The Express. — London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1851. M communication between as. Since we parted in the Wane of last summer, at the close of the last session of par laiment, I had had no communication on any subject with tag right hon. friend. In a distant part of the country . I d the excitement which prevailed throughout the kingdom on this subject. I thought the alarm and indig nation which prevailed so widely was unfounded and irra tional. I certainly felt no alarm myself, and any inclination which I had towards indignation gave way to feelings mote akin to contempt. (Hear, hear.) But my lords, when I saw at public meetings persons attending who I never eructed to find there—(e Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham)—l undoubtedly became more curious to know what was the opinion of my right hon. friend, and others with whom I had been in the habit of acting, and for whose opinion I felt great re spect. However, it appeared to me that this was not a subject upon which I could, with propriety, venture to question my right honourable friend ; and, in point of fact, until the day before the meeting of parlia ment, I had not the mint distant conception of what his opinion was. He called on me, I believe on the very morn ing of the meeting of parliament, and to my great satisfac tion I found his opinion, in all points, completely coincided with my own. My lords, this was the ease, I believe, with' . all thew noble and hon. persons with whom I had formerly been connected in official life. Until the day before yester day I was entirely ignorant of the opinions, with one exception, of my former colleagues, and at this moment I am entirely ignorant of the opinions of some of them on this subject. I wish to date this to show that, whatever may be the result of these opinion., it is not in cuasequence of any concert ; but that we have arrived at our opinions perfectly independently and separately. My lord., it is true that the noble lord to whom was entrusted the formation of this administretion, did propose to us ma terial alterations and modification. of the bill to which I have now alluded, and upon which we so decidedly disagreed. No doubt these alterations might have removed some of our objections to the provisions of the measure itself, but it is obvious that such alterations must have excited great dise approlestion and disappointment among all those who re presented the popular feeling on this subject, so much excited in hostility to the proceedings of the court of Rome ; while at the same time, the very remnant of the bill would have been equally regarded as penal, unjust, and offensive by the great body of her Majesty's Roman catholic subjects. We, therefore, felt that it was impossible for us to make ourselves parties to a measure from which we could not anticipate any good, and from which we thought we had reason to expect very many serious evils. My lords, on the failure of the attempt of the noble lord to form this administration, her Majesty was pleased to send for me, and to request me to undertake the task. My lords, I am fully aware of my own imperfections, and how little able I should be, at any time, and especially at such a difficult moment as the present, to conduct the affairs of this great empire, in such a manner as her Majesty's subjects have a right to expect. Nevertheless, there were circumstances in the actual condition of the country which might possibly have led me to make the attempt ; but after what your lordships have heard of my sentiments, end with the knowledge which I poweseed that a measure of penal legislation had been introduced into the Houle of Commons, with the consent of a great majo rity of the members of that house ; and believine, se I hare full reason to believe, that a majority as large of your lordships in hie house enter tained the same views on this subject, your lordship.' will sot be surprised to learn that I humbly entreated her Ma jesty. to permit me to decline the distinction which her grievous favour would have bestowed on me. I felt, in the }resent state of things, it would have been perfectly hope me to attempt to enforce those views which I enter tain, and from which I determined not to recede; and I also felt it must kindle a flame of religious discord throughout the country, and would inevitably increase the religious animosity and bitterness which exists. My garde, the opinion I expressed may be contrary to that of very many of your lordships ; nevertheless, I entertain a asatident belief that a great change will, at no distant time take place in this respect ; and whether this he so or nut, I trust year lord:Alpe will give me credit for the sincerity of my convictions--(hear, hear)—and the deep sense of duty undereirhich I acted. I believe nothing would base induced see to follow the course I adopted hat I not been eouvineed that I acted according to the dictates of the soundest princi ples of wisdom and justice. (Cheers.) Lord STANLEY—My lords, it new becomes my duty to avail myself of this the earliest opportunity with which I have been favoured, consietently with my duty, of explain ing to your lordships the portionof this transaction in which I bare been engaged, and which I was precluded, by an imperative sense of duty, in the absence of any permission en the part of her Majesty to that effect, from explaining en Monday last. I must commence, my lords, at a period somewhat antecedent to that at which my noble friend be gan. My lords, her Majesty's late administration haying come—the greater portion of them—to a determination to resign thief offices on Friday last, and the cabinet hissing anticipated, although unable to act upon it, the assent of the noble marquis opposite, who was not then in town, on Saturday morning, I believe, • normal announce ment was made to her Majesty that the whole of her late adviser, had unanimously tendered their re signations; and her Majesty having sent for me, on that °ern eion did me the honour of stating, that looking to me as possessing the confidence of a large party in this and the other house of parliament, her Majesty called upon me to tender my advice as to the course mod desirable to he pur sued under the circumstances. My lords, I took the liberty, la the first instance, of requesting to be informed by her Majesty upon what ground the resignation of her late ad visers hail taken piece ; and I learnt from her Majesty that the grounds which had been stated to her for that reeigna lion ware the same, in substance, as those which were stated In the other house of parliament, and in this house by the sable marquis opposite—namely, that at no very distant period a motion had been brought forward by Mr. Disraeli In the House of Commons, which had reference to the general distress of the agriculturists, and which had been nega tived by so small a majority as to lead the government to the conclusion that they did not peewee the continued con fidence of the house ; and that opinion was rather strength ened by the fact that on Thursday night last, on the eve of bringing on the budget, they had been left in a minority, by the adverse vote., of their ordinary supporters, of two to use, a great portion of the party, which fur brevity I will call " the protectionist party," having been absent on that isecaeion. I must stop for a moment in my narrative, my bawds, to express some doubt on my own part—not, how ever, inconsistent with the entire respect which I entertain for the noble marquis opposite—some doubt, my lords, that the two circumstances to which I have adverted led ulti mately and finally to the somewhat abrupt termination of the government. I must express a conviction, that this was not the only, and I must doubt whe ther it was the principal cause of the 'voile aatien of her Majedy's ministers. Mv lords, I cannot but think that that important—that all-important question— which has been adverted to by the noble earl above me in manner and tone which does credit to the frankness and sincere expression of his opinion—l mean the mode of dealing with that most difficult question which is commonly spoken of under the term of the papal aggression —had much to do with the resolution to which Cie government came. I on not, of course, in the secrets of the cabinet, and I am legend to amino that the cabinet agreed on a measure which, as • cabinet, they intended to support—bull believe saw before them, in regard to that question, great ditdcalties un one side and the other—a state of protestant tiding excited in this kingdom by the letter of the Prime Minister, not less than by the act of aggression itself—driving them to extreme* which they were unwilling to be led into —and, on the other hand, a feeling existed in the minds of a large portion of their own supporters, including some of the immediate and closest adherents of the government, very much in accordance with the views stated by the noble earl above me, that this was, a question which on no occasion they would support. I cannot divest my mind, my lord*, of a strong conviction that this measure was in a great degree the cause of the government coming to the efleiChelioll that they were unable to carry on the business of the (Hear, bear.) I . . . then' IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORI/S.—FRIDAT, FEN. 2s. The LORD Cnauctua.on took his seat at 5 o'clock. APPOINTMENT OF A VICE-CHANCELLOR BILL. This bill was read a third time, sad passed. THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS. The Marquis of I.ANSDOWNE, after presenting a peti tion, said —My lords, when, on Monday last, it was my duty to address a few words to your lordships, I certainly did so in the confident expectation, and I may he permitted to add, as tar as I am personally concerned, in the 'in sets hope, that it was the lest occasion on which my public duty might require me to address this house on behalf of those of my colleagues with whom I have been recently connected. Circumstances, however, compel me again to address your lordship with regard to the events which have recently occurred, since that period. I then stated a fact which it was important your lordships should be acquainted with, namely--at that time my noble friend Lord John Russell was, by the com mand of her Majesty, engaged in an attempt to reconstruct the administration, of which he been the head. My lords, at the thne that I made that statement to the how* Lord John Ito--ell was engaged in that duty, in communi sation with a noble lord—.l highly-respected and distin guished mi lois r of this house, and with a right hon. baronet6dv , a mint distinguished member of the other brow of p it, for the purpose of endeavouring to effect that n et.O.trilt thin upon a larger basis. But I have Cow to state to your lordships that before that night had closed those attempts bad failed. I need not state the grounds on which that failure took place ; I a m anxious only to lay before pour lordships the facts in the order in which they have occarnall, and to make you acquainted with tin' present state of affairs. After the failure of that attempt so made by my noble friend Lord John Russ, 11 , a I iiminunieation was made to the noble earl to whom I has, alluded for the purpose of ascertaining whet!,, r he was able to undertake the formation of a nii nistry. My lord, upon her Majesty being informed that he was wit, and recollecting that the noble hard site hail only st.itol. at the conference with which ha was honoured by her Majesty, that he was not then prepare ml to undertake the construction of a government, her Majesty determined upon again inviting the noble lord, after the circumstances which had occurred, to undertake that important duty. The noble loot did not hesitate to undertake to attempt it. My lords. the noble hint so undertook it on Tuesday, and only two day. elapsed before the noble lord communicated to her Majesty his inability to succeed inthat attempt. That communication need not have been made until this very morning. from the eircuinstinee of the adjournment of the house until t..-.lay ; but the noble lord lost no time in cone =owe:ding this fart to her Majesty at soon as he was enabled to do so. My lords, that communication was made yester day afternoon. Wis.st I have now to state to your lordships, and all I oan state, is that I have myself this morning, by her Msjisty's command , attended upon her Majesty, and that I found it was her natural desire, in a state of things so novel, and almost unpreeedented in the annals of this sountry,att. r snaking every effort which she could make, and which it was in her power to employ, in the construction of a government, by consulting those persons best calm listed from their p o sition to undertake such a task, and they having Mai.l in accomplishing the object, I say I found she was naturally desirous of pausing before she takes a further Istep. After informing herself of the opinions of others she is desirous to obtain the advice and opinion in this unfore seen state of things, of a noble and illustrious duke, one of the great ornaments of this house, and one with whom on other is:claims her Majesty has conferred in momenta of difficulty. (('heirs) '1 hat noble duke has been summoned to attend her Maj-sty, and under those circumstances, I am only state my hope that this house will ac quie,ce in the propriety of her Majesty's view, to consider folly and inform herself before she takes another step in this important and delicate state of affairs. (Ilear, hear.) I wish to leave to others to do what they have a full right to do, and what the public may ex pect from them—a developruent of their views and motives ; but I cannot sit down without expressing, at least, however much l may lament, as I do most sincerely lament, the re ignite of this negotiation. I should be sorry to sit down without ot.iting the one consolatory circurnstuwe to me which has ate tided the result—that throughout the diffe rences, mad throughout the difficulties that have presented thtmiseltes in that negotiation, those diftieulties and diffe rences have, in no one respect whatever, turned upon any perional onsideration ; but they have been the natural result of honest differences of opinion connected with im portant principles that created a bar in the way of these arrangement.. but not a bar that would not in the least diminish the personal respect and regard that the parties mitertainial for each other. (Cheers.) This I state trim my own knowledge in reference to that part of this transac tion which I have had the honour to know and been per mitred to mate; and I am confident it has been the case with regard to the whole of these transactions whether ear• rind 60 by the noble lord opposite or by the other noble and eminent persons to whom I have alluded. (Ilear, hear.) My lords., one word more I can only state before I sit down, and endeavour to impress on your lordship., not speaking upon my own behalf only, or those of the col leagues with whom I have been connected, but OD bcll3lf of all public men, that while unquestionably great sacrifices of private ea., and comfort may at particular times he justly required from then., there is one sacrifice that they can sever he called upon to make, because it is not only the sacrifice of themselves, but the sacrifice of the honour and dignity of the crown—namely, that of a prolonged attempt, under any circumstance., to carry on the public husinesa of this country without the promise of that amount of sup port which //indispensable to everypurty, and all efforts tar the purpose of enabling them to maintain the honour of the grown and the prompt and efficient carrying on of the public ...nice. (Hear, hear.) Such a state of things, in my opinion, if prolonged, can never fail to be detrimental to the honour of the crown, injurious to the hest interests et the country, and protitahle only to those—not the most respectable class of politicians —who in that state of things Ind a degree of consequence which does not naturally belong to them —of importance they would not otherwise base. (Hear, hear.) I am convinced that public men have a duty to fulfil, but that duty must be performed with a @efficient degree of independence hi ensure their perform ing it with success. (Hear, hear.) I have now endeavoured to put your lordships in possession of the face as tar as I can, If I have failed to satisfy your lordships fully, thee* are noble lords present who may be able to supply the de firieuey, and to whom I am convinced this house will listen with respectful attention. (Cheers.) The Earl of ABERDEEN My Lords,—The noble mar quis having stated the circumstances under which the failure of the negotiations entered into by the noble lord, Lord John Russell, for the construction of a cabinet, took place, it now• is iurumbent on me to captain to the home the moto r ,s for my conduct, and the convictions which led Se my division My hints, on Saturday morning, when the resignation of the noble lord and his colleagues took place, I had the honour of being commanded by her Majesty In attend at the Palace, and I did so in the even aof Saturday. and attar the honour of having audience of • her Majesty, at which I humbly especoied my readiness to esoperate in the reconstruction of the government upon any conditions which should wear t.. be consistent with my own conduct, and which offered the prospect of promoting the interests of the puhlle stetter. I subsequently in the presence of her Majesty met Lord John KUPPOI and my right hon. friend Sir James Graham. After mutual explanation.. on this subject, ex- ' pressing sentiments similar to those I have now stated. we met Lord John Woven on the following day ; he comme ntated to us the basis upon which the government was to be reconstructed; unit the principal measures he proposed. I think we received this conununiestion from Lord Juba Russell between four and live o'clock on Sunday. We should have proceeded at once to consider this propel tion, but having been detained late at the palace that night we could only examine it with the attention it de served the following day. On Monday we entered into this . . My lords, I then proceeded to -.elite position of parties in the house of Commons. And, my lords, in looking at the difficult situation in which the country is now placed, it is not unnecessary or unimportant that your lordships and the country should well know the position and the relations of those parties. (Hear, hear.) My lords, in the first place there is tho party of her Majesty's government and of their adherents, with various gradations of opinion among them selves—with great differences of opinion, I may go so far to say, between various sections of that party, those dif (creams being still further increased by that which took place on a recent occasion, and which has almost led to the formation of another party, namely, the Irish Roman catholic party in the House of Commons. My lords, there is besides the party with which I have the honour of being connected—a party numerous, no doubt, yet undoubtedly in a minority in the House of Commons on every occasion, and which, unfortunately, though it no doubt comprise. men of talent and intellect, yet contains within itself, I will not say no single individual, but hardly one individual of political experience and versed in official business. My lords, I feel that that is a great disadvantage for any party to labour under. But there is a third party in the House of Commons, not, indeed, very extensive in point of numbers, but most important as regards the ability, the official experience, and the talents of a great portion of its members—l mean that small party, in point of numbers, though important in point ' of talent and experience, which has adhered to the policy of the late Sir Robert Peel. My lords, looking at the comps,- . sition of the House of Commons, and considering the practi cability of forming such a government as shall be enabled permanently to conduct the affairs of this king dom, or which shall at least carry with it some appearance of stability—for, I think, your lordships will be of opinion, u undoubtedly I am, that nothing scarcely can be so mischievous as constant change from one government to _ . another, or the formation of a government, with the pros pee.t of its being speedily removed from office, to the great disturbance of public affairs—bearing this in mind, I shall continue the extract which I bad commenced. And upon the words which I am about to read I lay the more stress, because the words themselves are not unimportant as exhi biting to your lordships and to the country the whole scope sod tenor of the advice which upon that occasion I felt it my duty to offer to her 3lajesty, and upon which some mite couNtruction has prevailed. My lords, I think the noble marquis will remember that when he made his statement in this house, I felt it my duty, while I forbore to offer any observation, to intimate at least to the noble marquis that one expression had fallen from him upon which I ' might have desired to offer some comment ; and in the other house of parliament, 1 understand, statement was made to the effect that the representation made of this affair by Lord John Russell, though certainly not intentionally incorrect in point of form, was still calcu lated to convey an inference which was not justified by , the facts. My lords, the inference which would be justified by the naked statement on the part of the noble marquis here, and on the part of Lord John Russell in the other house of , parliament, was this, that I had abandoned as hopeless the expectation of being abbe to form a government. Ido not mean to say that that expression was used, hut when it was stated that I was not prepared to assume the responsibility of forming a government, that was the inference which the world at large might draw. Your lordships will see how far that statement was correct. Undoubtedly it was correct in form and in fact, but your lordships will perceive with what qualification that statement, if made at all, should have been accompanied, which qualifi cation it is impossible to find in the statement itself. My lords, after leaving her Majesty that day, about a quarter past four o'clock, I did not return home immediately ; I did not reach my own house till six o'clock. On arriving there I found a note from her Majesty desiring that I would place in writing the advice which I had given; and I have since had the satisfaction of receiving front her Majesty an assurance that there could not ho a more correct statement of what passed than that which I submitted and now hold in my hand. I went on to say— After rating to ye air Majesty the pneltion of the three raja parties into which the House of Commons is divided. Lord Stanley ob.ervel that the policy of th• present adminiatratioe had met with the gene ral arproval and rip; wt of the most distinguished men of the party which adhered to the late Sir it. Peel, and that they hail never yet sett with a defeat num Lord Pawky'. political friends ; that a very imp Ull a member of that party, Ott J. Graham, had publicly tied cal his opinion of the necessity of ”cloising their rant." to resist the promised policy of Lord St inley'a friends ; and as your M 'jesty had been pleased to inform ben that no rommunic ition bad been iratlc to any one previous to that wilt which your Majesty honoured him, he ventured to suggest that, in the first instance, your Majesty should ascertain whether it wire wit passible to atnegthen the present go. varemint et partially to recomitruct It by a combination with these who, not now bolding ofike, concurred in the opinions of there who do, sad professed their opinion of the pencil' of union; that, fail- Mg such a emehinatiott, a portion of that third party might be will ing to combine wit o Lewd Stanley, whose diMcoities in such a can wand be greatly dimialabed ; that if it should appear that loth w these arrangements were impracticable, and if petronal eon. @Morelia's , stood in the way of the hitroationof agonrnment of thee whose openers appeared to prevail in the UAW! el Commas Lemi Stanley, not undernitli : gthLettriol diftelties Irbieb be should —.natl.-a the estrome ha.. to encounter, would, of honoured with your Majesty's and. deuce, prefer any trainabllitr, and even the chance of failure and low of reputation, in that of learns your Majesty and the country without 14 government; and he :oiled that he believed an adroimor Vanua fiord under such circumstances would be more likely to meet with support, rein from ono ter :de opp memo of their vit..ti than one which should it hinny formed without giving tine to chow the impractlaability of a different arrangement. . . Ile feels highly h moored by being allowed to anoint to your Majesty unrisernsily hie whole views, sod whole he obould be sorry that Chia project ahould fall into any other hands than Hose of your Majesty, ho has that entire cenfldene, la Lord John itunsell's house, that he is sure no acovemnata use will be made of aay portion of it which roar Majesty May we et to communicate to him. My lords, I hope I have satisfied your lordships that when called upon by my Sovereign I did not in the first in stance hesitate to express my readiness to sacrifice every thing but my honour in attempting to serve my Queen. (Cheers.) !!y lords, I hope you will be of opinion —I know my own motives, I am conscious of the sincerity of my own . . _ - which actuated mumaiaation, and ivininunicateil to Cord John Russell our donision on the subject. I need not enter into the consider- Mkaa of the various measures proposed fur our adoption, beismus on some we entirely agreed, and (mothers probably mutual explanations might have led ultimately to an agreement, hut our difference was confined exclu sively to a single measure. It was that I felt un doubtedly an invincible repugnance to adopt that measure of penal legislation towards the Roman catholic subjects of this country by the prohibition of the assumption of ecclesiastical titles. My lords, I am quite aware that this is not a proper occasion to enter into any full discussion of this subject. I hope at no distant time we may have the opportunity of considering the sub ject, on which °evasion I shall be ready to express more fully the views and opinions which I entertain; but I must at the present moment state to the house the sleep cons lc linos and feelines which induced me to come to this deci sion, which led to a result so important, and which might affect the great interests of the country, by leading to the failure of that attempt with which the noble lord was charged. I felt, then, that this legislation must prove utterly ineffectual. It is difficult enough at all times, by force of law, to give a criminal rharaeter to acts in themselves indifferent, so as to secure the ready obedience of mankind; but when such acts are performed from a sense of duty and religious obligation, your laws become dead ; conscience and opinion ore beyond the sphere of your legislation. No doubt you may persecute; we have bad fatal experience of the efficacy of such proceetliugs. We have, fur two hun dred years, tormented very successfully effectually tormented—those who differed from us iu religion; but, nevertheless, instead of diminishing, we have increased their number. I thought I saw in this measure a retro grade step towards a system of law which I hoped was utterly abolished ; and I believed in the late proceedings which have taken place no law had been violated, unless, indeed, it had been those laws, the test of which contiones to disgrace the statute-book, but which have been long ob solete, and which have been recently stigmatised by the legislature. But although I felt persuaded that no violation of law had taken place, I was not the less sensible of the arrogant tone assumed by the Boman pontiff, and by his cardinal, in the decree of the one, and in the pastoral letter'of the other ; and I thought this might properly engage the notice of her Majesty's government and es en of parliament ; but I .11r no sufficient grounds for legislative interference, with a view of abridg mg the religions liberty of our Roman catholic fellow subjects, and of impeding the lawful and regular develop ment and organisation of their episcopal church. I found that my right hon. friend cutire:y coincided with me, country. cannot help thinking that such feelings r esisted on tic.. part, and connected with the anticipated failure of the financial project announced by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, led to their resignation; and I am not surprised at their taking such a step; although, undoubtedly, the course which the late government have taken has not been such as to induce me to think that the ordinary circumstance of so small a majority as 1-I would he held by them a sufficient indication to induce them to retire from office. 1 ant induced to believe that with those two other difficulties staring them in the face. and leading them to the conclusion that they must go against their own convictions, or forfeit the support of their ordinary adherents ; and with the difficulty attending the universal dissatisfaction which appears to have been produced by the budget.—(cheers;-1 net induced to believe that it was not an unwelcome occasion which presented itself on Thursday night of the defeat of the government, in a thin house, by a majority of their own adherents. (Hear, hear.) I took the liberty—not for a moment doubting the immediate cause at the time of the resignation of the late government—l ven tured to make to her Majesty one or two remarks upon those two questions. I hold in my hand now a copy of a portion of a letter which, by her Majesty's express com mand after the interview 1 had with her, I wrote to her 111*stv, for the purpose of placing on record the advice which . 1 felt it my humble duty to tender ; and from that letter I shall, with her Majesty's permission, read so much of those passages us will tend to explain the course which I pursued on that occasion. Having adverted to the two circumstances stated by her Majesty as the ground of the resignation of the late government, and observed with re ference to the motion of Mr. Disraeli that it had been nega tived, and although by a small majority. the minority was reinforced, was increased by a number of votes hostile to the government on another ground ; and with reference to the majority on Mr. Locke King's motion, hiving observed—and, my lords, I must digress here for a mo ment. I hold this as a point which I trust your lordships will not lose sight of when it is stated that the governmeitt, in addition to the votes of their own adherents, calculated on the support of some of their opponents, which would have been given to them in opposition to such a dangerous and mischievous measure—when it is obseried that the ab sence of those opponents upon whose support they calcu lated caused the government to be defeated, it is right that your lordships and the country should know the facts with reference to that defeat. My lords, Mr. Locke Kin's mo tion was carrietiby more than 100 votes to 54. My lords, of those St vo tes 17 were the votes of the protectionist party, 27 more were the votes of official men; and of the whole House of Commons. exclusive of those bound by official ties, the ministry . brought to their . support ten independent • smtured Rai I' may mention to the house that this agree: i members, and no Con.(Hear. ye, , CUM .ace arrived at without the least concert them facts to hot Majesty; and I stvadthst, aqua u wsa the number of my frienda who voted on that occasion," I eon" on the government themselves ' • the consequence stated that which I believe to be the fact, that " their num- being, that with all their ability and all their influence, ben would have been much greater but for the impression they render the formation of a government on either side which undoubtedly prevailed that your Majesty's ministers impossible. (Hear, hear.) My lords, on receiving from my were not honestly exercising their influence to defeat the noble friend a refusal, couched in language of the most motion. I believed that, and my friends in the House of perfect friendship, which I believe was quite sin- Commons believed it; and if they had thought that there cere, I nest sought to ascertain whether the noble was an earnest determination on the part of the government lord, who had served under my noble friend, was willing to act on their own principles, they would have given them to give me his assistance by carrying on the administration a generous and disinterested support; but they did not feel of foreign affairs. I also failed in inducing that noble lord ' bound to attend in large numbers to enable thi, government 'to take part with me. I had conferences with various par to defeat a measure, while it permitted so many ties in this and in the other house of parliament—l will not of its own supporters to be absent." (Hear, hear.) mention names—bat with respect to one individual, I must My lords, after adverting to the icular circumstances be allowed to say that I never felt anything more deeply i with which the dissolution of the late part government was ac- than the frankness with which he at once expressed his rea companied, my first statement to her Majesty was, that after diners to share the responsibility which I had taken upon I the part which I had taken in public affairs, after the ex- myself by administering a department for which I thought, ' pressions of which I had made use, after the opinions which and for which I believe the country , would have found him, I had uttered, after the sanction which I had given, and peculiarly qualified. My lords, Mr. Gladstone was ex seeing that if I had been a member of the other house I ' pected to arrive us London on the following day, and I felt certainly should have supported by my rote the motion of that it would he a great advantage to secure the assist- Mr. Disraeli, recording the distress among the agricultural ante of so able, so honest, and so upright, a class,—avowed in the speech of her Majesty from the • man as Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons—one who throne,—and declaring that it was the duty of the govern- is well versed in political affairs, and who last year, in con ment to take effective measures for the relief of that distress, tradistinetion to the party with which he is connected, sup it would be impossible for me, even if my convictions were j ported • motion which was brought forward by Mr., less strong than they were, it would be impossible for me as i Disraeli with a view to the relief of agricultural distress. an honest man to take office without a full determination to But, my lords, after communicating with Mr. Gladstone, I' deal with that distress, and to endeavour to apply to it, as I found that circumstances rendered it impossible for him,' a minister, effective measures of relief. (Cheers.) consistently with his own views of propriety, to take part in My lords, I stated that, if I could so far forget' the contemplated administration. 1 RIM thus deprived of myself as to sacrifice my own honest convictions, the low of I all extraneous assistance in the formation of a government, honour which would be involved in such a course of pro- I and compelled to rely entirely on that party with which I' reeding would make my services worse than valueless. was immediately and politically connected, and among (Hear, hear.) I said that I had entertained, and that I which, as I stated before, there were few, if any, men pay retained, the opinion that it was the duty of the govern- ,eased of official experience, and trained in habits of ment, it it were impossible to do full justice, at all events public business. My lords ' even among the members of that to take steps towards mitigating the injustice under which putty I found that some of those who were well qualified to the proprietors and occupiers of land in this country were discharge public duties, were by various causes induced to suffering. (Hear, hear.) I did not bind . myself to any decline—one,hy the pr . , , sure o f . extensive private concerns; specific measure , . although a t . the proper time I shall not another, by disinclination to join (as was underitiiod) any shrink from stating the specific measure which I would re- administration , and • third by an undue apprec iation . of commend but Ido say that I world not take o ff ice on any his own abilities. I say, from three of those individuals I other con dition than that of endeavouring fauna de to give received declarations of their unwillingness or inability to effect to my own conviction of the necessity of legislating Join an administration. Under these circumstances, and for the relief of that class of her Majesty's subjects, (Cheers.) looking at the position of the House of Commons, I thought s notice ,• •-• • • easier) ministries has been pledged, that the income tax should not be permitted to degenerate into a permanent tax. (Cheers.) My lords, Sir Robert Peel introduced the income tax in 184 , , at a period of great commercial dis tress, when there had been for three years a gradually accumulating deficiency in the revenue. He accompanied the proposal of it with an express declaration that the design of it was to enable him to deal with other portions of the fiscal system of this country, by means of which he hoped within a limited period the revenue would be made to equal the expenditure. Ile pledged himself that at the expiration of that period the income tax should be discontinued. There is not a man living who believed that without that pledge the House of Commons would have consented to the imposition of a tax which had always been held to be a tax for war times, always been deprecated in times of peace, which, shape it as you will, levy it as you please, must be full of anomalies and incon veniences, and, whilst pressing heavily on various sections of the community, must be attended with such complicated injustice that no modification will make its operation just and equal. (Hear,) My lords, Sir It. Peel said he considered it would he necessary to continue the tax for about five years but that he would at first ask only that it might be imposed fur three years, being well assured that parliament would not hesitate to renew it at the end of that period if it had in the meantime worked well, and secured the object for which it had been imposed. The second renewal of the income tax took place in ISIS, a period, as your lordships must recollect, of the greatest distress, immediately follow ing the disasters of 1847, and when, in order to maintain the credit of the country, it was ab solutely: necessary that it should be restored. But, my lords, we have now arrived ut a very different state of things. In the first place, we have to deal with a surplus of two millions and a half. We have a state of alleged general prosperity ; and I do not wish to deny the existence of that prosperity, although I fear that there are indications that in some branches the prosperity is not as permanent as your lordships could desire it to be ; but I hold that in a state of general prosperity, with a surplus of two millions and a half, and a further renewal of the income tat, at the expiration of 9 years from the period when it was established, without any security being taken either for its modification or Its abo lition, would be a virtual declaration that the in .a was high time for me to come to • decision as to the course which I should pursue. On Wednesday morning, when I last had the honour of an audience with her Majesty, I undertook by eleven o'clock this morning to communicate to her Majesty whether the experiment on which I nad en t..red was likely to be successful, ur whether I thought I should be compelled to abandon the hope of proceeding. Yesterday afternoon there met at my house a portion of say noble friends here, and my friends in the other house of parliament who had consented to take part in the govern. ment should it be formed. The whole state of the care was then anxiously and deliberately considered, and I be lieve 1 have their strong concurrence when I state that it was their view, as well as my own, that although I might have been enabled to present to her Majesty a list of names of vntlemen who would have been fully competent, with the aid of a majority in the House of Commons, to carry on creditably and practically the business of the country, yet I could not lay before her Majesty a list strong enough to face a powerful majority in the other house of parliament—a majority always ready to combine for purposes of opposition, though unable to act together for the administration of the govern m...nt. (Hear, hear) I could not undertake to say that the cabinet which I could present to her Majesty would be such as to enable me for any length of time creditably to carry on the public business in the House of Commons against a powerful and numerous majority. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I stated further to her Majesty—and I am the more anxious to say so, because misrepresentations have taken place on this subject —at the interview with which I was honoured by her Majesty, I stated that the difficulty would be very great of the formation of a new administration under any circumstances, as, owing to the position of public business at this time of the year, they would be exposed to the necessity of sitting for u considerable time—a minority come tax should be saddled for ever on this country. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) When I recollect that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his celebrated budget, de clared that there were various other classes as much entitled to Mier as those who suffered from the operation of the' paper duty, and that when he had disposed of the paper duty, the tea duty, the tobacco duty, and when he had ad justed other parts of the general system of taxation, lw would be prepared to deal with the question of the renewal of the income tax, I must say that this looks very like imposing the income tax on this country for ever. (Hear, hear.) A very short time before the introduction of the budget, and when it was generally understood to be the intention of her Majesty's ministers to propose the renewal of the ineome tax without modifica tion, there was a very general feeling on the part of many persons in favour of the total abolition of the tax. My lords, I never will be a party to any measure in opposition, which, if I were charged with the responsibility of govern ment, I should not see my way to accomplish—(hear, hear) ; and, believing that the credit of the country would not at this moment bear the entire removal of the income tax, I must say that I could not sup port a measure which would leave a deficiency of at lewd two millions and a half in the re— venue. (Hear, hear.) But I was perfectly prepared to advise that a course should he taken which would have been declaratory of the determination of parliament to deal with the income tax as rapidly to the finances of the country would allow; not rendering dealing with it a matter of impossibility, by frittering away every surplus as it arose, and thus rendering the removal of the tax impo s sible until there was actually a surplus in one year of 5,000.0001. Without attempting to reduce other taxes, I was prepared to recommend to parliament a measure for taking off from -third to one-half of the ineome tax, and if that amount in the presence of a powerful majority—for that in the state of public business it was not possible, nor would I venture to advise her Majesty at this time to have recourse to a dissolution of parliament fur the purpose of testing public opinion. (Hear.) My lord+ I say this because I know an impression has prevailed that what has been called my first resignation was the consequence of the demand on my part that her Majesty would give me the power of dissolving parliament, a demand with which it hits been said her Majesty refused to comply. For that statement there is not the shadow of a foundation. (Cheers.) I hope I know my duty to my sovereign too we to insist upon a pledge upon a question with respect to which no sovereign ought to give a pledge. (Cheers.) On the other hand I am confident that her Majesty knows too weU, and respects too highly, the mutual obligations, if I may venture to use the phrase, which subsist between a constitutional sovereign and her responsible advisers, to refuse to me, osr to any minister who may be honoured with her confidence, the ordinary powers entrusted to a minister, or the ordinary compliance of being guided by his advice; and I am autho• rised, on the part of her Majesty, distinctly to state that no person would be justified in saying, or holding out the belief, that if I had felt it my duty to recommend to her Majesty the dissolution of parliament, her Majesty's con sent would have been withheld. (Cheers.) But, my lords, in the position in which we found ourselves in presence of a hostile majority—a dissolution being impossible in conse quence of the state of public business, and unadvissible, perhaps, at this moment on other grounds—l say, my lords, we came to the conclusion that, in such a state of things, we could not, satisfactorily, carry on the busineas of the country, and that it was my duty, them fore, to take the first opportunity of humbly lay ing before her Majesty my resignation of the trust with which she had honoured me. (Hear, hear.) I made the communication which I felt it me duty to make to her Majesty yesterday evening at 5 o'clock. The noble marquis has stated what has taken place sines. I have only to add that, so far as me communications with her Majesty were concerned, nothing could exceed the condescension and the graciousness of manner—and mere than of manner—with which any proposition from me has been listened to— (cheers)—the graciousness with which any communication or any advice which I felt it my duty to tender to her Ma jesty was received. I feel deeply grateful to her Ma• jcsty for the confidence with which she honoured mo, and this confidence only adds to the regret which I feel that I in vain endeavoured to do her Majesty's service. My lords, I have no complaint to make of those whose sincere difference from myself in political opinions deprived me of the power of forming an administration. I did not take on myself the task—(hear, hear)—l did not thrust myself upon the Queen. (Cheers.) It was by no act of my friends in the House of Commons that the late administration fell, but by their own intrinsic weakness, and by the divisions amongst their supporters. When they fell I hope I felt no undue eageniess to succeed them— (hear, hear)—and I think in the position I myself occu pied I should not have been justified in assuming the re sponsibility of office without ascertaining beforehand that that assumption was, as far as could be seen, the only prac ticable mode of forming an administration. ( Hear , hear.) one-third to one-nait of thenoose-sees, could be taken off, I was desirous that parliament should pledge itself to its gradual reduction, with a view to its final abolition, by applying any surplus that might arise to the reduction and final extinction of the tax. (Hear, hear.) I must now give some answer to the appeal which IT.LS made to me a few nights ago by a noble earl. as to what my views were on the subject of agricultural distress. I do not now wish to enter upon the doctrine and priori ph of protection in the abstract. I hold it to be admitted and undeniable, that the land of this country is labouring under an amount of taxes of various descriptions which far exceeds that which falls on other classes of the community. Whatever may he the difference of opinion as to the exact amount of these burdens, the fact of their labouring undo r them is not to be denied. (Hear, hear.) I believe also it will not be denied that the effect of the measure for abolishing the duty on corn has had an effect lon prices far more extensive than was expected—than was I believe desired or anticipated by the authors of that bill. (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that any imposition of im port duty that could be submitted to parliament would have the effect or could have the offer. of raising the present price of corn up to what it was. It was stated at the time the corn law was repealed, that, under ordinary circum stances, and from the state of the foreign markets, the price of corn could not fall below 4fis. in this country. But we now see it at 375. or 38s.—(hear, hear)—and whilst 1 have no desire to check the due exercise of commerce, or to re verse the general policy introduced by Sir It. Peel, 1 say that by the imposition of a moderate duty on corn, you would he able to raise a considerable revenue, without mate rially raising the price of agricultural produce to the con sumer; and by the acquisition of 1,500,0001. or 2,000,(00/. from that source, you would enable the government to pro ceed more rapidly in conferring on the community at large the immediate and total extinction of the income tax. (Hear, hear.) I do not hesitate to say, there fore, that if it was found impracticable, as I think it would, to effect such an alteration nf the incidence of tax ation as would place all classes on the same level, it would be only fair, and according to the best free trade authori ties, it wo uld not be adverse to free trade principles, that those who were subject to undue burdens should be protected by a countervailing duty sufficient to meet these burdens. (Hear, hear.) By the imposition of a certain duty on corn and provisions I think you may raise such a revenue as would enable parliament to abolish at the end of a year the income tax altogether. And this relief to the finances of the country, and from the pressure of taxation, would infinitely and immeasurably counterbalance any evil which may be occasioned by an advance in the price of *heat to the consumer. (Hear, hear.) Ido not now wish to enter upon the general question or to express any opinion on the subject of protection. The question of an unrestricted importstionof provisions must be settled once and for ever when an appeal is made to the country for a decision. (Hear.) I cannot take the present policy as more than an experiment in the course of being carried out. (Cheers.) Should the result of the next general election show that the country is in favour of a perfect unrestricted importation of provisions, and is opposed to any duty such as exists in all other coma tries for the purpose of obtaining a revenue, and which even this imposes on some articles of prim necessity—if the But, my lords, entirely concurring with the noble marque' opposite in the remark which he made, that whatever sacri nee may reasonably be espeeted from a public man, it is nut to he expected that he will ibr any length of time carry on the business of the country without the support of a ma jority in parliament, and feeling that for a considerable time, it would he impossible for me to take steps to ascer tain whether I could obtain that majority, which I knew I had not then, I felt that the only course consistent with my duty was to ask to he released from the necessity of taking on mpelf the duties of an office which I could not till satis factorily to the country. My lords, theme is one print to which, though it doei not concern myself, justice bolh to her Majesty and to Lord John Russell, requires that I should allude. I have already contradicted the report which has been exceedingly prevalent, as to her Majeity refusal, in the event of my arlvisin; it, which advice I beg distinctly to repeat I did not tender, but, on the contrary, I expressed . . dissolution country. necessity - this should he tric opinion of the country at the next eleetion, I for one, and I believe the majority of your lordships and of parliament, will bow to that expression of the sense of the country. (Cheers.) But, till I see that expression of the country, I will not abandon the belief that the country is not opposed to the impositionof a moderate import duty on corn. (Cheers.) Let it be recollected that the labourers, the owners, and the occupiers of land, are the only class of the community who are now suffering. The distress may not reach the agricultural labourers as soon as the employers. The reduction of wages may not he commensurate with the fall in the price of provisions, hut if that were so they were "' ' only living on the . capital Of others. (Hear.) It is no more possible fur the labourers to be permanently pros perous whilst the employers of labour are distressed, than it is for a river to cortinue flowing when cut off (rum the springs that feed it. (Hear, hear.) I have to apologise for stating to your lordships at such length incidentally but • • • ~ _ , sting s conduct, and of the integrity of the motives . ... ___ ~ it as my opinion that at the present time a . was frankly the views I entertain and the policy I would have me—l trust your lordships will be of opinion that I have impossible—l'have already stated the circuits,- sees M proposed, and I cannot but think that the policy which I shown no undue eagerness to grasp at power—(cheers)— which originated the letter that I hold in my hand. Im- have indicated would have largely benefited the revenue, a n d I hope you will also give me credit for having been in- mediatcly alter my leaving, I believe Lord John Russell would have enabled us to take off heavy and unjust taxes, fluenced by no motive of Personal ambition, and by no de- was sent for. Shortly after I arrived at my own and would not have injured the consumers, whilst it would sire to place myself in a position for which I was not quell- house 1 sent this statement of what had taken place, have arrested the progress to ruin of a most important tied. (Cheers.) My lonl., I hope, on the other hand, you by the desire of her Majesty. Now a report clam of the community. (Hear, hear.) I will now say a will give me credit for not having shrunk from the duty has been industriously circulated, that before I sent few words before I sit down on the important subject of the which devolved on me, as it might have devolved on any to her Majesty what was presumed to be my resignation, papal aggression. (Hear, hear.) No man feels more strongly but which was, in fact, the statement of facts which I have th an I d o th e impolicy of introducing any measure for re public Man, considering the difficulty to which the Queen was reduced, of tendering my best services, even at the risk of read, either her Majesty hail sent for other adviser , , or stricting any persons in the free exercise of their religious failure in the attempt, and at the risk of loss of personal Lord John Russell h a d un d u l y th rus t hi mse lf upon her Ma- opinion., and I entirely concur with my noble friend iu reputation in consequence of failure. My lords, I hope I joity. That supposed declination to take office for myself what he has said on that point. I would be the last to con have also satisfied your lordshiPs that, having entered upon was tendered to her Majesty at half-past 4; at half-past 1 sent to the introduction of any measure for depriving any Lord John Russell was sent for to the palace ; and at half that important task, I applied my best energies to the portion of my fellow-countrymen of the full and free excl.- accomplishment of it ;—(hear, hear)—that while I did not Past 6 a copy of what had taken place in the interview be- vise of their religious opinions, and the full and free per shrink from the difficulties, immense as they must have tween her Majesty and myself was placed in his hands. I formance of their religious duties. (Hear, hear.) But be been under any circumstances, attending the attempt to make this statement in onl er th a t nn d ou bt ma y remain on t wecn a pe na l l a w directed against religious opinions, and forma government, I did not unduly prolong the period the public mind as to the conduct of her Majesty, who, lam parliamentary legislation directed against foreign interfer sure. would never think of communicating with a minister of suspense by continuing to make the attempt when I had mice there is the greatest difference. (Hear, hem.) My become convinced in my own mind it would utterly while another person was charged w ith, an d h a d no t declined lords, in the course which the Pope has been advised to fail. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it was on Tuesday the responsibilityof attempting to form agov ,.. rnmen t ; and on take, and which his emissaries have pursued, Ido not know morning that her alajesty again sent for me, informing me the other hand, that it may not be supposed that Lord John if any law has been violated or not. In Lord John Rua that the state of things I anticipated had come to pant, and Rus s ell had taken the presumptuous step of forcing himself sell's too celebrated letter it was stated that the law officers that Lord John Russell had failed in the attempt to region- on his Sovereign while negotiations were being carried on of the crown would be consulted as to whether the law had struct a government, and that my noble friend, Lord Aber- with another person. (Cheers.) And, my lords, I might been violated or not, and if not, that he would intro deco, having been applied to, had stated his inability to form here stop, having furnished th e p ersona l exp l anat i ons which duce amendments in the law. (hear, hear.) I think the a government by any combination with the present adminis- I was able to tender to the house. But I cannot conclude, act of the Pope is in itself of minor importance, brawn. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty reminded me of the in the present strange state of:political affairs, without ad- but of infinitely more importance I regard the insolent tone pledge which I had given that, in the event which had oe- veiling fur a moment to some of those leading topics which in which it was introduced—(hear, hear)—in which it was cursed, I would not hesitate to face the difficulty. m y at this moment appear to form insuperable obstacles to the announced, as from authority, that he claimed jurisdiction lords, I could not hesitate as to the manner in which I I union of public men. My lords, that it is a mortification over the realm of England, to interfere with the preroga should respond to that appeal, and front Tuesday morning to me not to hare be e n abl e t o jorm a g o vernment which five of the Crown and the independence of the country and, till Thursday afternoon I was unremittingly engaged m might carry on satisfactorily the affairs of the country, 110 I will venture to to,, of parliament. (Hear, hear.) That endeavouring to carry my object into effect. In n o t p r etend to deny ; that I feel any hostility towards those was a proceeding which it was impossible for the people the position of parties in the House of Commons, who hav e prevented me from forming a government I trust and parliament of this country to pass by unnoticed. But to which I have referred, it became a matter of the utmost Your lordships do not imagine ; but I may be permitted to I cannot approve of the mode in which it has been sought importance to me to obtain, if this were practicable with- express a regret, not on personal but on public grounds, to meet at. (Hear, hear.) I cannot but think that the out a sacrifice of political consistency on either side, the that I was unable to form an administration which would measure of the government bears the marks of haste rather lassistance and co-operation of some of those who, though ' have brought to a satisfactory issue two or three great than of due deliberation— ( heer, hear)—and, for my own generally acting on conservative principles, had yet been ! questions which appear now to form a stumbling block in part, if that were to be the extent of legislation contem- Iseparated by the unfortunate differences which took place , our path. My lords, having no wish fur concealment, anal plated by the advisers of the Crown, I think it would have in 1516 from the great body of the protectionist party . l thinking that a frank declaration of opinion by pub- been better not to have legislated at all than to legis -1 (Hoar, hear.) My lords, I will here frankly say that I ! BC men ma y not be undesirable, whether for the late so ineffectually—that it would have been far hater foresaw a great difficulty in dealing with foreign affairs. I My first object in endeavouring to remove that difficulty at the commencement WAS to ascertain whether, basing filed ! I will Wen country or for the possible successor of one who not to have raised such a strong feeling of ' • uulig has failed in the attempt to form an administration, nation on the part of the protestant community, out of the line which, under ordinary cir- an d on the part of the Roman catholic community, to effect a junction with the late overnment, my noble friend 1 cumstances, I should pursue, and frankly state to your if it was only to be followed by the introduction of a mea mem me (the Earl of Aberdeen) would t o willing to lordships the course whi c h, h a d I been able to form an ad- sure which for a good or efficacious purpose w as w h o ll y an d undertake the duties of that department, which he 'for-' ministration, I s h ou ld h ave f e lt it desirable to pursue in re- perseetly useless. (Cheer..) The insult should le met, but marl administered with so much credit to himself, and so femme to three very important questions, the financial if the law was not violated, it would have been more amply ' much to the honour of the country, or whether he and Position of the co un t r y, agricultural - distress i n connexion met by a resolution of both houses of parli amen t, declatg those who acted with him would remain in what I cannot with that position, and the important question which hiss the unconstitutional character of the aggression, that they bat think an unfortunate position, namely, that of being . been mentioned by my noble friend. My lords, I begin, would not recognise the validity of the titles assumed to be *hen by saying that, financially, I hold it to be an object conferred an • l that unable to form a combination with sue or other of the two • •. • those who bore such titles should have conflicting parties, .1111 at the same time of being unable to not Sly of vital importance, but to which the fate of sae- no precedence over others a! any kind within the realm. (Cheers.) Ido not know whether my noble friend would go even so far. Lord ABERDEEN—Oh, yes. Lord STANLEY—Going so far with my noble friend, I am afraid I should separate there from him, for in my opinion such a resolution would not meet the magnitude of the evil. I think the bill of the government did Dot touch the real danger, did not touch the insult. (Cheers.) The real danger is this—it is the gradual growth and encroachment of the Pope and the Pope's pre lates acting under his authority, and their desires. to inter fere in matters not purely and strictly religious, and to exer cise powers which, if not in violation, were at rivalry with the law of the land. And while I would not in the lean interpose any restrictions on the exercise of religious opinions and duties, I am prepared to oppose papal aggres sion now as it was opposed in the days of our ancestors. (Cheers.) But lam not prepared to legislate at the present moment. Ido not think the full amount of iutbrination as to the facto of the case it before us, and this is a case in which, shove all others, you must legislate terfull informa tion. (Hear, hear.) I believe the law is in a mint anomalous state. (Hear, hear.) For he tans, there is a statute which declares it to be high treason to introduce any bull or rescript from Borne, and yet the penalties for violating that statute are taken away; and by declaring the act to be high treason, and at tho same time taking away the penalties it rendered inopera mtive all proceedings for minor offences. Take the close of synods for example. The derision of a svaod would be of far greater authority and more binding on the sun sciences of Boman cathobes than that of an individual Wallop. The Roman catholic bishops world obtain • kind of lerbilative authority when acting in synod, and if that be so, the queation is of infinite importance —nut whether there is to he a Bishop of Birmingham, but whether we aro going to have in this country a kind of imperitan its im peril, acting in synod and enforcing the derision; of that ayuod by the most awful of all penalties—the spiritual cmsursu of the church—(cheers) —and thus exereixing a power superior to that of parliament in the eyes of Boman catholics, even though against the law of the laud. (Cheers.) In the act of 1829 certain securities were taken ti,r the pro testant* of the kingdom, and certain restrictions were ha posed on the Itousan catholics. Since 1829 we may have shut our eyes to petty encroaelimenta of the law, but we shut our eyes intentionally. The Pope, however, has de dared that our eyes shall not he shut—that there shall be no connivance and no alternative between that which we prohi bited and that which we distinctly allowed. I think the distinction is remarkable. I think it is un just to pro hibit by law that which you permit in practice. It is anomalous, that, by not recognising the au thority anti jurialliction of the Pope— I do not of course mean oily legal authority or jurisdiction, but that authority which he exereisso over . hia spiritual subjects, and that by putting penalties on this, you leave tither things to helpractised uncontrolled. (Hear, hear.) You have ques tion* depending relative to the disposition of Boman ca tholic property in this country. It is a fit subject of inquiry whether all religious houses in this country should not Ito subjected to the power of visitation-- (hear, head — anti to see that no persons should be detained in theta against the law of tho land, and against their our consent. (Hoar, hear.) But upon the whole OW of the relations of the Boman catholics towards the state and a foreign power parliament and the country• were equally ill informed. (Hear, hear.) I agree with the whit. earl who spoke a few nights ago, a Boman catholic. memlier of this house, that it may be necessary for Boman catholic' in this country to have communication in spiritual matters with Boone. I do not shut my eyes to the fact that such communications have taken place, and that they have been permitted. I would hermit them so far as they are neves airy for the religious worship of the lionian catholics of this country. And at the same time I would not allow them to interfere with the rights of any portion of her Majesty's subjects. (Ilear, hear.) This is a subject son which we should legislate temperately, deliberately, and with full information. The loos of one year or of two years is not an evil, of whatever magnitude, which can be tom ' pared to that of deciding hastily, ineffectually, or its a passionate or irritating manner on this greet anti important subject. (Hear, hear.) As yet we have only touched the outside; the full and real danger is untouched by the legislation which is proposed. It ran hardly he said, I think, that I have tried to thnist my self into power, and I hope your lordshipa will consider, that whilst I have not unduly shrunk from the responsibility, I have not pertinaciously peroierered in the attempt of forming a government after KW that it was impracticable. (Hear, hear.) But, above all, I hope you wgl say, my lords, that in the course I have pursued I have done nothing discreditable to my motives or derogatory to that fair character which 1 hold to he an in estimable possession for every public man. (Rear.) The Marquis of L.aNSDOWNE said that what lie had stated on the former evening was that the noble lord was not " then " prepared to undertake the task of forming a government ; and, if he was not much mistaken, lie laid considerable emphasis on the word "then," being aware that that did not imply the impossibility of the noble lord undertaking it under other circumstances. The statement was, that the noble lord was not " then" prepart•d, and that in consequence of his not being " then" prepared Lord J. Busmen was sent for ; that he would not have twilit seat fur if the noble lonl was SO prepared ; anti hernia that he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) thought it would be travelling out of kis way if he attempted to do that for the noble lord whirls he knew the noble lord would have an opportunity of doing for himself--namely, of developing and explaining what were the particular circumstances which "then" prevented him from undertaking the task. Ile was extremely glad that the noble lord had that oppor tunity, and he was bound to saythat the noble lord availed himself of it in a manner and spirit, and with a manliness of purpose that did honour to him in the explanation which he made. (Cheers.) Having set that matter right he would now advert to the speech of the noble earl who followed him (Lord Aberdeen). The noble earl who thought it ne cessary to enter upon an explanation at greater length than he (the Marquis of Lanatlowne) expected, was not content with stating hie difference of opinion from Lord J. Rumen with respect to the Boman Catholic Bill, but procemkal to characterise the bill which had been introdueed into the ' other house of parliament by his noble friend. Now he could not sit still and hear that measure so charaeterised without rising to protest against the justice of the ehn racier which hail been given of it. (Rear, hear.) Ile was extremely anxious to state that whereas the noble owl had described that measure as one of a penal charticter against the Roman cathulics—he was net sure if the noble earl had not used the word " persecution," a wont which, he believed, which was only uttered at a public meeting in an unguarded moment—he wax sure it was as far from the thought of his noble friend as it was from his own, or that of the noble earl, to introduce or to carry any measure the effect of which should lie to direct penal consequences against the exercise of the Roman catholic religiou. (Hear, hear.) lie thought, and those who Tonal with him thought that this measure was rendered necessary by the insult which had been offered to the Queen and people of this country—they thought that it was necessary to pass some act to vindicate the honour of the crown and the independence of the country ; but, nevertheless, they felt that beyond that, to interfere with the exercise of the Boman catholic religion by any enactment would be grossly unjust and abotuni, and attended with disastrous consequences. (Hear, hear.) The ground on which it was introduced was simply that of pro tecting the country against foreign influence—dust foreign influence making use of the Roman cathoolica as an instru ment. (Hear.) The intention in intnelueing the meamire was to protect this country, the protestant laity, and the Woman catholic laity from that intervention on the pert of the Pope which had be en shown to he dangerous aud mischievous fore, and would be misehiesZ and dangerous again. (Cheers.) But so far from wishing to debar perSoll. pro reusing the Roman catholic religion either in Englund or Ireland from any of those privileges, or any of those power* which are necessary for the exercise of that religion, I should have been prepared at any time to 'olive given facili ties for that exercise, and to proteetthose powers. (Cheers.) But at the same time he felt it to be a duty incumbent both on the crown and parliament that the prerogatives of the crown and the independence of parliament should be de fended, when openly attacked, against any foreign autho rity, dominion, or power whatever. (Chien.) Ili, noble friend not being able to take the same view of thi. sat ject which was entertained by the noble earl (Lord Aberdeto) and the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham), states! that he was prepared to make such alterations in the bill as would, whilst the object with which it was intro duced was carried out, remove any misapprehensions that might be entertained, either by the Boman catholics of this country or of Ireland, as to the effect it would have on the free exercise of their religion and the full enjoyment of every Roman catholic privilege by those authorities by which 111011 C the Roman catholic religion could be carried on. (Hear, hear.) With respect to one observa tion which fell from the noble lord iu the course of his statement, he begged to observe that the government had not come to the decision of dissolving the administra tion because of one accidental division which had taken place at an early hour in the other house of parliament. It was the general absence of that support in the other house and no difference of opinion amongst themselves, whirls in duced them to adopt the course they pursued. (Hear.) Lord STANLEY said the noble marquis misunderstood what he said. What he said was, that he could not divest himself of the opinion that, independently of the smallness of the majority on Mr. Disraeli's motion, and the subsequent defeat on Mr. Locke King's motion, there were other ques tions on which differences were so great that the fear of oppo sition from their own supporters on the questions of papal ag grtusion and the budget must have entered largely into the question of the resignation. That resignation took place so suddenly that the noble marquis was himself out of town, and the noble earl near him received, he believed, the in formation in the city, that by thedecision of the cabinet, of winch he was a member, he was no longer a cabinet minister. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord, the Lord l'riry Seal (Lord Shinto) seemed to be as little acquainted with the intentions of the cabinet as he was with the papal in tention, and no one appeared to have time to say to him 0 that concerns you." (Laughter.) The house then adjourned at half-past seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY, FEB. 28. The Stamm& took the chair at the u•ual hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. METROPOLITAN CATTLE f MARKET BILL. Mr. CHILDERS moved the second reading of this bill. Alderman SIDNEY moved that it be read a second time that day six months. After sa short discussion the hill was postponed. TURNPIKE ROAD DILLS. Mr. W. PATTEN moved that the etanding orders No. 6 and No. 07 be suspended ; in the airy( ip i v oit pik, road . , , 41•114.