attended to this simple fact, he would entirely his property as the acre of land for which a., not have unfairly assailed the government for este- man pays his money : the purchaser acquires than blishing regulations which it merely teeogaises as same dominititti over the former es over the latter. existing rules of the National Society. There are What would the Lords have said if Lord LYNDHURT r many of the rules adopted by that society, and by had proposed that they should inquire into tt ie the British and Foreign School Society, which we legality of any purchase of land, instead of leavi rag disapprove, and which we believe that the Committee the question to the Courts at Westminster ? Are of Council would desire to see changed. But the rights to railway property less sacred than committee has not the power to alter them, and its the rights to landed property? Can the latter las on e interference, under present circumstances, would only sidered safe when one branch of the legislatur tak e . engender obstinacy in error. We pray Dr. VAUGHAN upon it to usurp the functions of a court of jr A ce i n to remember, that there i. a danger of the &minuet respect of the other? This usurpation is bi a first molten prevailing in practice, while the SUMMUM step. Lord Frrewituee naively enoagh let out what botiem is sought in theory, is to be the next—the transference of r mea l y i n Every objection urged by Dr. VAUGHAN applies, railways, created and sanctioned by acts o' th e` legts not to the plan proposed by the government, but lature, from the present owners to govcrr .ment. to the system constituted by the National Society. The local authorities in India appear ' be as lax That system is fairly open to controversy, and at a -in their notions of what is just toward a ra il way er ,_ preper season we shall not be indisposed to discuss its dertakers as the hereditary legislate merits. But whether it be faulty, or whether it be They appear to entertain the straw , est notions of perfect, it was constituted before an educational coo- what constitutes " inducements." tr railway enter mittec of council had existence, and that committee prise. The report of " The Govern went" of Bombay has to deal with things as they are, not as they may on the proposals of the Grand Indian Peninsular Railway Association at that wee- el of England. wish them to be. That many schools have been and will be este- long ago to parliament, metes that " The Govern blished, with the lurking desire of making education ment" had received a some annication from the a bribe and a means of proselytism, is, we fear, very provisional committee of the fence - , presented not association, intimating probable. Folly and fanaticism are elements of their intention to COMAE& ee operations, and ex society too signally manifested in the present day to pressing a desire to have r mitable ter minuees fixed leave on our minds a doubt of their existence. But at the Bombay end of 4 . h e line. The committee the bribe and the means will fail : the experiment pointed out th e bier „ twice of having the was tried in Ireland by the Kildare-place Society, and goods terminus placed at the water's edge, and the result was, that those who were forced into a pre- asked leave to early t he railway along the verge tended conformity with the Protestant principle of of the Esplanade to • vacant spot of ground on the reading the bible have since, in every instance brought harbour. This row ender our knowledge, become the most bitter enemies which " aPPtluediae at was negatived on grounds aperable" ; videlicet, because the of Protestantism and the bible. ground selected WOW u far too valuable, in a pecuniarl But we do not believe that great majority of point of view, to be gratuitously assigned away. the Church of England desire to establish an insidious I But it was hithee to the committee that they might and compulsory conformity. There are no traces of "be allowed Old' pririlege of reclaiming land along such a spirit to be found at the meeting of the church the shallow • se e s -bea c h.,, In the opinion of institution at Bradford, where the ministerial met-4- " The Govan es , went," the projectors of a railway sure was sanctioned only on aceoust of its perfect acre" the Qtr' are likely to be induced to proceed fairness to alt parties. It is for the same reason that by beingea . .led on to undertake, in addition to that we have given it our zealous support: we seek not au ffi cier onerous task, the difficult and expen profit for church or sect, but for the universal British gee (111 e of reelaiming land from the sea ; an people, and especially for the operative and labouring enter* e, it is coolly added, " calculated nl claws, whose interests and condition have hitherto tima t 'al . to advantage government, by raising the been too, much neglected. We wish it to be recog- vales of land on the Esplanade." " The Government" shied, that the state has duties to the poor of B' 3mbay, at the time of making this report, ap es well as to the rich, and we lament that pea' to have been "like Cerberus, three gentlemen any should be found who would limit all the la one :" at least, three signatures are appended to it; duties of government to protecting the property of t` lough, when the egregious nature of the offer is the latter. It was the anger which such a limitatioa Laken into account, it may be allowed to doubt inspired that led to the rather harsh diacomfitare of whether the three names represent as many heads. the opponents of national education at Wakefield, ere' , The truth is, that railway undertakers are, in the which is not unlikely to provoke other manifestatioe As dominions of polished England, mach in the same of the same kind ire the manufacturing distia• e t s , condition as traders among a savage tribe who see Working men find it difficult to understand how civilised men for the first time. The traders' gifts d hostility to the church can justify injury t th e beads and knives are, for a while, received with grade nation ; and why evil should be perpetuated, 1. , ecjiw p tude and reciprocated with kindness ; but insatiable churchmen, in common with the rest of the e nation, desire for more invariably gains the upper hand, and, would profit by the substitution of good. unless the donors are strong and wary, a general scramble and plunder terminates the interview. Se railways and their projectors were, for a time, obit -ease( gratitude, and the accommodation they afforded was thankfully received ; but now we hear of nothing 0” 11 hands save exaggerated estimates of their prate, Ill dignation at their earning so mach, and sage pro posals to appropriate their gains to the public ser- not at all certain to meet the views, or flatter the prejudices, of the Irish landlords themselves—we should not be surprised to find the ministry either throwing up such a bill altogether, or at least reducing its dimensions to that size, and its powers to that de gree, which might mitigate opposition in the house, and offer no umbrage to the Irish aristocrat. We should extremely regret any such result, or the necessity for it. There are wants and exigencies in Ireland, not to be met by adhering to the rigid rules of political economy. There has long been a surplus population even for potato diet. 'the substitution of corn diet being supposed, that surplus is enor mously increased. And that the property of the country can, unaided, at once meet, employ, and supply this multiplied pauperism, becomes a stronger doubt every day. Nevertheless, a poor-law is passed, and, as the Prime Minister admitted, is passed out of sheer neces sity, there being nothing else to be done. Such being the state of things, the universal effort should be to render the operation of the poor-law in Ireland feasible and successful. In the eastern and northern provinces, this may not be difficult. But on the western coast, in the wilds of Clare, to hope that loans for drainage, joined to the current agricultural employ, can suffice to absorb the labouring population, or afford it ample provision even at harvest, is more than the most sanguine can hope. It is in such districts as these, that schemes for home colonisation would take those fearful masses of human destitutioa, clustered along the sea shore, or on the skirts of bops, and spread them out on larger masses of land, which they would permanently re claim as labourers, guided by farmers of skill and capital. Without an effort to realise some scheme of this kind in the western provinces, the poor-law will there prove a dead letter. No way of alleviating the pressure of the labour market will be found so economical ; for the same sum that would transport the emigrant to Montreal, would reclaim an acre, and the expense of removing a family would be infinitely greater than its location at home. It would, however, be most unwise to hold up the reclamation of waste lands, as the great and saving remedy for Irish destitution. Of the fo ar millions of waste acres that Sir ROBERT KANE speaks of, a email quan tity may be capable of being reclaimed at a moderate cost, a small quantity may be in the neighbourhood of the sea-weed, or the lime, indispensable to its amelio ration. The reclamation of waste lands should therefore be considered and treated, less as a great na tional and universal remedy, than as a necessary supplement and aid to the poor-law in those unions, in which the figures of rated property and population are equal, or, as in many instances, the paupers out numbering the pounds. Unfortunately, the difficulties in the way of home colonisation are increased by the diversity of opinion respecting the mode and machinery for carrying it into effect. All parties have a horror of government itself becoming a pos sessor, and reclaimer, and letter of land ; whilst almost as many have as strong objections to entrust money and works to the control of such landlords as those whom the correspondence of Capt. WYNNE has depicted in the county of Clare. There is much weight and truth in both kinds of objections. Yet, if neither landlords nor government are permitted to undertake at least the first works of reclamation, where are farmer capitalists to be got to undertake such a task in a remote region? And were they found, where is the money at once for purchase, and for the requisite outlay in labour and in living? A heath covered mountain does not become a pasture in a lbw months, nor will a morass become arable land in a year. We can discuss these points when the govern ment scheme is before parliament and the pub lic. This, we trust, it will be. It is no doubt pro vocative of all the varieties of opposition which we have enumerated. And it is also, unfortunately, very obnoxious to hostile jokes. To spend money upon Irish bogs forms at once an. obvious sarcasm, and is too apt to raise a smile, even before it excites a quire, which is precisely the mode of attack chosen by Sir ROBERT PEEL on the first broaching of the scheme. We trust, however, that Ministers will persevere. If they do not, they must invent and agree upon some other scheme for supporting, and rendering practicable, the operation of the poor-law in the populous and impoverished regions of the west. THE bill for the reclamation of waste l an d s i n Ire land is promised to be laid on the table of the House of Commons this evening. It is or e, we fear, not popular—sconted by Sir ROBERT PEEL on the one band, and by the economists on th-e other, whilst it is