The Express. — London, England, 1848-08-25 00:00:00

. .PERIAI. PARLIAMENT. betwixt themselves, to withdraw front the f the committee the fa 1 ex tent to which corrup t notice o had practices existed. Solikeent evidence, however, had been obtained to show that snob ation had bees extensively remitted to in 14 boroughs, w hich were named in the schedule to that the bill, in many of whic h the cosantittires had reported corrupt practices had prevailed to a great extent. What, then, was the duty of parliament ? Wes it so importaot tor the correction of abuse that it would do nothing ? Surely not. This bill proposed no interference with the rights of eleetors, but simply an insuiry, to ascertain to what extent these practices bad existed in the horoughe specified, in o rder that a suitable remedy might learned lord be hereafter applied by parliament. The noble and then proceeded to discus the various provisions of the bill, which are well known from the repeated debates thereon in the other house. He expressed his confident hope that no member of their lordships' house would refuse to lend his assistance to the other house, for the attainment of en object so desirable. The committees to be appointed under this bill would not inquire into the validit y of gny election, but simply into the extent to wh ich corrupt practices had pre vailed at the pas and former elections. The inquiries of the commissioners on the spot would be directed to a similar object. The bill would be obviously imperfect if it provided only for such inquiry with regard to past elections ; accord ingly, power was given to the election committees, in all future cases, to inquire, not only into the validity of the elections, hit into the prevalence of corrupt practices, employing, if necessary, the to put view machinery of commissionsos on the spot. With a vew of flu end to malpractices so destructive of the purity. House of Commons, that house had sent up to their lord. shi?e this bill, which he trusted would receive a cordial went from this house. The fact of these malpractice' having existed could not be doubted; but objectbill iion s nti mi r.er gh e t be taken to the remedy propose Did the ro with any rights the late period of the sestion, and the thin attendance in parliament, might be pleaded against proceed ing with the measure; but as it merely went to authorise t investigation, if their lordships acquiesced in the p J• priety of such a course, no such objection would apt :y. Lord REDESDALE hoped thsii lordships would not n sent to proceed further with this bill during the present ol s tem. However expedient it might be to inquire into ice corrupt practices at the election of membe-s to serve in tee Commons House of nitliensot, still this bill clotain : 1 details and matters requiring grave consideration, and t advice and opinion of those noble lords on whom most ref , J and who were now absent. Therefore, though he mign be disposed to agree to a second reeding of this bill, hi thoueht it inexpedient to press it forward at this advance.' period of the season_ But he was anxious to deal coin teouslv with the other house of parliament, and he should not oppose the second reading, but after the bill had been read a second time he should move a resolution to the effect that this bill, creating a new jurisdiction toe in quiring into corrupt practices at elections, contain' , e:.liciplee end propositions of too great importance to be adopted by this house without full time being afforded for their discus sine, and therefore that it is inexp - client to proceed with it at this period of the session, but this house admits the import ance of such a measure, and was ready to give its earliest attention next session to a measure calculated to put an Lit' to corrupt practices at elections. The Marquis of LANSDOWN E said he was glad the noble lord did not oppose the second reading of the bill, the principle of which ought not to be abandoned, even at this advanced period of the session. It was desirable that it should not go forth to the electors and non-electors of the kingdom that the legislature felt any hesitation in adopting effectual measures to ensure purity in the representation of the people. Still he felt, seeing the dlferecce of opinion which was entertained by some of the highest authorities on the subject of the constitution of the proposed new tribunal, that ample time ought to he afforded for the con sideration of the provisions of the bill, and therefore ho w ready, alter the bill had been read a second time, to &eau• to the resolution of the noble lord (Lord Redeadale). Lord DENMAN concurred in the course taken by his noble friend (the Marquis of Lansdowne). He (Lord l ten man) had examined the bill, and seeing it so full of errors and objecticnable provisions he had ome down to the house to oppose them. Though he enti re approved of he principle of the bill if it was for the correction and puns' mint of corrupt practices, nothing could induce him to agr to its objectionable details. (Iles, hear.) The Duke of ARGYLL felt i t his dut y to oppose the me thee progress of the bill this session , and concurred is. the ' suggestions made by his noble friend (Lord Itedesdaleo The bill was then read a second time, and on the moat to of Lord REDZSDALE the resolution he had already stated as above was agnate. Their lordships adjourned at hall-past 8 o'clock. - . HOUSE OF LORDS.—THIIRSDAT, Auo. 24. The LOW) Cif ANcattoß took bin seat at ko'cleck. PRIVATE BIIIINESIL THIRD RP.ADlNO.—munbergb and Gisairew an d Edinburgh end B mitigate Railway C o mpenlea' Amendment MIL PUBLIC BUSINESS. SECO ND READINGS. —Petty Bag, Emotes* (Cooker CloinorrY); corrupt Practices at Elections; Bills. COKIIIITES.—FOhefire (Ire l an d) ; Parochial DNt an d Audit: E POOR' Removal (No. 2); Commons Dittmar. (No. 2); REPORT.—Farmers' Estate Satiety (Ireland) BM. THIRD READING:I.—Stock in Trade E x emption; OutPensiocere; Boroughs' Ineorporatina ; Bids. COMMONS' AMENDMENTS OONSIDERED.—Payment tot Debts out of Real Estate. Bill. PETITINS.—By lore REDE‘DALE, from Galway, against the Irish Reproductive loan Fund Bill; also from the guardians of the Leicester unem, in favour of the Poor Removal ; also from et. Jolui's New B r unswick, &Beata say altreation of the nereir alien laws—Lord DENMAN. hmn Jamaica, *lewd by iiewereis of eel* , mesons praying that more e ff ectual mans S be taken foe the euppreasion of the Blare trade. VANCOUVER'S ISLAND. Lord MONTEAGLE moved for certain papers relating to a grant ot Vancouver's Island to tbe H u dson's Bay C ion um-1 The noble lord described the geog ra phical petit of the bland, and descanted upon its importance, principally oa account of its cal-rniui e, in these days of steam navigation, lying also as it did between the Russian, Nurth American, 1 and United Suites territories, and in the tr thel United Stat.* of America to China. The Ilf ackfrom ot Van- couvetee Island, therelore, to the Hu:eon's Boy Company poredry great. a bute lord the Colonial Secretary pro not to sell it, to make a grant the most lavish to this company—to make a gratuitous grant of this va luable island to the Hudson's Boy Company —provided they made a settlement upon it in five years ; but it wait not stipulated what should b. its extent, or what number of families should be settled on the island. Vancouver's Island would be Mettle able as a coal depot when a communication was made be tween the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, by cutting through the I..thmui of Panama. Nuotka Sound, the best harbour in that part of the world, was situated on the coast of Van couver's It was 220 miles long, and from 20 to 43 miles broad. A commercial tradina company we not a lit depository for the powers of territurisl goy. eminent ; and a company whose sole object was to hint animals for the pur pose of obtaining their skins was the least adapted of any other to the purposes of colonisation. Ilia noble friend hal always advocated the system of the sale of lands in our co lend..., instead of free E rants ; and yet he now proposed to make a grant without consideration, excepting as to the se ttl e ment to which be had be f o re referred; aud a grant, too, he would venture to say, the most reprehensible that any minister of the crown had yet made. Sir Arthur Pigott and other equally competent witnesses had stated that the Hudson's Bay Company were wholly unfit for colonisation. The noble lord concluded by moving fur certain papers con nected with the grant. The motion having been put, Earl GREY said he was obliged to his noble friend for bringing torwerd the subject, because if, with his aeutenem and industry, he had failed to obtaia c tcurate informs lion upon it their lordships would toot onished that ethers should be ignorant of the facts connected with this matter. He believed Vancouver's Island to he valuable, and also fleet it belosged to the British crown ; but it was neces sary, to prevent eget'. ters, that it should he se btacitled, or the crown would soon 1. se possession of it. He but just heard, in fact: that a party of Mennonites from the Hulled States inn nded to s ettle on it ; and it was impossible to pre vent this irregular mode o f settlin g upon such land unless, therefore, Vancouver's N a nd was regularly settled and coloniaed, this system of squatting would take place, and it would be lost to the British crown. (Hear, hear.) But how was Vancouver's Island to be settled ? It would have been very impolitic to hey/ ticked parliament to grant 00,000 e this year, and 20,0001. or 30,0001. per annum afterwards, in order to colonise Vancouver's Island. It wou d have been utterly ui just ; and, therefore, it must either hove been left unoccupied, or m. ans must have been tempi for its being settler independently of the government. The only possible way of doing so was, he be lieved, by an arrangement with the Hudson's Bay Com pany. They had undertaken to settle it, and he believed it was a most advantageous arrangement. His noble friend had referred to a statement which he had made a few days ago as to the sale of land in colonies ; and that, no doubt, would have been the best course to have adopted if the government itself had been about to colonise the island; but, if they could not do so, the next best course was to make such a company their trus tee, to do it for them. It mi g ht pay the Hud son's Bay Company a moderate errata on their capital, but certainly nothing mere. They would sell portions — small allotments—et the islard to settlers, and the proceeds would be applied to the purposes of colonisation. They had received a grant of land which, as it now 13y, was utterly valueless, and they would, by colonising it in the ordinary way, render it of use to mank ind—a task which the Britis h government could not now undertake. Them was no com parison between this island and Lotman, because the latter island was surrounded by well-populated distriets ; and with reference to the expense of this new colony in the East, he had received a despatch from Sir J. Brooke only a day or two ago, stating that tee government house would only cost 6301. in its erection. The whole arrangement in colonising that island would in short be conducted in the most economical way. The government of Vancouver's Is land must be provided for ; and it would be by the appointment of a governor, and the institution of an assem bly elected by the'settlere—a form of government by which Jamaica, Barbadoee, and other colonies were eoverned. So much for the form of government ; and this at once disposed of the statement of his noble friend as to the exclusive right of trading of the Hudson's B a y Company. Tbe new colo nis's would be entitled to trade with the rest of the world on equal terms ; but as tar as the Hudson's Bay Company were concerned, they would, of course, be bound to submit' to the rights of that company, within their own territories. His noble friend insinuated that the government had not obtained a sufficient guarantee from the company for the performance of their very important duties. They had, however, in his (Earl Grey's) opinion, taken ample security for the due performance of the duties which the Hudson's Bay Company had undertaken to discharge. The real security was the power of resumption in eleven y ears, merely payisg to the Hudson's Bay Company the value ot their imorovementa ; to say nothing of their forfeiting the grant altogether unless they settled the island in five years. But then his noble friend had said that a trading company were unfit to be colonisers. In the first place there were no other parties prepared to come forward to colonise the island. Two or three other proposals fell to the ground because the par-ins did not possess a tithe of the means ; but the Hudson's Bay Company had great facilities for settling the island—they bad in fact al ready a settlement upon it. The company par seased a great deal of land under cultivation, live 1 stock, corn, and potatoes. They had, therefore, fn. cilities for making this settlement which no other parties pos. eased. Besides, their exclusive rights for eleven years longer were an obstacle to the 'ambition of any other party, and could not have been got rid of without paying the company a large amount of compensation. If there existed anybody possee.ing the necessary capital and means for making a set tlement, there was no reason why they should chain Van couver's Island for that purpose ; the British poseeisiens were suite large enough to afford an ample field for such coloni &tog operations either at the Cape, Australia, or New Zea land; and such operations would receive every assistance from the Colonial-office. But it was said th e Hudson's Bay Company were unfit to be entrusted:with this duty, because they carried on a lame trade in furs. But this trade war carried on on the continent of America, and he was not aware that there was any large °outlet of fur animals on the Vancouver's Island. The fact was, the possessions of the company en the conti nent of America would give additional value to the settle- , merits in Vancouver's Island, by reducing the coat of many things which would be required for that purpose. He must repel the charge of mismanagement which had been brought against the company ; he belived their powers were exer cised with great benefit to the Indians and great advantage to the cause of humanity and colonisation. It was almost necessary, in dealing with savage tribes, to entrust large powers to an asseeiated company. Such was the temptation which ruin possessed for t hes 3 tribes, that, when rival com panies existed, they received nothing else for their furs. Since a monopoly was given the Hudson's Bay Company they had effectually exerted themselves to prevent the in troduction of ' , piens into the region over which their juris diction extended—to the incalculable benefit of the Indian tribes, whose civilisation they were doing the utmost to promote. Those Indian districts into which the United States had penetrated were, on the other hand, one scene of anarchy. If the power of the Hudson's Bay Company, who had established an effective police control, were withdraws. I it would be impossible fur the government or any other au thority to supply its place. Under the present ayetem the Indians were improving ; in some settlements, the Rai River, for instance, agriculture was greatly improved. In proof of this, the noble earl reed extracts from recent de spatches of Lord Elgin and Colonel Crofton, late commander of the troops at Red River, stating that the Indian popula tion was increasing both in numbers and morality. Against this testimony he could not place the petition of a single individual which the noble lord had presented. But the question did not rest on the company's management of their continental territory; if the settlement of Van couver's Island had net been undertaken by the company, it must have remained unsettled fora long period. The grant was not yet made, but would issue in a very few weeks, after a careful examination by the committee of trade and plantations of the privy council, who would introduce each conditions as could not fail to secure due attention by the company to the interests of the settlement. Lord MONTEAGLE, in reply, said that the grantwould leave the company at liberty to sell land on any terms the chose; and if they exacted tke same terms as for their land on the continent of America it would effectually prevent 'ny settlement on the island. He hoped the trusteeship of sompany would be subjected to such safeguards as eecure perfect freedom to persona wishing to settle on was then agreed to. PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL. / CHANCELLOR, in moving the second read -11, said he would call attention to its objects, relies which it supplied. It affected no interests, ith no rights, but merely proposed a machinery in cases where corrupt practices at elections were kist. In such cases it was necessary to ascertain lent these practices existed, in order to judge of ly that ought to bb applied. After the last gene on many returns were petitioned against ; and emittees of the House of Commons had no ion farther than to declare whether the members were or were not duly elected. j ascertained the fact, one way or the other, whether t practices had existed to such an extent as to render action void, the !Unctions of tee committee were at an Hence it was easy for the parties, by an arrangement HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TnutesDAY, Arc. 24 The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. THIRD HEADING.— Ca, of Iced= Sewen Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. SECOND READlNG.—Ratersea Park Bal. REPORTS.—Trwfer of Landed Property (Ireland); Fever (Ire _... THlRD—Weetmineter Improrement THIRD HEADDlGlik—ltnlauful O►tb (Ireland); Bankrupts' Re- famegrfoseromfrathnedstathmapt duty, would only then get a worse one. The house then divided b the nbject of the resolution on which to fo on the question of adjourning the debate. Ayes 32 carried on in the Channel Islands. pap er ' , islands re Nees Mr. FORBES made en ineffectual attempt to address the Bement duly, and the postage duty, and admitsg house, amidst cries of " Spoke." taken of this circumstance to print papers there with - Capt. VYSE moved that the house do adjourn (as he to circulation in this country. In one case 20,000 copies ris er subsequently discovered he had done, that Mr. Forbes might paper printed io the Welsh language were sent into Wales be heard). This was not only a gross fraud on the revenue, but • Lord J. RUSSELL obsessed that the hon. and learned subiecting the newspaper proprietors in this country to en . it me mber (Mr. Napier) who said he w o uld o pp ose but net fair competition. obstruct the bill, had, with a due regard to his own Chiral- The resolution was agreed to, and the house resumed, ter, left th e house. and adjourned at • quarter p,st 2. Mr. FORBES then reiterated the ob'ections he had made to the bill at the steely sitting, and Mr. SPOONER rose to address the house, when Sir G. GREY interposed, and expressed a hope that hon. members would pay a substantial regard to the rules of the house by not speaking twice in the same debate. The hon. member (Mr. Forbes) bad scam made the speech vr,hich he bad delivered in the morning, and he supposed the hon. member for Birmingham rose to do so too. (A laugh.) lie wished to offer 00 obstacle to lull and free discussed', but he ttliiioeutriruhut.eitfroartliaieorntozeglebaetniantoinfLigeerar infringement precisely the e th r e ull i s m o e f speech at 12 o'cl ick at night that they ha d made at 12 o'clock the same day. (Hear, hear.) Capt. VYSE begged to say that he in no way desired to offend sgeiast the rules of the house, or offer any factious o pposition to the bill. He had moved the adjournment of the house to give his hon. friend (Mr. Forbes) an oppor tunity of speaking, conceiving she he was about to throw a new light upon the subject. (Roars of laughter.) Mr. SPOONER persisted in andressing the house, and denied that he was acting in a factious spirit by doing so ; and that he was only exercising a constitutional privilege and diem:seeing his duty, from which he would not shriek. After a short conversation, Capt. VYSE withdrew his motion for the adjournment of the house, and a divi-ion took place upon the main question, when the numbers were, ill For going int 'committee Against it The house then went into committee on the bill. Mr. ANSTEY moved a verbal amendment on the second clause, to omit the words " Notwithstanding anything con tained , in the acts now in force it would be," and to insert the words "it is;" the effect of which would be to render the law declaratory that it wax the law of the land to hold relations with the Pope, as Lord Campbell had eepressed his opinion in a speech made on the 11th of May, 1846. Lard J. RUSSELL said that Lords Cottenham and Campbell no doubt thought it to be lawful, but considered it advi.able to remove all doubts. Lord Campbell bad pro nounced a very different opinion to that quoted by the hon. member the other night. The gallery was then cleared, but the amendment was negatived without a division. On its re-opening, Capt. HARMS reminded the house that the Pope might cease to be a temporal prince without ceasiog to be the spiritual head of the catholic church of Rome. He moved the exclusion of the words " court of Rome." Lord PALMERSTON did not u nderstand that the words " court of Rome" were intended to apply to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Pope. Mr. HENLEY suggested that the words " Sovereign of the Rueran states" be inserted instead of the words " court of Rome." Levi PALMERSTON said he had no objection to the alteration ; and Capt. It ARRIS withdrew his amendment. Mr. C. PEARSON said he understood the object of this bill was to remove doubts, and that it might do this more effectually be would move the insertion, at the end of the first clause, of the words toushing and concerning inter national, mil, commercial, and political relations between her Majesty, her heirs and successors, and the Sovereign for the time being of the Roman stet, s." This would prevent the application of the diplomatic intercourse to any religious matters. He hoped, from the course the debate bad taken, that the noble lord opposite would not think it right to re sist this amendment. He had heard with some surprise that at this moment arrangements were going on with the sovereign of the Roman states for parti. tioniag this country into Roman catholic bishoprics. This would probably be the prelude to a proposal for the endow ment of the Roman catholic clergy. If ever such a measure wire sanctioned it ought to be originated in this house, and not by diplomatic arrangements. Believing, as he did, that the interference of the state with the church was can awful and dangerous to all parties, i.e was convinced that the exist leg union of the state with the protestant church wou'd nut now be sanctioned if we were founding a constitution; it was merely tolerated as a thing of long existence, which it would be difficult to put an end to. The payment of the Roman catholic clergy by the state would be an additional link in the chain concecting the civil and ecclesiastical power; and he was therefore anxious to guard against any pretext for such an arrangement Ming furnished by this bill. The noble lord opposite (Palmerston) having dis tiuctly stated that political objects only were contem plated by his bill, he could not reasonably refuse the adop tion of this amendment. Be (Mr. Pearson) was anxious to gilled against the payment of the Roman catholic clergy being made the condition of certain countervailing advan tages to be given to government, in the representation, for instance, of Lambeth. The SOLICITOR GENERAL said the words proposed to be added would produce on'y an injurious effect. The words "diplomatic intercourse" were well understood to mean such intercourse as was he'd with the court of Prussia, Austria. or any other government. Questions might arise not coming within a, .y of the four descriptions eratraced in the hon. member's amendment. Take, for instance, the measure referred to by the hon. member—the division of this country into bishoprics. He might clearly do this at pre sent ; but alter the passing of this bill, with the amendment proposed, the government could offer no opposition to such a proposal. Neither could they interpose in favour o f the reli gious liberty of residents in R.me professing the protestant faith ; for such interference would not come within the defi. nition of diplomatic intercourse proposed by the hon. mem ber for Lambeth. Mr. ANSTEY saw no ground for objecting to the amend ment, unless there was some unavowed object behind which this bill was expected to serve. If the noble lord at the head of the government really meant to deal fairly with the house and the country, and to conceal nothing as to the real aims and objects of this measure, he would signify his anent to the amendment. In order that the subject might be fully considered, he (Mr. Anstey) would move that the chairman now report progress, and ask leave to sit again. (" No, no," and cries of " Divide.")_ Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL concurred with the hon. and learned member for Youghal, and thought the bill was in tended to interfere with the spiritual rights and religious privili ges of the Roman catholic population of this country. Mr. BRIGHT oppoeed the amendment, and thought that if the bill was altered tee now proposed, it would be better to reject it altogether. Sir R. R. INGLIS was of opinion that the words of the amendment, if applied to a measure for estitilishing diplo matic relations with any other sovereign than the Pope, would involve a truism, and were therefore surplusage. Lord PALMERSTON thought the amendment would, if carried, be productive of great inconvenience from the re finement of construction which would be put on its terms. The hon. baronet (Sir R. H. Inglis) had some years since applied to him (Lord Palmerston) to make a represen tation to the government of Savoy in favour of the religion of the Vaudois, and afterwards to interfere with Switzerland to prevent interference with the religion of some Scotch resi dents thi re. Would the hon. baronet define this interfe rence in either of these cases as political, international, civil, or commercial Sir IL B. INGLIS replied that with respect to the inter. ference on behalf of the Vaudois, be had asked it under a treaty with the government of Savoy, which reserved to England the right of intervention. In Switzsrland, the right to worship according to their own tenets had been con ceded to the Scottish residents. But what was at present the case in Rome? Why, the British subjects professing the acme religion as her Majesty had not been able to obtain permission from the favoured sovereign of the Roman states to have • building appropriated to religious worship, but were obliged to moil for that purpose to a granary outside the cite of home. In answer to a question put by Col. THogrsow, Lord PALMERSTON said that if the Pope ceased to be sovereign of the Roman states, and that they should either be taken by Austria or become a republic, there was no law to prevent her Majesty establishing diplomatic relations with them—it was only because the Pope was the sovereign that this measure was ne c essary Sir D. L. EVAlsT,allUding to the complaints of the British subjects resident at Rome, of the refusal of a place of worship, said that the way to get that era redressed was to pass this bill. After a few words from Mr. DRUMMOND (Surrey) and Mr. NEWDEOATE, in support of the amendment, and from Mr. MACGREGOR against it, Mr. REYNOLDS said it was difficult for an unlearned person like him to understand what the bill was. The hon. and learned member for the University of Dublin said it was a bill to make railways in Italy. (Laughter.) The hon. and learned member far Youghal said that the bill would interfere with the independence of the Roman catholic church, and others again said it was a blow at the protestant church. He believed it was a measure calculat,d to get rid of the bigoted and exclusive legislation of former days. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that there was no danger in this bill tither to the Roman catholic or prixestant church. (lieu, hear.) Hon. gentlemen said that this was a protestant country. He denied that. One-third of the population were Raman catholic, and at least another third were dissenters. (Bear, hear.) He looked upon the measure as a proof of the march of enlightenment and toleration. (Hear, lieu.) Mr. ROBINSON did not see, if this bill contemplated merely political relations with the Court of Rome, what ob jection there could be to the insertion of the words proposed. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division took place, the motion for reporting progress having been post . poet;. After a few words from hir.Ansrar, the committee divided SS Mr. Peamon's amendment. For the amendment 3O Against it Kr. M.J.O'CONN ELL moved that the words " sovereign pontiff" be added to the clause. He wished to bring out the fact whether they would retaliate the Pope the title by which he was generally recognised. Mr. B. DRUM/AGED was surprised that the hon. gen demon should wish for the head of his church a title which . was applied to all the pagan priests. (Hear. and laughter.) The committee divided—Poe the amendment.. 8 Against lO4-96 The clause was then agreed to. Mr. SPOONER moved that the chairman report progress, which was agiretl to. POSTAGE ON NEWSPAPERS (CHANNEL ISLANDS). The house went into committee on this subject, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that EhECTION COMMITTEES-YkSTERDAY. • CHELTENHAM.—The committee terminated its boon by deciding the late election to have be,n a void election. HORSUANl.—Evidence u to bribery and treating ght effaoo. MAILS. The malls for British North America, and the United States will be made up the evening of the 20th Aug. The mails for %%go, Oporto, Lisbon, alittetra, Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be mule up on the morning of the 27th Aug. The mails for New south Wales, Van Dieman's Land, ass N es , Zealand will be made up on the evening ut the 31.4 Auzist. The mails for the West Gast of Africa and Madeira will be mad. up on the evemiog of the Slat August. The West Lnitia Mails, including Bermuda, Nassau, H. Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Crux Tampico, and Porto Kim ana excluding those for Madeira, Jaemel, C-arthagen magma, P■ 11•011, West Coast of South Amertm, and ,it. Avails Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the lad Sept. The mails for the Bniails, the Hiner Plate, Monte %UM, ' Perms, wen, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up ca a s evening of the Nth September. The overland closed mails, via Marseilles, to the Mediterrxeme, rms., As sn , Cellos, lobe, Hong-Kong, etc., will be made up ala s evening of the 7th September. The overland mails lot Ottiraltar, mete, Givinm, the lonisnalea s larypt, Aden, Gallon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, rim tiontesai; ton, will be made up on the evening of the 20th Sept. NOTICE TO ADVE: 3 7IB 447 ERS .OOO . STAM P S number of STA'S issued by the aath•onties fle a tamp-office, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was This, we believe, is within eight per cent, of the nix* uisued to the Morning Herald, /awning CleronicU, Morning Poet, ALL PUT TOGETHIM In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Even:nq EQ4 4 T EDI EXPRESS 778 714 Which was more, we believe, than were joined "ilia Is he Olotee or Standard, Rveainie Paper". 1013 WAYVR Wr 1..1001 R mar, Tot. D4,--Plonttett. I els. WI Attune', 4 ' T0 ..... 0 ,4juputi, 0 mlo. put V: Alternau t tun. pu l p LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 25. WE cannot admit the similitude, which a contempo rary discovers, between Lord CLARENDON and Gene. ral CAVAIGNAC. The French executive has just trans. ported aome thousands of refractory republicans without consulting judge or jury, and without the ceremony of a trial. The ostensible leaders of the Parisian out burst have been disposed of by courts-martial, earl I sent to the galleys. The members of the French par liament who sympathised with the ideas, for which the Parisian imeutiers fought, have had an inquest held, in which all kinds of evidence have been raked up, so as to implicate them with the actual move ment. In France it is one system of terror, which seeks to combat and put down another system of the same nature. This is precisely what the tories admire in France, and recommend in Ireland. The abolition of the jury, the gagging of the press, the substitution of military for civil rule, the violent suppression, not merely of rebellion, but of association and discussion, areeagerly recommended. And to have conquered insurrection is accounted nothing, unless agitation be also extin guished. These are not the acts or principles of go. vernment practised by Lord CLARENDON. Nothing could be more exemplary than the patience of the Viceroy under the most fearful menaces, the most oat rageous and atrocious contumely, that ever assailed t man in authority. No one can say, that military force was empl led in Ireland before it was called for, or more than it was called for. The Irish pram has enjoyed a license which betrayed the younger hands and heads to exchange the pen for the pike, and, indeed, to confound the use of both. And Irish writers and their friends have reason to regret that the law, with respect to them, was not more preventive than vindictive. An earlier suppression of Nations and Felons would have been mercy. But the Irish Vice roy has kept the constitutional pace, and awaited till both the law and public opinion were fully ou his side in taking measures of repression. Those attached to the freedom of Ireland, as well as to its connexion with England, could not, perhaps, have desired the manifestation of rebellion in t different shape from that in which it did appear. Its formidable elements were made to assume the most ridiculous shape and the moat abortive character. Its leaders, instead of making them selves objects of admiration and sympathy even in defeat, managed to assume the character of the pusillanimous and insane. Physical force could not have been reduced to a more flagrant quad absurdum. We will not deny that there were large masses of peasantry very ready to march and to form a rebel army, if the prospect for such was at all pro mising. But the disaffection has received a salutary lesson, and we think a more effectual one than if it had stood up in the field and been shattered and dis persed, like the Parisian mob, by cannon. The feel ings of the Parisians in their discomfiture remain perilously vindictive. Mortification and shame pre vail in Ireland, and are more pacific, if not more to signed. • We cannot therefore consider the position of Lid CLARENDON as at all resembling that of General CAVAIGNAC. Nor do we see any need for those extreme remedies and suspension of legal forms, which the French commander deems the exigency demands. Gen. CAVAIGNAC'S excuse is, that he more liberal and constitutional than the parliament which appointed him. He tempers their agonies for penalties and reaction. Lord CLARENDON is in deed assailed in the government of Ireland by the panic cries of the ascendant party. They are at present in full cry against the jury law because a ma' viction has not been procured against the editor of paper who was in prison when the incriminated arty Glee appeared, and of whose having written or kali& diately sanctioned the publication of those articlee, the jury required positive and irrefragable plod, not furnished to their satisfaction. The non-oce• viction of DOHERTY, however, offers no reason to dealt the conviction of men who have appeared with aro in their hands, who have ordered and directed se attack, and raised the standard of rebellion. Ilu acquittal of SMITH O'BRIEN would indeed shake the jury system to its foundation. But surely, the puke loility of such an acquittal is exaggerated. Irtahm• cannot be so silly as to undermine and shake down the only pillar and guarantee of their liberties, and give strength and speciousness to the tory theoriesfor ' the government of their country. We have no fear of anything so mad or so fatal That the law should be vindicated, and that speedilh without cruelty, but without weakness, is necesul for the peace of Ireland, and that these prosecutions should take place and these ends be attained as ree larly and as facilely as repression was achieved, greatly to be desired. Rebellion has played its pitiable part, sad the sooner it is remo ved from tbs view and the remembrance of the people the better. Other duties await the government of Ireland, thh duty of meeting an almost inevitable famine, and lir are obliged to say with the means that Ireland Aiwa and its resources can furnish. This is a teak more formidable than any Old General CAVAIGNAC has to encounter; and it if one that requires the assistance and combieer tion of all the property and all the intelligesre of Ireland to meet it. The task is one of fearful di& edges, bat it is one that offers in its solution,pedirre the means of allaying many of those animosities and antagonisms of class and race, which are quite 111 deo* gerous when smothered and brood ed over, as whet rampant and rebellious. Parliament and the Eager government this year evidently shrink from into% fering to feed or to employ. The Irish landlord sal the Irish peasaat will be left to themselves. It it time for both to see that their mutual interest dein mutual accord, and that obstinacy or hardheartedn el on either side must beget the ruin of both. The Irish peasant must now more than ev er be prone tO ft distrust the hope of bettering hi s condition by vie' lence, present or prospective. The Irish proprOsr and the Irish middle class must feel that legislatire wisdom is not equal to the great task of settling or reformingroanthe Viceroy,lrelan d; and th tai ey e sh pr o o ul m d p , t nitheaersetifes, ryes r 51 1.. ,/ measures than mere intimidation —to prevent t1:1 . 1 rebellion of empty sentiment meditated and attemP any imetaieuagua us. the company woe F I would secure pat the island. The motion WA CORRUPT P The LORD CH kg (AMU bill, sa and the remedies Wafers' with 111 Iltrawy to ex in izt eaw i to extent th • I I the nuady that c rel &Mica man I II i the scaraittese iarisiledea fur Wag amino ! r a m , mufti the eteet= set old, 1 1 tad. Hewn it THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 25, 1848. MUNTZ, from the Reform League of Binning Dam, oomplairung of cummecial distries ; and against the prorogation of parliament until rernediul measures had been adopted.—Mr. l WAKLEV, from a surgeon In the Pembroke Union, complaining t having been unfairly treated by the poov.law oomnitsnoners in a medical election under the Poor Law Act, an unqualified oompetittav having been appointed in his stead from political bias. Alma petition from four surgeons in Susie:, foe medical reform. Also a pal. tion from Mr. W. Cohbett, complaining of the operation of the law I of civil In.prisonment.—Mr. VERNON, from a plea in Cornwall, against the Copper and Lead Duties BUL—Mr. P. SCRUFF:, from Not- ot tingham, romplaining of distreas, end pea) log for the application the waste lands of the country sea remedy.—Lord 0. BENIINCK, from Cairne Bray Mine, against the Copper I odes Bill. RETURN ORDERED.—On the motion of Capt. eScIIELL, va rious returns respecting chronometers placed for trial at the 11°70' Oterrvatory st Greenwich. NOTICE OF MOTION. TRITNNIAL PAILTAXINTS.—Lord D. STUART, early next session, to move for leave to bring in a bill for limiting the duration of parliaments to three Jyears. UNLAWFUL OATHS (IRELAND) BILL. On the third reading of this bill, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said it wa s not his intention to op , pose the third reading of this bill, but he whaled to call the attention of the house to the relation in which the govern ment stood towards Ireland. Her Majesty in her speech trom the throne recommen red reinedia measures for that *sentry ; but, instead of remedial measures, there was a sue , cession of coercive acts. The bill for the rale of incumbeted estates was indeed passed, but in the present depressed state of Ireland, capitalists would not be likely to invest money in the purchase of land there. Her Majesty particularly referred to the landlord and tenant question, but nothing had been done to improve the relation between landlords and tenants. He hoped the government would state what they really meant to do on this important subject. It seemed to be the disposition of government now to rely entirely on coercive measures. It had been said that the canoe of the distress in Ireland was agitation, but he denied that to be the case; he attributed it to the waist of security in the tenure of land. Another great measure that was required for Ireland was to give security for the expenditure of capital on the laud. He had no doubt th at these were the two great measures re quired for the improvement of Ireland. It was a mistake to peas a poor law for Ireland without accompanying it with those other measures recommended by the Devon commission. He respectfully called the attention of government to then recommendations which he believed were indispensable for the restoration of Ireland to prosperity. The distress in Ire lead, next year would be unprecedented. The growth of the potatoes was stopped by the blast which had come upon them, and the consequence would be that many unions would be swamped, and the people reduced to the utmost des. itu- Lion. The people must either starve or get employment to enable them to purchase food. Ho thought nothing could he a greater evil than to give employment or food without the application of some test. He did not think it right on the present occasion to allude to political measures. Attempts had been made to excite the people of Ireland to armed op ' position to the government, but those attempts had failed, sad the government were thereiore still in a position to apply remedial measures to meet the present distresa. The SPEAKER begged to remind the hon. member that the question before the house was the third reading of the Unlawful Oaths Bill. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he did not think he was out of order in calling the attention of the government to the pre. sent state of Ireland. Sir G. GREY said that lie did not wish to interrupt the hon. gentleman, but he must recollect that a short time ago be brought forward an independent motion on the same sub ct to which he, on the part of the government, gave • lelengthened reply. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he would not trouble the house further, but would content himself with proposing the amendment, of which he had given notice. lie did not ob ject to the power itself which the bill gave, but he thought it would be more safely entrusted to the Lord. Lieutenant than to the justices of the pesos. lie would not, however, divide the house if the government opposed his amendment. Sir G. GREY said that it was the intention of the govern. ment to introduce a bill on the subject of landlord and tenant next session. With regard to the amendment, the question it involved had been maturely considered, but it was found that if the power wa s g iven to the Lord Lieu tenant, it wculd be practically useless in a great majority of cases. But, in fact, the executive government was ulti mately responsible for the exercise of this power. Mr. F. SCROPE said that the disaffection in Ireland was owing to acknowledged grievances—he alluded to grievances of • social kind. One long chain of coercive measures had been drawn out during the session to repress that disaffection, and he regretted that so little had been done of a remedial character. Nothing had been done effectuahy to check those wholesale evictions which were the great evil to which the poor tenants were subjected. It was said that it was not distress that drove the people to attempt rebellion in Ireland, otherwise it would have been at tempted in Mayo and not in Tipperary. But what was the fact? Why, that in Tipperary there were more evictions than in any other part of Ireland. He read a statement in the Tipperary Verdicator, two weeks ego, that a larger number of evictions bad taken place in that county than in any former period. No less than 401ithonees had been pulled down in one place. Was it surprising that a people who were treated in such a way should have re count to any measures to resist? He protested against the injury that was done in the eyes of the world to the constitu tional system of England, by the treatment which Ireland I received at the bands of this country. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that no person wee MAIM tip. posed to secret societies than he, because he was aware *at they always ended in the destruction of those who VMS NW cerned in them. He would be prepared to show that the individual who had given information to the government respecting political associations in England was the very person who established them. He would consent to any coercive measures for Ireland till justice was done to the , working classes of this country. He was sorry his hoe. friend withdrew his amendment. But if no one else was found to do so, he would move that the bill be read • third time that day six months. The motion was negatived without • division, and the bill was read a third time and passed. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS ' WITH THE COURT OF ROME BILL. Oa the motion that the hones Mersld go into Mortiaires on this iii, . • Mr b . ANSTEY moved, as an amendment, that the till be commuted that day three months. Mr. URQUHART seconded the amendment. Sie J. TIfRELL mid that the popular view taken ef the present measure was, that the noble lord intended to govern Ireland through the medium of the Bishop of Rome. The hon. baronet then proceeded to read • letter, da:ed the 6th of August, which contained some severe reflections on the conduct of a Roman utholie clergyman at Templeknowe, in Ireland. Mr. J. O'CONNELL called the hon. baronet to order. S.r J. TYRELL said the bon member wits so selnom in the house ss probably to have forgotten the rules by which its debates were goverced. (Hear) He was quite in order. The letter be quoted had reference to the objects of the bill, which it would a l m ost seem the noble lord could not satisfactorily explain. The hon. baronet then proceeded to read some other letters relative to the state of Ireland, and concluded by expressing his hostility to the bill before the house. Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was very unreasonable in the hon. .baronet t i expect the governm ent to enter inn. an explanation of the objects ef the bill after the long POKES. EIPEE on the second reading. The lien. baronet had read • private letter to the house, the writer of which stated that tile priests in Ireland ought to be exterminated. If the priest at Ternpleknowe did incite the people to tear down the pro 'Lunation his conduct was very reprehensible, but that was only the conduct of an ini.ividual, and i., was counter balanced by numberless contrary instances of loyalty on the part of the !Leman catholic priests. The hon. memLer for Youghal had complained that he (Lord J. Russell) hnd not answered his speech on a former occasion; but he confessed that he had been totally unable to discover any gelid argu ments amidst the vast quantity of fluid in which the hon. member conveyed He did not propose to enter into any discussion on thesu bject of the bill at present, the argu ments in favour of it adduced by the law lords in the upper house having been perfectly satisfactory to him. Ed,thlerdt tthheenhuleselosrwelahyaiflr,oimn his the usual .0 tai: M r .Bl'il humoured UN manner , a n 'a n i e a r t before it, and had entirely evaded the principle invols . the present measure. The government had waited until every member was jaded and tired opt before they had brought the bill forward, and at the extreme end of tin. yea rn the noble lord pressed it, knowing that he bad working majority which would enable him to carry it e against the opposition. So far from the course adopted, the opponents to the bill being factious, they ce y availed themselves of a great parliamentary privileee, which, by means of moving repeated adjournments, or eel • minority to delay and often to defeat mewures which + bey considered hurtful. The government had practised a ur prise by letting the bill sleep fur four moats on the • .ble and then pressing it suddenly forward, and he should make we of the constitutional privilege to which he referred to atop and ti defeat the measure. lie would put the noole lord to the test of pelitical integrity and ask him to make • call of the hour, which, if it was responded to, would at once try his sincerity . in respect to the present measure. The noble lord had given resson to the house to inter that it was not his intention to press the boil during the present session, and it was unfair to press it forward in the manner that had been resorted to. Lord J. RUSSELL explained that he had always stated it to be his intention to press the present bill through all its steps during the present session, whenever the state of tee public brine.' permitted. Mr. WORM:3OR expressed his intention to give the bill his cordial support, notwithstanding the factious opposition that was opposed on the other side to its progress. Mr. FORBES would give all the opposition in his power to the bill, which was, in his opinion, another blow at the protestant constitution of the country. Mr. J. O'CONNELL trusted he should obtain the atten tion of the house ter • few moments, while he gave his opinion on this bill, the more especially es it was the first time he bad had an opportunity of speaking on it. He bad been accused of absence ; but if he had been absent it had been in the cause of order, endeavouring to pre- serve the people from the abyss of insurrection and crime 1 into which • small portion had plunged. (Hear, hear.) lie did not consider the opposition to the bill • factious opposi tion: on the contrary, he was more inclined to apply the' term factious to the indecent haste with which it was sought tolts pushed through the house. Ile togthouht the policy it indicated most unwise. It it was sought make the clergy useful in the government of Ireland, there were better ways of doing so than by seeking facilities fir carrying on in trigues with the Pope. His holiness would, he was sure, throw back this bill as an insult ; he would gy n ot attempt to fetter the independence of the Iris h cler ; but even if so unwise as to attempt it, the object would be defeated by the people of Ireland. The only effect this bill could heve, if suet, ssful, would be to alienate the people of Ireland from their clergy. It should be recollected that the late insurrec tion had been most violent in distr icts where the bishops re strained their clergy irom interfering in the temporal con cerns of the people; while, on the contrary, the districts ruled by what were called "political bishops" were_ uni formly peaceable. The bill would cause nothing but strife and bitterness between the clergy and people, and therefore he should give it every opposition in his power. Lord DRUMLANItIG supported the bill as calculated to de openly that which we had long been doing covertly and in an irregular manner. He looked upon this measure as • great triumph of the two most doughty champions of this country—common justice and common sense. Sir C. BURRELL asked whether an inquiry would be in stituted into the conduct of the priest whose name had been mentioned by his noble friend the member for North Essex;? He h.d clearly committed an indictable offence. Lord J. RUSSELL had no doubt but that if evidence could be obtained that • proclamation had been torn down pro ceedings would be taken, but these matters were always left to the discretion of the Lord Lieutenant. Sir J. TYRELL offered to produce proof at the bar of everything he had stated. Sir It. INGLIS moved that the debate be adjourned until Wednesday next. Lord J. RUSSELL, as an amendment, to adjourn to six o'clock. The house divided—Fnr the motion 2B For the amendment 73-46 In answer to a question from Sir J. TTEELL. Lord J. RUSSELL said, that if the hon. baronet would furnish a list of witnesses by which the circumstance he had mentioned could be proved the matter would be submitted to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that the parish priest of Kenmare was Mr. O'Sullivan, not Mr. Hampton, the arms mentioned by the hon. baronet. The debate was then adjourned to six o'clock. SUPPLY. The report on the committee of supply was brought up, and agreed to.—Tbe house then adjourned to 6 o'clock. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at 6 o'clock. CHELTENHAM ELECTION. Sir W. CLAY reported from the Cheltenham election committee that the Hon. C. F. Berkeley had not been duly elected • member for Cheltenham at the late election, and that the said election was a void election, and that the said Hon. C. F. Berkeley had been guilty by his &genteel treating at the election of 1847. POOR REMOVAL BILL. Mr. CLEMENTS withdrew this bill for the present session. VAN DIMIEN'S LAND. Mr. ANSTEY withdrew his notice of motion Tequilas Van Diemen's Land till next session. DERBY ELECTION. On the motion of Mr. NEW DEGATE, it was ordered that Mr. Spralor should imue his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a new writ for the electing of two burgesses to serve in this present parliament for the borough of Derby, in the room of the Right Hon. E. Strutt and the Hon. E. F. L. Gower, whose election had been determined to be void. MAURITIUS. Mr. HAWES, in answer to Lord G. Bawllimn, said that the expenditure of the Isle of Mauritius in the year 1846 was 27,8701., and in the year 1847. 289,193/. ; that the disburse ment made for emigration in 1846 was 46,4981., and in 1847, 60,2071. ; that the reduction of taxation effected in 1847, to the extent of 60,0001., wax en absolute reduction and not a mere commutation of taxes ; that the balance in the island treasury on the Ist Jan., 1847, was 139,4911 that the funds now in the hands of Mr. Baillie, the colonial agent in London, amounted to 1,6711. cash, and 42,000 1 . Exchequer Bills; that repeat. cl instructions had been sent out to the Governor of Mauritius for the further reduction of expendi ture ; that Mr. Macaulay was the only gentleman receiving • salary connected with the government bank of Mauritius, his salary being 1,0001. a year, and that the bank was not yet in operation ; and, finally, that the late auditor-general of accounts at Mauritius had been allowed to retire on his full salary, after arduous service, ever since 1815, his successor being Mr. Her, who, he believed, was, es the noble lord suggested, brother in-law to Sir Was. Gomm. Mr. liar's salary wasBool. FINANCIAL STATEMENT. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that to-morrow (this day his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would at 6 o clock make his annual statement of the income and expenditure of the country. lie added that it would be convenient if, at a subsequent period of the evening, fhe hems., would allow the government to take a resolution respecting the loan of 500,0001. to the West Indies, reserving the statement on the subject until the second reading of the bill for the pumas. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME BILL. The order of the day for the house to go into committee on this bill being read, Mr. MOORE said that the hon. baronet the member for Essex had grossly libelled the Irish Roman catholic priest hood, but the hon. member for Limerick had still more grossly mal*ned them. That body bad ever been the strenuous advocates of order in Ireland, and it was very unjust to speak of them in other terms than those of re- Ha hoped the house would not consent to protract retscussion on the present bill, but would affirm the de cision already come to with respect to it. Sir J. TYRELL explained that he had only stated facts respecting the Roman catholic priests which had come to his knowledge, and which he was ready to prove at the bar. Mr. MOORE rejoined that the language used by the ho n . baronet was that the " vagabond priests ought to be exter minated," and if that was not libellous language he did not know what words would be so considered. Mr. URQUHART opposed the bill, and maintained that the noble lord (J. Russell) bad given the house to under stand that the bill would not be proceeded with during the present session, mid upon that understanding numbers of members bad left London. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the hon. member for War wickahhe had already denied having imputed to him the con d u ct now brought forward as a hugs by the hon. - - mbar. Mr. SPOONER said the wards be used wens that the canna %liken by the government led the hones to Infer they did not mean to proceed with the bill this ssesices. ,Mr. IMQIIHARTsaid that the ohjectlons YAM he took to the bill were so strong, as to determine him to oppose mid to ritard its progress by every means In his power. The noble lord oppositeliad not condesoended to notice the arguments of the hon. member for Toughs' against the MI), but had contented himself with saying that he had heard the opinions of Lord Campbell end the Load Chancellor, and they bad satisfied him with respect to the measure. That was not • cenetitutional way of meeting the opposition offered in that house to a bill so important in principle as the pres,nt, For the reasons he had stated be should oppose the further pro gress of the bill. I.lr. F. HOWARD said that the bill had been brought forward loug before the events in France bad !waken Europe to the centre, and therefore any objection based u p on such arguments fe ll ' to the ground. The Cardinal Secretary of State at Rome, on receiving a copy of toe bill from Dr. Woe man, h.al written to that right rev. prelate stating the agreeable impression which its perusal had lefton the Pope's mind. It waanot light, therefore, to state that the bill was not acceptable to the see of Rome. lie regretted the intro duction of the second clause in the bill, which imposed on a not very powerful state • condition not exacted from the most powerful states in Europe. What would be thought of slew forbidding the Believer of Russia to send a general officer as ambassador to this country, lest he should attempt to tamper with the army? (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Howard) hoped that host•lity to the old taith had so much died away as to prevent any great hostility being exhibited towards this bill throughout the country. Dr. POWER, supported the bill. lie hall the honour to represent a constituency of 800,000 persons, 700,000 of whom were R o man esthetics, and although the bill had been five months helots the public he hod not received • single com munication exnerssiy= of hostility to it. Mr. 11. DRUMMOND complained of the conduct of the hon. and learned member for Limerick in re.opening a de bate on a question, that of the principle of the bill, which had keen already settled. As to the charge of adding to ec clesiastical power, from some of its opponents, it should be remember. d that from the days of Constantine down to the present thy the constant habit of the clergy of all denominations had been to cajole and coerce the laity by every means in their power. The bill had also been objected to as a means if gnverning Ireland through • foreign power. No difficulty would arise in that direction; the real diffi culty in governing Ireland arose from the agitation which so long had prevailed in that country. The hon. member here read several extracts from speeches and letters of Irish esele siastics and laymen illustrative of his assertion, and con cluded by saying that the true way of curing these evils was by taking every fair and constitutional mode of attaching the Romeo catholic portion of our lellowsubjects, and more especially their clergy, to the state. With these views, he should support the bill. Sir It. INOLIS said the noble lord at the head of the government had had a pretty fair intimation of what was the protestant feeling of the country on the subject. Not one petition hod bei n presented in favour of the bill, while hostile petitions had been praentcd by GOO of the parochial elem. The noble lord could hardly hope to pass the bill during the present session • and even if he did, was he sure it would he acceptable to the sovereign pontiff for whose service it was intended? (Hear, hear.) Or had the noble lord any hope that whin the bill occame law Reline would have a TUICT in a condition to avail himself of its pro. visions ? Looking to the merits of the bill itself, looking at the state of Europe, and the period of the session at which it was sought to force the bill through parliament, he felt oouod to give it every opposition in his power. Lord If. VANE considered that it was highly expedient that this country, looking at the number of Roman catholic, amongst its population, ehould have an accredited 'gent at Rime. Fer this reason he should give the bill his cordial support. Mr. NEWDEGIATE believed that the obiect of the measure was to obtain the influence of the Pope with the Roman catholic clergy of Ireland in favour of the govern ment, an ibject which they had the best authority fur saying it would not c fleet. The authority of the crown should be maintained in accordance with tha principles of the constitu lion, and not by the intervention of any foreign power whether temporal or spiritual. (Hear, hear.) lie should oppose the measure. Sir H. W. BARRON supported the bill, and denied that it would give any power to the Pope ir temporal matters in Ireland. Mr. ROBINSON, as a merchant, denied that this measure was necessary for commercial purposes, as had been stated by the noble lord. As the law stood the commerce of the Roman states will as much mien to British merchants at it , would be under this bill. Though it might be deemed fa...*.ious to oppose the principle of the measure after the 1 second reading, the fault lay with the government, who had delayed a bill brought into parliament in February till this late period of the le salon. If government could show any practical inconvenience that would result from postponing the bill till next session he would forego his opposition ; but in the absence of any such explanation, and looking at the present state of affairs in Rome, he felt justified in appealing to the house to carry the smenoment. Mr. NAPIER urged the propriety of postponing the mea sure until another session. It was moat unfair, when other and more importee measures, se far as Ireland was con cerned, bad been deferred men ly because they might occa sion some discussion, to insist upon a measure which he irontendi d was useless for any good purpose, and in favour of which the only argument advanced was, that it was ne cessary to give railroads to Italy. (Hear, hear.) Preferring as he did the interests of Ireland to those of Italy, he must protest against Irish members being kept in town to discuss such • bill as this, while and when measures bey avour of which there was almast general concurrence, as ng calcu• limed to confer benefits on their country, had been abandoned for want of time. Lord PALMERSTON said that the hon. and learned gentleman was defeating the object he declared he had in view by standing in the way of going into committee on this bill, because it he succeeded in putting it off until next ace ' lion, there would be the leas chance of those other measures in which he was interested being passed. (Cheer.) Of all the extraordinary debates he (Lord Palmerston) ever heard in that house, the present was the most so ; for almost every member who opposed the bill did so upon grounds not only different from, but absolutely conflicting with, the argu ments of the bon gentlemen who preceded him in opposi tion to it. (Hear, hear.) if there could be one proof more strong than another that nothing could be said against the bill, it was to be found in the circumstance that honourable gentlemen bad discussed almost' every imaginable question but the ens involved in it—via, musty theology, feudal history, Irish distress, land lord and tenant, grievances of the Irish clergy—everything, in fact, but the poor bill itself, which was really so plain and (C h e ers that no one had ventured to say a word against it. p and laughter.) The hon. member for Youghal said it would destroy the independence of the Pope. An other hon. member, that it would destroy the prerogative of the crown. One hon. member contended that it would wodestructive of the protestant religion, at it uld uprot the foundation of the protestant th institu tions of the country, and with those opinions he I adjured the house in the name of protestant Eng land not to pass such a measure, while another hon. gentleman alleged that it would prove a fatal blow to the catholic church, observing that if that were the object of the government they nught to re-enact the penal laws again and effect the downfall of that church by open means and not by such an insidious measure as this. lie would leave those two hon. gentlemen and the parties they represented in that house to fight their battle after the fashion of the Kilkenny cats. (Laughter.) He, however, was rejoiced to see that so many h on. mem bers h ad only outlived the fatigues of the session, but that in endeavouring to prove their mental and bodi vigour, they had given a sort of ral l y to the session whi ch would otherwise decline. (Len:liter.) He hoped he might see them equally vigorous and ardent in the discharge of their legielative functions after the fatigues of the recess aS the bsginniog of next session. (Hear, hear.) Minute's bed been taunted with postponing other measures, and now bringing this on. But they had invariab l y replied to ques tions on the subject that it was their intention to go on with , it. They were then told that by persisting in that intention 1 they were concocting some deep scheme, some mysterious ' mischief, some hidden purpose. Such things existed only in the imagination of hon. gentlemen --certainly not in the in tention of the government. They were told that they were more solicitous about railroads in Italy than the interests of Ireland. Now what he said upon that subject was simply, that, considering the glowing importance of the commerce of Italy, it was desirable we should enter into permanent relations with that country, and with every other throughout the world. The hon. member far Youghal said we could do with the present law, and the hon. member for Stafford quoted several cases in which diplomatic intercourse bad been carried on between the two countries. That was precisely the case of the government, who contended that the very necessity of things compelled us to establish an inter course with the court of Rome, by avowed and acknowledged channels, instead of having a great country like this driven into holes and corners, and obliged to do stealthily what it would be more becoming to do openly. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the assertion that this bill would tend, he knew not how, to put the Pope under such restraint as was imposed by Napoleon, Pp that whatever he did would be under duress, he could only say that both the late Pope and the present had extremist d a desire to have diplomatic relations established between thi. country and Rome. Those protestants, than fore, who raised that objection showed themselves more apist than the Pope himself. (Laughter. ) l adeed, the Pate Pope never allowed the opportunity of receiving any distinguished Englishman to pass without expressing his regret et the want of diplomatic relations between the two counti in. They were not likely, therefore, to do any vio lence to the Pope by this measure, which he hoped the house would pass, u simply enabling us to hold that political intercourse with Rome Which we'hold with every other country, whether Christian or Mahomedan. (" Hear, hear," and cries of " Divide.") Mr. GORING moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. ANSTEY explained that his distinction was this. that under the present law we could have diplomatic relations with the Pope of Home as a temporal but not as a spiritual sovereign, and therefore this bill in his opinion was broutht is to enable ministers to establish in some shape or other spi ritual relations between themselves and the see of Rome. Mr. BRIGHT said the bill had not one feature in it which any rational man could object to unless that which compelled the Pope not to send an ecclesiastic to this country, which was just the very thing he wculd not have done if left to himself. Hon. gentlemen ought either to let this bill pass, or take upon themselves the responsibility of the government of the country. (Hear, hear.) Capt. HARRIS declined to nut himself under the gene ralship of the bon. member for Youghall—(a laugh)—and thought that it they put off this measure to next session, they by Young Ireland forth in some moo iitnine• TIER MAJESTV:. &MOON have ro alteration in the speeches of Tueede whether or not the to say that they into an error al entirely failed to I so awkwardly at rity. Sir Banish making more hat speeches, and as} moment to be office, nor con& apprehension of tl safely afford to b perfect leisure to phers of Birmingl why he should n those parts of the tion. But Sir Ci riment possessing mast confess that patience, we have and we begin tot her Majestys got modify the law, untoward sensati beheld his redcoat the windmills. If Sir C. \% all they intend Tuesday night, t of leamig the m only unrelated, I WOOO said a gre culation upon p ingly emphatic, questioa of the matters which h jest. But they questions which to Sir C. Wool prices and eirct figment as the or the Anthropo sufficient to say law of 1819, bt distinguished cot lessons which ari In the first place the new regime treatment for an the Bank—whi calamity an expt Suffolk, and ran tion from Mr. a demand from some remote con want to know ti and, equitably the deposits ? ;Idencis are to holders? In th is meant by a p when there was allay ? Upon tl especial euriobitj if we could hal which a Bank n oat of sheer di: tion to pay twi it bad ever hal that the thoroui relieved of a p comfortable bul' facts, however, 1 has been a ditfi from the very b that this perpet, convertibility w confusion of ph new-fangled not new name. An the immense ad , in ordinary time nary times can abolition. To these leadi a few seasonal the Bank of En la the use of all exclusive privil credit which cal dred and fifty ye surplus profit u as would buy u tared over any I —where is the is to be of non of confidence which Las twit the traditions c Sir ROBERT this by saying different thing carried on by is a palpable I you have no c exactly our ON other. We emphatically, capital was e. peer, who "Sc But then tt of general real the intervene England are oduced by This was the bow, denies the panic of 1 We are not bear of incro species of ten place by ind true that late men have be from a phat mind to a go It is quite cle vertibility at there is no re at last be req omnibus. B ant than ful under all circ lation. The evils, it was BONAPARTE, their success' we shall foil' of conduct. Sir It. PE' show that th approaching the most exe state of confl greatly clout are not the v events, we Of all the g people of In tration. Or all the Ipyt diver. But tereet ? Sin ARtemontha , a series of fl hems points Tin font the slave trm the reeolmic Protocol of More th an spite of stem (we believe inquiries ha honed ende tiointions nit Judgment. of the proce Infirmity of The red twelve in ni ration that i the cowmen resolution e !kre mere as oomhind