The Express. — London, England, 1853-06-01 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TTESTAT, MAT 81. The Loss Csaecettou took his meat 5 o'clock. PETITIONS PRESENTED. Pe ntte-liot ea.—By the East of 11A1t1IOWEY, from a place in S atfonhhire, Bristol, Barking, Tiverton, Ports -1 m net. and other tines, against the opens; of public bouts on the Lord's day. Atiste.iiis or Jaws TO PAULIANIZNT.—rIy the Earl of 11A tlllO W BY, Mtn Nuneaton and ether places, offend the adenines of Jews to peirliamet. Caterat PALACIL—Ity the Earl of HARM/WET', frets linemen. in Norhaniptonshire, against the °peeing alike Crystal Panes on Sauey.. IMLIA.—By the Earl of HARROWEY, from the Lien poul East India and China Aeweiatioo, oar the subject of the renewal of the East India Company's charter. The noble earl seemed that this petition be referred to the select committee now sitting on this subject.—Agreed INVESTMENT OF CHANCERY SUITORS FUNDS. Lord St. LEONARD'S wished again to refer to the sub ject he had mentioned last night. He wished to ask a question with reit fence to the stock to he converted by the act before the other h use. It was directed that those persons, suitor in Chancery, who did not elect to have their money before that eery day, should take the Two sad-a-Hell per Cent. Stock at 1101. The time was too ahor:, and many persons entitled t• hundreds of thousands of pound. would not have had the opportunity of making their election. If the order was made the moment it took effect not only.could the interest be reduced, but the capi tal would also be reduced by 7 per cent. The Chanceilor of the Eachequer hod failed in his scheme, because he sup posed the rate of interest in the market to be 2' ; per tent., whereas it was 3 per cent. The Consolidated Annuities and the Reduced Annuities were at par, so that if the parties bad their money they could select the stock they might prefer. Ho wished to know what the Siltation of his noble and 1 Diesel were ? The LORD CIL'eNCELLOR had felt great difficulty in discharging his duty in this matter. Ile had been in corn munic.tion that day with the broker for the Court of Chancery and the Accountant-Genenl, and it appeared that the new Two-aud-a-Half per Cents. were not yet gene rally in the market, and the price was but nominal, but it was thought that the stock would sell at from 90 to 92. If it only sold at 90 it would he better, no doubt, for the suitor to have 1001. If his noble end learned Diced was right that there would be a loss of 7 or 8 per cent., but a small portion would be taken, bet he •as informed that his noble and learned friend was wrong in supposing there would he a lost. If the stock was taken at 91 there would be no loss upon the 1101. There stood to the credit of suitors in the Court of Chancery in the South Sea and other small annuities eG9.0001., and he had made an order that any party who wished to hare any other description of stock should apply. Two applications, however, hail only been made, one to take money., and the other stock, and they both amounted to only 9,0001. The Accountant-General's chief clerk, • gentleman in whom he had the greatest confidence, iaformed him that he had had many applications that day to see what his (the Lord Chancellor's) order was, and the parties had said if he had made an order to take 21 per cent they wished to take it. The only course he could take was to desire the Accountant-General not to signify his assent until Friday next—the last day—and to let him know on Thursday what the then state of the market was. The funds were now looking down, and if there should be any further material alteration in that direction he should re voke the order. Lord St. LEONARD'S said he had been told by one of the first bankers in the city that the loss mem the 1101. stock would be 7 per cent.; and if the suitors were fixed with this 2j per cent. stock, it would iellict a loss of many thousands of pounds on them. THE CRIMINAL LAW DIGEST. Lord CAMPBELL said, in answer to a question from Lord Buovomem, that he would arrange with his leaned brethren in the Court of Queen's Bench for an early day to attend the Criminal Law Commission. Lord LYNDHURST stated that Lord Truro, who had been absent for some time from ill health, would shortly return to town, and be able also to attend the commission. ALTERATION OF OATHS BILL Lord LYNDHURST, in moving the second reading of this bill, said that he found • great extent of misapprehen - lion had gone abroad as to the object of this bill, and he was, therefore, desirous of explaining its nature and purpose. The object of the bill was simply this: to strike out of those oaths which parties were bound to take, as • qualification for • seat in parliament, or for holding certain offices, such parts of those oaths as were inoperative, idle, and, if he might be permitted to say so, absurd. (Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that no well-founded objec tion could be made to such a course of proceeding. Some friends near him had stated that they did not understand precisely what the bill meant. He would state its meaning is a few words, and with as much plainness and simplicity as he could. The oaths required to be taken for sitting in parliament were in number three : first, the oath of alle giance ; secondly, that of supremacy ; and, lastly, the oath of abjuration. As to the oath of allegiance, nothing could be more plain th an the language of th at oath it was coeval with the common law of this country ; and Lord Hale, in speaking of this oath, had said, " Herein is oh servable the prudence of the common law—it is short, plain, and not entangled with declarations." Its meaning he also thought was short and plain, end embraced the whole ditty of the subject to the Sovereign ; and he had no wish to alter the terms of that nth. With respect to the second the oath of supremacy that oath owed its origin to the reign of Elisabeth—it was dated front the first year of that reign .• and it underwent no alteration until the first year of William 111. It was then altered, and had continued down to the prams time is the hem in which we now found it. That oath was dints& astalost the Roman catholiev, which was obvious him the time when it was originally framed; sad bum tho doom of the statute it was impossible se doubt that the buslature, la pulsing that sot, had the Boman aleolim sot* in view. (Hese Mar.) So that they was in this sirdar posi tion, ;hat an oath which was famed to be applied to Roman cathodes had born repealed is ihr as they were con seised, sad was kept in farm eel y _against persons whom it was sever intended Air. But ha did MN rest the case here; he was boned to say that he ritlios the oath wesordiag to the plain ordinary ssiwlssil.g of the words, it con tained that which was sawn. (Hoer.) From the amommat the state tolerated the Balms catholic religion, they ad matted the Popo had spiritual authority In this realm The spiritual authority of the Pops was a part of the Ro man catholic religion—it was biased withit, and amid sot be separated from it—by sitrallaiog the oath of The mach that aut h ority was amarroadvoly admitted. oath could not bs agglied i he peeper terms without qua 'Motion , _• they were obliged to newt to that whisk they reprehended is the lemma Mirth@ : they wen Wised to qualify the oath ond apply to it a mental moireatioa when they swore OM no Weirs potentate had any as therity in this realm. (Hoer. hear.) Dot pavan that me* Ito relied is support of the Ime Mode ler the sheepdog of that esth. ea its thomplithtlia, UM, sad istheradth. Mar. haw.) Is the Me ism as kw as pro teams% three easeeemok sad *widows sheath not be per sisted la. Meow, luar.) He had great medlihmes is the wisdom and Jahrmont et the right rev. bunk for whom he ethertehmed bights reugeat, that they would assist him is ahollthimg the poetise et selthth on the Almighty le wheals as iW mod imeleseameada.~, is his opisiouh wee wthholith, mad at woken with the longuage of dodgem If tag youth limas lha wok ea Quire— Nes Dm Istoodt e cow dipmeisitur mina was mot a mmomium fie . ffi = s lut lateaded also to m mailed lo (Hear, hear.) em Thom abesthatimem agglisii —l GThe oath et supremacy and he thmaiht la hod slated ondldmat to eathfy their lorishipe that. Mi sr am poleeleate amassemeth the oath ought so long* to essmis se tho almithe book. (Hear, hear.) He trusted their Isodthipe would bear with him patiently, for his strong& use bre, malideat for the task he had sadertakok (land shoe..) Ith ems new n the oath of abjuration—OM Nth that was notoormly feamsd es the model of the oath of allogionth mead Is the third year of James 1., after the Memory et the gunpowder plot, and the trial and coaviatios of this maspiraton. That oath of abjuration hero detain the thitheesth year of the mi s r ati g William 111., and the mosoloa ad its pining was in the pree ns of the set moody, the prosismatim of James 111. by the King of Frame being the proclamation of the Pnteader as King of That England. oath Mated merely to the praterther,esd attested that he had no right or title to ths dune of Woad, at the same time adjuring all alleglases and thedieseis to him. Such were the terms of the oath of adjuration stated rather shortly, and that oath was altered from time to time in point of form, as change of circumstances might call fur alteration. It was altered on Usa secession of Anne, and 'also on the union with &Wand. It was afterwards altered on the accession of George I.; and, last!, after the death of the old pretender, it was altered in the reign of George 111., adapted to the new state of things, and applied to the descendants of the pretender. Their lord ships would see, then, that this oath was altered from time to time, to adapt it to the state of the facts, and it was reasonable to suppose that, when the whole GM of the pre tender was at en end, and, (following the previous prece dents, it would have died out and terminated altogether. (Hear, hear.) To take it at the present day when there was no pretender to adjure, nor one of his descendants in existence, was an idle mockery, an obvious absurdity. (Loud clime) If any person were voluntarily to enter a grave monthly, and say, " I do sincerely in my conscience, before God and this world, declare that no descendants of the late pretender"—there being no such known in existence, and us pemiMßty of any one coming into existence—. That act wmposenm have a right to the throne of Great Britain, and I abjure ell obedience to them or any et slain thie is the true and ordinary sense ()lithe wand, arysaasa at mental veneration, and on the tree tiath eta " He said that If any one came voluntarily hats pane assembly and made each a statement, such MUM% meld only be looked on as a ease for some personal reetraMt.(Cheen and laughter.) But noble lords came into that hewn sad stood at that table—all busi ness being asearttr=oaded.and his noble and teamed friend on the additionel gravity for the solemn imetatism—tod "" ti that sideman not voluntarily, but an emerthice, and called ea the Almighty to witness it. (Loud cries of " Hear, _burs.") To make the matter more ridicules*, oa th noble lead Aped his name, in order that this absurdity might be men of being headed down to posterity. (Heat) Surely, hearing all this, their lordships could not sanction soft an absurdity fora moment after it has been fairly brought under their Awn. (Cheers.) In addition to what Maud said relative towhat he might call the expansion of the oath of alle =nles would refer to what he had before stated to ow necessary that expansion was. To continue it to 'suit present exigencies he proposed to strike out every part of the oath to wh ch he had referred, except that part which related to the succession to the throne ma settled by the act, and to the character of the sovereign in as far as regarded religion. Ha retained this latter because he could conceive no greater calamity that could betel this country, judging not ouly from past expenence, but from what was daily pawing before their eyes, than the allowing the crown of these realms to be placed on the head of a Roman catholic. (Load cheers.) Now, several unfounded rumours had been spread abroad respecting the fourth clause of this bill, among others. that by that clause members of the Jewish religion might be introduced into either house of par liament. Respecting this clause he had been attacked in various shapes, as if he had introduced the clause with such an intention. But he could assure their lord-hips he should nut feel justified in attempting to do that by a side wind which he dared not du openly. (Loud cheers.) There was no lawyer who would put such a con struction on the fourth clause as he had heard applied to it, oant.ly. that by its provisions members of the Jewish reli gion might go into the House of Commons, and make • ileclaratieu, or take eke oath therein specified. Why, at that very moment the wordy, "on the true faith of a Christian," were not is the affirmation of the Quaker, nor in the oath of the Roman catholic, and if a person f the Jewish persuasion were to take either the affirmation or the oath, it would be a mere nullity, and he would be jolt as liable alter the oath to he prosecuted for pe nalties as if no such oath or affirmation had been made. But he admitted that the clause was copied from • bill which had been laid on their lordships table by a noble acid learned friend SOMP years since, and contained some general words having reference to the prohibition of aliens and separatists from sitting in the House of Commons. However, as he bad no intention to alter the classes of per sons who were permitted to sit, he should propose to strike out those general ROfJP, and confine himself to the words used by the Qdakers in affirmation. Ile would be asked why he did not extend this bill to the Roman catholic*. The answer wu very short and plain. Ile was anxious that the bill should pan, and therefore did not wish to en tangle with it any matter that might render its passage difficult. (Hear, hear.) That was the simple answer he had to give, and if any noble lord thought right to alter the oath taken by Roman catholic it was perfectly com petent for him to bring in • bill ; but he had not thought right to encumber this bill with any attempt of the kind. Further, he had been pressed much more strongly to strike I out the words "On the true faith of • Ch ri rr tan." The' answer he had given to such applications was, that he felt bound to respect a decision of their lordships' house recently and decisively pronounced. (Opposi tion cheers.) He could not strike out these words, because, if he struck them out, there would be no chance of passing the bill, and therefore he yielded to ne cessity in the matter. (liese, hear.) But at the same time he mast be allowed to say, after having voted in the mino rity on the former occasion, that although he yielded to necessity it was against his own convictioo. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps he might he allowed in jostafication to state very shortly the grounds of that conviction, so far as it related to the words to which he had referred. The introduction of these words was very curious, and, it might not be out of place to detail them is their lordships in as few words as possible. (Hear, hear.) After the discovery of the gun powder plot in the third year of the reign of James I. search was made in the chambers of apenoa named PillffiCill Trishaw, one of the conspirators who had chambers in the Temple. During the search • manuscript was found, en titled "A Treatise on Usurpation." The manuscript was altered in the handwriting of Garnett, the superior of the Jesuits, and had the imprimatur of Blackball, at that time the archpriest of the Roman catholic'. It was made use of on the trial of the persons implicated in the plot, and after wards found its way through the hands of Archbishops Abbott and Laud into the Bodleian library, where it re• maimed for many yean, and was only lately brought is light. It bad recently been reprinted with • suitable pre face, and was well worthy their lordships attention. It had marginal notes in the handwriting of Sir E. Coke, the Attorney-General for the prosecution, and its object was to show how the obligations of an oath might be avoided. It contained many chapters, and the doctrine was laid down that if a question was put to you that you thought in your conscience you were not bound to answer, you might answer that question aloud, bat might at the same time qualify it with other words, spoken mentally, so that the whole being taken together, the "aloud " with the "re serve " mentally expressed, if the whole was true, then you might, without being considered guilty of taking a false oath, swear to the truth of the proposition, so that, while the person addressed applied only the words that he heard, the person who took the oath applied the whole of the proposition, the " aloud" and the "reserve." For instance, if you were asked by a person whom in your conscience you thought you were not bound to answer—a magistrate, perhaps, " Were you in London to-day ?" you might say you had not been in London, provided you added mentally," For say improper purpose." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The reserve saved the truth of the proposition. It was remarkable that in the letters of Pascal, he ascribed to the Jesuits exactly that doctrine, and here in this manuscript, in the handwriting of the superior of the Jesuits, they bad it laid down as a principle of the Roman catholic church, or rather of the Jesuits who formed a part of that church. In addition to what he had stated there were some excep tions, and these west to show that the words, " On the truth faith of a Christian," were used to prevent the Haman catholics taking an oath of that description. It IMO remarkable that in the year in which the plot was dis aineind the oath of allegiance was introduced, and then for the Pint time the words without equivocation, evuion, or meant reservation, and on the true faith of a Christian," IMO istroduced. (Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt Bled BM Path was framed by Sir E. Coke while in pmeilles of this document, carefully suited to the 4111111111.1. veld so worded in order to prevent Iliemsa milmilso taking it evasively. He trusted that on ONO Swan& he should have their lordships' concur/owe , tn . & anaMed reading of the bill. (Cheers.) TM Earl of DERBYI was melded gdat his midi learned friend had no intention of reversing their a his ' decision given on the subject of the admis sled the Jews. The question had been solemnly =and and decided by a considerable majority his noble friend retained the words whi sk it.,,r,te x elusion of Jews. But he confessed that ewe Mkt Me Me of his noble and learned friend, he regiled dot be iimeld have prejudiced the chances of his introdasigg a vary elaborate argument for the admission% the Jew i s e ,Ssikewieg exceedingly good reasons erM. the e verde should be struck out. He . leek with sovietism en this bill. 111: 1 1 5 1 eel Seemed friend maid be retained those words he Me ea mews of facilitating the peening of the bill. Weems lb edge led bused friend referred only to the :f TM 141 ilmegla their lordships' house, for the if Ow wire meld give no additional facility far parks to desalt the other house. Now he would put this to Me mile sed learned friend. This bill was intro dosed an the lase day is May. The House of Caninoas WOO IPS Oielnileifted with business that they had made _ ney little peeress with legislation; sad whit sertinty had their lordships that if this bill wen passed by their lordshi sad sent down to the House of Coismana, worded as it was, it would sot be amended by the 0110.404 of those weeds is the latter end OF July 67 tie eovasseissa 7;in .1 Augwt, sad thorn bum& book fps the meat of the few poem who still romoimpi M amp, their seats is pediatrist ? He wee net dislosos thimft any impediment la the way of the fair sad Impeedal soatilta of the sideet which W noble tad lessord friss" lad is view ; bat be hoped he Amid not be thought uareasoaside it. leohies Armed to Tim ho deemed ast a very improbable oesuneeso be put • phis quails to oak kris weeks, way. what MIMI they would mows Hee* so easeadment were in- Maimed ? (liese t kera_ TM Hod of /1/11191331 acid—l do not wish to in tab,a with the and ewer of a measure Of mani festly osweisteat wltr mama sad mows sense I. the bill proposed by ray &ebb mid domed friend. (Cheers.) I therelbro Asada Wisely km 'sweetie( with say of the el *it bid, ad Sea will be the coarse of her grj=goversourit. As to what we shell do in Goose queues of maw asouthomet baby Introduced in the House of C 0.... - I most um pop decline to give any pledge on iat subject. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CLANCARTY approved of that part of the bill which related to the oath of abjuration, but ob jected to the retsina by a side-wind of the security Hives to the protestant church by the Catholic Belief al. Lord REDESDALE said, feeling that the oaths re quired ansendsseat, he was prepared to assent to the second reeding of this bill; Mt, considering that no assurame was given by the government as to what would be done in ease the bill came boa frem the other house in an altered shape, be did not think it would be safe for their lordship to legit p beyond a second stage. Lord CAMPBELL hoped that the oath of Mission', would soon be the only oath required to be taken in either house of parliament. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM hoped this bill would receive the assent of their lordship P all its stages, thereby removing a great blot from their legislature, not merely in a civil bat in a religious point of view. The Earl of DERBY said that ha did not ask the govern ment to pledge themeelves, wr to elate what course they in tended to pursue Si ISM 1/1/11111 pried, and with respect Man indefitfite oldest. What be asked wait this, that se there wu reason for supposing that an attempt might bo made by means of this bill at reversing the decision to which their lordships had come in the present session, thereby altering the object and character of the bill, her Majesty's government would give them an assurance that they would use their influence in the other house of parliament for the purpose of p ing a specific amendment being carried—(hear, hear)—that if an amendment were proposed in the other house to undo what had been done in their lordships' house, the government would use their inflames to prevent that object being effected by a s id e w i n d. Lord BROUGHAM said that there was more than one course which might be pursued. There were two ways of proceeding, so different that a person might consistently approve of the one and consistently disapprove of the other. An amendment might be moved either for leaving out the words " on the true faith of a Christian," or the words "on the true faith of a Christie.," might be postponed after the words "So help me, God." A man might con sistently vote for the one and oppose the other. The Earl of WICKLOW was glad that a case which had truth and justice on its side bad fallen into the able hands of his Lob's and learned friend. The Earl of lIARROWBY, after putting a question to the Earl of Aberdeen, the answer to which was not heard, said that it war quite clear that there was a desire on the part of the Howie of Commons to admit the Jews to par ' Bement, and this bill might be easily adapted to that pm- THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 1, 1853. pose—(hew ' hear)—and no circum s tan c e coed be more favourable for effecting that object than postponing this bill to a period when their lordships would be dispersed in different places. (Hear, hear.) It was idle to say that their lordships ought to be in the house, wbea It was very well known that they would not he there. He had no watt to oppose the noble and learned lord's bill, bet he thought it ought to be postponed until next_piez. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE hoped the government would not rive ayy pledge whatever on the subject. Lord ABINGER thought it would he highly disingenu ous to take ' , haulage of a bill introduced for one purpose in order to effect another, and • different object; and if the bill came up from the other house of parliament with ano ther object added to it besides that which it had now, he could not regard it as • possible contingency that her Majesty's government would accept it in that altered form. If, however, it were possible, he trusted that their lordships would be there, as on • former occasion, in such numbers as to defeat the bill. (Cheers.) The bill WM then read • second time. Lord LYNDHURST 'mid that if it suited the noble earl, he would more the committee on the bill on Thursday. Ile wished to know what amendments the noble earl had to suggest. The Earl of DERI3Y said that he did not suggest any ameadments. Whet ho apprehended was that amend ments would be made Caewhere which would alter the the tamer of the bill. Ike OM moment such an injustice, if they had had the physical fora to peas it from them. If the hon. gentle- man wished to have • committee to inquire into the connexion between the Rely See and estholies, clergy or laity, let him move for his committee, and so far as he was concerned he had no ohjection to it, He had nothing to conceal ; but do not make this bugbear of an investiga tion • reason for perpetuating an injustice upon them. They talked about the oath taken by members, and taunted the catholic members with trifling with their obligations. lie did not think that was a for way of dealiag with them. lie studied the oath before he consented to become • candidate for • scat in the house, and entertaining a clear opinion that the a measure demanded by the highest in of the nation, he did not think there was anything in that oath to induce or compel him to give expreeeion to an opinion in the house hostile to what he believed was the highest interest of every portion of this country. Well, then, they had the Act of Union. The only member of the government who had spoken to-night had certainly given them a lesson in agitation which might have come well from any other part of the house, but which did not come well or wisely from him. The Secretary for Ireland said it was a bad time for this motion—that, if in the country there was a certain amount of disturbance, if they bad special difficulties to contend with, if the church in Ireland were in Ireland—then, in deed, her Majesty's government might come down to the house and say, "Crime, outrage, and agitation render it impossible for us to continue the injustice that we other wise should ; we must compound with you because you are breaking the law." That was the wisdom and statesman ship which shone out on poor Ireland from the cabinet of all the talents. (Cheers.) The hue. baronet (Sir J. Young) r.minded him of • passage in the "Life of Lord George Bentiock," where an hon. member figured as " a disavowed plenipotentiary." His sentiments had been disavowed by several of those whom he professed to represent. Though the opponents of the motion might have a majority, he (Mr. Lucas) should not be discouraged. That debate was the commencement of a long, it might be an arduous—he was certain that so far as they (the Roman catholic.) were concerned, it would be a successful, campaign. If he wanted anything to assure him of such a result, ho should find it in the speech of the l'resident of the Board of Trade on the income tax. That right hon. gentleman told the house that there was one thing above all others which re conciled him to the imposition of the income tax upon Ire land, and it was this, that equality in the fiscal relations of the two countries would bring about all kinds of equality, and that a new era would begin for Ireland from that event. He believed those words to be true. Perhaps when they were uttered there was a little bit of ministerial uo meaning about them—(laughter)—which was perhaps all the right hon. gentleman meant to convey across the Channel. But he could tell the right hon. gentleman that they had a great deal of meaning in his mind and in the minds of those who acted with him. If there was one thing which sweetened in his mind the fiscal injustice which ' was about to be perpetrated in Ireland, it was that by making it clear to the eyes of all men that Ireland was taxed as England was taxed, by not leaving even an appa rent difference between the two countries, parliament put it in their power to come with a loftier determination to that house, and say that if it made the taxes equal, it , should mile the institutions equal. (Cheers.) The income tax had been described by the Chancellor of the Exchequer' as • colossal engine of finance. It was something snore. It was an engine which would not only strike the pockets of the people of Ireland, but would strike down, by repeated blows, if necessary, every social and political iojustiee by which that country was injured and oppressed. (Cheers.) In skilful and judicious bands it would strike off bonds and manacles, and leave no shred of tyranny existing in Ire land to tell the tale of the past to • future generation. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, in rising to state, as shortly as I can, my reasons for voting against the motion, I find great facility for performing that task in the circumstance that the hon. member who has just sat down has kept his word to the house—that he has frankly stated his opinions, and that those opinions may be dealt with instead of the motion and speech of the hon. and learned member by whom the discussion was introduced. (Hear, hear.) Laying aside I every question with regard to inquiry into a number of cir cumstance, which are sufficiently known, or which, if not sufficiently known, may be learnt in the library by consulting the returns made to parliament, laying aside the results to be arrived at before a select committee, the honourable gentleman does not conceal that this motion aims directly at the abolition of the established church of Ireland. (Cheers from the Irish members.) The honourable gentleman says that the Roman catholic/ are in a state of political and social degradation. Now, air, the truth of that statement I entirely deny. I do not allow that there is any political degradation, because, with very few exceptions, indeed, every political honour, every political distinction is as open to the Roman catholic as it is to the protestant. (hear, hear.) The seats in this house have been opened; the highest offites in the state, with one or two exceptions, may be attained by Roman catholic., who may, on the one hand, obtain the confidence of the electors of this country; or, on the other, enjoy the favour of the crown. (Hear, hear.) Neither is there, as matters at present stand, any social in equality of which Roman catholic/ have to complain. But sir, I now come to an inequality which I admit exists, and to which ;this motion is directed, namely, the ecclesiastical inequality which is to be found in Ireland. It is not a religious inequality, because the profession of religion, the exercise of religious worship, is as free to the Roman catholic as to the protestant; but with regard to ecclesiastical arrangements, there is no doubt • state of law in Ireland by which the endowments of the state are given to the minority, and the great majority of the people share in none of the bene fits derived from them. Now, for my own part, I could wish that in treating this question the hon. gentleman (Mr. Lucas) and those who think with him were entirely free from some of those bars and restrictions which have been imposed on them in the debate of this night. I could , wish that there was nothing in the oath taken by members of parliament which precluded Romeo catholic from dis owning subjects of this kind—from asking, if they thought proper for the total abolition of the established church of Ireland, and voting for its suppression. (Hear.) I do not wish to interfere with the freest enjoyment of any advantages which they possess. When I say this, I know I nos not say bag anything extremely liberal, but stall events I am saying more than many Roman catholies would say with regard to protestant.. Bat when we come to the practical question, whether or not we should make some very great change with respect to tho established church of Ireland, I must own with respect to that great subject that I think the ex perience which we have had of late years should not be lost upon us. (Hear, hear.) Now there are ob viously only two modes in which ecclesiastical equa lity—for that is what is aimed at—could be obtained. The one is the total abolition of the revenue" of the church of Ireland. Now, sir, I am not prepared to take that COllllll. (Cheers.) I have never been willing I. consent to the total abolition of the revenues of the established church. Setting aside the great change which it would make in Ire land, the danger as regards established habits, the violation of engagements which have been made, I cannot but think that you could not abolish the nvenues of the church of Ireland without striking at the root of ecclesiastical endow ment., and violating the great principle on which all those endowments are founded. ("Hear, hear," from Mr. Bright.) The principle of ecclesiastical endowments may be wrong, but it is one which I am in favour of, which has hitherto been maintained by the par liament of this country, and I cannot believe that you could abolish ecclesiastical endowments in Ireland, with out such • step leading, in the other parts of the United Kingdom, to • similar abolition. (Hear, hear.) Well then, sir, lot us consider whether we can make a new distribution of the revenues at present given to the established church, and whether, dividing solely according to number., we can give by far the greater part of th ose revenues to the Roman catholic church. In so doing you would be acting according to principle, ac aordiag to the principles which you have adopted us other eases; you would be saying, as the late Mr. O'Connell fre quently put the matter before us, that as presbyterianism is endowed in Scotland, so you would have the Roman catholic religion endowed in Ireland. Now, sir, if the Roman catholic church resembled the presbyterian Church of Scotland, although it might not be just that the Roman catholic@ should have, what the presbyterians have in Scotland, a national church entirely devoted to them, yet I can well imagine that a large endowment should be given to the Roman catholic church. But, unfortunately, ecclesiastical equality would not be thereby secured. It has been too evident of late years that the Roman catholic church—looking at its proceedings in foreign countries— looking at its proceedings in this country, looking at that effinech, acting under the direction of its head, himself a foreign sovereign —it has been too evident, I say, that it has aimed at political power—(opposition cheers)—political power which appears to me to be at variance with a due attachment to the crown of this country—(cheers)—with a due attachment to the general cause of liberty, and with a due attachment to the duties that • subject of the state should perform towards it. (Cheers.) I am obliged to conclude, therefore—to conclude unwil lingly, but to conclude most decidedly—that the en dowment of the Roman catholic religion in Ireland in the place of the established protestant church in that country connexion with the state is not an object which the parliament of this country ought to advocate or sanction. (Cheers.) Sir, these opinions of mine may lead to a con clusion unpalatable to many hon. members who belong to the Roman catholic church, and to persistence in a state of things which I quite admit to be anomalous and unsatis factory ; but I am obliged, as a member of this parliament, to consider most seriously, in the present state of the world, that which is best to adopt to maintain the freedom and permanence of our institution". (Cheers.) Now, consi dering, as I have already said, that I must look around, and I must see what happens in Belgium and in Sardinia— what happens in the various countries of Europe—l must see the influence which, if not exercised, has been at tempted to be exercised in the United Kingdom. (Cheers.) Seeing these things, and looking at these matters, I shall give my decided resistance to the proposal of the hon. gen tleman for the abolition of the established church of Ire land, and I shall proceed on principles which I think most conducive to the interests of the country. (Loud cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT was sorry that he bad been unable to be present during the whole of this debate, but he was much more sorry to have been present to have heard the speech of the noble lord who had just sat down. (Loud cheers.) Ile did not know how the noble lord viewed his past political career in connexion with this great subject, nor what hopes he might fell with regard to the opinion the country and posterity might entertain as to his future course; but no one calling himself a liberal minister had spoken in that house during the last 20 years in a sense so entirely adverse to all those opinions which had been sup posed to distinguish a liberal from a tory government during that period. (Loud cheers and counter cheers.) He (Mr. Bright) noticed, too, that the noble lord on this occa sion, as on some recent occasions, had been cheered with great enthusiasm by those gentlemen who sat exactly opposite to him— (laughter and cheers) —and that those by whom he was surrounded, or at least those who sat behind bin—had listened in silence, and, he suspected, certainly with disapprobation, if not with dismay, to the opinions which he had that night expressed. (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Bright) knew not whether this question of the Irish church would be held to be an open question in the government after that speech ; but a question affecting the English church, discussed a few nights ago, evidently was, because several members of the government voted against the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had not fairly met the question which was before the house. (Cheers.) The motion was one of precisely that kind which the noble lord, of all men in this country, might be expected to support; but he pro posed, rather than deal with the motion (which was not in favour of the total abolition of the protestant church of Ire land), not to move the previous question, but to give it a direct negative. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had made no de fence of the Irish church ; and, indeed, there was no man in the house who differed at all from tho opinions of the hon. gentleman the member fur Oxford University, that would undertake such a task. (Hear, hear.) But the noble lord warned the house, that if they allowed this pro position to be made still more to be adopted and esta blished on the other aide of the channel, it would be very difficult to maintain the principle of the eata'ffished church in England (Hear, and cheers.) Well, they all knew that. (Cheers and counter-cheers.) They knew, of course, that that was one great reason why many persons in that house and out of it refused to do justice to the Irish people on this question, but what a mise rable picture they drew of their established church in Eng land, and upon what a rotten and decayed foundation it must be based, if they were afraid that if a measure of jus tice were conceded in Ireland, it would involve before long a similar measure with regard to England. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord seemed to think that statesmanship con sated simply in the preservation of institutions; but a states manship of a far higher character consisted in maintaining only institutions which were just in themselves—which were found to work advantageously, and which were adapted to the people and the times in which we lived. (Hear, hear.) It might, on the other hand, be as act of the most soar. offical and revolutionary character to maintain institutions which were not just, and to which the will of the nation, over and over again expressed, was resolutely opposed. (Cheers.) If the noble lord's argument were adopted, namely, that they were not to touch the Irish church lest they should injure the permanence of the church of Eng land, then no argument had been used from the platform or the press during the most agitated times that would more support a proposition which had found great favour hereto fore, namely, that the union of this country with Ireland should be abolished. (Cheers.) If the population of this great country were to inflict upon a mailer and weaker population a great injustice, and to maintain it simply because they fancied that to afford redress would affect some of the institutions of this country, then, if he (Mr. Bright) were an Irishman, nothing but the impracticability of the proposition would fur a single moment have kept him from being the most zealous repealer of the union that Detail had ever produced. (Cheers.) When the Canada Clergy Reserves Bill was discussed it was argued in the speech of the President of the Board of Works and in other speeches from the government benches that we were bound to concede that measure to the Cana dian people because their opinion had been repeat edly declared in their own parliament, and by the votes of 'their representatives, in favour cat that bill. (Hear ) Well, if the Irish members on both sides had been sitting in a parliament of their own on College green, they all knew that at least two-thirds of their num ber would vote in favour of this motion ; and therefore it was incumbent upon the government to take into conside ration the evident wishes of the Irish people as represented by the Irish members in that house. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord talked of there being something or other which caused the catholics of Ireland not to be ahoy they attached to the crown of this country; but he (Mr. Bright) could pint out a country where the catholics were as loyal to its institutions as the protestant, of England were to their own. Ile would refer the noble lord, not to Belgium, Sar dinia, or Austria, but to the United States of America. (Cheers.) Let the noble lord point out any single fact, or any single opinion, of an American writer which went to show that the catholic in the United States were not as attached to the republican institutions of that country as any protestents of this country were to our institutions. (Cheers.) And all this arose from one simple reason—namely, because catho lic and protestant were not known to the state as such ; but all:were treated alike—citizens of the same country, equal before the same laws, and treated with the same measure of justice. (Cheers.) The noble lord had adverted to the catholic prelates of Ireland, and to the fact that some Per sons there and elsewhere in that church were not favoura ble to freedom of thought; but did not the noble lord know that the whole of his political life had been :one continued struggle against the political influences and combinations of the prelates, and clergy, and professors of his own church ? If the noble lord conceded everything which the clergy and prelates of his own church wished, they would have no liberty in this country which they could fora single moment boast of to the world. (Cheers.) The noble lord said that It would be a serious question if they were to distribute the ecclesiastical revenues differently, and endow the Roman catholic church with them. He (Mr. Bright) did not ad voeate the endowment of the Roman catholic church, or any other church. But the noble lord was in favour of giving stipends to the Roman catholic clergy. Where, then, way the consistency of the noble lord ? The noble lord was associated with gentlemen in the government who perhaps found it difficult to agree in • question like this ; but the political character and reputation of the noble lord ought to be dear to him. But whether it wee dear to him or not, still the Roman catholic members would be worthy of the contempt of the weed if they sat down contented with the present ecclesiastical arrangements in Ireland without endeavouring to correct them. (Hear, hear.) They would be unworthy a seat in a senate of the world if they did not protest against tho monstrous in justice inflicted on their country. (Hear, hear.) His opinion was that all churches were not particu larly favourable to civil liberty. (Hear, hear.) He knew of no church—none at least which was bound up with the state—which encouraged the granting of civil liberty to the people of that state or to any other. (Hear, hear.) And the reason why the church in England ap peared to be more tolerant than others was, that the people had by slow degrees acquired more civil power, and, had subjected the church to a more wholesome public opinion. (Hear, hear.) And if there was any complaint that the Roman catholic church of Ireland bad more power, that effect was to be attributed, in his opinion, to the course pursued by that house towards the Roman catholic' of Ire land, which had donemuchtosubject the people of Ireland to whatever there was of unwholesome influence these in the priests. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible for any person to travel in Ireland without seeing that there was one question which poisoned all the social relations of that country. (Hear, hear.) Be he protestant churchman, pro testant dissenter, or Roman catholic—if his eyes were open, and if he judged impartially of what he saw, whether in relation to elections or other matters of political or social concernment—be must own that the church establishment was the pestilent and poisonous root of all—(cheers) — and that it alone made it impossible for Ireland to be in that state of tranquillity and contentment which they wished it to be in. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Meath said that they might have a long or arduous but ultimately a successful struggle on this question. If he (Mr. Bright) might venture to give advice to the liberal Irish members— whether Roman catholic or protestant—he would advise them to make this question of religious equality the cardi nal question of their political movements. (Hear, hear.) He would advise them not to let slip • single opportunity of denouncing the injustice of the established Church in Ireland. (Cheers.) Let them by practical measures and expositions keep the guidon before the people of Eng land. Let them join with the liberal members of England in all they did and sought to do for the common liberties of England and Ireland, and though the feeling might not be favourable in that house to giving them complete justice now, they might rely upon it, that hi spite of the noble lord, in spits of a government which probably could not agree on the question, there was on • question like this goodness and greatness enough in the people of this country to make them consent to • measure of full justice to Ire land. (Loud *beers.) Mr. J. D. FITZGERALD, who rose amidst loud cries for a division, said he felt the deepest disappointment at the speech of the noble lord, for he did not expect to hear the tone and the arguments of the hon. member for Ennii- Mika (Mr. Whiteside) adopted by him. Mr. MOORE, in reply, said it had been admitted on all hands that inquiry into the established church meant its subversion. (Hear, hear.) That such might be the natural result he did not deny; but he denied that his speech on his motion necessarily implied any such result. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided, For the motion Against it Majority against the motion -162 COAL MINE ACCIDENTS. Mr. HUTCHINS moved for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the causes of the numerous acci dents in coal mines, with a view of suggesting the best means for their p tion. Lord PALMERSTON would not oppose the motion, and intimated that the mining proprietors had instruction to make inquiry into all those accidents, and to give full in formation upon them. The motion was then agreed to. REGISTRATION OF ASSURANCES. Lord J. RUSSELL moved to nominate the select COM. mince on Registration of Assurances Bill :—Mr. Attorney- General, Mr. Solicitor-General, Marquis of Chandoe, Sir Frederic Thesiger, Mr. Evelyn Denison, Mr. Vincent Scully, Mr. Headlam, Mr. Lowe, Mr. Drummond, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Dunlop, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Mullings, Mr. Butt, and Mr. Hadfield, which after a short conversation was agreed to. Mr. AGLIONBY, in the absence of Mr. Hume, moved for a return of the *enrol rates of postage, foreign and colonial, at present charged fur the classes of single, double, and larger sizes ; stating the weights allowed for each class, and showing the number of miles fromlLondon to each place, and the portion of that distance of sea. Mr. KER obtained leave to bring in a bill to prevent the spread of the contagious disease called glandes. DURHAM ELECTION. On the motion for resuming the adjourned debate on the motion for a select committee on the Durham election pe titions, Lord PALMERSTON proposed that the debate should be further postponed. Sir J. TROLLOPE said that no less than 68 petitions had I been withdrawn, and if inquiries had been made into the reasons of all of them being tvitheira wu , they could not Lary been got throuith in the e. Mr. DISRA ELI sou of opinion that theeommitteeizeuld be at once appointed. Mr. MUNN moved that the discussion should I.e ad. journed, and expressed an opinion that the ithlrawing petitions was eatirely the doing of the agents enue el. The question was put that the &hate be adjourned, 4 4 the house divided— Ayes se Noes titl-9 Upon re-entering the gallery we found Lard PALM ERSION addressing the eons.. He thoseht it was explanation already given, the question should not he re, ferred to the General Committee on Compromises. Mr. DISRAELI said that here a fictitious petition be 144 beeva n presented, mer . ely for the purpose of cau s i ng a status cated. The government propcscd that the mkto should be left until a motion as to is coruntirc e on am. promised elections, to be propmed on Tuesday nut h e d ra token its chance of being carried. Il e (Mr. Dieli) ce u j4 not see why this most exceptional exit iluuld not at ones b e inquired into in a special manner. Mr. ELLIOT protested against discussing the quenim at the present late hour, amidst repeated edit for a divi. sion. lle concluded by moving the adjournment of th e house. The amendment was ultimately withdrawn, and th e motion was agreed to. The house adjourned at half.past two. SALES OF BULLION BILL. This bill passed through committee. The house adjsuroed at a quarter to eight. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY, MAT 31. The SezAKER took the chair at a quarter before four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. THIRD READI;IO. S outh STaill;;diii;;Waterworks Bill. The reports on the But O•instead Railway Bill, Rut London Waterworks Bill, Lands Improvement Company (No. 2) Bill, Leominster Markets and Fairs Bill, and the New River Company Bill were received and agreed to. WESTMINSTER-BRIDGE BILL. On the motion for reading this bill a second time, Sir D. OORREYS inquired whether the right hon. ba ronet (Sir W. Molesworth) intended to give the house an opportunity of expressing an opinion as to the site of the bridge ? He suggested that if the bridge debauched at Richmond-terrace it would be a great convenience to the public, and especially such of them as used the South Wes tern terminus, some 900.00) a year. Sir W. MOLESWORTH replied that the bill would have to pus a general committee of the house after it puled the select committee, and would come before the house in two distinct stages, when an opinion might he expressed as to the site or any point connected with the proposed bridge. lie admitted that so far as the appearance of the houses of parliament was concerned it might be better if the bridge were placed lower down the ' than it at present was, but taking all things into consideration it was considered that the present site was the hest. CUSTOMS DUTIES BILL. The report on this bill was brought up. ECCLESIASTICAL REVENUES IN IRELAND. Mr. G. H. MOORE moved the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the ecclesiastical rereaua of lla land, with the view of ascertaining how far they are made applicable to the benefit of the Irish people. Mr. Moore ex pressed himself anxious to tell home truths in relation to his subject, however unpalatable they might be. One of these home truths was, that the Irish people were not loyal—for he knew that should an American frigate happen to visit the shores of Ireland for hostile purpose, the Irish people would wish that frigate success. England, however, need not fear that Ireland would rebel. Ireland was a mare mouse under the talons of the British lion. At the same time, he remem bered that Ireland had not served England like a mouse daring the last war, and the time snigh. emu when similar service might be again needful. Discussing general griev awes Mr. Moore arrived by au easy transition at the ques tion of the Irish church, with regard to which he quoted past and present authorities, and expressed his opi nion that if their testimony did not induce the house to grant an inquiry, intelligence might be sent to &dim, and Mr. Spooner made prime minister at ones. In the case of an abut. which was emdemned by the whole civilised world, it would be a mockery to go into statistics. Sun he asserted that, notwithstanding all that had been done to diminish the Roman catholic population, they were as five to one in comparison with the protestant, and that the revenues, if fairly and properly managed, would amount to a million sterling. Yet all this benefit was enjoyed by the church of the rich, while the meagre and uncertain support of the voluntary principle was all that was accorded for the spiritual instruction of the poor. Discontent and disaffection must be the consequence of .such a state of things, and such a consequence could not but prove dangerous and injurious to imperial interests. Mr. M. O'CONNELL seconded the motion, in order to have an opportunity of describing it as rash and imprudent, needing as it did to stir up the verato guestio of religious differences, which had proved beneficial either to one country or the other. Sir J. YOUNG was of opinion that the ills of Ireland were attributable, not to the established church, but to the vicious system of commercial legislation which long prevailed in that country, and to certain peculiarities in her domestic circumstances. The established church bed enjoyed revenues, which were not larger than were asonsassy for her maintenance, for three hundred years. A Imager distribution of the funds was a fair subject for dissunea, but not the alienation of those funds from that sightful permileor, as advocated by Mr. Moore, whose motion amid net have been better framed to add to the I evils esenplained of. The result of previous concessions al lorded no encouragement to proceed in the same direction. And the object of Mr. Moore being evidently to extirpate the Protestant Church in Ireland, it deserved, and should meet with, a steady resistance. I Mr. MURROL GE, as a Protestant, thanked Mr. Moore for his motion, from which he believed that the protestant& of of England would derive comfort and moos ragentent. Mr. POLLARD-URQUHART believed that an alien chereh was the real cause of the misfortunes of Ireland, and he saw in the fetus a fartheraggravation other wrongs in the withdrawal of the Idaynooth rent. Sir R. INGLIS maintaiaed that the churches of England and Ireland were one, by the Act of Union, and that u one church they must continue to be regarded Al an in tegral part of the empire. It was not a question of truth or falsehood, bat a question involving the maintenenes of • solemn treaty. Mr. GARDNER justified himself in supporting the me ties by his experience of the evils of the Irish church. Mr. NEWDEGATE would not support the motion, be cause it involved the destruction of the Irish Church. ~Mr. t}. PHILLIMOBE supported the motion , which he wished had been brought forward by the government in. stead of by Mr. Moore. Mr. B. MOORS defended the established chureh of Ireland, end said that it was probably is account of its beneficial activity that the amiss Ina boss brought forward. ' Mr7ii. DRUMMOND described the established church of Ireland se ezhilsiting more disgusting exhibitiens et ne potism than the church of Roam itself, cad add that the people of that country had • right to demassi the seer meat of the question, for which there could net he • better tints than the present. Mr. MAGUIRE supported the notices at great length, and with even greater vehemence. Mr. WHITESIDE described the motion as one to Legatee tate a letter which did not seed inquiry, because Mae waft_astallest seamed with the Irish emelt that was set knows. mad not • single fact of which its supporters need be mimed. The main object of the motion was the eanibilatiem et the Irish church, mid, while opposiag it on he welts, he could not refrain from considering it is esamenisa with the mare* hem whence it came. He deed to the bet that the Emancipation Act kneel ape the Rim= eathdie asemben of the heel is feath that they weld ad Meet to overthrow tha adadhimed alma .1 head; se ha ma tended that while that shlisFa id mas ia Uses the pease proceedings mold et le without reamem to a species of eesaistry whim he meld neither admit nor admire. He urged, in addles, the argument founded upon the Am of Union, by whisk the tie churches had been permanently united; sad he fader maintained, taking up the grated of expedieasy, that the Irish Marsh bad been suoosesfal, and that Irelaad astetheating her misfortunes, had in her all the chronic of rem perity, and required aething from England be pod go- ceramist. Mr. 'LIMAS mid that the dilkalty al this game._ , In lie imilag eemilistely bayed all argameall. bee upset the mesa - Mhishas. feed as es that aught to pass wittiest diatede he soy retied ememilily. The motion of his his. Mimi Mil been grieveeeiy misstated and men &seed. It es sae ter inquiry into all the ecclesiastical reissues of Inissa. NA She extent to which they operated he ike welfare at the mmumaity in that country. The red= was ad ea of the abolition of the established de=bat am of equality of treatment et all re li gious natimes. The smog was admitted the remedy was left to the people of Ingiemd, but of this they might make sure, that the Rome esthetics would never rest satisfied without religions equality. Reference had been made to language which had held in former times by Roman catholic. It was language which he could neith er a p p l au d nor approve. The use - which had been made of it would teach him that the expression of political gratitude was a dangerous thing. That line of conduct would not be re posted. What was the real matter in dispute 1 The whole question lay in a nutshell. Was there any man in the house who would not in his conscience say he would do as they were doing to-night if he were treated with Wank* and looked upon as an inferior, as they were. An hon. member ban quoted an opinion of some' catholic that in despotic countries the church was safe, but it was attacked in countries haring parliamentary govern ment. That might be because parliamentary governments had been conepirators against the church. lie believed that in spite of the hon. member's advice, they should remain attached to parliamentary government. But they diked about the constitution. What did they mean ? His notion of the constitution of England was, that by means of re presentatioa the deep-roeted convictions of the people eventually were triumphant through public discussion, despite some anomalies that existed in England, but it did not exist in Ireland. Here they were, in the year of grace 1853, discussing the monster grievance of the established church in Ireland, and they talked to them about the constitution. The con stitution in Ireland was the exact opposite of the constitu tion in England. In Ireland they had bean, generation after generation, complaining of an injustice which no human being would submit to without being coerced by military violence. No nation—no clam of men that ever existed on the face of the earth—would ever have endured r t i7fte .4 " ..4•4 TO CORRESPONDTINTS. 4 ecoud Edition of " The Exprcio," watt Li.rie 'be mune ilfettie s Gazette," to ertr7 Tuemlay and Erulay plea t :n nem for peat. &Ivertotemeotoirtert.ed "or The YA1,f440,"1.c0:0n Ever.,hg (snit pata the othee, 10. Bourerwstreet, Two u'eb,e„ nn the day oblieattoh. 111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. TAIS DAT—MOTOIRITt. lOC 10111 Afternors, T4-xouvw—kornlng. lls. autruoL, LONDON, TVEDYESDAY, JUY 1: 1. TUE visit of the Duke of GENOA to this country a• the present juncture is a circumstance not unilcserv. ing of attention by those who desire to see the ties of amity and friendship more closely drawn between the States of Western Europe. As contrasted with those which embrace the Eastern half of the coati. neat, those states enjoy the happiness of being free. In degrees of freedom it is true they differ widely. Citizenship in Spain is doubtless a very dirssimi lar thing from citizenship in Holland ; and the right of public discussion in France is restrained, under the existing Government of that country, within limits to which no dynasty or Parliament could induce the people of England to submit. Nevertheless, it must be owned that the communities who dwell to the Westward of the Baltic, the Elbe, and the Adige, possess in common a greater amount of personal and social, religions and political liberty, than those whose lot has been cast a few hours nearer to the rising sun. Our national sympathies therefore instinctively tura towards those, who, warmed by our example, and emulous of our success in working out the great problem of stable and well•ordered freedom, have incurred the ill-will of those ancient despotisms, whose brotherhood they have abandoned. Piedmont, until of recent years, belonged to the class of un emancipated States. Its Government was absolute; its people were politically treated as though they were blind and dumb. But a great and happy change has lately taken place in the dominions of the House of SAVOY. Tho father of the present King frankly conceded to his subjects constitutional rights which they have since loyally and wisely exercised in a manner which has won the admiration and respect of the oldest veterans of civil liberty among their contemporaries. Many excellent and useful laws,tending to develop more fully the tolerant and just principles of CHARLES ALBERT'S constitn lion, have been passed since the accession of VICTOR EMMANUEL. The reactionary efforts of priestcraft at home, and the taunting provocations of absolutism abroad, have alike been resisted with spirit, without passion, with inflexibility of purpose, without harsh ness or offence. The naval power of a country which boasts that "Genoa, the Superb," is its chief port and arsenal, has fitly been made the object of peculiar solicitude and care ; while the truest and the best means of securing the materiel of an effi cient marine, have been sought in the expansion of commerce under a reformed customs tariff. The inhabitants of Piedmont are essentially an industrious people. In this respect they more resemble their Swiss neighbours than their Italian countrymen. The Swiss, in their turn, like those of whom we read in ancient days, who felt that " their country was nourished by the King's country," oftentimes sought to make his minister their friend, in order that they might obtain greater facilities for the interchange of goods, mutually desirable and desired. It was reserved for the present constitutional period to see the rough ways of the Alpe made plain for peaceful traffic, and the mischievous barriers which political discrepancy formerly maintained between the federal common• wealth and the kingdom of Sardinia swept away. So long as that kingdom was like Lombardy—a hugs political intercourse with a tho. roughly free country like Switzerland was poetically impossible. But between two free peoples no such difficulty, because no similar danger, can exist. Concealment and ignorance of what is going on without is unnecessary when coercion and intolerance no longer exist within. Hence the establishment of railways and electric lines where smugglers and gendarmerie hitherto held their stealthy way. VICTOR EMMANUEL is, SS he deserves to be, one of the most popular sovereigns of Europe ; and it is his brother whom we arc now to welcome as a guest in England. At Paris the young Duke of GENOA has lately been received with all the marks of distinction due to his station; —he will certainly not meet with less considera tion here. Throughout the perilous interval which elapsed between the outburst of the Lombard insurrection of 1848, and the final defeat and abdication of CIIARLES ALBERT, England con• tinned the faithful and solicitous ally of Sardinia. The part taken by our Government at that time is not yet forgiven by Austria; neither, we believe, is it forgotten by Piedmont. Apart, however, from such considerations, it is manifestly the in terest not merely of the Royal Houses in the two countries, but of the commerce and freedom loving of both, to cultivate in every suit able way sentiments of mutual friendship and regard. It is essentially the interest of the only constitutional State now left in Italy to be able to look in time of need to the support and alliance of Great Britain. But it is likewise most clearly and manifestly the interest of this country to retain the cordial goodwill of the most commercial and the most reliable community in the Italian Peninsula. The avowed and settled policy of Austria is that of protection : and wherever her influence extends our merchandise is certain to be either wholly excluded, or laid under severe and disadvantageous restrictions. Already she has spread the network of her anti commercial system over every portion of Italy, Pied mont alone excepted. But the ports of the Sardinian kingdom are more free to us than ever, and the new means of intercourse to which we have above alluded as in progress of formation, render such an inlet for our fabrics and our wares more than ever valuable. We do not here pause to glance at the considerations which, in the event of war, would render the alliance of Sardinia with this country reciprocally advantageous —such considerations are too obvious to be overlooked; but even though we possessed a covenant of Euro pean peace, renewable for ever, we should still be of the same mind as to the duty and polley ct culti- r— ation U attic=. grounds. our chid than wit: proper tc sell with forget tl of eapri upon I,i; its value ferent th this morn port elm America, of the E (keine ti freemen, p ro digal, clothed, It is the of minim of nut= veloped— nations Ni Lut:l) sptcch refrebhiu v.ho ha, ranks, cc prccise on a poi even of The mant to the she confidence tuouslyav LYNDIIUI has hither Without t . Anti Lord LS v too wise f restrain 1 on oaths mere arg formed up Oaths, or as Lor There wai although the Ex-C his accessi and that 11 although the °ratio] instsnce o sessed of tl and of the preciated himself to rives its invocation ing to a C; ment of th sin, still Ic not at all. Old and ccived by more. Ks the great appreciate they might books of tl advice of I Nec " Don't brl sion is Won he undersb seen by the