The Express. — London, England, 1847-04-17 00:00:00

11, the privy council, is order that the house should tee in what degree the course of expenditure toil year, which was the same as the last, should be adopted. THE TWEED. Mr. MUNTZ inquired whether it was the intention of the government to take any steps to mark its sense of the ;tal ks% conduct of the Spanish commander of the vend which went to the rescue of the unfortunate pumpers of the Tweed ? Lord J. RUSSELL said that the government had received with the greatest satisfaction the account of the very heroic conduct of the Spanish captain to whom the hon. gentleman had referred, and Lord Auckland had been charged by her Majesty to express to that Spanish captai i the satisfaction with which she heard of his conduct, and to propose to him the acceptance of a medal, on which would be recorded the ;services which he rendered to the survivor i of that unfortu nate ship. Sho also directed that a grant of the sum of 500!. should be enclosed to him in a manner most acceptable to that most gallant officer, to show the deep sense which her Majesty and the government entertained of his heroic couduct. PRISONS BILL. Dr. BOWRING wished to knew when the house would go into committee on the Prisons Bill, • hich he saw upon the orders for this day ? Bir G. OIIEY said thst it was the intention of the govern ment to proceed with the bill this day week. CUSTOMS DUTIES. Mr. NEVIDEG ATE asked for a return of what alteration had taken place in the tariff of foreign couutries sines 1844 ; whet alteration bad been made in the customs duties of the British possessions, in the colonies; what had been the exports of the priacipal articles of manCarture for the last three years; what quantity of provisions had been intro duced, and what foreign ministries had imposed prohibitory or export duties on articles to be imputed into this country. He had asked for these returns before, and he thought that it was in consequence of want of information, arising from negligence, that they were unable and unwilling to furnish them. Mr. M. GIBSON said that the hon. gentleman and the house were under a misapprehension if they considered that' the government were unwilling to lay these returns on the table. These were to be made by the customs, who stated that they would require in immense amount of time to pre pare them. For the purpose of completing • portion of them it was necessary to communicate with her Majesty's ministers and consuls in foreign countries, to which commit stations replies should be received. It eras impossible that th could be received at so early • period as this. Mr. BANKES said that the reply of the hon. gentleman was not satisfactory inasmuch u he did not state any definite ' period within which they might have the returns completed ' end hid on the table. Mr. M. GIBSON said that all the information that was in the possession of the board of trade could be laid on the table now, and all that they wanted to complete the returns wan the replies from the consuls abroad. ABOLITION OF DUTIES ON BUTTER AND CHEESE. Mr. LEFROY wished to know whether the hon. gentle man the member for Winchester intended to bring forward his bill for the abolition of duties es butter and cheese. Mr. B. ESCOTT said that he had no doubt given notice of his intention to introduce this bill, but, that, as he saw, from the position in which they were at pre-cut placed from the great necessity of keeping up the dues of war, that he would have very little chance of success, he would abandon it for the present. ENCUMBERED ESTATES IN SCOTLAND. Lord DUNCAN wished to ask the Lord Advocate whether the government had taken into consideration a bill for facili., tating the sale of encumbered estates in Scotland, and, if so, when it was probable that it would be introduced ? The LORD ADVOCATE said that the subject was under the consideration of the government with the view of framing a bill for that purpose, and such a bill may be introduced this session. POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. On Lord J. RUSSELL moving the third reading of this Mal, Capt. CORRY said that he wished to take the last oppose. Lenity of expressing his opinion on this measure. It was a measure which was ea dangerous that no one had been courageous enough until the present time to propose such a bill. It was not the opinion alone of the most experienced and humane landlords of Ireland that out-door relief was dangerous in that country, but it was the opinion of com missioner after commissioner. He should like to know, in the southern and western parts of Ireland, where the excess of population west far beyond the amount of the production of the soil, how it was possible for the people to be maintained by the landlords, when their maintenance would coat a great deal more than the rental received by the landlords. It we, his belief that in such districts the bill would have the effect of confiscating property. He wished that gentlemen opposite, who were not Irish landlords, would take this subject home to themselves, and take into consideration what would be the effect of suck a bill on their country, where the whole rental of a farm would go to the support of the destitute en it. After this bill had mused the confiscation of property, it would not be successful in affordifte adequate relief to the poor of Ireland. Being un successful :n that respect, the noble lord would not then be en titl e d e,..1, by what other :eau the people of Ireland were to be fed ? That question, howes7. he world not lure any hesitation in answering. If the noble lord merely Primed to the smiling extrameAnery distress in Ireland, he lii6el 2!6Burs. adilk t w at it was only to be met b y tempo. w' einediente i ~ It he alluded to ',,no viand poverty of Ireland, heallialhtlint the government would have adopted a wiser colder It they arigetponed any alterations until they were in a peeldsmi ea lieher *mead same better system of poor-law. He amianW by aging that the bill be read a third time this day dune anethe. Mr. F. FFRENCH said the attention of the house to the large amounts of dee* hem fever which were taking place in Ireland; and the great want of proper medical in spection. Memo geoid be taken to compel the medical officers to attendee the amberge of their duties. Lord JOCELYN said that he looked upon this measure with some degree of appaeltemelen. Ifs wished that the alterations which had bits made might have the effect of making it operate without &lager to Ireland, yet be thought that the government thendil have brought in a temporary in steed of a permanent measure for a temporary distress. Me did not 11th spear-law could be carried out in Ireland without the treakhers test, which had been found so efficient gado wintry. Aegis bill came before the house as part of wet eisser he the improvement of Ireland, he did not ash=ain oppesing it, and be fully concurred with his l the member for Lynn (Lord G. Bentinek) that the walla of this eenntry could not be better employed than In elialeine the rearana of Ireland. Looking at the mea nies which the Mills had at the heed of the government had aireduced. be bodged that If a fair and hearty sup port erniglan to tiro msasm'ae, they would be found to be mesa berdelsl to baba. He knew that many persona ..annul the 11111011/611 of Or government were too favour ed& le the lendleeds et that vestry ; he woe not there to Mad these pIIONII ; but be believed that there had been =gagiarellen In many of the charges made again!! It WO Itinoglit the landlords 111 . irel, atone that they must graltie let the improvement of the country, by Warding entreenagenant to those who were willing to their day, end impelling others who were not so to do se fatal Es l ountry es to I he he believed that the great =tweed ma awl power of Enema ed in a great measure on the emeift end presperlid et Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He Honked the gag aid et the head of the government for the knowledge whisk re had displayed of the want* of Ireland, and the nemeures which he had consequently pro pounded. It waggly by a wise and liberal system of legisla tion that Ireland meld be raised to the position which she fairly ought to oceney with reference to England. (Hear.) Mr. TRELAWMT did not understand upon what prin ciple emigration mkt be offered in lieu of out-door relief. It must be paid he by the state, and, therefore, he main tained that it was oily out-door relief in another shape, and whether a tax was levied far the purpose of exporting or supporting the poor, it would ' stimulate population in the am* degree. He thought, after all, that a poor-law in fee ble* nee but a compromise between property and mendi , and be thought that an efficient poor-law, with relict, where it was necitesay, wan one of the best remedies for the evils of bag& Sir W. JAMBS geld net understand the doctrine of the bee. seeenheijm Tubes* (Mr. 'frelawny), inasmuch as the elta eteg easeshed yam of emigration would be to send per or of the fromatry, and the effect of out-door NOM mould be to lump lam in it. Although the proposed 1•10111/1 VI/ aped ate, yet, in order to enable it to work eeC, It nes that it should be aceompanied by Mbar essanies, the ' et which should be to relieve the Ind ease ream lithe population which now premed gra It. Mr. P. RC/ROM ingrated many of the alterations which led been main is the iresay, all of which were intended to few the hadiedit et begot Amongst the many loge eneesdens whisk led been made, he would first allude to the esesell SIMS wbieh had be en so altered that it was new ingsedbio to grant out-door relief unless the weaklier* was kit, whereas, se the clause originally stood, the seaselmieges heti the power eteedering out-door relief. Another alteration wee, the gaga., of the number of es °Akio guardians, which would now treble the number of elected guarding; that was felt in Ire land to be • great emenion to the landlords. He was of opinion Out the attempt to introduce the clause for imposing the whole rate es the occupiers—which was one a the seat diegreeetal and 1111Nostrous propositions ever tomb In peimane—ereeld, If ansaissful, be productive of the men tad elan be Irdeind. The argument of the et Deills, wing granting out-door relief, re selstAll=f inellissa leak The fir 4 was the physical faipeadMilty a talattA t o o . rt her own poor ; the s ec ond was, get dire giving ef relief would lead to a eon bead= a y and = as third, that it would demoralize the With reopen to the first proposi tion, be ells ant, rye the par et Ireland were now sappeeted essallwa ; emelt le the second, he would, ay, that the MINIM a Ireland amounted to 17,000,0001. end that 110111 net be a sully exhausted. Besides, Waft et be dld tbeill is peapliar would lead to increment trbooryord the orp. on of rierismary, he did not Ark am VIII SW INlMllk u r e affellitil that any part of the 17,101JIWIL w bs ad ern. With regard to Os ilreepaillits,l t Is kid net known that it emanated keen nu sielthiliep et Ws own &web, he world not have that it erne dna • porn wb• had any views of et aL dlr rat rm. paha impperted this emcees emiebedy WU bat that if he gam money le acme tisanes is Oak to It oat their beats they would 1 weed Or urrer is ari sot 'rad going out fur the fish. But he 1 Hi net lay ageriment. (Hear, hear.) A strong antrestee Nal gay of the archbishop's was the fact that Hr. Foie., the dotheo, gave money to the fi-h..nne„ of Galway he the NMI purrs* lad the result was that they went t• in, Wink 141. sad nude some 800 per cent. int, eon en the weeny, (Hear.) RN he (Mr. Scrape) admitted that Irishmen were idle and improvident, and for thin reason, that they were ground down end oppressed by the system of society under which they had grown up, and ghat was his argument and answer to the most rev, prelate. In England, France, and America, no man worked oetter than the Irish man. In the course of this very year the I ri , kmen employed on the American railways sent home 200,0001. to their dis tressed friends. That was the result c.f industry and provi dence, and it spoke moreover of the rather moral qualities in which they were not surpassed by say people under the sun. (Hear, hear.) It had teem said that this was a rash and hasty measure. But it was not by any means a new one. So long ago as 1640, a poor law was passed for Ireland taken almost rerbarins from the act of Elisabeth, but it was not, unhappily, brought into operation, in consequence of the rebellion which then broke cut. If it had been carried into effect, Ito be lieved they would not now have to deal with the present wretched condition of Ireland. He would conclude in the words of Dr. Doyle, an enthusiastic and enlightened advo cate of a poor-law for Ireland, that they should not waste their time in political conflicts, and in nicely adjusting the balance of parties, " till pauperism, like an earthquake, ex ecuted on their heads the vengeance of heaven." •• • • Sir W. VERNER would not have addressed the house at all, but for the slluoion which had been made by the hon. baronet near him to the Archbishop of Dublin. The hon. baronet advised the house not to be led away by the state ments of that most reverend prelate. He (Sir W. Verner) on the other hand called on the house to pay every attention to his statements, because they fairly and truly represented the stets of Ireland, and the effect which this me:uttere would leave. Allusion had been made to the repeal of the union. If this bill passed, it would be the first decided step towards that measure ; nor would the people of this country be en tirely guiltless of bringing it about, in consequence of their joining 14 the cry against the Irish landinels, who were the firmeat friends of British connexion. Thin meaaure would make many repealer/ who never before thought on that subject. Sir E. COLEBROOKE did ant think that this bill would be the end of their legislation on the subject of Irish distress. He would not enter into the general question, but be wished to state that be bad a strong objection to the second clause of the bill. The argument which weighed meet strongly with him was the want of machinery which existed in Ireland to carry out the bill. Ile had seen it stated in one of the blue-books that in (Dentin, in the county of Donegal, two of the guardians received tickets of relief. Hon. gentlemen who wished to apply the law of England to Ireland, did not pay sufficient attention to the different circumstances of the two countries. In Ireland there was no middle class, but few resident gentry; no ma nufactures, and very little commerce. The contrary was the state of things in England. Ile, therefore, thought that it would be difficult to have a proper check to the dis plaid of the funds, and that the guardians would not be trusted by the poor or the rate-payers themselves. The great argument in favour of the measure, was that it would compel the landlords to find employment for the poor, but he thought that strain upon them might be too much. Mr. ADDERLEY said that it would be essential to exercise very great caution in carrying this measure into effect. Mr. VILLIERS expressed his cordial approbation of the measure as ens of the highest humanity and wisdom. It was an announcement to the people of Ireland that for the future they should not be allowed to perish by starvation, and in removing the turbulence of despair from that country would be the means of introducing thtt capital there which was n essential to the promotion of industry and national prosperity. Those who expressed alarm at the introduction of outdoor relief into Ireland should reflect that at the pre sent moment there partially prevailed throughout that country a system of out-door relief of the most demoralising and dangerous kind, in the universal mendica,at7 which exacted relief front the terror of those whose aid was de manded. Ireland was peculiarly in that condition, from its imperfect civilisation, when a syvte•m of public relief for the distressed might most beneficially be introduced into it, as formerly it had been introduced into England. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL adverted to the clause proposed on a former night, by the noble member for Lynn, calling upon the tenant to pay half the rates, and warned the house against the admission of any such provision, which, in the present condition of Ireland, could not be safely introduced. The Irish landlords, he observed, had always been most Arise-sighted with regard to their own interests. Thee had been cursed by the granting of their own desires. It had been their bane and the bane of the country, that neither peoprietcr nor tenant had been actuated by a commercial spirit. Their interests had been regarded as antagonist in terests and as it was in this light, seemingly, that this clause had been proposed, he could not give it too strong an oppo sition._ Sir J. B. WALSH expressed the great regret he felt at the absence, and the cause, of the hon. member for the county Cork (Mr. O'Connell). His opinions would have been of great value upon this subject. This was an attempt to introduce the English poor-law into Ireland, made by those who bad been such stmluous opponents of the law that they had induced the noble lord at the bead of the go vernment to promise some alteration in it. (Lord J. Rue -0111.1.—1n its administration, not is its principle.] He (:Ve J. Walsh), was glad to hear the noble lend make that declaration. But the question now was whether the Eoglish Goor-law was adapted to Irish ' .agencies? For hit Owls Psil he ;B . Walsh) did not think it Was. There was little doubt that a cla mour, fomented by the p:ess, had been raised in favour of some such :deature, but their deliberate judgment in the tunes was not to be influenced by such clamour. Let them look at the question calmly. Were the landlords really to blame for the distress at present existing? He believed not, and he argued that the removal and nun of the present landlords would confer no benefit upon the country. If the bill did muss, however, his consoletion would be that it would not effect all the mischief that was expected from it. Mr. S. CRAV7FORD did not believe with the hon. mem ber for Armagh, that this bill would make the landowners of Ireland repeaters. It was not a very creditable argument, for in his opinion it would be disgraceful to the landed pro prietary 'if they objected to pay to the relief of their own poor. As a landed proprietor himself, he felt that a ilea in the price of land ought to, and would follow, a proper provision for the poor. He was of opinion that the limita tion as to the reception of out- door relief was too strict ; but, looking at the measure as a whole, he anticipated that the beet effects would be produced. Mk G. GREY said be wished to say a few weeds before tete nuseaure under discussion pared the third reading. The einem of many gentlemen who might have been expected preeent oa that occasion showed, be thought, that the poor law question was not viewed by them as a party one, bat solely in its bearing on the interests of Ireland. (Hear, bear.) Had he desired on that occasion to enter into the questmn of outdoor relief he should havedone little more than to follow in the steps of the hon. member for Wolverhampton, in whose sentiments on that subject he entirely concurred. (Cheers.) Ile confessed that he was not entirely without , apprehension as to the difficulties which would probably • attend this experiment. (Hear, hear.) An opinion had been aapressed that this was not the time when such a mea sure should have been brought forward. His own opinion period when the system could be was that that was the most safely . and properly introduced. If the evils of Ireland cud not arise from causes which were deeply seated le t . be social system of the country ; and if they could indulge a hope that in a few short months they would pass away, it might have been wrong to pars a permanent bill. But the failure of the potato-crop had revealed the true condition of the country, and forced upon their atten tion the necessity of bringing about a change ; and in order to guard against those calamities which had recently affected Ireland, they were bound to provide, not merely for the tern porary relief but also for the permanent improvement of the people. It was necessary by such a measure se this to endeavour to prevent the recurrence of that periodical dis tress which swept sway hundreds and thousands of families. Honourable gentlemen who said that the bill would be ruin ous to Ireland on account of the expectations which it held out, should recollect that though a pauper might not be able to obtain out-door relief in Ireland, in a few hours he could obtain a right to it by setting foot in England (hear, bear); and on that subject he had received many complaints from Liverpool, and from South Wales; 90,000 persons from Ireland had entered the former within a very few months. Under such circumstances, it ems impossible to refuse to make a more adequate provision than had hitherto been made in Ireland for the reliefof the destitute poor of the country He looked greatly, however, to the stimulus which the bill would give to the owners and occupiers of land to employ the people, and the expectation of the mea sure had already caused increased attention to he paid to that subject. If, on the one hand, proprietors the down to watch the course of events, and the labonri were led to look to out-door relief as their 7tierr ad" thate If support, the consequences would be very sole / bet Im trusted that a spirit had been aroused among all SLIM in Ireland, which would avert so direful a calamity. The hon. member for Wolverhampton had referred to an ahem of certain landowners of Ireland who set forth the princi ples of action on which the salvation of Ireland mainly depended. The Earl of Courtown was the president of this body of owners. The address spoke in favour of searching out means of employment, by enlarging the fisheries, culti vating waste tracts, and attending to the drainage ; and it also contained these words:" • wise Providence blesses • well-directed activity, while inaction ever produces evil consequences." It was in the spirit of that language that all death in Ireland should act; cad if they did so, he felt confident that this measure, aided by others tending to develop the resources of Ireland, would prove extremely beneficial. The noble lord the mem ber for Lynn had adverted to the absence at present of that political feeling and that religious asperity which had hitherto been the characteristics of Ireland, and had expressed a h op e that all parties in that country would now combine for the general good. In that hope he meet cordially joined. Aided, as he hoped the government measures would be, by the co operation of all classes in Ireland, and by future delibe ration, he trusted that a better day would now dawn upon Ireland, and that those calamities which were not known then for the first time, but were almost periodically wit nessed, would in future lee averted. Let the measure be carried Cut generally in the spirit in which the hon. member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford O'Brien) bad declared his intention of acting, although he was opposed to some portions of the bill, and he had no doubt that it would be productive of great benefit to the country. (Cheers.) . • Lord O. BENTINCE said he bad been informed that in his absence t►e hon. member fw Kerry (Mr. M. J. O'Connell) bad amused his (Lord G. Bentlnck's) friends and himself of attempting to take the house and the country by surprise by those amendments which they were so nearly successful in carrying. Now he gave the notice on the 11th of March; the house went into committee for the fir.t time on the 16th, and it was not till the 29th of March that the clauses were dis cussed. Eighteen days' notice was given ; consequently the clauses must have been printed in the 'scree sad proceed ings of the house no less than twelve tints* i and they THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 17. 1847. must also have gone forth to the country in the I wily newspapers on no lege thin three ocasasions. separated a week from each other. He thought, therefore, there could be no pretence for saying that there wee any dis guise in the matter. He had been sebused* of feloniously attempting to impose a burden en the ocoupying tenant. The clauses were not intended to come into operation until 1849, and therefore any occupying tenant upon whom the burden mig:lt have been imposed would have incurred it with hiseyes open. (Hear, hear.) He had no connexion, either himself or through his connexions, with the land of Ireland; he had sought only to do justice to all parties, and he believed that the occupying tenant and the poor of 'reload would have been benefited by the passing of the clause is question. The object was to secure the aid of those immediately above the peasantry in administering the law and checking abuse. By the second clause he did impose an immediate burden but it was on the landlords, and not on the occupiers. What he had proposed was that from the time of the passing of the bill the own** of all tenements not exceeding 61. in value, and comprising 76,029 occupiers, should pay the entire burden, and the occupiers should be altogether relieved. Nothing could be more unjust than the representation which had been given of his intentions. Mr. LABOUCHERE thought the noble lord had corn- pletely cleared himself from the imputation of having brought forward the clauses without due notice. He re gretted, however, t• perceive that there was still a disposition to bring forward the question at some futile time ; for it was his firm conviction that such a clause as that which related to occupying tenants, would greatly increase the difficulty of administering the law. Ile entirely concurred in the belief expressed by his right hoe. friend, that this measure would issue in the permanent improvements of Ireland, provided all classes unit. d to ensure it an efficient working. Mr. GOULDURN said it was impossible that she law could be useful unless measures were taken for securing Re' proper execution. Not only should all classes be called upon to co-operate in carrying the measure into effect, but the governaten• must lend its aid to protect those who performed their duty. In Ireland the question was not so much what was the law, aa how was the law executed. He had seen a published letter from the hon. member for Roch dale, eating that a passive resistance would be opposed to the measure. If the government permitted any resisttuce, whether active or passive, it would be impossiblo to carry out the measure with benefit to the country. (Rear, hear), Lord J. RUSSELL said he coacurred in what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman. It would be necessary that the government should protect the persons who would be ' concerned is idministering the law, not only in the granting of relief, but in the refusing of unfair and unjust applica tions. Those who had represented this law as so very ob jectionable and so very ruinous to the property of Ireland, seemed to him (Lord J. Russell) to have altogether miscon ceived the administration of a law of this kind, and the proffer purpose and nature of the law itself. It was con stantly represented—it was represented in that pamphlet which was circulated as the *perch of the Archbishop of Dublin, as if the poor of Ireland had nothing to do but to make their choice between receiving such wages as the farmers might choose to give them, and going to the guardians of the poor and accepting any work which was sufficient for their subsistence and support. Now, as every one knew, this was not the poor-law, or the proper administration of the poor-law. If the landlords and farmers agreed to sup pert the labouring man, and offered him sufficient wages for his enleistence, he had no claim whatever on the poor-law maim ; he had no right whatever to go to the guardians as say :" Its true lam offered work but I prefer idlene a ; is trus I am offered a full subsistence with work but I pre fer a scanty subsistence without any work ; I am a pauper, and u such I claim a subsistence from you." That was not consistent with a poor-law. Yet it was represented that such would be the cue under the proposed law. The people of Ireland, preferring as they did—like most other people—subsistence withoutwork, were told that under the poor-law they would have the choice ; and it was by such representations that the poor-law was made so alarming to the holders of property in Ireland. He, however, concurred with the hon. member for Rochdale that the law was guarded from abuse by very stringent provisions. When they provided that there should be no relief to the able-bodied except in the workhouse while there was room there, and that when there was not room, there should first be an application to the poor-law commissioners, who could permit relief only for a limited time, and that relief re stricted to food, he did say that very stringent precautions indeed had been taken against abuse. (Hear, hear.) He entirely agreed with the right hon. gentleman who had last spoken, that those who should fairly and honestly carry out the provisions of the law, deserved the fullest support from the government. If such persons were exposed to intimi dation or undue influence, he entirely concurred with the risht hon. gentleman in thinking that such persons should be upheld by the entire power of the executive. He did not *fine with the right hon. gentleman, and the noble mover of a clause which lad already been the subject of discussion, that that clause did not impose an additional burthen on the occupying tenant. He could not agree with the noble lord that the case of Ireland was exactly similar to that of England. It might be quite true that in the case et a rate, which was not to take effect until 1849, any person taking land from that period might make his contract with the 1 ind lord accordingly, bat then, judging from what had hitherto been the case in Ireland, and the greet desire for holding land cebich had always been evinced there, he feared that such would not be the practical results, but that landlord. would still be able to let their ground without any deduc tion proportionate to the amount of poor-rate. (Hear, h ey. ) With th e ening conviction that to holding land he held the means of life, he feared that the Irish tenant would find himself obliged to submit to the imposition of the entire burthen. If the noble lord's couclusiona had been correct, the principle of kis clause might have been a sound one, and the clause itself might have been useful ; but when the noble lord and the right hon. gentleman called on government to support the administration of the law, he thought that go vernment might also be allowed to express • hope that par liament would not make the administration of the law or the collection of the rate more difficult than it ought to he, or make it odious to the people of Ireland by throwing any legislative difficulty is the way of the collection of the rate. (Cheers.) He should say nothing further, but to express his gratification that not only after debate, but after many gentlemen having been in Ireland, and, of course, having ascertained the feeling of their constituents, there was no intention to divide the house on the third reading, and that, therefore, the bill might be considered as passing with the general coesent of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI admitted that there was considerable difference between the case of England and that of Ireland, but as the right hon. the Secretary of State had confused that he supported the bill without any great confidence as to its results, and merely as an experiment, be (Mr. Disraeli) thought that his noble friend had been quite justified in rea soning on the only analogous case with which circumstances provided him. The analogy might not be strict, but in rea soning on what was admitted to be an experimental Irish poor-law, the only precedent that could be taken was that which his noble friend had referred to. He was of opinion that the principle which his noble friend had laid down, and nearly carried into effect, was a salutary end statesman-like principle. It was • T . :inch:de Stliich had been very te'dil misrepresented both and out of the house, but that did not inspire his mind with any doubt as to its soundness. It was • principle to which the right hOneurale the Secretary of State had offered the weakest opposition ever offered by secretary of state. His no ble friendl's object in proposing his clause was, not to benefit either landlord or tenant exclusively, but to withdraw the Withal from the small tenant, and to give a stimulus to the saperior one to carry the law into effect. (Hear, hear.) It was all very well to talk of throwing the burthen oa a clam, betas great object was to pas, a law that would operate. Arils small tenant his noble friend proposed greater indul =than was given by the present law. The law excluded rated up to 41. from being taxed ; his noble friend alended the exemption to 61.. while, at the same time, he threw oaths superior tenants what he conceived would act as • stimulus a them fairly to carry out the law, stipu lating, at the name time, that there should be a sufficient lapse of time to enable them fairly to calculate its operation. (Hear, hese.) Was it then to be tolerated that, in the ease of • measure which was acknowledged to be only an ex periment, when his noble friend brought forward a whole some and beneficent clause, he wan treated with the severity which had been exhibited towards him oa that evening? The Irish had been compared to the Poles ; he trusted they would not lay themulue open to the charge of being a fickle and frivolous people ; but certainly the way in which they had on one day passed votes of unlimited confidence, and on the next of un limited denunciation, gave eery little encouragement to public men to fight their battles. (Laughter.) Whatever might be the opinion of the people of Ireland, his noble friend had only been actuated by a desire to do what he con ceived his duty, and nothing that might be said, either in or out of the home, would induce him to swerve from that course. (Hear. beer.) Sir G. GREY said that the hon member for Shrewsbury had accused him i 3f r : e xireseing a want of confidence in the poor law. He to state that he had never used an ex pression calculated to throw a doubt on the expediency or necessity of that measure. Ho had said that he could not predict its results, became they would mainly depend cn the amount of co-operation given by those claws who would be entrusted with its execution. Capt. FITZMAURICE said be had visited many coun tries and in none had he seen so much patient industry an was exhibited by the working classes of England. (Wear, hear.) He wished he could say as much for the people of Ireland ; but he was sorry to say that his knowledge of that country led hint to a very different conchnion. Their con duct towards the English people reminded him of the nursery tale of the pig who came to partake of the little child's breakfast. 'Mee the latter saw the pig eating up all, she said, " Pig, take the spoon." He thought it was high time to say the same to the people of Ireland. No ass uses deeply regretted than he did the calamity which has visited Irelend, but be could not but feel that it was in ths power of the farmers of that country to have wholly shared its condition by taking men from the public works sad turning them to the cultivation of the soil. Such wee the *Won eseiveteit to the farmers by Col. Douglas, and the gervereatestalsers reiterated the mime sentiments. He bellies* that the farmers of Ireland were holding back their nimbi Of corn until famine prices might by chance arise ; bet be warned them of the consequences. Letters had arrived tom a former member of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada, stating that the granaries of both those provinces, as well as those of America, were crammed with grain ready to be sent to England in the spring, in quantities beyond precedent. If, then, the farmers persisted in holding their supplies, the result would be • fearful paralysis among the landlords within the neat twelve months. With res pec t to the bill now under considentin, he had given it his bat support; he wished it every success. As he was upon his legs, and as the hon. member for Lime rick (Mr. W. S. O'Brien) had alluded to members of his (Capt. Finmaurice's) family, es having been deficient in their duty as Irish landlords, he hoped the house on this oc casion would permit hint the opportunity to justify them. At the very moment the attack was made, his (Capt. Fite mauricel) brother (the Bad of Orkney), though not in Ire land, had intrusted his agenta to draw for any reasonable amount for funds to meet the emergent/ which existed ; means were afforded to ewe tenants to row their lends, and, by the course pursued, not a single labourer on his brother's property had applied for employment under the officer. of the Board of Works. (Hear, hear.) He azknowledged, on the part of his brother, and family that they were absentees from Ireland ; but this was entirely canned by the conduct of the Irish peasantry towards them. Fifty years ago hia (Capt. Fitansaurioe'e) grandfather made an effort to raise the condition of the people in his district by employing them in the linen manu facture. Though a member of this house at the time, he went behind the counter himself with a linen apron before him to set an example of industry ; but what had been the result? The people took a prejudice against the machinery —had not the industry to work, and in a few years the work. were given up, after a lore of 200,0001.—from the effects of which he (Capt. Fitzumurice) was still suffering. (Hear, hear.) When charges were made spinet absentee landlords, he had a right to ask what was the cause of absenteeism? One who knew Ireland well, the late Mr. Grattan, fur nished the answer—" It was the want of security to life and property in that country." Was that security afforded at present ? Last year, in the county of Tipperary, his brother's servant was ahot, and received no less than eleven bullets while standing et the hall door ; and his noble relative, though be had done everything in his power to relieve the distress of those around, bad received, even recently, notices that if he yen ' tured on to his property to morrow, his life would he sacri ficed. Apart from private considerations, he would ask to look at the last frightful returns of crimes in Ireland, and then say how it could be expected that any man would place his famil - or himself in such a pandemonium an the county of Tipperiumlwaa exhibited to be ? (Hear, hear,) The general return for the last twelve months showed 176 homicides, 158 COMB of firing at the person, 604 aggravated assault', 290 amanita endangering life, 1,783 cases of threat ening notices, 530 attacks upon bowel, end 167 firing into dwellings, making without further enumeration, a total of 12,380 offences. Was, then, this • country in which a proprietor could live ? All he asked was, with so severe an absentee tax as this bill would impose, that security should be given to life and property in Tipperary, in the same way as it was enjoyed in Bucking ham or Middlesex. (Mar.) He would further point out the gross neglect, from want of industry, of the Irish fisheries, from which an immense revenue, and means of sustaining the population, might be secured. Before he eat down he could not avoid alluding to the fact of tke conti nued collection of the repeal rent during the whole of the famine crisis, and to the struggle which prevailed in Ireland between one set of men, who sought by physical force a separation from this country, at a titre when she was voting 8,000,0001. to the relief of Ireland, and another set of men, who professed to obtain an amicable arrangement. They ought to abolish the distinctions between Saxon and Celt. If there should be any distinction between them it ought to be as to which race did most for the benefit of their country and if there should be any difference it should be handed down to posterity who did most for the extinction of that difference. His opinion was, that the regeneration of Ireland depended on the spade ; and the government ought lay every means possible to encourage agriculture, the negligent* of which was the great evil in that country. The bill was then read a third time. . _ . Sir G. GREY proposed that a clause should be inserted whereby the North and South Dublin Unions should be united tor the purpose of making them more efficient. The clause was agreed to. Mr. OROGAN withdrew his motion for the addition of two clauses, as he believed that there was some technical objection to them. Some verbal amendments in clauses 2,9, and 11, and a pro viso charging each electoral division with the expenses of those emigrating from it haying been agreed to, The bill passed. LANDED PROPERTY (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was then read a third time. . _ Col. RAWDON in bringing forward his motion for mak ing corn mills and watercourses, mid that he had the autho rity of Mr. Trevelyan, who was a man of the greatest real, talent, and humanity, in dating that there was a great want of water power in 'lreland. The hon. member then moved—" That the words erecting and meting corn-mills, with the necessary buildings and water courses for the use of the same, or otherwise, in the opinion of the said commissioners, permanently improving lands in Ireland," be inserted at the end of clause 4. Sir O. GREY said, the object of the bill was to improve land in Ireland, and all ita ensctmenta were connected with the permanent improvements of the land; hat with regard to coon-mills, they were the most profitable investments in Ireland, and money was easily obtained for that purpose. Theee words were originally inserted in the bill, and at the suggestion of the noble lord, the member for Falkirk, and other members ampainted with the subject, they were withdrawn. lie did not see any advantage in re-inserting them. After a few words from Mr. THORN ELY, Mr. F. FRENCH supported the amendment. Ile re gretted the government should have abandoned the clause after it had gone through committee. The house divided.—For the amendment 3l Against it lOO-69 Lord G. BENTINCK proposed, as an amendment on clause 4, that the commissioners should have power to ad vance money for the erection of substantial farm-houses or buildings. Sir G. GREY thought the advances should be confined, as far se possible, to the same objects te which they were applied in the case of England and Scotland. He must, therefore, oppose the amendment. Mr. Newdegate, Mr. S. Crawford, and Mr. F. French severally spoke in favour of the amendment ; and The hones divided.—Against the motion In favour 3O-50 . . Mr. S. CRAWFORD then moved the omission ef clause 35, which he considered weuld increase the difficulty of col lecting rent in Ireland. Nothing could be more unjust than to enter upon a tenant's land, and force improvements upon him for which you compelled him to pay, when the tenant might be ready himself to make such improvements if fixity of tenure were secured to him. Mr. MONAHAN said the question bad already been discussed and decided in committee, and it was gill thought desirable that the power should be reserved. The amendment was negatived without a division. The bill was then read r third time and pleased. CHELSEA AND GREENWICH OUT-PENSIONERS BILL. Mr. F. MAULS moved for and obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts for rendering effective the terries of the Chelsea and Greenwich out-pensioners. The house then adjourned at ►alf--put twelve u'olock. ghe erliVeoo. - sionri Whir liSiraltar. Mgt*, Ortees, the lonian Wanda, ftypt,AdanOmpka, UAL. ThauFKong, Ltd Wee, von Soatinuntua, Irld be min walb maniac of the 20th April. The nerhnd damn eta Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Erna, Ann Ct2tilis. Ko.g, Ilse., will be made up ou molar nibs the The nab tar VlO4 o= l lAabon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar, era be rides inns of the 27th April. Tie in far Min nun min Via Dienen's Land, and New Zealand will be mode in aa tbe enaleg se as 10th Apen. he neat Lin arbilleg tine dm Meneo, Honduras, and Ate Havaianela tell beads up es lbenearig nth' Id May. The walk kr Mann Nan Amtrak larawata. and the United states, will be nab no an no ~lse et eke Ird May. The nib dr O. Brentle, tbe ins Men Monte Tale, Pernant =lilt) aides, end Imo Ayres, will be made up on the ft dile 46 NAY. TO CORRESPONDENTS. e Ad emboldens Intended fee The Birpreas, tendon evenhtipspey, sox to at the Mee by Two echo* on the day of publication. HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Tun DAT—lderninie, 14 Id& 1 , 1 63 8; Rft 616003 4 36 min. Plat 3 . To.llossoir—MarrAng. 86 dn. pest 3 ; Afternow, 18 elle. past 4. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 17. IN the House of Lords, yesterday, Lord BROUGHAM, on the authority of petitions he had to present, called the attention of his noble and learned friends to the fact, that, by the abolition of imprisonment for debt acts, power was reserved of arresting debtors who were about to quit the country ; but its exercise was limited as to the granting of the writ, inasmuch as an application for that purpose was necessary to a judge sitting in Westminster Hall. It was urged by the petitioners that this power ought to be extended to judicial authorities in the provinces.—Lord CAMP BELL thought the Judges of the New County Courts would be the most proper parties to exercise it.—On Earl GREY'S moving the first reading of the Army Service Bill, a conversation ensued as to when the next stage should be taken, which was fixed for Monday week. In the House of Commons, Mr. WARD, in answer to Sir C. NAPIER, replied that the Admiralty had suspended the further proceeding with the works of the three 72-gun ships at present on the stocks.—Lord J. RUSSELL, in reply to Mr. HINDLEY, observed that the reports of the school inspectors appointed by the Committee of the Privy Council would be laid on the table when they were made, which was not yet the case ; and that he had taken care there should be given with the estimates the detailed accounts of the proposed distribution of the grant, so that the house might see the manner in which it was to be expended. And in answer to Mr. Mutrrz, the noble lord stated that her Majesty bad directed, as a proof of the high sense she and the government entertainedof the heroic conduct of Captain Camp, of the Spanish brig Emilio, ' in rescuing the survivors of the Tweed steamer from the Alacranes reef, that he should be presented with a medal, on which would be inscribed the meritorious services performed • and, further, that the sum of 5001. should be pla ced at his disposal in the manner most acceptable to him.—Mr. B. E.corr, in answer to Mr. DEPROY, intimated that he should abandon his bill for the abolition of duties on butter and cheese for the present, thinking it necessary to keep the sinews of war unimpaired.—The LORD ADVOCATE, in an swer to Load DUNCAN, replied that it was his inten. tion, if possible, to bring in a bill for facilitating the sale of encumbered estates in Scotland during the present session. The question of the third reading of the Irish Poor-law Bill originated a further debate on the condition of that country, and of the conduct of the landlords, their tenants, and the people gene rally, after which the bill was read a third time, as was also the Landed Property (Ireland) Bill, Colonel RAWDON moving an addition to clause 4, that the commissioners should authorise the erection of corn mills to be worked by waterpower, which proposition was rejected on a division by a majority of 69. Lord G. BENTINCK moved an amendment to the same clause, that they should be enabled to advance money for the erection of substantial farmhouses, which was negatived by a majority of 56. The bill then passed. EUROPE has not contemplated for many years a spectacle of such imposing grandeur, and of such deep intrinsic import, as the opening of a national repre sentative assembly of his people by the Monarch of Pnussis. Central Europe is not indeed altogether a stranger to charters and constitutions. Warsaw has a constitution, Bavaria a charter, Galicia and each benighted province of Austria has its states. But constitutional practices and rights, thunderbolts in the hands of a mighty and united people, are but gilded and brittle playthings, wielded by minor states, second-rate powers, or by provinces aping to be sovereign. The powers and privileges, which his Majesty of PRUSSIA now recognises in the assembled body of the deputies of his kingdom, were before in a great mea sure extended by him, or by his father, to these same deputies sitting in provincial assemblies. Their union in one meeting and one spot now makes all the dif ference; for here, indeed, union is strength—it is empire. Nor do we measure that strength by the extent of privileges or functions now formally con ceded ; we measure it by the weight, which the repre sentatives of a wealthy, and enlightened, and great country must have and must acquire in the political affairs and fortunes, not merely of that country, but of Europe. It is impossible not to r espect and admire the simple nature and liberal spirit of the King, his desire to enlarge the national institutions and suit them to the intelligence, the rights, and the wishes of the people. 'Whilst, at the same time, the fears which make his royal voice falter, and which mar the confidence and magnanimity of his nature, are more calculated to provoke a smile at their naireN—than r-sentment at their backwardness. Hesi.ation in the Ring of PRUSSIA is at present not merely natural but politic. He has not only the enthusiasm of his own people to rein in, but the newly-awakened fears of northern despots to con ciliate. His constitution evidently affrights the powers of Eastern Europe. It stalks forth before their eyes as a portentous monster, one destined to tear and to devour them. Austria is panic-struck. The Czar has collected an army, under pretence of a huge review, by way of a demonstration against Prussia's parliamentary campaign. The King of PRUSSIA, therefore, is every way bound to show that his monster is not so formidable ' • and he has conse quently tied it up with a network of tiny cords, which show great ingenuity, but which, however they may gall the limbs of young LIBERTY, will soon be burst by the mere efforts of its growth. The chief argument made use of for the purpose of blinding his despotic neighbours by the King of PRUSSIA, is, that his constitution has nothing in common with those horrid and vulgar things, which bear the same name in Western Europe. They are vulgar andnbominable pieces of paper--pacts between crown and people. The King of PRUSSIA declares he will have none such ; that his representative system is of natural growth, and quite harmless. It will ally perfectly, he declares, with the autocracy of a military country. And as for its introducing such abomina tions as a government being influenced by the will of the majority, or a king directing his government with a view to popularity—all this his Majesty declares to form a heresy and an absurdity, of which he is in capable. If any one will look through our country, argues the king, its different provinces, its singularly ir regular frontier, and couple with this its first history, which shows that it was formed by the sword, he must admit that Prussia requires to be governed by one. The announcement of such doctrines dis plays a strange and awkward discrepancy between these opinions of the Prussian King, and his acts. He proclaims his country a military mon archy, yet he gives it successively, municipal rights, provincial states, and finally a national represen tative assembly. The very organisation of the Prussian army is merely the arming and military instruction of the whole body of citizens and people. The greatest pains are taken to give them an educa tion the very reverse of military, so that ideas, insti tutions, civil and commercial developments, municipal and political rights, are all anti-military, anti-despotic ; and yet the monarch insists on maintaining the abstract principle, which he and his government have been for the last century undermining in practice. The King of PRUSSIA must know much better than to believe in the sophisms, with which the argumen tative part of his opening speech abounds. We will judge the monarch by his act., which are liberal and enlightened, not by his political philosophy, which is mystic, weak, contradictory, and so unintel ligible as in parts to defy translation. The press is evidently an object of the King's fear. His MAJESTY condescends to recur twice in his speech to the subject, and twice to denounce a power, which, so young in the enjoyment of its rights, is natu rally prone to misuse them. It would have been wiser in the King to have shown confidence in a power which he cannot safely combat, and which is one, so infallibly providing its own antidote. The Ger mans have, at least, this advantage, that the liberty of expressing their thoughts can scarcely be taken from them; what one state proscribes, the other welcomes. And there are abundance of states jealous enough of Prussian liberalism to allow full scope to those writers, who would misrepresent or exaggerate Prussian constitutionalism. Religious infidelity . is another object of the royal fears and animadversions; and, singular enough,whilst he declares his estates to have no authority in matters of religion, he condescends to denounce to them the sect which labours in the explaining away of Christianity. This is a very early proof, that with whatever care the constitution-monger precludes the national representation from meddling with reserved subjects, all questions of national importance must infallibly be brought before it, and be influenced by its decisions. . _ . He, however, who would collect truth or correct views from royal speeches, must elo eo by implication rather than by direct inference. The King of PRUSSIA and his government have been under the necessity of hoisting a kind of trifold banner over their constitution. One side or fold is to be presented eastward, to Austria and Russia, and beers the effigy of a military monarch, merely summoning a few notables to council. Another side is to meet the eye of western Europe. A third is destined to be scanned by the Prussians themselves. Each has a different legend, points to a different future, and would tell a very different tale. But the age is sharp sighted. Neither easterns nor westerns are to be deceived by symbols and appearances ; nor is there one that does not see in the great solemnity of Berlin something far other than the Berlin monarch would represent it. THE proceedings of t t bie Conference of the opponents of state education, can give little satisfaction to those who originated so imprudent a meeting. Gratitude for the many and eminent services which the nonconform ists have rendered to the cause of national education, from the time that the Pilgrim Fathers proclaimed' the great principle, " the duty of the state to educate the people, and the right of the people to be educated by the state," to the report of the congregational committee in 1846, showing the value of a parlia mentary grant in increasing the emoluments and elevating the social position of the instructor, rendered us sincerely anxious that modern nonconformists should not reprobate the principles of the brave old puritans, and directly contradict their own recorded opinions. We wished to save men, whom some un reasonable passion and some misplaced suspicion had misled, from placing themselves in a false position be fore their countrymen; and we knew that we should thus incur their displeasure, for nothing is so annoy ing to men bent on mischief as to have the nature of their occupation expounded to them in plain terms. We were of course prepared to encounter some revilings, for the very first effort made by all fractional factions is to establish a censorship of outcry over "the Press." But we nevertheless persevered in maintaia. ing the genuine principles of nonconformity and the substantive rights of the people. " Pnoetox," s id DEMOSTHENES, "the people will destroy you in some mad fit or other." " And you," said PIIOCION, " be their first victim when they recover their senses." Such is our position with regard to the Leeds DEMOS THENES ; his denunciations will be cheered while passion rages and prejudice has away. We can afford to wait the sure reversal of the sentence from return. ing reflection and restored reason. When we saw that the conference was unavoiaable we suggested to its members a rational course of action ; we recommended deliberation and discussion, not " platform speeches." We deprecated such urn. seemly exhibitions as the ridicule of Christian ordi. minces in a Christian assembly, amidst the boisterous laughter of the meeting. We called attention to the dignified course pursued by the Wesleyan methodist', to the quiescent attitude of the Sunday-School Unica, and the British and Foreign School Society ; to th e positions taken by Doctors VAUGHAN and BINNET, with whom the only question at issue was practica bility, not principle; and we expressed our fears that the voice of these men, so eminent for their piety, their learning, and their powers, would be °verbenm by the clamour of the rash and the headstrong. Finally, we should be glad to have spared the un offending public from so painful an infliction as the thousandth iteration of Mr. BAINES'S Statistics, to which recent times have given no parallel bat that described by Moose. Essays that Cartwright's pea indite, is which, with Ingleal ornately; The Majorlike a Afi..w. writes, Asd never opines to a aawandon. Jealousy in politics is as dangerous as it is in love, "Trifles light as air" become " confirmations strobe as proof of holy writ ;" but the opponents of state education went beyond Orilm.r.o ; far kritiex th e y were contented to accept nullities, and when Mr. BRIGHT talked about reading the minutes of conned which they had assembled to condemn, he was in formed that such a course was unnecessary. We are not disposed to dwell further on the pro ceedings of the conference, for none bewail these Pro ceedings more than some who were unfortunately compelled by their special ties as leaders in the con gregetienal body to take a part in them, and we believe firmly, that ere a week panes by, few will look buck or, these proceedings with satisfaction. It is more pleasing to glance at the meeting in favour of the government measure, over which Lord ASHLEY presided, and in which that consistent friend of civil and religious liberty, the Bishop of NORWICH, took an active part. No boisterous laughter at the forms used in the administration al the Christian sacraments by ministers of any dears. mivation shook the room ; no subscription was pro posed for the purchase of seats in parliament; the last election for Southwark afforded topic neither f, regret nor congratulation; the press was left es assailed by vindictive censorship ; the one greed object was kept steadily in view, the moral elevation of the British people by educational agencies, irrespective of church, or sect, or denomina tion. The same may be observed of the City Meet ing yesterday, when the Bishop of LONDON displayed all the meekness, good sense, good feeling, and gong humour, which have been represesented as Moms patible with episcopacy. The conference and its con trasts afford subjects for comparison universally pro voked, and decision which it requires no gift of pro- phecy to anticipate. These are words not of triumph but of sorrow ; we grieve to find any body of men spending three anxious days, engaged in no other task than heaping up substantial reasons for much future and bitter regret. The decision of the Common Council of the City of London was such as all reasonsble men must have foreseen. It is, indeed, impossible to walk through the streets of this metropolis without perceiv ing abundant and melancholy evidence that some authoritative interference is necessary to put an end to the systematic miseducation which is training its thousands to future misery and future geilt. There is not leisure for discussing such novel points in metaphysics as whether ignorance or poverty has the greater share in producing guilt, for miseducation is the obvious cause of all three; there is such a thing as a schooling in ignorance —there is a training to mendicancy and vagrancy—there is an education is guilt. These are practical evils which all lovers of their country wish to see removed; the metaphysical questions may be left to those Who wrare fine cobweb , + at for Ann That's empty when the moon I, full. The constitutional privileges of vice so properly asserted in one of the argon , of the conference, may safely be left to the care of those who have any . per. sonal interest in their maintenance; it is too nice a point to be handled when substantial evils are prem. ing upon us—when from every police-office, from every court of justice, and from every , prison in the land, the same melancholy cry is raised, " What is to be done with these little ones ?"—a cry which rings in the ears of every one, save those who ensemble In conference at Crosby Hall. It is the bitterness of this cry which induees us to support the government measure, though it contains many details which we could wish omitted. But something must be done : a generation is perishing around us, while we are quarrelling about points of dignity and etiquette, with a captiousness which would put to the blush the scholastic hair-splitters of the middle ages. More than once we have declared our adhesion to the scheme proposed by Doctors VAUGHAN and BINNEY, and which has so admirably succeeded in Ireland and America. But the expe rience of the Conference must have taught those gear tlemen that the most bitter opposition which such it plan would have to encounter, would come from their own associates assembled in Crosby Hall. We have not got the best measure possible : we have got the beet at present attainable, and that measure cannot be worked without throwing off the useless encum brances which have been reluctantly superadded to it at the behest of prejudices as . yet unconquerable. The regulation requiring the use of the authorised version of the scriptures is one which cannot be re. twined in its integrity : it would pre judge a question in which many churchmen, and, indeed, most of the biblical scholars of the country, take a deep interest; namely, whether the time has not come when ths natural changes in the Englishlanguage,since the time of JAMES 1., and the immense advance made is Oriental literature, render a revision of that version necessary or at least desirable ? It will not do for a committee of council to set itself up as s court of final appeal in questions of biblical criticism. We say nothing of the unfairness of excluding oaths• lice, unitarians, and Jews from participating in tht national grant, as they doubtless would be if any seek regulation were rigidly enforced, but we rely on the promises of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE and DA J. Russet'. to give every fair consideration to eater tional cases. Difficulties arc so multiplied &retina them that large allowances must be made for their position ; and it is creditable to them that in effecting a great national good they evince a sincere enlist! to conciliate all who evince a disposition to be conciliated. The Paris journals and correspondence of Thiusday have been received, but contain little intelligense of general interest. The debate on the bank rpm tion was continued in the chamber, and the discussion on parliamentary reform, which was to have ease menced, was postponed till Monday. There is some discordance in the cabinet on the question of issai.l 100 fr. notes, in favour of which the Journal de Debats declares itself. The Minister of Finaneel however, has pronounced the opposition of the call net to it to be upon the curious plea, that all the fano tions of a note of 100 fr. can be realised by the ex change of a note of 500 fr. against two notes of 200& each. "If this argument, observes the Journal it Debate, " be worth anything, it will not be recessed to have notes of lees value than 2,000 and 1,900 k. The cabinet are compelled to submit to the cheek given to them by the committee on the credits d► mended for Algeria. The committee has, in 64 refused the supplies, and it is now pretended thatqll Marshal Bugeaud is confined by indispoeitiac, UIP proposed expedition could not, at all events, haW taken place, and the matter will be allowed to d►op; 10 Th w M h adri ich d ha j v o:rna bee la n and i co vea rreapon , oontain dence no of tho We only learn that General Serrano had left , on the 10th for Arjanilla, near Malaga. • FRANCE.—Paste, Arm 13.—0 n Tuesday N. Goixot gave a grand dinner mrty, at which the fol lo personage* were present :—Lord and Lady Norma Lord gad Lady Granville, Lady Tankervillc, Ge n Fox, Prince of Walleratein, the Btvarian Min ister,lnt Charo d'Affaires of Rubs*. Count de Beekendoiff, 1 I shal Sebastiani, the Duke of Broglie, Count and Camaro