The Express. — London, England, 1851-12-05 00:00:00

B. has audaniously trißed with the sanctity of the dommitie hearth. By the help of his swaggering soldiery and police, le has silenced every voice in Paris except his own. At one blow be has suppressed all the journals, and has east forth into the streets of Paris, without bread, those of your b ret h ren whom the press supported. He has ineraged, stricken down, and trampled under foot the national repre sentation, lot only in the persons of your enemies, but also in that of tireppo, the energetic and loyal representative of the workmen of Lyons; and in that of Nadaud, the mason, who has so often and so nobly defended your interests in the tribune. Do you wai.t to have a master? And do you wish that that master should be Louis Bonaparte? You have seen tho air with which he traversed the streets of Paris, hedged in by soldiers, covered by cannon, and causing himself to be borne in triumph by his staff ; adding to the crime of high treason the insolence of a conqueror, and treating France as a conquered country—ho whire military &nimbi can boast of nothing except the opprobrium of the Homan expedition ! That the members of the majority are expiating the ill which they have dune ; that the constitution which they have violated in yuu is violated in them; that the are undergoing the chastisement through that universa l suf frage which they have destroyed; that they w h o h ave made a portion of France pass under the yoke in the state of siege, now feel upon themselves the full weight of the state of siege; that they who have sanctioned the transpor tation of our brethren en mane and without judgment, now find force where they sought justice—is a lesson not more hard than merited. It is the penalty of retribution which is inflicted on them, and it is not for us to complain. Hut what it concerns us to understand now is, whe ther you are in the mood for a change of tyrants ? For does thin crime belong to that Assembly of which he was the inspirer and accomplice? Was it not he who, by his ministers, proposed and passed that odious law of May against which he now rises up, be cause the candidature of Joinville has made him afraid? Is nut he, still more than the Assembly, charged with the responsibility of having drowned the Italian republic in the blood of the Romans, mingled with that of the French soldiers ? Among so many shameful and liberticide measures, let one be mentioned, a single one, which did not exhibit Louis Bonaparte acting in concert with the Assembly. As soon as his ambition was threatened by the Assembly he became the enemy of that body. But forget not that he ha. been its accomplice, so lung as it acted to oppress you. He now comes forward to tell you that the people is sovereign; and at the same time be dares to demand ten years of power—that is, the abdication of that sovereignty torten years. lie sets himself up as the man of the republic—of that republic which is the government of equality, and at the same time he propose* the establishment of a senate—that is, an assembly of dukes, counts, barons, and marquises. let us hasten, debased and clownish as we are—let =hasten, in virtue of our sovereignty, once more to instal an aristocracy, after so many battles fought, and so much bl ue d shed, to .at down that aristocracy for ever. It is the man of the r. public that invites us. He boasts of restoring to you universal suffrage, but on condition that it be worked for his private advantage, and not for your.; since he is going for ten years to be your matey. _ . "No scrutiny of the list," be says. Do you quite under stand what that mean.? It means that the elections are to be made by registers lodged in CI. offices of the mayor. The great Marne lyre which has been practised upon }Mier once iu her history, is to be renewed. Will you permit, precisely when it is pretended to restore your right, that it shall be filched from you ? Moreover, to onereise the right of the suffrage, you must be free. Let him begin, then, by restoring free speech to the journals; let the doors be Haug wide open to popular meeting , . ; It t very man speak his mind, and learn that of others. Why those bayonets? Why those cannon? To restore univers a l suffrage with the state of siege, is to add mockery to falsehood. A people proclaimed sovereign, it is tte neintle of slavery which is thrown over your shoulders, even as the barbarian chief, in the time of the Liwcr Empire, threw the purple over the Homan emperors iii placing them among his camp followers. Do you wish to be enslaved ? Do you w ish to be debased ? Such is the cry wrung from us by an indignation inspos tilde to restrain. We, who in our cede can at least speak, do speak. But we owe more than speech to the repulilie— our blood belongs to it. We know it, anal shall not for get it. Bernard le Curbiste, Louis Blunt, Lan.lolphe Lyonne, Lemard, ltohillart Suireau, Percy, Lyaz Boneccur, Le Capitaine Frihnent, Cadet, MiteyJer, Colin, Shanbv, Paget Levkas, Baron, Merrier, Nersoy, Cachet, Philippe, lathy, Bourn, Sahli, Itotillon, Mangenet, Languedoc, }lorentin. Rousseau, Frosaard, Bauer, Auroy, Daranchi, Michon, Bartholomi, Charles. December 3, GERMANY. HAMBURG, Dec. 2. It is not often that an English journalist is able, from personal experience, to descnbe the nature of the proceeding which the German police term an answeisting, or expulsion. Within the last three weeks I have experienced it twice. I was yesterday ' expelled from Berlin, and exactly a fortnight pre viously was expelled from Vienna. It is right that the English public should know how your corres pondents on the Continent are treated, and that pub lic opinion should be brought to bear upon the te nants of Dowuing-street, in order to secure for Eng lishmen abroad greater respect and civility than the arbitrary and ignorant police are inclined to bestow. In narrating my adventures I shall take the last first. Yesterday morning at half-past 6 I was disturbed by a sergeant of police, who ordered me to get up in stantly and accompany him to the bureau of the police district within which I lodged. Arrived there, the district captain politely informed me that I was expelled from Berlin, and must leave within four and twenty hours. Of course this gentleman knew nothing of the motives of the measure, and all inquiries were therefore in vain. His politeness was however, very great. To my astonishment I found that my affair was not settled by the communication which I had received; but, as I too soon learnt, my troubles had only just begun. Having made some marginal note on an ominous-looking sheet of paper, which I suppose were his instructions from the head office, the district captain sent for a policeman, and, still most urbane, requested me to accompany his subordinate to the prefecture of police. Curious to know whether I was in custody or not, I in quired of my conductor, the moment we got into the street, whether I wee in his custody, or whether I was at liberty. The constable, as polite as his officer, intimated pretty plainly that the former was the case. In his company, therefore, I quietly walked to the prefecture, where I was de livered up to a double guard of the same nondescript animal, half-policeman, half-soldier, whose politeness was less remarkable. After waiting two hours on a hard bench, in a small, damp room, the higher officials at last made their appearance, and the further steps in my case were gone into. An individual, dressed in plain clothes, most carefully scrutinised the docu ments which were handed to him by a constable, and after turning down several corners and writing mysterious memoranda thereon, with an enormous waste of sand, at last gru ffl y inform e d m e th a t h e was instructed to order me to quit Berlin at once, that I was not to be allowed to go to my lodgings, or to the English embassy, or to the Prussian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, or to write to anyone. He also read to me some kind of unintelligible document, the only part of which I understood, was the threat of four months' imprisonment in the house of correction if I ventured to return. No remonstrances were listened to—no appeal was allowed. I was told that Herr von Ilinekeldev, the president of the police, would not see me, and ust as my temper was most tried, a superior kind o f gentleman entered the room, evi dently for the purpose of reconnoitering the wild Englishman. At first he was most rude and bearish, but on a polite appeal, in which I stated that I had the honour to represent the Daily News, that I was not unknown to more than one of the ministers, and that I knew the English elworyti cruffaires, • slight delay ensued. Several conferences were held with another still higher official, and eventually I was admitted to the latter. This gentleman sur passed all the rest in politeness. He heard my appeal, took a written notice of it, and seemed inclined to allow me to use whatever personal influ ence I possessed in Berlin to procure the remanding or delay of the measure. However, he did not dare to do it on his own responsibility, and a certain' police director, whose name I know not, would only allow me to remain one short hour in Berlin to pack my baggage; the constable to whose custody I was confined having strict orders not to allow me to visit any one, nor to write a single letter. I luckily met a friend on m road home, who undertook to do what be could f or me, and before 12 o'clock my constable carried me off to the Hamburg railway station. There I was confined in the watch-house, ' not allowed to speak or write to any one, and, only by courtesy, allowed to procure a dinner. In this kennel, treated I must say again with civility, I was obliged to remain until six o'clock in the evening, when the constable mw me into the train and handed me my upor passt. To sum p this came, I was kept in custody full eleven hours, without being allowed even to attempt to procure a merciful consideration, provided I really bad been guilty of a serious offence, still km to pro cure justice from the ?rumba authorities or protso tion from the representative of the English govern ment. What were the grounds of such an unjust and most tyrannical proceeding ? The only ground assigned—not the slightest accusation was made against me—was "polizeilirhe grande," anglire, police considerations. I was informed that my passport was out of order, that the Prussian police did not respect the passports of British am ba ssadors, that every Englishman must be provided with a foreign office passport. Apart from the fact that I have been on the Continent long before the alteration was made in the price of foreign-office passports, when English men were allowed to travel with Belgian passports, I was provided with an English passport, given me by Lord Cowley, our minister to the German confe deration in Frankfort, which contained every visa that was necessary. burely it is unheard-of pre sumption —nay, even violence—on the part of the police, to refuse to respect the passport of the British ambassador; and Lord Palmerston will not be doing his duty to his representative, Lord Cowley, or to the ' British public, if he permit such an act to pass un reproved. To show, however, the absurdity of the reason as signed by the Prussian police, I need only mention that the very first visa on this said passport is that of the Prussian embassy at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, whose duty it most assuredly would have been to re fuse to riff , : an improper or insufficient passport. The insufficiency of my passport is, I suspect, not the reel motive of my expulsion. It has ansen from the police alliance between Austria and Prussia; the police authorities of the latter country being too willing to fulfil the wishes of the madmen who rule in Vienna. I believe that there is a perfect recipro city between them, and that the Vienna police are equilly ready to expel any one the Prussian autho rities may have removed from Berlin. It was my misfortune, last Monday week, to receive orders to quit :Vienna within twenty-four hours, without either the police or the ministry condescending to inform me or the English ambassador (as far as I yet know) upon what grounds. From a private source I learnt that the icnnese police were acting under the orders of the prime minister, who felt personally displeased with the nature of my letters from that city. It is true that I wasnot entirely unknown to the police of Vienna, having once used plainer language to the police officials than their arrogance was accus• tamed to. The Earl of Westmoreland, who repre rents England in Vienna, was unable to do any thing for me before my expulsion, and I have heard nothing from him since. From the soft and timid manner which his lordship adopted, I am inclined to believe that he never will get any satisfactory answer. Ido not profess to know exactly what the duties of an ambassador really are, but I have always understood that the foreign ambassadors or diplo matic representatives of every kind could only comm• nicate with the foreign minister or the sovereign himself. fho Earl of Westmoreland in my case thought proper to send one of his attaches to the police, who of course learnt nothing more than I did, and, if all I have heard be true, met with no more civility. The Earl of Westmoreland certainly knows his own duty best, but I must confess that I felt most deeply humiliated when I contrasted the difference between his conduct and that of the American minister in an exactly si milar case. Mr. McCurdy, the Minister of the United States, simply wrote to Prince Schwarzen berg, when an American subject was ordered in the same way, and without any motive being assigned, to quit Vienna, inquiring for a written statement of the grounds, and, if possible, the withdrawal of the measure. Mr. McCurdy was successful. The Earl of Westmoreland has as yet been unsuccessful, and the consequence of his mildness is that the police of Berlin have had an opportunity of showing their slavish inclination fur their Austrian colleagues, that a British subject has been unjustly arrested and de prived of his liberty in the most odious and tyran nical manner. I have submitted my statement to Mr. Howard, our chary' d'affaires in Berlin, and be has already informed me, verbally, that he will do all in his power. Perhaps an English minister may succeed, without the intervention of Lord Palmerston, in pro curing the withdrawal of an unjust measure, and some kind of satisfaction for the arrest of a British I subject. It surely, however, will be for Lord Pal meiston to demand from the Prussian government some explanation of the insult offered to the British ambassador in Frankfort-on-the-Maine. BERLIN, DEC. I.—The correspondent of the Daily News, who had just arrived from Vienna, was arrested this morning at an early hour, and kept under arrest till the departure of the Hamhurgh train, at 6 in the evening, oy which he was compelled to leave Berlin and the territory of Prussia. No reasons were given, except that the order was issued on poll:ciliate grumlen, or " reasons of police." A representation was made to the foreign-office through the English Embassy, but no answer has vet been received. —Times, Dee. 4. THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 5, 1851. Manchester and Salford. Me held in his hand a petition to parliament in favour of the bill, signed bye great number of the rate-payers, with their respective assessments annexed. The aggregate number of signatures was 33,833, and the total assessments in both boroughs 83,248. The disqualifi cations of various kinds, including the female rate-payers, amounted altogether to 18,000, leaving the total number of persons actually assessed and capable of signing, 87,233. They had, therefore, at the present moment, an absolute majority of signatures of the whole number of rate-payers within the two boroughs, including those in the adjacent townships of Broughton and Pendleton, who were intended to be brought within the operation of the bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL asked if the municipal were the same u the parliamentary boundaries in Manchester and Salford? The Rev. Canon CLIFTON said, the parliamentary boundaries included Broughton and Pendleton, but the municipal did not. Mr. ENTWISLE resumed. The number of refusals with which their canvassers fur signatures had met was 9,615, leaving uncanvassed at the prevent time, 23,735. lie would also add, that in the two borought they had school accom modation already existing fur about 66,000 scholars, and the total number of ch i ld ren w i t hi n the two municipal boundaries was estimated at about 62,000, between the school ages of 4 and 14. He might further state that a meeting convened in the Free Trade Hall, in Manchester, ou Tuesday night, :and attended by 5,000 persons, unani mously affirmed the principles of their bill. Ile would now lay the bill before his lordship, hoping to obtain for it such a measure of countenance and support as his lordship should feel it his duty to award. Lent J. RUSSELL—The bill, supposing there is • de ficiency in the number of schools in a particular district, contemplates that the rate shall be applied to open new schools, which would be free schools without any payment. Mr. ;FLETCHER—Yes, supposing that any religious denomination undertake to build the schools ; not other wise. So that this bill does not interfere with voluntary effort; it merely supplements it Lord JOHN RUSSELL—With regard to the principle of having a rate for the purpose of education, I think that such a rate will be a very useful and advantageous thing, provided you successfully get over the difficulties that all payers of the rate, who Sr. the inhabitants generally, are ad mitted to the benefits which are to be derived from the pay ment of that rate, and that no persons are ex cluded by their religious convictions from having some benefit or advantage, if they chose to take it, from the rate which they pay. The second question— whether you will successfully get over this difficulty depends first on the provisions of your bill, and next on the opinions and feelings which prevail in Manchester; and therefore I do not feel myself quite com petent to give any decisive opinion on it, but I should like to ask a question or two on the subject. Now, with regard to the minutes of council, it is very clear that they make provision for persons of all religious denominations, and therefore, so long as you are supporting schools that are so recognised, I think your course will be easy. With regard to new schools, by providing that no distinctive creed or catechism shall be taught, you remove any difficulty, I con ceive, that protestant dissenters would have in supporting such a system. But then comes the Roman catholic dis seaters, who object, not only to any creed or catechism, but to the reading of lessons from the authorised version of the Scriptures. 1 want to know what answer you have to give to that ? Mr. ENTWISLE said their proposition amounted to this that the schools already admissible under the minutes of council should come under the rate. They were quite aware that in those schools to be built, in case of deficiency, out of the rates, by the terms which they had necessarily laid down, the Roman eatholics would hold themselves excluded by the circumstance of lessons being read from the authorised version of the Scriptures. That had already been made a ground of objection ; but the Roman Catholics had refused to allow their own Douay version of the Scrip tures to be read in the schools, when the offer was made to them in addition to the authorised version. The only way, therefore, in which the promoters could hope to meet the views of the Roman eatholics would be to have no provision fur religious teaching at all. The Rev. Canon CLIFTON—And that would even ex clude them, for they would not coaseut to instruction with out religion. After some further conversation, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said I am obliged to you for the explanation you have given me. I don't know whether there is any specific question you wish to ask me, but I will undertake to consider the bill, and after that to com municate with you. The deputation then withdrew. SPAIN. In the Epoea of the 2Mth, it is stated that a serious riot had broken out at Santa Cruz, Teneriffe, on ac count of a vessel being allowed to enter the port from the Canaries which was supposed to have the cholera on board. Several employes of the Junta of Salubrity are said to have been assassinated, and the governor compelled to take refuge on board an Eng lish vessel. This report is not confirmed by any other of the Madrid journals. In the Chamber of Deputies on the 28th, the amendment proposed by the minority of the cora -1 mince on this best means of securing the inviolabi lity of members of the Chamber was then brought forward. Alexander Castro, civil governor of Madrid, opposed the amendment in a speech that would have been worthy of Wentworth, when en deavouring to work out his doctrine of " thorough." Bensvidea replied in a rich vein of humour, defending the inviolability of the members of the parliament. He asserted that no member of a Spanish parliament had ever made so bad a nee of his privileges as to justify his being prosecuted. He conjured the ministry not to divide the moderado party . upon this question, but to avoid putting the inviolability of members in question. Hurtado, a miniaterialist of very slender oratorical pretensions, was left speaking. The Chamber was crowded with members, and all the public and private galleries filled with spectators. PIEDMONT. In its sittings of the 29th ult., tho Chamber of Deputies of 1 nrin continued the discussion on the abolition of the expenses for public worship at the charge of the state. LATEST FOREIGN EXCHANGES. Pmts, Dm. 4.—Five per Cents., 90f 80c. Three per Cents., 65E 75e. Rank Shares, 2,045 f. (By Eleetric Telegraph.) BERLIN, DEC. 3.—Voluntary Loan, 1001; Na tional Debt, 871. Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 1011. MiIiTERDAY. DEC. 3.—Five per Cent. Metal- Uwe, 631 ; Five per Cent. Ardoins, 141 ; Three per Cents. Interior, 331; Russian Four-and-a- Half per Cents., 991; Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Integrals, 681. Exchange on London, 11.821. ANTWERP, DEC. 4.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 70 do. Ardoins, 131. Three per Cent. Interior, 341. Raman Four-and-a-Half per Cents., Exchange on London, 25.18. Baum,.Ls. DEC. 4.—Belgian Five per Cent.., 98 ; Four-andre-Half per Cents., 881; Two-and-a-Halt per Cents., 481. Exchange on London, 23.18. Warms, Dec. 4.—Five per Cent. Mitalliques 911. Exchange on London, 12.51 ; on Paris, 134 Rasters°, Dxr.:4.—Three per Cent.. Interior, 321; Foar-and-a-Half per Cest.T.asan, 97. THE Gleam v. Auzzitz.—To the Editor of the Evros& —fkr,—la your die levier of this day, you allude m Mr. limas* Frontlet)* as Wmg a retired Bride edam This is ea ant. The poem alluded to has been Moon fite pus em the tuff as a sew inch ad venturer, Itlentaig tho oltof a bal amasser, mataing-lemerriesper. smi ma. The edema the British Nosy undirtnainely Moo toe may Meek sheep meow shim mambo es TY to M w hovashier avishisted by tin memo eta memehese es ladisigmalae Mr. Coyle: and I fosleertin yea A seedily great me the mean aim rumor t'y ee mite Si edema as has already attosbed to such a body of men by the condos* of the other I am, de., Anovs.—Boo. 4, 11111. rr : 18. — PROMOTIONS. —AIMUIPALTY, Dec. 4. W. B. lioe . yposay and J Dosibm. to be Captains ;J. C. Bailey, to tes Commander. APPOUTNIENTIL—Cmatander tann B. Fathom, to Fury ; Second WAN 0. Gilpin, to Bri ia. UNITED STATES. FATAL ACCIDENT AT NEW YORK. LIVERPOOL, TKLSSDAY NIGHT, 9 Wecoca. By the United States steam-ship Baltic, which has just arrived, we have three days later intelligence from New York, the Baltic having sailed direct from that port on the 22nd ult. She brings one million and a half dollars in specie and forty.mne passengers. The chief items of her intelligence are the particu lars of a distressing casualty at the Ninth Ward school-house, in New York. It seems that a false alarm of fire was raised whilst the scholars, 1,800 in number, were present. A rush was immediately made to the doors, and a portion of the staircase gave way, precipitating a large number of them. Fifty-one of the children met with instant death, and seventy-five were more or less injured. The Spanish difficulty has been finally arranged. The Spanish consul has attended a dinner party given by Mr. Webster, and the Spanish flag is to be formally saluted at New Orleans. Business was in an easy condition, the large exportation of specie not having affected, to any great extent, mercan tile operations in the leading marts. Stocks and securities had made a alight advance, and the money market was in a better state than when the Canada left. The exports of the precious metals were likely to continue. Breadstuffs were not in active request. Prices were much as formerly :—Western Canal flour, 3 dole. 53c. to 3 dole. 621 c. per hrl. Oennessee prime wheat, 92e. to 91c. per lb. Indian corn, round yellow, 60e. to 62c. per bushel, steady. Indian meal, 3 doll. 25c. to 3 dole. 371 c. per brl. The cotton market at New York was quiet, and business, to a moderate extent only, had been done. Prices were quite steady, as follows :—New Orleans and Mobile, mid. fair to fair, 91e. to 10:c. per lb; Uplands, mid. fair to fair, 81c. to9c. per lb. Provisions were unchanged. Exchange on London, 1101 to 1102 , in good demand. Paris, 6.12. Hamburg, 361 t o 361. Bremen, 791 to 791. . . . - - New OILLEANII, For. 19. The Africa's news was received here this evening. The day's sales of cotton have been 6,000 bales, at irregular prices. Strict middling is quoted at nc. per lb. BOMBARDMENT OF SALEE. [BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH] SOUTHAMPTON, FILIDAT, t A.M. The Peninsular and Oriental Company a ship Sultan has just arrived. Her dates are Smyrna, Nov. 19; Malta, Nov. 28; and Gibraltar, Nov. 29. She brings 2,500/. in specie, and a large and valu able cargo of Levant produce. We learn by the same arrival that Salee,a Morocco seaport, having refused the reparation demanded by France, was bombarded on the 26th November, dur ing seven and a-half hours. It is stated that seven men were killed on board the admiral's ship, and many wounded. The loss of life amongst the Moors was very great. Having committed this devastation the fleet bore up for Cadiz. An account from the signal station at Gibraltar mentions that the French fleet cast anchor in Tangier Bay on the 29th ult., and was about to bombard that place. Her Majesty's ship Janus had been despatched to Tangier for the protection of British interest. DEPUTATION TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND Slit GEORGE GREY ON THE MANCHE& TER AND SALFORD EDUCATION SCHEME. Yesterday Lord John Russell had an interview at his official residence in llowoing-street, by appointment, with a deputation from Manchester and Salford, consisting of Mr. W. Entwisle, the Rev. Canon Clifton, Mr. Oliver Ileywood, Mr. John Peel, Mr. Samuel Fletcher, and the Rev. Mr. Osborn, a Wesleyan Minister, on the subject of the bill intended to be brought under the consideration of parliament in the ensuing session, for carrying into effect the system of education popularly known as the Manches ter and Salford scheme. In the course of the interview, Lord J4lin Russell despatched a messenger to the Ilorae office, to request the attendance of Sir George Grey, and the right hon. gentleman entered the room towards the close of the proceedings. Mr. ENTWISLE, addressing Lord John Russell, said the gentlemen composing the deputation, had been desired by the Manchester and Salford Education Committee, to attend before his lordship, with the view of laying before him the position at which they had arrived is Manchester on the subject of the educa tional movement, which his lordship was aware was creating considerable discussion and attention. They represented several distinct bodies who had sent representatives to that committee, and they were desirous of inducing gentlemen connected with all the religious parties in that committee to form part of the deputation ; but the men of Manchester were generally engaged in business, and as their attendance was not felt necessary, inasmuch as the terms on which they proposed to unite together for the purpose of pro moting education were agreed upon, they were content to leave the expression of their wishes and feelings on the subject in the hands of the deputation. His lordship was aware that the subject of education, more particularly during the last year, was much mooted in Manchester, and there had been a growing opinion there in favour of • general rate upon property for the purpose of promoting education. At Christmas last it became evident to a num ber of gentlement connected with different religious bodies in that city, that that opinion was growing with great rapidity, and that it was necessary for them, if they in tended to retain their position as connected with the edu cational establishments there, to make an effort to see if they could not unite and agree on some terms upon which an educational rate should be finally determined, and, if it seemed good, to adopt measures for the purpose of extend ing the quantity and improving the quality of education, in which all might partake upon fair and equal terms. They were the more convinced that some such steps were necessary from the apprehensions they entertained of the adoption of some entirely new system of educe lion, which might possibly end in destroying or rendering unnecessary all the labour and money which they had ex !tended on their various establishments, and in taking the instruction of their pupils already.taught by them out of their bands. With the view of taking steps to meet the emergency, a number of gentlemen, of whom he was one, met together last Christmas, in Manchester, and after discussing the terms of union, they finally adopted a scheme, which was afterwards submitted to a numerous meeting convened in the Town-ball of that city. That meeting remitted it to a committee to adjust the terms on which such a scheme should be based. The committee so appointed continued their deliberations until February last, when they made a report containing the terms on which an association, for carrying out the object they had in view, should be formed, and with respect to which terms they were unanimously "greed among themselves. With the permission of his lordship he would describe the principles embodied in that report, and in accordance with which their bill was sow drawn. Their design, in the first instance, as take for granted, es settled and agreed upon by the legislature, all that had been already settled by the Committee of Council on Edu cation. Wherever the constitution and character of any class of schools bad bees already understood and recog nised by the Committee of the Privy Council representing the views of the government, and were permitted by the annual vote of the House of Commons to participate in the sum voted for the purposes of education, the promoters of the bill thought they should adopt such schools as already made to their bead, and allow them ipso facto to be ad mitted, it Melodic, to &share in the benefits of the rate. Bat whe~ib 3 ulL.a existed, ea they did in some quarters, to the admission da antra authority, and to being placed under the esstiel and impastien of the Committee of Privy Comeil, and whisk whims peecluded such schools be. a yeedelphin in thspediementary grant, it was de classifies' eh each embeds sieuidi be admitted into union with the adrift sand menmittee, and share in the pro posed rats, pssiiidV nehmitted to a moderato amount of inspection and esatr Punier, they said, with respect to all other sae* whatammt, the competency of whose teachers shield be greperly esetilled by the local inspector ba appointed tinder Mk bill, and who were willing to Awn taemestw is amainds• with the district school committee, end Is mulertnite stye religious instruction to their am ilis. ibninded ea die help scriptures, that they alas be admimilie V they Mae Is partake of the rate. With mimed to the manner in which they would partake of the sue% it wou be whmied in this way : Emmy WWI admitted to ld the den wield be r e v to threw arm lle deem entirely and freely all who elms to apply te them fee but Oaf wet eons* with • peosese ef whisk would Male that - they Misused to • dee sr mink bmfait certain sdpialeled mama et eamienely with the payment that would be the u every e= s h=er ; end proportioned le number of be the of peddle mike seadersd and the .meant Massey = i t: ina easels. le that, ha mint of feet, taking *drib. time ef all 'MAW mbeeis if the character and constitution be bed aseewl, end thus freely to throw open their deem they weal& Meek the eadowsessit of echoes already emilituted and sealed, sseeiaiast at the same time their own memmeneet whit whisk this iJI did net wpm Se Leman in my way, se hem ne the megabits atlesdeme emlined, and me Meg ae the pane actually derived tram them the emits* he which payment was made. It would Marshes be • mißedjasting process ; and the rate - payers, ▪ hens the exielleg seheek wen essemeed , would not be required to sink mem" is emeling sew mhool-houses. That being the mm wish eh misting esimeis, the promoters of the bill proemial helm, and provided for the exten sion of the mita. when en the foadai, that wh any existinkrelighne body amid shoes. to expend their own money in meting esimels, se obtain for that purpose the parliamentary great en the venal terms stipulated in the minutes of scamp, they should he admissible to • par ticipation in the rate, as in the ems of existing schools, thus sharing a strong indueement to all religious bodies to extend their schools to unoccupied dis tricta. By those means they calculated upon providing school accommodation not only fir the present, bat for a considerable time to come, for the Mikity' tithe bermighef COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a court was held for the despatch of public business. CITY OP LONDON ELECTIONS BILL. Sir JAMES DUKE said: My Lord Mayor, I hope I shall not be considered irregular in taking this opportunity of calling the attention of the court to a very important bill on the paper of business; namely, that referring to the elections in the City, which I think ought to be discussed on a day specially appointed for that purpose. Ido not see the chairman of the committee in court. If we do not get the bill framed in such a way as it shall receive the unani mous support of the court, it is very likely to be materially injured, if not totally destroyed, in another place. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BOWER.—I have had the honour of being requested by the chairman of the committee to move the adoption of the remaining clauses of this bill, but have been informed on good authority that Mr. Recorder is of opinion that in the shape in which some of the clauses have passed this court, they cannot get through the House of Commons, and the learned officer wishes for an opportunity to instruct or to advise the committee with respect to those clauses. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, instead of pressing them forward, I consider it necessary to appeal to the court as to whether the bill should not be referred back to the committee, in order that they may have the advice and assistance of Mr. Recorder. (Hear, bear.) After some discussion, the bill was referred back to the committee ip its existing state. Mr. WM. - JONES moved that a clause or clauses be in serted in the bill, prescribing the declarations or oaths (if any) to be taken by officers elected under the act. Mr. GILPIN seconded, and the motion was agreed to. PROPOSED INCORPORATION OP visa BOROUGH UP sovrn- WAHL WITH THB CITY OF LONDON. Alderman WIRE then brought up a most important petition from the inhabitants of the borough of Southwark, and Ward of Bridge Without, for the borough to be incor porated with the City, and be represented by an alderman, common councilmen, dc., The petition, which was read by Mr. Woodtborpe, recited the various efforts of the inhabitants of Southwark to obtain the incorporation of that borough with the City of London, and the causes of their failure, and concludes with the prayer that the court of council will take into consideration whether it will not be for the benefit of the city an well as of the borough that the latter should be more fully united and incorporated with the city upon such terms, conditions, and :arrangements as shall be considered suitable and necessary, considering the extent and population of the borough, the value of the property therein, and the extent and importance of its commercial, interests, and especially that the inhabitants of Southwark may have an adequate representation in the councils of the city, and all such other rights and privileges as belong to the citizens resident in the city of London. Alderman Lawrence, Mr. Anderton, Sir James Duke, M.P., Mr. H. L. Taylor, Mr. Hoole, and Mr. Elliott then put a variety of questions to Mr. ereor g e Richard Corner and other genCemen connected with the deputation, the object of which was to ascertain from them what si milar applications they hail previously made, when such applica tions were Made, why they applied again, and whether they desired the corporation to put a clause in their newly proposed bill calculated to embrace the prayer of their peti tion. To these several in ries it was replied that three applications had been made previously, one in 1836, and two others,as we understood, subsequently. Their appli cation upon the present occasion had been made in conse quence of the existing movement in favour of an extension of the municipal suffrage, the deputation thinking the cor poration might now materially aid them in the recovery of their rights, while they alleged that they were emboldened, though humbly, to seek the aid of that powerful body, in asmuch as no answer had been returned to the memorial they had presented in the year 1845. Alderman WIRE proposed that the petition be referred to a committee for consideration end report. Hr. SIMPSON, in seconding the motion, said that he could testify to the respectability of the petitioners, most of whom be personally knew had for many years resided in he borough of Southwark. He heartily supported the motion. The proposition was then put and carried. RZCFORT OP IS. Dtt[le-PLACI, ALDOATE. Mr. LART, chairman of the officer's and clerk's commit tee, then brought up a report, recommending the allowance of 1501. per annum to the- minister of St. James', Dukes'- place, Aldgate. The report habeen read, The CHAIR MAN of the committee stated that he had signed it, simply in his official capacity, disagreeing as he did with the recommendation it contained. He was of opinion that the Inhabitants ought to support the minister, as the osrporatioa 'treaty paid 381. Bs. Bd. per annum trwards the cl Mr. MAJAR e ar aL sociamiad the motion, and in doing so he sad he trusted the court would support the minister, as the o sit=al esdim wai omarnad chiefly of Jews and members Alter soma the action was put and carried, and dm met a{♦wr ado NORTHUMBERLAND PRIZE LIFE BOAT.—The truster of the royal harbour of Ramsgate have, it is said, pusimod this veritable boat from its builder, for the price Natal Mike lifo-boat report, namely, 2501. They intend to co operatoosedially with the Royal National Institution for the Preservation of Life from Shipwreck in carrying out its be nevolent object', of which society the Duke of Northum berland is the president. Other wealthy trusts of harbour, should folio • this laudable example set to them by their Ramsgate brethren, for as we have already shown, the want of life boats on th e coasts of the United Kingdom is really a disgrace to us es a great maritime nation. There are only about 96 of dues lift-preserving vessels on the whole extent of our rock coast, about one-half of them are reported as We A DEFICIENCY IN THE SOUTH WESTERN RAlL war Comeamr's ACCOUNTS has recently been discovered. Several clerks have been dismissed in consequence, and several other, hays been drafted to different stations on the line, and have boss easpelled . to make good the do lokacy out of their solniso. AT MANCHESTER. GREAT REFORM MEETING The evening meeting of reformers, at the Free Trade-hall, Manchester on Wednesday, was one of those gatherings which carry the memory back to the most stir ring period of the Anti-Corn Law League agitation. Tim platform was covered by influential and leading reformers, from all parts of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and the midland and northern counties, comprising molly of the delegates who had attended the morning's conference.. The body of the hall and galleries were crowded by a dense mass of the middle and working-classes, and though, after thousands of people had been tufted from the doors, several thousands admitted could only be accommodated with standing room, they waited with untiring patience over • period of mere than four hours to hear the conclusion of the meeting. It will be seen by our report that the resolutions adopted by the morning conference, were endorsed by the seven thou sand persons present with their unanimously expressed ap probation, which they testified, not only by a show of hands, but by the most enthusiasti c cheering. It was one of the most respectable, as well as one of the largest and most successful, demonstrations ever witnessed. Mr. GEORGE WILSON presided, and came upon the platform accompanied by Mr. Cobde n , MP., Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P., Sir Joshua Welinsley, M.l'., Mr. J. Williams, M.P., Mr. Jas. Heywood, M.P., Mr. Milligan, M.P., Mr. L. Ileyworth, M.P., Mr. Kershaw, M.l'., Mr. Sharman Crawford, M.l'., Mr. Henry, M.P., Mr. George Thompson, M.P., Mr. J. Brotherton, M.P., &c. These gentlemen were welcomed with enthusiastic applause. Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., who was received with loud cheers, said—There was • time, I believe it is on record, that the Flo rentine republic, in consequence of the sins of the:nobles, ex cluded them from any share iu the representation, or from say share in the government by express enactment, and a noble had to be elevated to the rank of a commoner before ho could be allowed to partake of power. (Applause, and laughter.) Now, we do cot Elmo poee anything of this kind. We propose, not that the noble shall be excluded, but that the people shall be admitted. (Hear.) We propose, for example, in these resolutions, in stead of the temporary, and I had almost said, the absurd franchise of a lel. house, that reverting to the policy and principles of our ancestors, all men who by the present law have a right to vote in parochial affairs, all who have the right to vote for municipal councils, and, further than that, because in that case there is a long period of residence which cuts off a large number, we propose that for the par liamentary franchise there shall exist the same basis wheels the legislature and long custom have adopted for parishes, and which in more recent times the legislature has adopted fur town councils and for poor-law unions—that is, that when a man, fur the possession of any property—house, warehouse, shop, stable, barn, carthouse, land, or garden (that of course is included in land), shall have his name upon the rate-book, he shall have a vote ; we propose that that rate-book should be the final authority, and decisive in all cases as to the right of any man to vote. (A veicc : " Why not universal suffrage r") lam very sorry that Imu obliged, as it were, to skip over both facts and arguments, fur the purpose of shortening the observations which I am obliged to make in going over this matter ; therefore, although I should be very glad to take up any print that was suggested by any person present, I ion sure the meeting, under these circum stances, will excuse sue even attempting it. (Applause.) I only say this, that there never met, in my opinion, in any one room so many persons so exclusively of what I may call, so far as public opinion is concerned, an influential body of men, as met to-day in that room at the conference and agreed to these resolutions. And we must bear in mind that whatever we propose, however democratic may be anybody's opinion individually, we all should come to this conclusion, that whatever mea sure should be proposed with any chance whatever of sue • errs, should be a measure which will not appeal eutirely to the sympathies of any one class; but, while it invites the great body of men of all classes within the pale of the con stitution, will still abide by our antecedents with regard to the franchise in those other dgparunents to which 1 have alluded; so that it will bring in its support not the unen franchised only, but the enfranchised of the middle classes, and those very powerful sections of the community who, if they could, most of them would prevent our having any extension of the franchise at all. (Hear.) I would not myself, at this moment, whatever may be my own opinious upon any question, I would not propose to parliament, and would not carry if I had dictatorial power, any law which 1 believe was not received with general acceptation and sympathy by the intelligent and the good of all classes of my countrymen. (Applause.) But now we must bear in mind that no franchise that ever yet was proposed omitted to exclude somebody. We propose that the forty-shilling franchise, which is now confined entirely to freehold property, should be extended to leasehold and copyhold. In many districts copyhold is very common; in other districts—where I live, for example—leasehold is the prevailing tenure. Well, we propose that by this the forty-shilling franchise shall be made more easily obtainable almost all over the country; endive believe that wherever any man is permanently—and there will be very few per manently excluded on the rating suffrage, for by one means or other we all come to pay rates at some time of our lives— that if there he a man so excluded because he has no posses sion of any kind of property which is liable to assessment to the poor rate, still he will have the power, and no doubt great numbers of them will exercise it, of qualifying himself for the franchise by obtaining possession of one of these forty shilling . freeholds much more easily obtainable under this proposition than they arc at present. Our object is to sim plify the franchise, making the rate-book the register, and at the same time open a channel to individuals obtaining the franchise who don't happen to get it through the rate book, by obtaining the possession of a 40s. freehold ; and we believe that, at present, at any rate, and I think many persons will believe that permanently, such an accession to the list of elector., with such other changes as we propose, will give to the people of this country the government of themselves, so that whatever in future may be required, either of organic chan,e or of admiuistrativc reform, the people of this country may have through th e i r regu larly constituted legislature, the members of both houses of par liament. (Applause.) Now of the ballot I say nothing. It seems to be almost universally adopted by everybody who calls himself a reformer. I noticed the enthusiasm with which it wee received at the conference this morning, and the marks of approbation which it met when it was read by Mr. Robinson just now from the resolution. I will not go into the question of a threesyears' . parliament, or a two-years', or • four-years' parliament; ot would not be possible for anybody to demonstrate that three years was better than two, or perhaps that it was better than four; but we know that triennial parliaments, for a considerable time, were the law of the land ; we know that the altera tion took place to serve the purposes of a party and of a dynasty ; and we see no reason whatever that should pre vent us in making the change which is necessary, going back to that which our forefathers had established, and which there is no reason to suppose was prejudicial to them, or would be prejudicial to us. (Applause.) We are willing to hope that the Prime Minister is about to perform a great national service. We are nom indi cating, to the but of our abilities, that which wo think he ought :to do, and we are setting before him the path I which we think he ought to tread. Now, Lord John Rus sell, in the House of Commons, makes • great many able speeches every session ; but I have always noticed, that though his speeches are very ingenious when he's wrong, they are very much better when he's right. (Applause and , laughter.) Now, he generally winds up his speeches on some great queacion, with a peroration in which he praises the constitution of this country, and speaks in almost sinking terms of the loyalty of the people—l don't mean loyalty to any particular person now, or hereafter, or here before on the throne—but loyalty to the law and to the con. stitution. He speaks of them as persons having a great love of order, and who may be trusteckto every large extent. Well, then, I think we may fairly ask Lord John Russell, in obedience to his own often-mede declarations, to give to the people of this country at least as great a measure of reform as that that the conference has agreed to recommen 1, and which, I trust, you will unanimously approve of this even ing. (Applause.) Now, I have said that I believe we all have an interest in a good and honest government. The Queen hes • great interest in the peace and prosperity of this country. But that thoughtful boy that she led up the Exchange when she was here, is not more dear to her, than the boy which is to be found in • million houses in this country is to its parents. The property of her family is no mere than the property and success of our families. (Hear, hear.) Those great peers and territorial proprietors make a grievous mistake when they fancy that every man who has not acres, or what they call a great stake in the coun try, has not • stake in his employment, being steady and well-remunerated, and in the comforts and con veniences of life, which are being more extensively diffused amongst the people. Why, all this has an effect upon every man—the head of every family; and all these bind him as much to morality and to order, as the vast property of the peerage, or of those territorial proprietors, bind them to the prosperity and interest* of the country. (Loud cheers.) We want, in fact, and we don't disguise it—we want a government by this nation and for this nation. (Applanae) We, the merchants, the manufacturers, the traders, the professional men, the artisans, the proprietors of the soil, the farmers, the labourers—we are the basis, and we are the superstructure of this great commonwealth, whose deeds and whose progress fill so great a space in the his tory of the world. We have outgrown this antiquated and deerepid system of representation. We have attuned to an intellectual and a moral height which enables us not only to comprehend the theory, but also to appreciate the bles sings of a free coostitutioo, and a free represen tation; and we have grown, also, to the stature which gives us strength not only to demand but to insist upon the concession of all that we may honestly and wisely demand. Now, I want the population adds United Kingdom to read the resolutions which have hew the proceedings of this day, I would like that the people of every city, of every town, of every village, nay, of every house, should weigh well the resolutions which haus been pawe dd by the conference, and which I hope will be unanimously and enthusiastically adopted by this meet ing. I want them to hold meetings everywhere, so far as they honestly can, to make these resolutions their own. If they like to make 'em better I'm sure I shall have no ob jection. (Hear, hear.) Let them, by the time of the meeting of parliament, prepare strenuous petitions calling upon the House of Commons to enact propositions,—these, or such u these,—in an act of parliament, and if they do this, rely upon it that the year upon which this nation is about to enter,—the year 1852,—wi1l be for ever memorable in the history of the struggles which Englishmen have made for the liberties of England. (The meeting upstanding, gave repeated rounds of cheers as Mr. Bright sat down.) The Rt. Hon. T. MILNER GIBSON, M.P., neat ad dressed the meeting. m ch S ee ir rin l g O , A id.w W r A so L m M e S i L atr la od li Lit o s u re . oe bn iv r e v d ati w o. i t t s l: u lch : " I shall best evince my appreciation of the reception you have Riven ine, and for which I am deeply grateful, by study ing to be as brief as I would be earnest in the observations I our privileged to make to this great meeting. No proficient l in the art of rhetoric or declamation, it must be my pro• VitICO to take a sober and practical view of the question we are met to discuss, and of the objects we desire to promote. What, then, are those °limes e To do to others as wo would they should do to us. To bestow upon our unenfranchised fellow-subjects the same political rights wo ourselves enjoy, and from which they have been so long and so unjustly excluded, and, ea a consequence, the renovation of the popular clement in the House of Commons, and a more equitable distribution of the national burdens. We have met less for the utterance of words, than for the de vising of works; less for the expression of our opinions, than to take measures to give effect to thole opinion', and to make them the basis of future legislation. The time draws nigh when we shall be called upon to consider the proposals of her Majesty's govern , meet on the vital question of a modification of our present system of electing members to legislate for the interests of this vast empire. It is all important that this time should be wisely improved ; for the minister, who ever he may be, that brings forward the new reform bill, will not fail to refer to the development of this particular period, and found upon it either his justification of a comprehensive, or his excuse for a partial measure. It is not for me to say how far the labours of the National Association have contributed to procure the ministerial declaration in favour of parliamentary reform—suffice it, the declaration has been made, and in the absence of any ministerial plan. It is the duty of the association as far as possible to take the sense of the country on the scheme they have adopted, and to call upon re • formers everywhere to enrol themselves against the day • when the battle will have to be fought in the legislature. The association, in the manifesto of its council addressed to the people, bas said that " It is not for the executive government of a constitutional monarch to dictate funda- I mental changes in petaled institutions." They may advise, • but as ministers of the crown their duty at such a crisis is to ascertain, to adopt and then to carry into law the will of . the people, or, I will venture to add, to resign their place!, • and to leave the Sovereign free to eta to her councils those I whose opinions are in harmony with the wishes of her I people. Let me impress upon all whom I now address, and upon all who desire a measure of reform as compre hensive as that promulgated by the national association, , that if through a misplaced confidence in ministerial laden tints, or through wilful neglect of the present opportunity, they fail to give effect to their opinions • they will indeti lately postpone the attainment of the objects they seek. Neither should we lose sight of the fact, that a partial measure of reform will to the extent it I is carried subtract from the chimeras which it may now be possible to combine for the realisation of the entire object. What would be the probable effect of giving the franchise to an additional million of the population ? To content that million, and thus to lessen the power of those who are equally entitled to the right, whilst it would add to the strength of those who have hitherto sucemetally re i sated the claims of the unenfranchisiel. A partial measure of reform should be deprecated as ineffectual fur the removal of those abuses, either financial or eeclesauitical, which it is the übject of a real reform iu parliament to extirpate. Ate member, whatever may he the extent of the measure which ' is carried, it will be regarded as a settlement for a long period. Tho opponent, of reform will strive • to make it so. Many will desire that it shall have a lair trial, and others will be indisposed to renewed agitation, the more so, as they have nothing to gain by the l change. And not without reason may it then be aged, t there was a time when you might have obtuinml what you • wanted, but you slumbered and slept when you should have , been vigilant and active, and were inert and divided when , you should have been resolute and united. If we are • wise we shall anticipaoe and denounce all lialameasuies • while they arc in embryo. We may feel satisfied that r ministers will be guided by the ascertained feelings and determination of the various classes of the population, and • if the unentranchised allow others to display greater earnest ) ness in the cause of modified reform than they exhibit in their own behalf, the mischief will be done before • parliament meets and no sooner will the new reform bin be promulgated than every power which :he government on I the one hand, or the opponent, of progress on the other, , can employ, will be used to prevent any larger extension of t the franchise, than that which the iievernment may pro s pose. These arguments may, to some extent, apply even to I the scheme set forth by the association itself, but with tlus , material difference, that the measure of parliamentary re- I form which we ask is of so bread and c imprehennive a I character as to leave little of a practical nnturo to be at ' tained. 1 have made these remarks for the purpose of I showing the dangers to which our cause is ex : posed, that being forewarned we may he fore ' armed, and take the precautions necessary to meet and overcome these dangers. There is ample power in the people to sweep away every obstacle which the opponents of progress and the advocates of a limited suffrage may throw in their way. But that power must be evoked. It must be preserved intact ; it must be put into action ; it must to wisely directed and resolutely employed. Let us take the measure of our resources, end so learn the amount of our strength. It is notorious that a large portion of the intetigent producing classes have for yearn been in favour • of universal suffrage—that they are still so—and with the advantage of a great increase of knowledge and experience. t They now not only know their rights, but aro sensitively r alive to the grievances they bear through denial of r those rights. With an increase of numbers and intelligence, they have acquired in the school of suffering, disappoiutment, and defeat, the wisdom which they once lacked. Twenty years ago they allowed themselves to be organised nail directed for the attainment of the bill, the whole bill, and nothing bet the bill. If at that time a great victory was won, it was through the energy, temperance, and cool determination of the working classes—that which the aristocratic friends of reform in parliament could not achieve of themselves. What the middle classes, aided by their tith d champions, were unable to effect, was promptly done by the millions of the manufacturing districts. That which they did at the bidding of others, and fur others then, let them do with the aid of others, but for themselves now, and then instead of a barren victory, as in 1832, they will achieve a triumph which will give them status as citizens, dignity as men, and a legitimate share in the management of their own ;Min. They may rest aoured, whoever else may fail them in the hour of need, theee who have been partakers of their devotion in the cause of freedom, and witnessed their willingness to yield their own l.ng cherished views for the attainment of speci fic and practical reform, will never desert, but stand or full with them. We may finely estimate in our ranks every friend of political justice, all who have faith in the integrity of the masses, and who believe that the true way to dove lope the virtue of the people is to invest them with equal political rights. Neither can we fail to enlist the sympathies of those who see no hope for any alleviation of the national burdens until the great body of tho people can be appealed to, and who believe that the country can neither be permanently safe, nor lastingly prosperous, until the number, skill, &versified interests, and growing intelligence of the masses, aro fairly repre tented in parliament. Such are our resources, such the materials at our command; and if we set ourselves heartily and earnestly to the work, I cannot doubt they are more than sufficient to immure the triumph of the cause in which we are embarked. We seek not to disturb the aris tocratic element—still less the monarchical— but we believe both may be strengthened by the concession of a full, free, and fair representation in that assembly which the constitution has declared should be the embodiment of the mind and will of the people. What, under such eacumstanem, is the obvious policy of the real friends of reform ? I say real, for the time is at hand when hosts of sham reformers will enter the lists and shout for reform, either as a means of promoting their own interests, or that they may more readily mislead those, who are earnest in the cause. My answer is, let us find common ground on whichto stand. Let that ground be equal justice; let us see, eye to eye, in reference to the minimum amount of reform, which as a united body we shall demand, and which, if we seek in such a spirit, we may hope to attain let us determine how much is reasonable, safe and obtainable, as well as just and constitutional, and having chosen this ground, let us stand together and act as men who have counted the cost and are prepared to pay the penalty. Having so recently addressed you on the means by which the National Association seeks to attain the objects to which 1 have referred, I would merely urge upon you fidelity and tierseverance, assuring you that thousands iu every part of the empire are anxious to unite with you in the great struggle. I speak in the name of the unenfranchised millions when I say, their rights to an equality of political power none can deny, nor will any deny their loyalty, their intelligence, or their fitness for the exercise of that power. They have sought their rights in a spirit of patriotism and self-devotion which has commanded the admiration even of their opponents. Nor has any act of theirs been calculated to militate against the institutions of their country, or to injure the interests of their fellow men. They have borne their degradation to the hope that political justice would at length reward their moderation ; and they still approach the legislature in the spirit of supplication. Let not, however, their forbearance be mistaken for apathy or indifference,. they are alive to their position • they know their rights, and their power to enforce ;Inn ; and are prepared to co operate for a full measure of constitutional reform. The spec tacle I now witness, the character of the men who 611 this piatform, the thousands I see before me, and the hundreds of thousands whose views they represent—all enure me that if westeaday seek a measure of even-handed justice, It will not be long ere we agate meet in this hall to cele brate a 1110011 d triumph, even greater than the one to which it owes its name. Mr. COBDEN, M.P., on rising to address the meeting, was received with enthusiastic and protracted cheering which continued for upwards of a minute. Ile said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I feel too much commiseration for you to detain you more than • very few minutes with any remarks on this important question. I have been sit ting all the evening on • comfortable chair with • beck to it, and surveying the scene before me, and bare really felt my heart melt at the melting position in which you must be placed—(laughter)—and alter all, gentlemen, there is nothing new to discuss about the matter that is before us. There have been four propositions, as old as the hills al most, that have been now submitted to this meeting. We have had a discussion at the conference this morning, for live hours, and it resulted simply in declaring ourselves in favour of those four points which Mr. flume has for four successive years been bringing before the House of Commons —( hear, hmir)—household suffrage, with the right of lodgers to claim to be rated and be upon the rate book—(cheers)— ' - " triennial parliaments, redisifibution of electoral Power, and the ballot. (Hear, hear) Why, gentlemen, these four points have been subjected to discussion within the house