The Express. — London, England, 1851-04-18 00:00:00

THE WEST INDIA MMLS. By the Sir F. Drake steamer, arrived yesterday at i Plymouth, from Falmouth, we learn that as she was leaving at s ..'elck that m wniatt she tw the West India mail paehat-ship Clyde eaterin4 Ca at harbour, apparently short of fuel. In consequence of the mail hating put into Fal mouth, instead of coming on to Southampton, as usual, we have as yet received (by post) only a scanty supply of j ournals, and thew apparen t ly not of the latest date. Those from Jamaica, are of March 15 (anti cipated by the advices received ri New York). There were still cases of cholera reported. The Cinentry UnioN says: A■ reaards the country, we are pleased to notice its ex emption, and, with the exception of No. 11, the district conuraittees hare not forwarded to ua any fresh reports ; this fact, with other favourablo circumstances, authorises us to "appose that it is rapidly leaving the late infected districts. We subjoin the only report come to baud : hcpcet of No. 11 Dedttet, moth Wtwerrt Lliviatuq kw the week end ing March S. Deaths. oevairsig. Reetwerloe. March So L—Stlteent 'Uwe-hill Cad t-h,dl Slo.y-lt .1. . 0 IMyue•hilt Total title week Itath• bewleht :coward Tnt.lame stn ;late The eft 69 victims to the cholera epidemic in district No. II all di, di without medical aid, the I ntin: ahoence of which tad already on .andry "erasion. Is•, n represented to the St. Jana. s' Loral Board of health in former weekly report•. Though the lash!. nee w... raging in this district at a time when it had altogether suhnid•+t in Montego Bay, and though the nearer Nlithitt of the late infected ioralith • wax within three, sad the more distant was within Des. n mikes of the aloe town ; comm. wing at the Bogue and terminating at unity 11111, vet wen• the unhappy suffers rs town rho!, ra .till permitted to die without medical aid. '1•lo- rammitt e arain urgcu'ly request the St. James' Loral !loan' of Health to came the lime which has long been 'yin,/ at the rae.••eouree house to be thrown over the Erases .i. the cholera et orotery. The town and neighbourhood of Montego Hay had been vi•ittd by a distinct shock of earthquake, fol bw•ed in a few tainides by another 'tar shock, though comiderahly fointer than the find. A hollow rambling sound preceded the shucks, the undulations of whit•h scented to travel from east to west. The • - air was hultry. and all WWI Min. 641%1: the wand of %aims alaratrd at the Strang: . incident. A. regard. (Litt., the Guiana pipers as yet to Land ImiLe alot been anticipated by those revisited from New York, which, however, gave no di tail. uf At the meeting of the Comb;ned Court on March Pt, the Aaiun lug oultltt...s, in reply to the governoeu *wi l l on or• K the umion, %AS rued by Mr. Brood, scatior member of the Financial College : We, the untiewiirn. II elective members of the Court of Tolley and financial representatives of the inhabitants, now sort in constant ti court, beg leave to return thieuks to your I weevil , my for the speeele delivered on the opening of the and to expre.a our gratification at the fasourahle Mete .11 the revenue for the past year, as announced by ' your . set As present rate of taxation se-ms to be heavier than the to izeiscies 01 the colony now require, we will &sow our earn. -t attenrom to the items most loudly railing for reclue tidos anti relief awl while doing en. the suggestions of your axis IL In s on this aultiect will meet due tumid. ration. We snail he• pr. par, d at the proper time U. give t tt,et to UK loan onlinaneast tamtiontil by your excellency. Be lievivar that the 1/14 of the staple commodi. ties has been mainly raised by the immigrants introduced Into the colony, and that the prosperity or ruin of the coun try is dependent UlOn4l the introduction or non-introduction of labourers, we eanwstly hope that her liajesty's govern mot will aid us in procuring extensive immigration from the rout of Afrie I, and in overcoming the objections of the East India Company to the ordinances passed by the Bon. the Court of Policy regulating Coolie immigration. We shall consider with that to times attention which they Merit, the several bill. and other important subjects alluded to in your excellency's .pet eh, anti our hest exertions shall be directed to enowite the general welfare of the commu nity.—A. D. % • (ion Net , ther, itithard Haynes, Samuel Bean, Geo. Booker, Win. Brawl, W. 4.l.Donogliuc, John Daly, Hist. It. Craig, 1:. Hicks. Sir. Gilbert read an aildrevs, as follows.embralying his own % iews, which he requested might he placed on the minutes: Financial-hall. Man h 10. 1/111.—I cannot admit that any excess cat the revenue accruing during the year islo, above the expenditure properly belonging to that year, is matter gw cou;panelatium, inasmuch as 1 cousider the expenditure *shave been greatly beyond what the 14.441,U1V14 of the colony warrant. When the expeuditurc shall have been rednes.l within proper limits, and when the revenue arising from a proportionately reduced ,ystem of taxation, fairly adjusted fur the puriene of covering that expenditure, stall lie found to have exceeded it, I may then consider the exeiss as an hulication of general improvt tient in the condition of the inbabitants of tlw colony But even then I would instantly make socle further reductions in taxation as would equalise revenue and expenditure; for a surplus mvenue is at the best but a proof of over-taxation, either from design or ;dation, anti its accumulation is infallibly accom panied by extrur.tg knee. I fully approve of vi much as Ism been adopted in your cxeclkucy's speech, of a more exton.in 'rhinme fur the reduction of taxation. suggested by various persons and in various ways daring the last year; but while 1 ninety in your Excellency's views in this tripe et. .14 tar as they go, a plan far more comprehensive In it, e conomy, and lewd of a large reduction of expen diture. will alone satisfy Inc. lam thoroughly sensible of the importanee, iu the present state of this colony, of immi gration, and I will do es erything in T 11•011 to promote it. But, ns regards Coolie immigration, it is only with the stipulation that the pros ision, of ordnance No. 21 of lfin.), be fully carried out, or that the return passage be alto gathei lett out of the question, that I will vote tiny item toward- its renewal. To the other mutters referred to in your excelleney'a speech, I shall give due attention as they severally come before the Combines! Court for dew ussion. T. Tow:MALL Gimitmr, I.lt. The Caonist of March 14 says : In the sitting of the Combined Court to-day the governor laid before the court a report front the Cmumissioners of Xductition, and it was ordered to be printed for general in formation. This document recommends that schools fur secular education be established, and that the religious in struction of the pupils, according to the persuasion of their parents, shall he confined to the tteryty. The commissions think that 600 dollars will be sufficient for the o bject* con templated be them. The salary of insisetor of schools will nut he soted until the court shall have disposed of the re port. The usual grants for schools were voted, with the . we ptions of the items for the rural parishes and the 'los man eatholie schools in Georgetown and New Amsterdam, which .:and over tor future c onsideration. At a public meeting of merchants and other in habitant* of the colony, held on the Mil of March, in °corgi-town, fur the purpose of considering the present state of the taxation and expenditure ei liritiAh Guiana, with a view to effect a tuatrrhtk modification of the same, and more especially a re duction of the oppressive rates of import duties, the following resolutions were passed: That this meeting, being of opinion that an important reduction in the general eapenditure and taxation of the eplony is urgently impaired, cepressee it. satisfaction that g uar the date of the reequisition sent to his honour the high sheriff to convene this 'meeting, his etc.:Henry the governor hot acknowledged, in his opening address to the Com bined Court, that the public finances will admit of a material modification in the general taxation. - - " That it is the opinion of this 'netting that the cost of being in this colony has 'wen artificially raised so high by the earsseisc duties levied upon the import of articles aectssary to the subsistence and comfort of its inhabitants, as to be detrimental to their best interests. This meeting winald, therefore, respectively impress upon the Combined COlift the n, nssity of signing es cry practicable relattion of the tariff by exercising the utmost pomade retrenchment is the public expenditure."— • • That a committee be ap- y point. I t wait on the elective membt rs of the Combined Court 'sip a copy of the fors-going resolutions, together with the whinges of this meeting, signed by the chairman, ' sad to direct their serious attention to the pntteiples in volved therein, and to request them to support in the pre- I @rat session such modification of the tariff and retrench- y stunt In the public expenditure, as this meeting deems essential to the well.twing of all classes of the community. And that the committee do consist of the fillowing gentle me* .—Charlcs Conyers, Esq., proposed by Mr. Winter, and, on the motion of Mr. C. Simpson, the movers and seconders of the several resolutions, namely, his Worship the Mayor, K. Hick, S. A. liarrey, D. Macdonald, Y. Winter, and S. Barber, Esqrs.'• With the exception of three or four eases of small vox, of a mild character, the colonycontinued showery weather continued, to the great sotfs faction of those planters who had a good stand of young canes. At the town council of Georgetown, on March 2, Mr. lii•Pherson was elected mayor for the ensuing yam• Journals from Bridgetown (Barbadoes) of March 49, and from St. Lucia of March 14, contain no news of importance. Times! ca.'s AT DEVONSHIRE Ho:Om—The ems- tsar theatrical performances appointed to take place at Devonshire House at the end of this month, have, with the consent of She Queen, been postponed till the 16th of next mo nth, in deference to the feeling' of Mr. Charles Dickens, whose infant daughter died on Monday lest. It is stated that the anthems of thew , pevfoesteeees will pay lire 'shwa individually for their oats; sod that the saw of the Mk* of Devoid** hoe the lid of pelateale. Abe Court. WINDSOR, TRPRSD\T. The Queen and l'rinee Albert walked this morn- inT in the .lopta. the royal ramiiy took walking and pony es, reise in the slope i and Wiuds•ir Park. l'rince Albert rode out on horseback this morning, attended by Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Gordon. The Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty and Prince Albert, and partook of luncheon with the Queen and Prince. Pssstos; Witex.—On Monday and Tuesday in this week the customary bounties were is•ucd to the and and metito rhms poor at the Alraonry in Whitehall, under the direction of the Lord-]kith Almoner and the Suh-Almoner. The rer , pients included numerous cases of blindness and other infirmities. Tho Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lady Mary Wood left town yexterday morning fur their seat, llickleton Hall, near Doncaster. SECOND EDITION. FROM THIS 217GHT'S GAZETTE. BU4'KINGnAM-PALIOE, APRIL 14.--The Quc'n IVLS this day pleaaed to confer tlte honour of Koi;hthood upon Game alara:ll Turner, Esq., a Vim-Chancellor. IIUCKINGII.tM.P.%LACE, Arum 14.—The Queen was this day pleural to confer the honour of linirzlathwal upon I'age Wood, Esq., M.P., her .Majoty's Solicitor. General. . FOREIGN-OPFICF., APRIL. IR.—The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Thomas Ryan as Consul at Mont real for his Majesty the King of Denmark. Crows-OFFICY„ APRIL 16.—Members returned to serve in this pussent Parliament.—Borough of Enniskillen : James Whiteside, Esq., one of her Majesty's Counsel at Law, in the mom of the lion. Henry Arthur Vole, who has accepted the office of Siewanl of her Majesty's Chitern hun dreds.—Burghs of kith, Portobello, and Musselburgh : Jones Moneri iff, her Majesty's Advocate for Scotland, in the room of Andrew Rutherford, Esq., who has accepted the idle,. of one of the Judges o her Majesty's Court of SeAsion in Scotland. WAR OFfirE. Aram 11. let Reel. Ding. Gilv. —W. C. Wivorimh, gent., to be cm., by mm., fee lirlrv, prom.; J. E. EDLXL.VN, gent., to be cor., by pur., vice Mitchell. prom. G•h Drag. G N.—T.Bam gent., to be env, by par., vice Nulffe, prom. Dorn.—Unit..eg. J. I.4vramm.vv, liven b.-p., magi., to be lieut.-cll., Moe M. C. I). W. Quintig. glvi each. lvt or neellanier Re:.. of F. Gil , .—sir J. Fr Lorsvuv, Wirt., to be err. livst, be poe., vice Evelyn. mura. • D. W. Veavrrnn.e, t"b• et e. and beut., by par., vice the Dow E. M. G. S. Wear T, whom:A. Pelt , ea•lilrr G'Y.—Enr. and tient. J. D. Arrrer to be lieut. arrl br par., vice tbr llon. A. 11. Vernon, who MIA.; Env. A. 11. TatrrurrimArre, from lM ISA F., to be Cu,. arid heat., by par., 'lee Aetky. 6th V.—Bee A. Per towels to be Bent., by put., Tiff Pule.taa, who vete.; E. fond CO, gent., to he ens., by pur ., vie' vhalham. 9th V.—B. C. W. C. !kowtow'', wt., to be too., by par., vice Elamll. tow. _ prowt. 11t1 F.-I.leat. R. W. BALI. to be eapt hy pur., ?lee Webster, who rt.t..; rm. I. 31Arlitimr to be loot., by pur., r,..e 12th DANIBU, geol., to be coo., by par., Mt Cordele', pma. Ist% F.—Lieut. 11. rIRACIT. front of the 37th V., to be limit., der Hilliard, prom. to en ono?. company; U. Srscem.se., put, 1.. be MP., by per., rice pr list V. —Lieut. J. 31. 13sYNATIlitt, ((Jon the 02nd F., to be lieut., trice Havener. who each. 23 rd F.—VI. C. Crooce. rent, to hr rrefredl Heat., be par. 23th V.—Fro. O. J. Wino, from the 11th P., to be rm., rite Noft, prone.; I. Hotta Is, gent., to bent., by put., vim Sirtnge, prom. 114 r.—.t. it. at., to be ems, by put., vie. T,11191P, prom. 3263 F.—C.ll. F..-1 ee., rent., to be en.., be put., risen...llyr, peon. Sew r.—s. 11. IiA•VOLD, pot, to be elrl, by put., Tic: TIMM 43rd P.-ITest. it. Assyst.m, to be cis , by par., Tier Craltsm, morn. filth r.—w. GANDY, 'rift, to been.., by par ' vim Mono. who TM.. 3lst V.- Fars J. Antrim*. to be lot , t. - ithont put.; 11. It. 31. - -r .on, rent., to be efts , by put., vies I' erre, prom. 37111 F.—T. N. WoJast..., grab, to be ens., by put, vies Poeytb, pm.u. :%h P.—Em. J. nrgCAN tbe Erut., por., eke Itss!rr. aborete.; J. It. Cuoser, bent., to Iss ens., be pur., Oct ljuncsn, prom. Seth F.—W. S. Worm ° los, vet, to be ens., by pur., vice Keen prawn. 7Oth V.-I , :ne. J. Nowt...v. to be pur., vice Penton, who yet& ;Jed Y.—Lout. 0. J. Breve to bs east., be pur., vice M'onnell. who eels. ; 144 A. A. AITI nl.Ol VD b.:. , by par., eke Wiese; S. V. Ilemnown Sent, to he ens., by pur.. vice No rah, prom.; J. A. est.nweiti„ pent., to to ens.. by put., via Godfrey, pare. 71th V.—.l. C. Kano, gent., to he eh. , by put., yin, the Ilon. J. Col. Inme, prom 77th V.—C. H. TRPT, gent., to be ens., by par.. vice Mackenzie, app. to mitb F. IV re Y.—J. V. 1..0wt, gent., to be ens, by pur...vire Told, prom.; G. W. 11. itAaar a, gent., to b • em., by pur.„ este Hunter. prom. glad F.—Lient. C. It DAT V-VIT, horn by 31st F., to be lieut.. Mee Banaatmer, who each. e. Matsu, rat., to be ens., by par., nice Bond. Mom. 914 F.-31. P. M troutaisi, gent., to be ma, by pur., vice Ti. kwick prom. 93th V.—V. J. TATIOC., gent., to be env., by par., rice G. C. Taylor pera.• F. W. P urr, Cent., to t era., by pur., rice Peareon I prom. n 7th F. West India Heat—M.D. TATUM, gent., to be en.., without par., m Dixon. prom. 84.11rieue Kept T. C. LUMP, gee'., to be ens., by par., Mee Thom" prom. In 7th F. P•itrrseittie—Liettt. 11. F. Surnoeirs, front 54th F., to be amt., witbnut put. . Iliavvrw —To have the keel rank of roljor in the army in North Arneriet, while Whin ow Minter, Superintendent of Pemioners there:--oapt. ].ll. 0. TCLUX - 11, on h—p. of the nith F. To have the local rank of captain In the army in Canada, while holding the ni•pointtaeat of Setif °dicer of Premium?. there:—Lieut. G. N. It vines, on h..p. Unatt.; Lieut. T. 00burrrs, on h..p. 4 ntt F. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. WILLIAM Font), High llolborn, haberdasher, April 17. BANKRUPTS. ItZNIZT BRIGHT, Malden, E•aet, corn merchant. 14.ssarm. 31 N txn, Union-place, New-r ad, statuary. ILATFIELD and Itourra lIATFILLD, Clapham, plumbers. Jon( rrNSTCAII, Woolwich, gMCCT. JrLES SAMUEL Rucnvr, St. Martin's-lane, watch maker. Jon,: JORETT,I3uII Bridge, Derbyshire, stone merchant. JOHN I)aw and JANE E 4 ri Lt., Bath, pawnbroker'. °tumor WAUGH, Edenhall, Cumberland, hanker. _ SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. JEAN FLOCILHAKT and ItollEll7 FLUIYRAILT, currier,. J.t.vEs Wu.soN, Leith, coal snere*ant. WILLIAM NAPIER, Stn.. and ALEXANDER CRICHTON, Glasgow, engineers. A LICIANDESt CAxesELL, Sadden and &ague., Argyll. shire, grazier. ADAM YOENO, JARTA IkOI'LLF.It, and JAMEi WAT3ON, Ilutebesontosns, Glasgow, engineers. t tot the week ending Aptil 12, 16:1. 'Ii&TVIROt. atworolorat Debt.— 1.11.0t , .1% 1 Uthet ...xxur.ll:t 2,..44.90, Oold Colo tad Sullies L1:Jr.1 1 .4 Rivet %Alm 33,375 florersakseo ” t Sitaritiel 1 Illielual. Dial Welabl, Arr.alty) C11.036 7R OlherSekurtilcs Not. . Go:di/id 3ilvir ai 07.3.D:3 L 13.431.11 M. Id tit Chief valuer. DA KOY EN (AN D.—Aooson FINANCIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY REFORH. SPEECHES OF MESSRS. BRIGHT AND GIBSON AT MANCHESTER. A meeting, which has seldom been equalled either for numbers, for unanimity of sentiment, or enthusiasm, was held at the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, on Wednes day night, at which the speakers were Mr. John Bright and the Right Hun. Thomas Miner Gibson, the two repre• sentatives of the borough in parliament. They were accompanied by Mr. George Wilson (the chairman), Mr. Alexander Henry. M.P.; Mr. Henry Ashworth (of {Torten), Mr. John Whittaker (of Hurst), Mr. George Hadfield, and other leading gentlemen of the same political party. Their appearance on the platform was the signal for a buret of cheering and other ex pressions of enthusiasm such as, perhaps, never welcomed them on any previous occasion, and it was prolonged fur several minutes. The CHAIRMAN said—Whatever difference of opinion might exist before coining here as to the propriety of holding a meeting at this particular season, ' think no one who stands on this platform and beholds the state of this hell—reminding him so forcibly of old times — (cheers)—will for one moms at hesitate in coming ti that conclusion now. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I need not , remind you that it is most unusual to invite our representatives to meet their constituents during the session of parliament, and if nothing—for we won't affect to deny it—of an extraordinary character had occurred, we should have seen no reason to depart team our usual rule at this particular period. But lam quite sure, in the present state of parties in the Howe of Commons, baring observed the narrow majorities by which the pro tectionists have been defeated—majorities of It and I3—no man will hesitate to put this question to himself, whether R e is not ju-t poe-ible, in the preeent uncertain state of parties, for these same protectionists to propose a resolution, I not for the re-institution of the corn laws, but for some I portion, some composition of that system of monopoly which , we believe it was the intention of parliament, as it was of the people, should be exterminated fur ever. (tercet cheer ing.) ) lam nut going to tell this meeting that we are in alarm, or that we are in any fear or trepidation from an impression that Lord Stanley is going, by any Itvews ,pwws or legerdemain, to re-tore protection. But it must be evident, disguise it as we may, that we are fast approaching le a general election. (Hear.) No man who observes the divisions, the change.' of parties in the house, will deny that such an event is approaching, and is likely to overtake tie, if not immediately, at the close of the present session of parliament. (Hear.) Here we are, with only three and a half out of the seven years which form the natural period of life for a parliament, with plenty of money in the netioual exchequer, a large stuck of bullion in the ilank, a prosperous trade, and everything ' favouring a 'tete of quiescence and peace in the I country,. and yet we have a government from whose grasp I poner is apparently slipping—at all events, a state of things which will probably lead to a dissolution of parlia ment, and the time is coating when men will wit the:m -t:Ivo, who ehall he the parties next to govern, what shall be the principles on which the future government of the country shall be conducted ? (Cheers.) Now, under these circumstances, ought we not, like rational men, like people who have had some experience of political changes, to ask ourselves how we am prepared fir such an event, and how far we are in a position to defeat the pruto etiouiet., if it should come to a hustiugs question ? It cannot be denied that we have numbers, that we have the million+, in our favour. It cannot he denied that the millions are in favour of retaining those measure, which it has been the policy of wise and beneficent state-men to give ; but, unfortunately, those men who conceded these excellent measures, neglected to concede the right amount of voting power to the million., which would enable them to meet their opponents un equal grounds. Bat this omission of the R. form Bill as to the voting power is not all , we have the majority of the electors in our favour, notwith standing the disadvantage at which the people were placed in that respect; bat they are so placed, so distributed—so largely accumulated in one place, and :es thinly scattered in other., that the opinion: of large ennetitueneies are nen tralimel by those of small ones, and the n etiunal mind is not repreeentoel. (Hear, hear.) We ore determined to stand by the Manchester school, and are as deter mined to sec the principles of that school repre sentiol in parliament, as we are desirous of again et sing prime ministers becoming our pupils—(laughter and much cheering)—a statesman learning our cate chism. We look upon Manchester as the grand fortress of free trade, of financial and parliamentary reform— (cheere)—and we will defend that fortress against open enemies without, and treacherous friends within. (Loud and tumultuous cheering.) The Might lion. T. M. GIBSON, M.P., on rising to ail dress the meeting, was received with prolonged cheering. Ile mid—lt has been my good fortune since I was re turned to parliament, in conjunction with any honourehle colleague, to act cordially and unitedly with him in nearly eve ry branch of public policy. (Hear, hear.) With Mr. Colxku and Mr. Bright it has been my, happiness cordi ally to co-operate, since that time when first 1 met the in habitants of Manchester, not being then in parliament, some ten years ago, before this hall WAS built, but on the ,pot on which it now stands, at the great Anti-corn-law loseerue banquet. Sine- that time it has been my good for tune, in feeling, in deliberate conviction, to cu-operate in all matters of public policy with my honuarable friends, Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright. (Cheers.) Undoubtedly, you may say that there was an interval, during which, in con nexion with the present government, I was nailer the neces sity of appearing to take a somewhat olilf rent course; but all I can say in reply to that is simply this—that when I found that I could not consistently with an earnest and sincere promotion of those views, continue my connexion with the government, which connexion was not without many aolventage., I gave up that connexion. (Loud ap plause.) The late sec- ignition of ministers has hod a mind result, and I must say that I um inclined to give the noble lord at present at the head of the govern ment credit for that resignation as a skilful political manoeuvre. (" lkar " and laughter.) For what liae that resignation done? It has laid bare the nakedness of the land upon the opposition side; it has shown the world who they are that compose the opposition at this time, and what they would be at ; it has lifted up the screen that seemed as it were to obscure the real nature of the party (headed by Lord Stanley and Mr. Disraeli), now aspiring to govern this country. They say—or Mr. Disraeli, at any rate insinuates —that they don't exactly want protection but their declaration: have always appeared in my mind to resemble the veil upon a lady's face, through which we are enabled to discern quite easily the features which are behind , it. (Mew, hear.) Now, with regard to these political ma neeuvres—l do not say the word in the least offensively—l thiuk the head of a pal ty is entitled to force his adversary who is pressing on and telling the world that he is in a con- I diteon to take the government—he has a right to let the world know what are the means of that aspiring party, and what really is the policy which that party would carry into law. We have been twee/eel by s o me of being factious. As if the independent liberals of the House of Commons had bad anything to do with the peculiar party political events which have recently eiken plate. If they had had anything to de with it a second resignation must have taken place, for although it is quits true the government were defeated by' the independent liherale upon Mr. Locke King's motion for the extension of the let franchise to the counties, unfor tunately it happens—end these events will happen 1 du not knew how—they cannot be prevented, except by the go. vernsnent foregoing their views, or our independent liberal party furegoiug its views; these events must sometimes happen; and they have, since their resignation, been put)* a tumerity by that same independent liberal party on a mast legitimate question, name, whether there should be a coca met system of accounts laid before parliement in reference to the extravagance and corruptions in the management of the Woods and Forests. (Cheers.) I say these things not to excuse my conduct, or any other man's conduct. We have nothing to excuse. All I can say for myself is this, that I have given, as far as in me has lain, a fair support to the government. I have never voted against them except whew 1 believed I should violate my principles, and violate these promises I made to my constituents, if I gavewuch vote in their favour. (Cheer..) We have had two budgets, and the second is better than the Brit—;a laugh)—bat, for one, I do not give unqualified support to the second. lam glad that the window tax is ro ;waled. I believe that the tax was a bad tax, and open to most of the objections that have been urged against it; and I am not adverse to an equitable house tax. I don't forego by making I that statement the right of criticising the house tax ae proposed by the government. and of endeavouring to remove from it all just causes of complaint; but inasmuch as I prefer direct taxes—a tax, as I believe, upon property —to thaw indirect taxes which limit the employment of labour, which fetter and restrict the extension of trade, I am not afraid to express my favourable opinion to the im position of a just mid equitable house tax, and to the ex , tension of direct taxation for the purpose of repealing the I excise and customs duties. (Loud cheers.) But my re gret is, that with regard to. the second budget, I that somehow or another, although we have repealed a meet obnoxious us, we have not taken all the advantage I we might have taken of the great margin which exists of I income over expenditure to repeal indirect taxes. I believe the revenue of this country under the free trade policy to be a growing revenue. 1 believe the expenditure may be ' materially redaced. (Hear, hear.) I believe sincerely in these two points. It is my opinion we might consistently with the mainto nence of public credit have done more than the present government have proposed in the way of a re ibmtion of indirect taxation. The government have told ue that the time is come for reform in the representation of the people. Same time ago, there were hints and insinua doss thrown out from various quarters, that the ministerial mind was ruminating on some proposition of this cha racter. Now we have a direct promise from the head af the government that, at the beginning of the next session of parliament, he shall be prepared to lay before the country his views upon parliamentary reform. I will say, that I view the reform question, at the present moment, somewhat in the same light that the Duke of Wellington spoke of war in past times, when he mid, w England cannot have • little war ;" and I say, at this " England cannot put up with a small and contracted adorns Bill." The electors of England And Wales, according teas lest parliamentary returns, amount to some 880,000 peen% and deducting from that sum total all the double wee% and treble votes, and quadruple votes, of which ass to be found, it is probable that the total number et on the register at:thifaimedoesnotexceed76o,ooo Of 1120,000. Now, I would ask, is that body all that are to bars the elective franchise, out of a population of male 'aisles certainly, I should say, amounting to not less in Eng lemdl and Wales than 4,000,000 of persona? It is monstrous, lies we hear of free institutions in England—when we mc~ •ri ote • wue 1 f3tW+~.'~~ Basins* DI =alaigAti 0041 sl4,tfaow , 3.49:;.#23 ragas Dermils dads& ItietteD.. dal. Haab. C At.nts. of X,iosal Debi. awl lit,. £o .1 4:11,3= , ..)tikr 0 1 44. 49 ....rau-dae salaam * BALA 1ND.1,243 Apra It MI. St OAR.—The average price of Sugar, the produce of the British posimMom in Americt, computed Bum the returns made is the week ceding the iSth April, 240. 9d. per cwt. dugs., M peahen of the Mauritius, is ITs. 111.1. Super, the produee of the isei 24. 7df. Tie morose Woe of the three foremAus dw By, 4 OIL 7L WOOL AND IVORT.—We learn be the Propontia, from the Cape of Good Hope (March 7) - that. owing to the favourable state of trade in England, the wool market at the Cape is in good condition. Prices are raining higher, and lad. has been given for the best washed wools. The ivory market is also luokina up, owing to the high quota tions from England. Some large lots were expected at Fort Elisabeth from the frontier, hut, the communications being cut off in consequence of the war, it may be sonic time be ' fore they come to hand. THE NORTH SOMERSET YEOMANRY.—A ludicrous correspondence has just been published, between Captain , Shute, of Cary Fitspaine, near Soincrton, and the Hon. F. H. Berkeley, M.P. for Bristol. It may be re membered that in the course of the debates recently Mr. Berkeley made ; some disparaging allusions to the North Somerset Cavalry, alluding to Captain Shute as Captain not Sh-douhle-ot but , SA-u-t-e. The gallant captain writes, on the Bth inst., to inquire if the bun. member implied by these words " any I doubt of personal courage." Mr. Berkeley replies that he i spelt the name " for the benefit of the reporters, and with no intention of intimating that Captain Shute was not ready to shoot." On the 11th, Captain Shute, who had in the interim proceeded to London, writes from Morley's hotel to say that the reply is not satisfactory. Mr. Berkeley, in re joinder, declines to make any further admissions of the cap tain's personal courage, " which he never impeached," and refers Matto a friend at the Junior United Service Club. , This perfe*y satisfies Captain Shute • and the Cone ,' spondence forthenth published.—SAer4rar Journal. FEES AT WESTMINSTER ABBEY.—The custom of taking fees at Westminster Abbey is of very ancient date, and was always unpopular. Shirley alludes to it in his pleasant comedy called "The Bird in a Cage," when Bo sonic*, a mountebank, observes— I talk la sub. Methinks, aa be that hem the lacameate. The dean and chapter, however, in those days were more moderate in their demands, for the price of admission was but one penny to the whole. "This grant was made to the chapter in 1597, on condition that receiving the benefit of the exhibition of the monuments, tier k. should keep the POW monuments always clean," &e. ( Reply from the Dean and Chapter to an Order of the House of Commons, 1827.)—From " Notes and Queries." _ _ _ dsur NORTIMIN RAlLwAT.—Trafic for the week ending April 6, l&sl.—Pseamgers, Parcels, caramels, homes, dogs, and mails, 4,8201. es. 2d. merchandise ead minsrsh 3,5411. ls. 11d .; cattle, 2 4 31 . 71. I d.; total, 8,6041. life. 2d.; corresponding week, 1880, 3,2331. 7 e. 64. THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 1 8 • 18511 glorify in Queen's speeches epos the liberty which English men enjoy —when in public meetings noble lords and pre lates of the church congratulate themselves on what is called the general contentment of the people with their in stitutions, and the happiuves and union of feeling that per settle, as it is said, the great body of the working clam,— it is a speleinclioly conclusion to come to that sit these aa vantaees supposed to be secured by the exclusiva of f ',oriole. out of every five from voting for the return of a member to parliament. Taking that view of the question it would appear as if this marvellous constitution of ours was not built upon the numbers that arc admitted within the pale of the conaitution, and that have a voice in rank iag the law which they are hound to obey, but Unequally built on the numbers excluded, and that we are compelled to ad:nit if we persist in thin exclusion of persona front votine for members of parliament, that the safety of our institutions depends upon proscription and exclusion, and is not based upon the attachment and Iltrk•CtiollS of the people. (Cheers.) lam prepared to admit no such thine. On the contrary, it is my firm belief that the cause of order, of good govern ment, of morality, of religion, of social happiness, of mate rial prosperity, would all be promoted by extending the franchise—by equalising and distributing, upon more just and equitable terms, the electoral power—by shortening the duration of parliament*, and thus enabling the people to have 1110 re active control over their representatives—and by nixing to the electoral bode the protection of the vote by ballot. It is my belief that a IZOOd reform bill ought to include those four points. I believe that our election sys tem iii England and Wales, and in some parts of Scotland and Ireland,—considering the long experience we have had,' and the knowledge we ought to possess of the proper way to work representative institutions,—that our electioneering system is a disgrace to us, and would be held to be so throughout the civilised world, if it were well understood. (Cheers.) Some time ago, I recollect seeing in the Times a calculation that a general election cost something like two millions of money. And this very year, those who were anxious for the Great Exhibition in London, cried oat, " For mercy's sake don't have a general election," for they said it would cost two millions of money, and the people woula net have the means to come to London to witness this Great Exhibition. (Hear, hear.) Two millions of money spent in a general election in the United King dom! I dare say it would he nearer the mark to say two millions and • half; and how did the Times say these two millions were spent, or rather, I should say the greater por tion of these two millions? To use the expressive words of that newspaper (as near as I can remember them), " this money was to a great extent expended in swilling and gar rilog." (Cheers and laughter.) Why is it not monstrous that we should talk of ourselves as being a free people—(hear)— as leaving • sound representative system, and yet not put an end to such a monstrous wholesale system of corrup tion as it scow prevailing? This money is expended prin cipally in the smaller boroughs, or wherever there may be compact belies of electors trained up in the old system of corruption, who are pretty much like the select few in the 11111./li boroughs. Who are the parties who spend these two millions—and why do they coyest this money ? They are making an investment, and be assured that when they lay out their two millions of money in buying the electors of Fan eland they look to have wane return, and that if they buy these electors, they will sell them, and get a good profit by the transaction. (Cheers.) And who is it that supply the funds with which the men who tneke the invest ment are repaid ? Why those very unfortunate taxpayers who have allowed themselves to he corrupted in these small borouges, and have returned the men who are but buying titian in order that they may sell them. That is the principal re:nun why I for one contend that no reform can be worth an ;intent or earnest support, that does not at least pro vitle that every member of the British legislature shall be responsible to so numerous and our independent a body of electors as to put beyond the reach of those who are evilly disposed the bringing to Isar of these corrupting iniluences. (Cheers.) sly honourable friend the chair man has told us of the inequality between small boroughs and large ones. I also had provided myself with some calculations-1 dare say they are familiar to you all— as to the disparities which now exist in the electoral system ; but f believe I way say broadly, it is possible,* under the present arrangements, for one-sixth part of the whole electoral body to return a clear majority of the House of Commons, and therefore to rule this country throe's!' that majority. (Hear, hear.) With regard to these small boroughs, I have a list of twenty-seven in England and Wades—my honourable friend the chairman has men tioned thirty-five, but my twenty-oven were taken exclu sively front England and %Vales. and there I find twenty seven boroughs, returnine 13:members, having collectively a gross constituency of 10,0110 voters in the aggregute ; whiilst Manchester, with 11,000 voters, only returns two. (Shame.) It was Said at the time of the Reform Bill, by those who had fowled themselves the hereditary and permanently esta blished rulers of this country, that they were inclined to let in, as it was termed, a certain portion of the commercial and manesfacturing, or, as they were pleased to call them, the midelline classes of society. They thought the time was came when they might be permitted to exercise their discre tion in returning members to parliament. Well, but what a way of admitting them! If you are to admit the city of Manchester to be represented in the House of Commons, with its immense wealth, its great intelligence, its great in flue nee over the trade of the United Kingdom and of the world, with its great population, and its vast inilustrisd and moral interests of every kind, it' you are to let this belly represented by two unfortunate units in the House of Commons, what a monstrous thing it is to bring to bear against them no less than 43 members for the small boreughs, in order that they may put an end to any ad verse votes that these two units from the commercial and manufacturing metropolis may feel it their duty to give. (Loud cheers.) Now, there is one other matter, before I leave' the reform question, which I may take the liberty of mentioning to you, which is this—the isereesity, in order to carry a reform bill, in order to maintain our position, in reference to commercial freedom, of availing ourselves of the lull power which the existing laws give us to improve and extend the electoral system. I say it is a monstrous thing that because the parish authorities of is borough think tit for their own convenience t, compound with the owners of pro perty fur the payment of the rates, thus in tact getting perhaps a larger sum in the rates than they would get it they collected the money from each individual ratepayer, that that couvenience should be Made a ground for dis frauclsising all these compound householders. (Great cheering.) My honourable friena and colleague has given notice of a clause to be added to the hill now before par liament for the purpose of remedying this evil. Whether he will carry it or nut I don't knew—(e laugh)—but I heard sue rather ominous remark made in high quarters, that they were very much afraid that my lion. friend's proposition violated 11 principle. (Great laughter.) If it is a principle ut all, it appears to me ass exceediagly bad principle, and the sooner it is violated the better ; and for oue I shall give my hearty and cordial sup port to my honourable friend's proposition. I will repeat, that I desire these four points on the reform question :—First of all, let us have un extension of the franchise ; secondly, let us have a more equal distribu tion of the electoral power; thirdly, let US have vote by ballot; owe fourthly, let Ul have triennial parliaments. (Loud cheers.) Touching the threatened advent of the power of Lord Stanley and his party, 1 for 0110 am not afraid that, even if they did take office, they could re-enact the corn laws, and go back tocemmercial restriction. (Never.) They may do much mischief of other kinds; hut I think the power that wrung those measures from a reluctant parliament can keep what it has got. (Hear, hear.) It is right, at we are here to explain the course we have taken in parliament, to defend our vote', if attacked, and to propound our opinions and principles—it is right that I should allude to that measure which has occupied so much of public time, namely, the bill having reference to what certain Roman catholic prelates are to be called. There has been • great question in parliament and in the country, as to the title s of Raman Catholic pre lates. A bill has been brought into parliament, not to state what these humus catholic prelates shall be called, but to pass into law a solemn act of the legislature declaring what they shall not call themselves. (Prolonged cheering and laughter.) Now I was invited, with others, to take a part in passing this law, hut I retained the opinion which I ex pressed when I had the honour of addressing you some time ago in Manchester, that it was better to do nothing by legislation in this matter, and that it would be a wiser policy to allow these ltonian catholic prelates, who ask neither for law from us or for money—(immense cheering) —to call themselves what they please. (Hear, hear.) I should be sorry—l should be sorry to differ with any poli tical friend upon this important question, but I can say I believe the principle on which I base based my vote is a sonnet one. (Hear, hear.) I am passing no opinion in favour of any particular religious tenets: lam not, as a member of parliament, appearing before my constituents to come here to discuss questions of divinity, to pronounce cen sures upon the religious convictions of any portion of my fellow-countrymen. I have my own religious convictions, and I give to every other man the free and unfettered exercise of his own. (Great cheering.) They taunt you with being • limping protestant—(laughter)—they tell you that you heave a tendency to the doctrines of Dr. Posey, or something in your mind of a feeling of indifference to the great adven t-mos of the protestant reformation in a religious point of view. They taunt you with all these things. Some say, " You arc going to Rome if you oppose this bill." My an swer oppose this bill because I believe it unwise as a matter of public policy ; and although Mr Hugh Stowell may impugn—(groans and hisses)—and although these gen tlemen may impugn the protestantism of my honourable friend and myself, I will undertake to say, that if it were a question of the protestantism of respective parties,l should not be surprised if an impartial ju7 would pronounce the protestantism of my honourable friend, Mr. Bright, to be purer than that of Mr. Hugh Stowell. (The whole of the meeting here rose to their feet, and loudly cheered the hon. member alluded to) I was going to tell you the ground upon which we were invited in parliament to agree to this law in reference to the Homan catholic prelates. The great matter to consider is, what is the bill—what are the words of the bill upon which we are called to give our votes ? Now, this bill recites another act of parliament with a view to giving that act a fresh sanction and extension by the legislature. The act of parliament which it recites has these words, That whereas the protestant episcopal church of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof, and likewise the protestant preabyterian church of Scotland, and the doctrine, discipline, and govern ment thereof, and of Great Britain and Ireland,were, by the respective acts of England and Scotland, and of Great Bri tain and Ireland, established permanently and inviolably —(oh, oh)—and that the right and title of archbishops to their respective provinces, and of bishops to their secs, and of deans to their deaneries, u well ba England as in Ire land, had been settled end established by law; and that whereas these things exist, and doubts have arisen whs. ther the rights intended to be protected—namely, Uwe* rights of archbishops, bishops, and deans, are sufficiently protected, it is necessary, in order to give further protec tion to this inviolable Irish church—(oh, oh)—and this in violable English church, and this inviolable Scotch church, we should prevent any other body of religionists from adopt- I g those eccleaiwitical arrangement% which may at all like , the arningements of these respective esti appear to • act which declares that the Protestant rhumb in Ireland is e b h ili4 es h te m r en t t o 'L go N t:l w iar ' a l, fr a ss m h ein sat r tio ll u 'r 3' to inn an. permanently and inviolably established? (No.) Ant I to agree that that is a reason why we should ke:p down by Penal enactments the Roman catholic church in that coin, , try supported by the voluntary contributions of a Raman i catholic population? (No, no.) Is it not the most mon strous injustice that can possibly be conceived that while • you maintain a Protestant church in Ireland, which, as a religioua establishment, can be of no service to the great beds- of the people of that country, that not satis fi ed I with that injustice, you must go still further, and say that you will not allow that Roman catholic population to support its own dignitaries in its own way. and to have its own ecclesiastical establishment sup- : ported by its own voluntary contributions? (Cheers.) I decline to make the Roman catholic body an exception to the general rule of equality. It is impossible, on these prin- , ciples, that I can be a party in any shape, or in any man- ner, to the enactment of this bill, called the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. (Loud cheers.) I hope the principles that I have laid down are those which meet the approval of Vie , constituency of Manchester. (Enthusiastic cheering.) • The hon. member resumed his seat amid protracted and enthusiastic cheering.) Mr. BRIGHT was received with great enthusiasm. Ile said—lf I was nut aware of the fact that you are watchful observers of the course of parliamentary proceedings, and that you do what is a very just thing to do, that is, put the saddle on the right horse, 1 should be somewhat afraid of appearing before this assembly—(a voice, " So you ought to do," followed by loud cries of l'ut him out ")—fur I I have been ten weeks in London, in almost constant attend ance upon what are called our parliamentary duties, and hitherto we have not succeeded in doing anything practical as a duty at all. We have been talking about two questions which everybody believed hod been settled long ago; these two questions have occupied the politicians of this country for forty or fifty years almost ineessantly. The one was believed to have been settled in 1529, and the other more recently in 1816,- corn and catholicism—(Laughter)—precisely the same things about which our fathers were fighting, and precisely the thing, if we fail in our duty, shout which it is not un likely that our children alter us may have to tight. Both these questions are out of place in the House of Commons ; the House of CUDITIIOII, has no right whatever, if it obey its real duty, and watch the real interests of this country, to be meddling with the importation or price of corn, or with any question touching the particular religious opinions which any portion of the population of this kingdom may enter tain. (Applause.) Now, Mr. Gibson has spoken on the subject of the Papal Bill ; and I might, therefore, per haps, be content to say that I view the meusure pretty much, it not entirely, ilk the light in which he has submitted it to you—(hear)—and thertboe I cannot support it —(loud cheers, with some slight disturbance from u man in the gallery)— and believing that you would prefer my honest oppolitiou to it to a hollow mid dishonest support, that I might therefore , pass un to discuss other political questions. (The !Witte nun again became troublesome.) Now, I ask this meeting to observe how fir the course that I have taken during this session, upon this question, has been consistent with the course I have taken on previous occasions. Now, I have never spoken from this platform on any subject that has elicited from the audience a more entire and enthusiastic support, than when I spoke of the condition of Ireland, and of that monstrous and infamous institution the pro testant church of Ireland. (Loud applause, and some in effectual attempts at disturbance from the same "Mr. Noisy.") With regard to all questions connected with our Roman catholic fellow-subjects, I need not remind yuu— (here the man in the gallery became so excited, that a loud cry was raised of "'burn him out ;" but the meeting was still patient with the gentleman, and he was suffered to re main.) With regard—(renewed disturbance from the same quarter, followed by counter-cries from the body of the meeting, which fur a few seconds put a atop to the business ' of the meeting.) I veto upon to. - "PP°iAlment of bishops whi,47 ---s he may make ; but, then, are you willing to take t i, c same course ? (Loud eri% of " \o.") I speak that to churchmen, churchmen sn,l au i the government Skill not make an agreement with the Pupe by which, when the Pope appoints a bishop, it bll4ll only he a bishop which the Queen shall choose to see !rho churchman says this, because his church is supreme, and he dots nut want, partly because he does nut like s the catholic religion, and partly because he does not like t a rival religion, he does not wish that bishops and arch bishops should come here recognised as bishops and arch bishops, and that a rival church should be establisleal. But, , then, if the churchman says that he is in favour of perfect toleration and perfect free-loan to the catholic religion, surely, if he will not agree that thegovernment should make this kind of contract with the Pope, he should allow the Pope and the catholics to make thcirown bishops and archbishops, and to arrange their church as they like. (Loud applanse) But the dissenter is not a whit less inconsistent lie objeeta, not quite consistently, to the government of this country , making an agreement with the Pope by which the Roman I catholic bishops shall Ise appointed in subjection to the will' of the Queen, and by which certain sums from the taxes of England shall be appropriated to the payment of the stiponcla of the Roman catholic bishops. I object to this altogether, • as establishing another church, and a church which, it may ' be, and for the most part it certainly is, the dissenters have no sympathy whatever. But if the dissenter tolojo tot to this concord or agreement between our governint mat and the Pope, why, upon what pretence, then, can it be that the dissenter should ask the government to make it p nal for bishops to govern, to have jurisdietion,to pernorm their duties withiu certain given and known districts of this "entry, when appointed by the Pope? Why is the Itonith catholic church to he without its bishops ? Now, 1 am not a man who can he supposed to believe that 'dollops are to essential as some persons think they are (laughter) ; but then lam hound to believe, if 1 hold the principle of relia!oes liberty, that if a conference of priests or of ministers be ...semis: for the Wesleyan body—if the Wesleyan. think so----1 se , no t at liberty to take proceedings by law to interfere with their arramtements and it' the Roman catholic. of ti,. United Kingdom believe, as they must belies e, that it iv essential for their church that its fderarehy and organisation should be complete, why, fur me, as a dissenter—whilst I will not allow of this agreement between the government and the Pope —to protest against this, and to go whining to parlia ment for a law to prevent it, is an inconsistency which I would not be guilty of if it were to drive me from public life for ever. (immense cheering.) Mr. Gibson has made some observations about the church of England. I hopo I need not say that in any observations I may make about that church, 1 am not instigated in the slightest degree by any strung feeling of opposition to the doctrines of that church ; and not at a 8 by any feeling of hostility to the persons—vast numbers of whom I have no pretensions to compare myself with in religious iugs —who fonn tho hulk of that eatablislintent. When I speak of the eliunsh of Hoglund I speak as a citizen of this country, having u ear feet right to speak of one of the public departments of the state—of the political institutions whivii is called the church of England. Now we have had this church, in one shape or other, almost entirely far three hundred years. 1 do nut know what the revenues are; I n. yer tenant anyls-ly who did know—(laughter)—but, placing them at a very low esti mate, they allay be stated in nomad numbers at sis millions a year—add the Irish church, anal there would he a million more. NOW, although this six millions a year has not been enjoyed to that amount for taal years, yet, taking the six millions in proportion to our present population, the oshoirch has had an equal amount, in all times, for :km years. Well, now, what was the church fur? It has always Omen held up as a great bulwark against popery. (Applause.) The dissenters have heel, enjoined to come to the flinne, to join the church against what they always call "the COMMen enemy.** But now, what is the present .ate of that elaureh ? Nobody cm say that it is united, though lay law eall.sl the United Church of England and Ireland. It nily IV' a united church, but we are all very eionseious of this, that it is by no means it harmonious choral. (Bear, hear.) There are troubles is some other religion.; bodies just now. l hope they will sill end in good to the tkople, and in good to reli gions. (clear, hear.) But there is scantly any church in such a state of dismay as the church of Etialatel. You read a while ago, a column in the newspapers of an ad dream from the bishops and archbishops. Ilut all the bishops did not sign it ; sonic disagreed upon one point, others upon another; and, to get the number to sign it who did sign, they were °bilged in carve it, and to cut it, and to clip it, and to dilute it, until, when it conne out, it was found to be a sort of declaration or statement to the people which could nut alma much harm, but positively could not lease the slightest edict of good. And now we have another phase of this guy rheum disorder. There is a bishop whu lives in the west of England ; as mail not to bo trilled with on these questions ; a naau that never would have been made a bishop if they had known of what material he was composed—(lautliter)—tlw Bishop of Exeter. I have seen him occasionally when I have been at the bar of the blouse of Lards, and, I must say, there is a great deal of mischief in his couutemince—(laughter)—there is an aspect of unrest iu Ibis eye. I am afraid he is destined. to do sumo mischief to the political establishment of tisk euuutry ; um not sure at all that it will end in mischief either to Christianity or to chit liberty. (Cheers.) Bait the Bishop of Exeter is calling a small parliament ut his 0%11 down in the west—whieli he calls a ;beet son synonl ; there are sOMO oven or eight hundred clergymen in his dioesse; every deanery is to return two; and lie his setting up what they call synodical action, which an many people want the catlwiics ill be prevented from exercising, by the bill now before mahout at. Well, I alon't know what it will end in, except this —that I think it will convince the people of England that men are in earnest—when there is real seal for religion—muntainws in the right, and sometimos in the wrung channel, but still zeal,—any attempt to bind together a religious body by legal enactments must necessarily and certainly bid. Look at what the church has come to. A gentleman told me in the Rouse of Commons, on Monday night I think it was—and a geutlesnau very well informed upon the ma he believed three hundred clergy-- lin-at of the church of England were preparing to secede to tae church of Rome. (Slight applause uud hissing.) But it that be true, three hunotred, it must be borne iu mind, are but an iudication of something more--an indication of the existence of proliably 2,000 clergymen in the church of England who, though nut prepared to go over to the church of Rome, are anxious to introduce into their church many of those views and practiees which protestant., as at matter of course, if they adhere to the principles of the reformation, can never fur a moment consent tu. (Hear, hear.) Now, I believe there is not a mato in the world who knows me who has the slightest suspicion that I ant a Unman catholic. (A laugh.) I have been charged with a variety of °Ounces and misdemeanour*, but 1 ant not aware 1 have ever been openly charged with that. (Cheers.) Why, if there be a man in this meeting, or in the House of Cumulous, or in this kingdom, who rejects and disclaims mure completely uud unreservedly than another all those powers stud ulainas which priests of every church—(cheers)—are too apt too seek to assert over those with whom they come in contact, I ant that man. (Great cheering.) But now we come for a moment to the political evils of this question. We have been ten weeks in the House of Commons, and we come before you with an empty wallet. (A. laugh) We have not dome a single thing you eau commend us for. (Cheers.) Purliament and the government have heels occupied with this question, this imaginary question, this question of sentiment, and everything else, or nearly so, has been neglected ; fur I believe we have not haul above ono week's good work mall other questions put together. Well, but the government has been in great difficulties. Now L don't think a nation goes to ruin because a cabinet now and then happens to be in difficulties. (A laugh.) llot who is responsible for the difficulties ? it cannot lac us; we are not responsible. We have nut been embarras,ing government in any way. Imagine the fact that this papal bill is directed against the religion of eight of the population, including almost all the population of who are represented by one hundred members of the Mum: of Commons; and when a motion like this, with uo elfeet of good, combining the minimum of results with the maximum of insult, is brought forward by a party which since 1815 has existed on the subservient sup port of the Irish members, you wonder that such a party should find itself deserted by its adherents? The fact is that there is mama cohesion on our side of the house,--we will nut disguise it. The whigs are out of the same party that we are, and we never pretended it. (Cheers.) The whlgs, the policy of the whigs is —fur the shies. (A laugh.) It is fur whig supremacy. it is for three or four great families, that they should govern the country, because they think they have same hereditary claims to got ern it. We go to parliament fur other objects, but those objects were known to the ton stituency of Manchester, we never disguises! them, we aro not one thing here, and another thing in the House of Com mmo, (Great cheering.) And if the whig government is weak it is because it will govern by a policy which is accept able only to the minority of those who sit on its own side, and it repudiates the policy which the majority of those sup port who appear nominally as its friends in parliament. I once brought before a meeting in this very place the compo sition of the cabinet. It is it little altered since, but very little, and it is not a bit better. I will read the names of the cabinet over, and you shall see how far it is likely they will carry out such principles as are promulgated in this ball. We shall find, then, in the Upper noose, the mums of Lord Truro, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Marquis of Clanricarde, Earl Grey, the Earl of Carlisle, and Lord Broughton, known more familiarly to you as Sir John Cam Hobhouse. A prodigious radical he was when was a boy. (A latigh.) o lie now, by a process, I do not know whether of ripening or decay, has been transported to that political bourne whence no traveller returns. (Laughter.) These are six members of thu House of Lords, members of this liberal government. Let us go on a little further, and see who there are in tho House of Commons. There we have Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, Mr. Fox Manic, who is the son of Lord j Panmure ' • Sir George Grey, who is a near relative to the peerage; Sir Francis Baring, who is son-in-law, I believe, of a per ; Sir Charles Wood, the son-in-law of a peer; and Mr. bo not sa • a word individually against these men. But ft La lati tilh hi er p e, yr o ho t , he we all know very well what an esprit de corps is in all I believe, is about in the same intimate p e erage. Now, understand, I am classes and ranks of society. I ask you to imagine these t g h o r u n n e d w t s l time able, newspapers, holding thta a cabinet cabinet tin sueh a day, and attended by those doubt that when a question comes be fore them, such as ono of parliamentary reform, these men do not discuss ' the question in the spirit, or with We hopes n k e l cs e a nlo r a d c ry, n oeo s u i n t i and wishes, in which we discuss it? They see, probably, in a thorough parliamentary reform, the chances that at lead half thole men might never again find their way into the cabinet at all. And so, if you came to discuss, pew.. t o 1816, the question of the corn laws, these men were mostly landed proprietors, who thought probably not so much of Wc council gentlemen. etiithirteen;wasgae economy, or of our industrial intents ; and they may very likely have apprehended that tree trade would brans in not The CHAIRMAN stepped forward, and having obtained a hill said, if the ineetiug would leave him to fOltallt't the proceedings he would take rare nn further interruption took place • and if any gentleman, either its the gull - ry or under the ;gallery, felt annoyed or inconveniently and would have the goodness to step forward and cease on the platform, he (the chairman) would be eery glad to provide him with accarninielatioo—(laud cheers and laugh ter) ; and further, that if that gentleman would not, atter this invitation, menage to control his feelings during the continuance of the speaking, he (the chairman) world be under the painful necessity of placing him in the custody of a peace Where. (Loud applause.) [Nu further hoer ruption, at all note-worthy, took place during the evening.] Mr. BRIGHT resnmed.—With regard to our Roman catholic fellow countrymen, I need not remind this meeting that on all occasions l have asked for them the entire liberty which I claim for myself ; that I never ask for them that government should favour them, that it should foster them, that it should cherish them, that it should encourage them; but that it should leave them perfectly free, give them the same rights, the same privileges, the same power that 1 would confer upon every other sect of religionists within the United Kingdom. (near, hear.) Now, as a proof—there are many Roman catholice here, no doubt— now, in 180, I voted directly on all WC:LAI/US against the Maynooth grant. (Cheers.) But there was no Roman catholic offended by my opposition to that grant —(ao, no) --because I placed it distinctly upon this principle —that you, the parliament of England, have no right to tax the people of England, who are of all sorts of religious belief, for the purpose of carrying on a government solely fur the purpose of educating the clergy and ministers of a par ticular sect. (Cheers.) Now, what has been the course taken by the present government? Because, understand, that we are charged with opposing the government on a question with which we ought to have gone with them ; and we are told that Lord John Russell is defending the protestantisru and the liberties of England ; sod that we are opposing ourselves to him when we should not do so. (Laughter, and " No, no.") Why, look at the present go vernment ; there is not a nian of them, who, in opposition, did not denounce the Irish church. Mr. Macaulay, who was in the cabinet, lately stated distinctly, that he thought it the most odious institution in Europe ; and other members of the government coincides! with him. But tiotwitbstauding they arc in office, and have been in office for live years, they have not made the slightest attempt to put an end to, or eVetl to modify, that odious institution; and, generally speaking— always, I believe, when the question had been brought on, they have voted for its maintenance; and one of them, the Secretary of State for the Dome Department, has actually retracted the expressions which, while in opposition, he used against it. (Applause.) Well but, further than that, the present government, when in opposition, made the most explicit acknowledgments of the right of the catholic church in Ireland to be placed upon an equality with the protestant church. If I were to read from the paper I have in my hand some of the things which they have said, you would scarcely believe it to be possible these thing, could be said by the men who are now joining in the general outcry against the catholic population of the ' United Kingdom. It is rather late, and I am afraid to trespass upon your time with reading extracts—(loud cries of "Go on ")—and I will only read one or two. Lord John Russell said in 18t3, speaking about what he would do with the Irish church : " I am not now called upon to propose a plan, because, standing in the position I do, it would not be my place to do so." lie meant that it was the place of a minister to propose a plan, and not a leader of opposition. But he goes on to say:—" Any plan I should propose, would be to follow out that principle of equality, with all its consequences. What I wish to sec, is a church establishment suited to the num ber of protestant' of that kingdom, and also un establish ment suited to the Roman catholic people of that country." (Loud laughter.) Lord Grey, stow a member of the cabinet, says, speaking of the Irish church:—" I will never disturb the country by proposing any measure that does not, in my opinion, go to the root of the evil. When I my, go to the root of the evil, what I mean is, one that does not deal, on entirely equal terms, with cathelies and protestants. There must be no distinction. There must be no insolent assump tion of any greater correctness of doctrine, or having claim to be regarded by the state and government as the domi nant party in the state." And he states further that—" With regard to the funds appropriated to the ecclesiastical affairs in Ireland, 'say the catholies have the first claim on the funds." And further, he says —" But there is another matter, not less important than endowment ; you must give the catholic clergy an equality also in social rank and position. I carry my view on this subject so far as to wish to MX the prelates of the Roman catholic church take their place is this house on the episcopal bench." (Loud laughter.) Now, bear in mind, that the sentiments I have now read are the senti ments, when in opposition, of the gentlemen who are now upon the treasury bench. But I say further, that this ag gression had been distinctly invited by the speeches of Lord John Russell in the House of Commons ; and I will but read you two passages, of two or three lines each , and you . will judge how far I am correct. Lord John Russell said , on the bth of February, 184.5, four months before ho came into office :—" As to preventing persons assuming particular titles, nothing can be more absurd and puerile than to keep up such a distinction." Now, on August 17, 1818, when he bad been nearly two years in office, he made use en thisl language, on shill with regard to the establishment of what are called diplomatic relations with the court of Rome. lie says : " With regard to spiritual authority, the hon. gentleman (Sir Robert Inglia. I believe), must see, when he alludes to other states in Europe, that whatever control is to be obtained over the spiritual authority of the Pope, can only be obtained by agreement for that end. You must either give certain advantages to the Roman catholic religion, and obtain from the Pope certain other advantages in return, amongst which you must stipulate that the Pope shall not create any diocese in England without the consent of the Queen ' • or, on the other hand, you must say you will have nothing to do with arrange ments of the kind, that you will not consent in any way to give any authority to the Roman catholic religion in Eng land ; but then you must leave the spiritual authority of the Pope entirely unfettered. You cannot bind the Pope's spiritual influence unless you have some agreement." Well, now, that precuely the point. Observe, that Lord John Russell here declares that unless you have an agree ment with the Pope, by which you give up something to the Popo (that is, by which you pay his bishops), the,Pope will not consent that you should have a veto upon the ap- Intment of his bishops ; and Lord John Russell states in answer to Sir Robert Inglis, that that is the particular distinction between what is done in other coun tries and what is done in this. Because, in Russia, and In Prussia, and other European countries, where the Pope ap points only such bishops as the government it willing to receive, the government of those countries pays those bishops ; and, of course, having made that conoession to the Pope by establishing the catholic religion, the Pope is rite willing to giro up to the puzament of those °psalm • I