The Express. — London, England, 1851-09-26 00:00:00

E a of Pubescent to carry the wishes et the commie an t t h e corporation into effect. (Cheers.) I fear no on -:nil that may be mad into all the einsteinium.' end his fors of the acts of thu s corporation during the last fourteen or iftner, years. (Chute.) I feel emend that there is scarcely anybody that ha* had to de with such large and ir siehty circumstances, with such an amount of money and „,lice, that can be less charged with anything in the of jobbery than this corporation ; odes although it in, v ,,d his been, fashionable certainly to ry corporate innitutions as th e very nests of iniquity and de struction, yet I say, on behalf of the corporation of Lontlou, and speaking as one of its members, that I desire to reform it, and to make it keep pees with the s pirit of the times, and to identify it with the great commercial interests of this city . as well as to make it a useful instrument in administering the funds entrusted v, it. care. (Cheers.) I therefore feel it necessary that t h er ,...boakl be an enlargement of the franchise by which the ...Inhere of this court are elected, and 1 sincerely hope and trust that this motion will be carried. (Cheers.) My lord, what other reforms are to follow I will not venture to pre di-t. That there may be other changes that may become will not deny ; but I hope that the people of the city and country will bear in mind the strong necessity that ez ;, t • for opposing the rapidly increasing spirit of centrali sation—(hear, hear) —and keeping up the spirit of cape rate institutions, by which the people of this country can, i n nu.-t of their own affairs, giver's themselves to their Sari.t.o.tion and very much to the benefit of the public a t large. (Cheers.) Mr. 110 t 'ER mid he was not quite sure that the meet ing which took place at the Mansion House on Wednes day an this subject was quite constitutional—(hear, hear), but whether it was or not, he vat very much surprised at the. motion brought forward by Mr. Deputy Harrison. He knew so greater insult that could be offered to a body of mix composing the committee, since he had belonged to the Corporation than that after the decision at which the com mittee had arrived, he should now come before the carp°. ration with a proposal that the matter should be taken out of the hands of that committee. (Hear.) Mr. Deputy FEWTItESS said the speech of Mr. Hami lton related almost entirely to the substance of a motion of his own fee enlarging the constituencies of the city, which hail been earned a censiderable time agn. Mr. ANDRRTON mid that, if Mr. Deputy Harrison had Ti , erred to the report of Di la, he would have there ob tained the very information he was now asking for; and it was to be hoped that the court would agree to a reprint of the original report, in order that a copy of it might be sent to every reembe: of the new committee. Mr. RENNOCII said that, whatever opinions might he entertained by members of the court, he was quite our. prise el at the change that had been made in the motion 0.4,1 upon the paper of business, which seemed to him to to .1 a. ry hasty and injudicious mode of procedure. He ogre.; in the opinion that the citizens of London ought to lair. a broad and unmistakeable franchise, and oancisded by noising the previous ijoisiCon. M-. Alderman SlDNEY—Although I did not meet, from ohaervations which fell from the last speaker, that I should rise to second his motion, I have now very great ph- tem , in doing so, and I will briefly state the grounds upon which I have come to that conclusion. I congratulate the court that a member who has so long taken an active part in this question, the Chairman of the Erodes's Committee, has now, in a speech of marked shady and sound mane, proposed to this court an important and speedy change in the municipality of the city ; and the reasnas upon which he has grounded the net-easily for that eliange, I think, arc so apparent, as to defy the whole of Vas evert to hod an argument to set against them. He has stale d that representation and tanation should go together. I most cordially assent to that principle, and, except that praeiple is mint upon, we shall certainly gain neither ate tigth nor credit in the city of London, or in any ether portion of her Majesty's .dominion. I esrmi bet say that I quite concur in the surprise that lies lo e n manifested at the course taken by the Chid& man of the Freedoms Committee, because I somel4 together with many other members of this Meet, have given great consideration to this question. If wears new war we shall not neglect the warnings and the now that abound so plentifully uround us. Let us but 7111611114 th.tt we once had the press in our favour, and we ate new in the unfortunate position of having them arrayed asellost us. (Cries of " What ..f that ?") I repeat it to a NAM sip milliard fact, and when I none to recollect that from lest thus advocacy of the 'Times in our favour—(hides luighter)—that with its circulation four times increased wnhin the hot few years—that we have a public journal tr insmitting daily 3`4,1100 copies to the most intelligent poi too of the community of all classes—l say that that is an e: .drat which you wit', be most unwise to disregard. I dirt r entirely with regard to what the Times says of it, Meat, hear.) Thu Times charges us with being the newt corrupt body in existence. (Cry of, " There's no traOd in that.") I deny that in Vito. I deny that we are . oar corrupt or ivnial. The only evil that we labour make is this, that our constituencies have dwindled down, iii. , artunateiy, to a point which it behoves us now speedily n. r. novate. I do not anticipate that, with a new corporation er w ith new men elected to sit in our places, they will either etre more time, more honest real, or, I may say, generally more wisdom, than the prat tier' knowlestee which we our selves have acquired to enable us to administer our own affairs. (Hear, hear.) With a revenue of 200,0001. per annum, and with a taxable revenue of 100,0001. per annum, you must not expert to go quietly forward without your sets being challeratial and very greatly criticised. (Hear.) The Alderman concluded by calling upon the court to sup port the amendment Mr. DAK IN said he could nut help congratulating the reurt upon the subject matter of the proposition before theta, but very much regretted to find that something like personal feeling with regard to this or that committee carrying out the measure contributed to introduce division, and to override its importance. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Deputy HALE hoped the court would reject the amendment. Mr. Alderman LAWRENCE said the usual course of ha.inias was to finish with the printed notice before any supplementary matter was introduced, and contended that th. motion of Mr. Deputy ilarriaun ought not to have n ;unstated to be brought forward out of its order. Ile roloidered there were materials enough in the report of the committee to answer the great object of increasing the censtitueney in accordance with the parliamentary registra hen. after some further discussion, the previous question, in it] . et newativing the motion of Mr. Harrison, was then put alai carried. —....—...... Aldennan LAWRENCE then, after several ob servations upon the report of the committee upon the E:.rtion Act .tinendment Act, moved that the court adopt the following words, contained in the first paragraph, which h contended would accomplish a more extensive reform, by ..I.lnnt; largely to the constituency, than any that had ever n adopted by the court. That every person who shall occupy premises in the of London for a period of a year and a day, and shall I ,ot and bear lot, shall be a freeman and citizen, and ) 'e entitled to all the benefits and privileges, and be t M all the duties thereof." nnan SIDNEY seconded the motion, and said he d that if the court adopted it they would have the of the world, and oven of the Times itself. (I.ll4ltkr ) Att.., considerable discussion the motion was carried. thi., paragraphs is the report were then agreed to, after ulna the wart adjourned. LATEST FOREIGN EXCHANGES. r 313 1 , 3.85rr.23. roe r, Maser. if 044441 .13433 1 Lit 40 P 2 92 • LIM ... • For Marapt. I P , f Crab. ....... 1 ;areas 8 PT Cad& sr, I , — Iver Ceuta. AIM tents_ . ... ...... bilingeas Lenin : itaiilt. 13 114 ;1. '. 3013 .._ 4. 1. WM 101 licary reface Mob - . 1. MI ....» ... Muir Was, 1131 741 Os. 46 ...14. 11 „....... ... I Ttisinvy Ws — ''•• 0 • 7 5 r.a. —6l so I ark Muss lls ... _ • Matte. Sin. 25.—Versailles (right bank). —; ditto ko 13 ). 212 30; Pula and Orleans, — • Para and Vaasa, • Pavan aad Rum 331 23 ; MarartUs ' sad Arbour, SOS TS; .r s o rrurgard OWL 148 7S; (X•nue, 437 S 0; Goldoiro• asd • orison sad Venleaus ILS • 1 1 1sethera, Os 73 ; Ps Ai rka lit Z sr • I 1 ,Z.../14 US; taws sad NastaL 743 IS; Ifirateriaa sad Item M %min, SEPT. 20.—Three per Cents., 35? ; after 13 91 , a. 331. Four per Cents., at 15 ; after 8010, 7. Five per Cents., at 161 ; after Bolsa, 161. "oPons at 81 ; after Bolas, 81. Paisives, 61; aftrr Bohn, 6:. Bank of St. Ferdinand, 100 p. e 4 4 1 16'e on London, 31. (BY I£l(Pettis Teillyspli ) A‘TWERP, SErr. 25.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 7 s • Five per Cent. Ardoins, 144. Three per Cent. lolaind. 34. Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents., Exchange on London, 23.23. 111 :1"..4:Ls, SEPT. 25.—Belgian Five per Cents., 991. 1644, Eourand-a-Half per Cents., 92 Exchange' t:1 London, 24.25. A 4, IVADAM, Srrr. 24.—Five per Cent. Metal "Tvi.. 74..1 Five per Cent. Ardoins,l4 Z. Three tv . r Vent s . I nter i or, 3 4 13-16. Russian Four-and-a "Arper Cents., 991. Two-and-a-Half per Cent. In ttgrx* 57 13-16. Exchange on London, 11.921. VI xxxs,Sirr.2s.—Five per Cent. Metalliipice,94 i• E xchange on London, 11.53. Ditto on Pans, 1411. Ittettx, Sur. 21—Voluntary Loan, 107. Na tiesal Debt, 881. Exchange on Lanka, 6.221; on } Limburg, 130 t; on St. Petersburg, 104; ; on Vienna, SErr. 24.—Three per Cents. In ttriur 321; Russian Four-and-a-Halt per Cents., 96 :. ANL - roar, SErr. 23.—Ficeper Cent.lletalliques. - Exchange on London, 1191. Ditto on Vienna, ! M thItTAGE.—We 1111dt:inland that a mu-Aar will 'hwy./. take place between th e lio n . Captain Elllll/ Frac, ad late 0 dr, next brother of Lord Carbery, and the • L !, - "IY Kat he rine Felicia Pakenham, sister of the Earl of I ""rd. and a lance of the Duke of Wellington.— °ewer.. 11111090. Lowest I Owls( NM 06 40 SS 14 MM 92 0 1,92 t 3 ; 90 fan 23 S. • Eats _ . THE EXPRESS. FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 26, 1851. neentelietffilisir eappreers to feel unwed they would wily bo the how to regain a little of their isst ty by earther therasives in favour of further political perm Bat the whip, be it ore net the *dr Party i the Mates tbough, by oninathe awl meth dent, they have the fended ef pub& aim The radical members of the Hemel et C -- -. more and more supported by the caelliimie of the people, are daily increasing as an important meths sof the legislature ; and, if they cannot supplant, can. when united; urge forward, and compel the tenants of the tneenry bench to go on, or to go out. But separate and lilt from all that is called liberal there is • ;powerful p= who, it is understood, when the time shall come le overtures, will not be outbid in their offers for rpport. Of this ministers may be certain, that tr 2r e friends of the people, in and out of the Haase et GPM mons, will think far kss about the name of the party by whom a measure of real reform may be tendered, than of the value and importance of the measure itself. Still I believe reformers would prefer to see their cause in the House of Commons headed by the noble lord who has go often led the van, and sometimes the forlorn hope, in that cause in times gone by. The champ:onship of the came, I by such a man, would be natural end becoming, and fal keeping with a career begun in the cause of freedom, and consummated by the acknowledgment of the noel politi cal rights of all his fellow-subteen. Having glanced at the opiuiona of men and parties, we come to consider that which is of greater importance, what under all the Mecum- stances the people should do. Am 1 asked what I would have them do? I answer, I would have them save the minister the trouble of deciding that question for them - I selves, and by making the carrying of their measure in the legislature inevitable. If asked how they should du this, I answer, look back twenty years; see how it was the Whigs were able to beat the boromthmongers in 1831 by 1,832, and re_ and do likewise. Practise the lesson in '6l that your Whig advisers taught you in le3l, and do that for your selves now which you did for others then. Are the working me• of England fewer now than then ? They are vastly mere numerous, more intelligent, more enlightened. Them they were deceived; now they know by experience they meet trust none but themselves , and aid in no reform w mese eel include themselves. The advice given twenty I years ago was to be united, to be firm, to he resolute. The advice was taken. What was the result? The great cap tain of the age was deposed. The boroughmongers were defeated in the House of Commons, and when the whip resigned through the opposition of the peers, the people brought Lord Ore y back to power in ten days. If these things have been done once, they can be done again. You are multiplied in numbers; you are wiser from experience; you have ein/need in knewledge and intelligence ; you have a better aequainuince with your own grievances and a clearer insight into their causes. The middle classes are aware that it is only through the concession of your rights that their burdens can be alleviated, and they are many of them willing to join you. What, then, is to prevent you achieving your objects if you are consolidated, and pre pared to sustain your claims in the omnipotence of your numbers and moral power ? Intelligent working men, let the next four months be sacred to the cause ot your own political advancement. Men of Lancashire, set an example to your brethren throughout the kingdom. From this great hive of industry let your voices be heard, calling upon the industrial masses everywhere to be up and doing. If you speak, your own chum will hear, respond, and obey. 1 have spoken of favourable indications; they should lie interpreted only as encouragements and incen ' byes. They are indications of what may be accomplished, but the labour of accomplishment rests with ourselves. Once more, let your petitions crowd the table of the House of Commons. In times past, it may have been wise to abstain from sending your petitions to a house where they were despised; but it may be equally wise to exercise this eunstitutional right now, and thus to sustain those who will ' have to tight your battle* on the floor of perliainent. But if done by one, it must be done by all ; not only must the city petition, but the town, the village, the hamlet, the workshop. Let their name be " legion. " Let there be no mistake whether the people desire re form, and none as respects their determination to have it. Many other practical measures must be carried out, in order that when the day of conflict comes, the friends of the people may be found at their posts. Let the representatives of the people be well looked after— let them know what the people want, what they expect, and what they have determined to achieve. Your opponents are looking to the registration ; you must do the tame. They are alive to the importance of filling every vacant sent with men after their own hearts. You must imitate their example, and he prepared to tight a battle in the right cause. I have spoken of sacrifices: let them be made trecly, promptly, and by all—l ant prepared with mine, be each of you prepared with yours. There must ho concessions of opinion where principle is not compromised. Above all, we must lay aside our ancient animosities—be henceforth comrades and fellow labourers. A great contest is at hand, and we shall only be equal to it by entire union. Money will be required, and efforts must be made to supply it. The question must be settled at onee, and, for the sake ot future example, we must tumid, the sinews of war now. In this mat ter we might learn a w.efol lesson from the example of the friends of freedom in other countries, whose sclf.denial and devotion, might well rebuke our indifference. In the remarks which I shall now bring to a close I have addressed myself prinei• pally to the producing classes. Let me end with a word to those who con:pose the trading and mercantile portions of the community. The objects you have hitherto been seeking can only Ist permanently realised b y the speedy concession of the constitutional rights of the disfranchised millions. 'limn, and not till then, when justice is done to the great body of the people. will you attain the objects you have et heart. In times past they aided you against the enemies with whom you had to contend, and with their 1 assistance you conquered. To-day they ask you to aid them meting their opponents. Their triumph will be your great and permanent advantage. Than may you hope for eheap and good government, the blessings of unshackled ' Industry, and the removal of those abuses which you seek to abolish. Aid them, then, in this great and good work, and let the struggle be twice blessed ; the blessing of recon ciliation, union, and indissoluble friendship, in its progress, and the blessing of • peaceful and pathetic victory at the end. (Loud cheers.) Mr. J. C. DYER moved the first resolution: " That the First Minister of the Crown having intimated his intention to introduce a measure of parliamentary reform during the next session, the people ehould lose no time in giving effec tive expression to their wishes; this meeting Both there. fore declare that say measure which does not re-arrange the electoral districts, extend the franehise to every occupier of • tenement, protect the voter by the ballot, shorten the duration of parliament, and abolish the property qualifica tion required of members, will fail to satisfy the just ex pectations of the people, will be ineffectual an preventing the corruption. intimidation, and oppression, now prevail ing at elections ' and in securing the full and free represen tation of the people in the ;Coalman House of Parliament." He wee glad to see this crowded meeting, because it was to meetings of the people like this that the small number of honest and talented re formers of the House of Commons must look for that cordial and energetic action necessary to sustain them in • great struggle for the people's right*. The body of men who really supported the people in the House of Commons was very small, consisting of something fewer than 100 men— though there were, doubtless, many nominal reformers, and honest worthy members who considered that the support of that cause required them under ell circumstances to support the existing ministers. He thought the measure of reform in dicated in this resolution was • very reasonable one, and that the people should certainly be satisfied with nothing lees. He would remind them that he fought with them for the Reform Bill 20 years ago, and told them that that was but an instalment of what they ought to have. The time was now come for the other instalumett, owl they must remem ber. that now as then they would require to rouse them selves ere they became the omnipotent power which must coerce an unwilling Rouse of Gemesne into doing them justice. (Cheers.) Mr. HEYWOOD, of Hairs, smonded the resolution.' W. J. FOX, Esq., M.P., them iese to support the resolu tion, and was received with proisszed eheering. He said— ilr. Chairman sad gentlemes, - Weis peat meeting is worthy et the great cause which yes in arethegated to support. The weirdly reformer who all eumploined (as what speaker may not complain ? et the halftime of his voice, is =li in addressing so vest a bet it has been well sai d that " one voice has edam" It is always so when that one voice, se trans, time great truth, lentla Kee noble right which below te bums name, the panoriosi of which is claimed sr ermines Mr human nature; and if IMO votes ea robed lee may tams, how mast It be with the Totem of Selnlearled thounands, each as are here as emalied ? And whet is the cis to their assertion of public sisid and judos but the Sideedion of millions declaring IMO they have waited lorsg aesmA for the possession of their kuphimeta inheritance ? (Loud &SM.) Sir, we have heard hod: letters which were seal to this meeting, and we in other ways, that the labours of the last Senile have required relaxation ter the restoration of the Wit and strength of the members of the House of Cote ntin& It was a very laborious session. (Cheers and .) The House of Common heaved with the throes rre-aiseatain in labour, sad brought forth the little Meek mime of a theologiml seastmont. (Great shesoieg mid lawgittor.) Bet if indiViikil members of pediamest, who hare on their own shooldme the bertha and - hilityof their constituency and their elsocissese, n n el hey Orel the need of change of air for the rooovatioa of their leysical and moral and intellectual sedition, how mast it with those on whom devolves the yet heavier responsi- Wily of guiding the destinies of the umiak, and conducting the policy of the British empire ? (Hear, hear.) If Kr. Home, Mr. Gibson, Mr. Bright, and others need change of air, bow much must Lord John Russell need it ? (Laugh ter.) And I wish he were here to enjoy it. (Loud cheers and laughter.) He would fiad this • very different atmo sphere to that of St. Stephen's, and one which would do him much rod. (Cheers.) If he could be put under • course of Manchester meetings, I think his weak sicklinees might give way to the strength and, energy of • real reformer, and ho might become strong enough for his place. (Loud cheers.) Sir, the fact c be well denied, that the atmosphere of this meeting and of any large meeting of the people of England, is a very dif ferent one from that of the House of Commons. A dif ferent class of feelings prevails : other principles are con templated, and other sympathies are glowing in the bosom. Why, sir, look on many of the leading points which now interest the public mind of this country and of Europe. In the H (louse of Commons the sympathy is with large military and naval armaments, and their enthusiasm is unbounded when an officer gains a victory and gets a pension er a title, while your sympathies are with peace and the works of peace ; you look to that whichthey regard as ebinaerieel sad :Utopian, you are desirous of that great brotherhood of nations, when swords shall be beaten into pospobares. (Chem.) There you always dad a millers for voting sway millions of the people's meressy, shoed as a 'in formal &natter, whilst here the sympathies are GREAT REFORM MEETING MANCHESTER. A meeting was held at the Free Trade Hall, Man- ehester, on Wednesday evening, which was admirably cal culated to give an impetus to what, after the indications given by ministers, may be considered a new Reform Bill for the coming session of parliament. It would he difficult to estimate precisely how many people were present at the meeting; the ball was originally constructed to held 10,000 people, and rather over that number have occasionally been present, but some alterations in the building, of a decorative character, have curtailed the space, besides which scats had been placed on this occasion for ladies, and , ' for the more distinguished portion of the audience. Among the gentlemen on the platform were :—G.Wiesox, Esq. (in the chair), Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., President I of the Association; W. J. Fox, Esq., M.P., George Thomp son, Esq., M.P., Robert Kettle, Esq. 11. 11. Tindal Atkinson, Esq., H. J. Sleek, Req., Robert Le Blond, Esq., members of the Council ; J. C. Dyer, Esq., W. Benton, Esq., Henry Rawson, Esq., E. H. Smith, Esq., Joseph Barratt, Esq., Newton-heath, Fox Turner, Esq., J. Duffield, Esq., Isaac Watts, Esq , A. Brier, Esq., E. Ashworth, Esq., J. E. I Royle, Esq., S. P. Robinson, Esq., J. Lees, Esq., F. Lees, Eq., W. Morris, Esq., and Henry Morris, Esq. _ . Letters of apology for absence from the meeting were read from Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P. ; Richard Cobden Esq., M.P. ; T. M. Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; J. Bright,, Esq., M.P. ; Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P. ; Thomas Wakley, Esq., M.P. Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY, who was loudly cheered, said—Sir, our business this evening is not with individuals, save so far as they are calculated to advance the work we have in hand. But even on these grounds I may well con gratulate the friends of political progress on the fact of your occupying the chair on this occasion, and on the prominent position you arc taking in the great work of parliamentary reform. Those who know you best have ever given yes credit for the most liberal opinions, and no one will more sincerely rejoice than I shall to see those talents which have been so eminently suceessful in promoting the physical aro forts of your fellow men exerted in the more ennobling o► letta of elevating their social and political condition. la you the cause will find a man who has not to learn that high position has its duties at well as its privileges. gad arc who to the prestige of success brings the emend bud to contrive, and the ready hand to execute the week. Friends and fellow countrymen, I am beyond expresaies gratified and delighted by the spectacle which this vast hall presents. It assures me that the errand on which we have gorge, and the objects for which we are assembled, have the approval and support of the trreet body of the producing chores. It haslong been admitted that in no ether city of the empire is it possible to congregate so large an amount of wealth, talent, and effective energy for the attainment of any great national object; and this meeting fuUy sustains the character which Manchester mjuetly and proudly enioya. That which most pleases me in its composition is, that I see before me thousands of those who, by their indomitable I. dustry and nnrivalliel manufacturing skill, have made we country the workshop of the world, and an inspiring example to surrounding nations. If, at this moment, the products of all nations are gathered under a crystal dome in the metro polis of our empire, we have the satisfaction of knowing that the machinery and textile fabrics of England, and especially of this district, stand prominent and unrivalled. I am happy to say that this is not exclusively a Manchester meet. Mg. We are favounel by the presence of numemus Tepee. sentetives from many of the great towns in the county, who, I doubt not, will carry from this hall the pure dame of re form, and spread it in their various localities. The end sought to be achieved by this meeting—which, we trust, will be a model one, and the precursor of similar meetings throughout the country,—the object, I say, of this great gathering, is a high and patriotic one. It is—to restore the just political rights of our disfnmehieed fellow-subjects.' I speak advisedly when I my disfranchised, for se one has correctly read the history of this country who doer stet know that the constitutional rights of the people lam, from age to age, been gradually circumscribed and our tailed until the most intelligent and valuable portions of' ! the population ore destitute of the rights once freely exercised by men inferior to themselves. Wit are here to claim the rights of the constitution—the rights of freemen—the abolition of a degrading political serfdom. We are here to aid in the removal of the badge of political proscription, and to restore to those . who, equal in the eye of the common law of the land, demand rights which their ancestors enjoyed. The mono poly of the elective franchise in a community like ours, , by one-seventh part of the adult male population, is on the face of it a monstrous injustice and a glaring usurpa tion. That it has been tolerated 1.0 long, leading as it has done to the imposition of such unequal burdens, is a proof of the patience and forbearance of the sufferers. Let that patience and forbearance be rewarded by the same art that thall annihilate the injustice, and make the House of Commons in reality an sasembly of the commons of Eng land. as c are told by the greatest amongst the expounders of our constitution, that the House of Commons should be the emlwelirnent and expressioa of the eery mind and will of the people. Yet it is a notorious fact, proved by the arithmetic of the question, that a majority of that house represent but one-seventh (gilds limited electoral body, and hut one-fourteenth of the annual rateable realised property of ' the kingdom. Yet this is the socalleil House of Commons. Does this state of thing.; agree with Blackstone, who says that upon the true theory and genuine principles of English liberty every member of the community, however poor, should hare a vote in electing those deleeates to whose charge in committed the disposal of his property, his liberty, and his life. We are not here to quarrel with the theory of our government, but to demand that it be practically carried out. Our watchword should be the constitution, the whole constitution, and nothing but the constitution. The save reign has her share, and we would not diminish it. The second estate in the realm have theirs, and we do net swell it. But the people have been denied theirs, and it is desk right that we are met to demand, and, with your united aid. to enforce. I speak as ono of yourselves, as one to whew le denied that which I possess, but pewees by no elegant constitutional prerogative—by no superior merit—by no urgent necessity, but by the mere accident of houw rent, money, or landed estate. I speak, I say, as one of youreelves—m one not content selfishly to enjoy a right, which bad men have made exclusive, bat wMdlt is the constitutional laborites's of the humblest man called to bear t h e burdens, maintain the pace, obey the laws, sad fight the battles of Ilia ematry As ens et yearethes, sad resolved, if you will mom' me as seek, to be a fellow labourer with you, I seasesen you to the great work of cleansing. reforming, and renewing your own hisses of par liament. You have ibe power to de thb; you mast have the will. You must regal year gem= ensegies; you must wisely apply those soorgtes ; s make the necessary sacrifices ; and exhibit the anfea wklek to essential to vic tory. If you will permit me, I wallahs a glance at our posi tion and our prospects. Figheoss meals ago, I had the ho nour to stand on this Odium the lbeseNe but earnest advo cate of parliamentary reform, sad reakehererely do I conger ' tulate the friends of that great cause the progress which bee been made daring the interveL I will not claim credit kw myself; or for the asseciaties I ass permitted to g for claim men Asa_ aloof* sad aessteata t:dyisliamaring ia the edit of dillonitiso asdribeemage meals to heal the diagonal's.* of rival parties, and to union of effort fur a emu= and and national object. D e arialleaible gametic* to IM principho on which the gessialks was foseadei hen gassed sum to withdraw ties Re ssppert, lbis earns /MOEN la its eke ester has was my le it maks, sad implied essaisese I. the integrity sad she erity elite body, If lam ad seaborised to MIT that there is ea meths and ham feeling ea the subject. I = least, joillled is elirmieg that Otero is an all but reavistisa et it assessity, a carrespondiap i belief that it mama hag he risia e r p / s r : " tsapectation that aserthar swiss of . i mot psi without the intiadoeffea a ssemsehmeire emesue of electoral reform. Yon are all aware of ens nature and latent of that scheme of repseeenr &a which the Matisse! Amesiation advocates—that it em beam residealial isdlrese, eves by ballot, triennial parka. meals, the more equal appoeffesment of members to po_pu taboo, and the abolition if the property qualification. This plan of reform has the seastlea ef most of the radical atom isers of the Home et Ceemens. his bead apes the old Saxon law of Mamma min soot sail let; it is la rubes with the habits of Me pub • it meeld dueness the near her of design taco too to four millions; it is oafs, me dad, wed aseelitedegal ; and it is the least measure of mhos "bilk dm people &sold gelletita. If this scheme be reasseable awl aseassey. these en eamiesthethis MU. adieu of its pressisaldlity sad essomplishaseet. Amapa the pounds for lope and amfidearse, 1 mby paint to the spirit of gage Thigh his recently Mows itself amosopt reformers; to tee mutual desire amongst mea of = nee politisid apish= to bid their special views, W the seelieMisa el • sued lambed seas. eau of usilmaj o aei to the ~Mr s ,mope toes to , a g ys Velepirentethesighisse the seasti. is the pees% Tow, mil prosperity of boxiowor. wear to be aseseeplahed : I we le mai l deeleoutive liberalism ee tam one smi mielehtilleiledem ea the other. Our peeper* liinowe, dmili r heposee. Thais hough to stiaseists, math to sektate oar Moiled ulsietaref ihe omen has him ffirelored iataiisa to isheolooo a now measure of and woe know lo mod gad a little war. He has ss to infer thee his mums wit be based more upon the j &meads and support of She paple than upon any precon. I solved plan of hi e own. He am - signified hi‘ willingness to I abolish the peeped, gualifieatiss—o concession of no small , importer's,. as it world num them invidious distinctions which mho out elf • lest , sad leave the people *we to elms, them whom tiny dam the most eligible to Opposeent them. His silence ou the question of the ballet. =with the historical fast that he proposed it to the of 1834 *Mel the held thet ho will not ammo the realisation of Met patios of the pope's scheme of reform. Noe is it unimpmeat that the three principal law aliens isf the ,sows lave meorded their opinions in favour of its pain and aseemity. Another cabinet minister has Ind- mud his wiiiiegaces to emend the demise busbies to the male usepule of w • tam& berm ma to tea *my Mom. limb are she reedmissa whisk the higi edmiehlwalealmar so he made es the peat queries at the day, mil we he with the!, from wheat boom and sines their incise i;t7aetetiLiftei; hifdca;;ings, :V e ll i ie w roola with ter r y and have a right to see, rigidly is too muck sympathy with the &opts of the here, the sympathy is with the petriota of the endioent. (Cheers.) There, a member, with • sneer, asks the nue tary of state if he is aware that such • person as Kasha is in England ? Here, your question is, when shall we have not only Mazzini but Konuth among us ? (Loud sheen.) They speak respectfully of his catholic Majesty, the King of the Two Sicilies—(hisses)—and the Emperor of all the Runias—(hisses)—whilst some here would agree with me that it would be no unpleasant sight to see a gibbet with two arms, with the Czar dangling at one end and the Ca tholic King of the Two Sicilia at the other. (Loud cheers.) If Lord John Russell means to introduce a new reform bill that will satisfy the people, it will not need patching and tinkering for the nextdozen years. He is but little in the habit of doing this. His tendencies have always been, I am sorry to say, to look to the narrow rather than the broad and expansive; to the crude and out worn creed of party rather than to the loving views of living million.. When he should be reading his bible for religious truth and liberty, he goes and consults a bishop; he takes counsel with a clique when he ought to be listen ing to the voice of the public., He is attentive to the ten dencies of the House of Commons, when he should have been attending to the language and win of those who in theory, right, and eventually in practice are the makers and masters of the House of Commons. Sir, we call that a house of representatives. Representatives of what, I should lake to know ? Suppose en intelligent foreigner were brought into the House of Commons, and looking around him there, remarking one man and another, he were to say : "Well, who is that? What wealthy and distinguished commoner is that ?" " Oh, sir," the reply would be, "that is a marquis; we have six marquises an this house." Well he would think this rather odd. (Laughter.) Look ing at another man, " Who is that ?" he would ask. " Why, that is a viscount ; we have eight viscounts in this house. " Who is another ?" " Why, he is an earl; we have son rid earls here." " Who is another ?" " Why, he is a lord; there are six and thirty lords in this house. (Cheers and laughter.) At the back of these we hese 61 baronets and 12 honourables—making 274 persons connected with the peerage and aristocracy. " And this," he would say in amazement, "is what you call • House of Commons. What, then, is the House of Lords? This is only a sort of junior or journeyman House of Lords. What brings them hero in such multitudes, that there seems not the least propriety in the designation which you bestow upon them?" Nor is there. His suspicions would be very right. Ile would feel like the young angel in Franklin's fable, who asked an older angel to show him the earth and its curiosities. The angel brought him down just at the time when a tremend ous sea-fight was purpling the waters with human blood, and the young angel said to his guide, " Why, my fricud, you have made a mistake: I asked you to show me Earth and you hare shown me Hell!" (Cheers.) So might a foreigner say, on earning to see our Commons, and finding that the chief thing you show him are our Lords. What is there like this in society ? The House of Commons should be the reflex of the real commons of England, of which you are part and parcel. If you stand in any of the great atreeta of this city and watch the railway trains when they come in, or poet yourselves on London-bridge, or any other place where multitudes resort, and in what spot in the whole country can you find that out of every noon who passes you ; one in fourteen is a placernan ? and yet it is so in the House of Commons. Where can you post yourselves that you can find every seventh or eighth man who passes you is an officer in the army or navy ?—and yet it is so in the House of Commons. Where can you stand that every ninth man who passes you is a barrister ?—amid vet it is so in the House of Commons. And a line place for the law yers it is there. The House of Commons is, in fact, what Mr. Barry has planned it to bc—ouo end of a vista, where in perspective you see the House of Lords. (Cheers.) It , Is • lord-making factory. For in what part of the country • could you stand so that every fourth person you see as either a son, or a nephew, or a brother, or an uncle ,or a grandson, or is related by marriage to the peerage and aristocracy ? Why, sir, the thing is an egregious farce, and you have only to analyse what is called the Howe of Com mons to see teat we need a new House of Commons very much, on a better principle—a thorough choose; it is like the deformity of the poet Pope, who was in the habit of saying " God mend me," A boy who beard him, exclaimed "Gad mend you, you little deformity, why it would be much easier to make a new one altogether . ' (Loud cheers and laughter.) Well, how can we wonder that the House of Commons itself should be • deformity, and at its incongruity, when we look' at the way and the principles, or want of principle, on which it is constructed ? Why, sir, it is full of incongruities. Our electoral system, if system it may be called, which has nothing to answer to that word, comes to the utmost verge of absurdity. Lord John Rumen has said he has heard it 999 times, but it is worth repeating the thousandth time, and perhaps with that the amendment may come. We have in our boroughs 30,000 electors returning four representatives, and we have also 30,000 electors returning 104 representa tives. (" ohame.") We have 330 members representing six millions of property, and we hare 328 members repre senting 78 millions of property. Half the rateable pro perty in the country (in the counties of Kent, Lancaster, Middlesex, Surrey, Suffolk, Staffordshire, Somersetshire, Yorkshire, and another), has 161 members, and the other , half of the rateable property has 310 'itemisers. There are nine counties which have 66 per cent. of the property of the country, and 31 per cent. of the representation. There aro 34 countis s that have also 50 per cent. of the property, which return 66 members. These incongruities are in • continual state of aggravation. The census returns jolt published show a great improvement of that which is placed fine in the resolution now before the meeting. They . show I the necessity of a re-distribution of representatives in pro . portion to the population, which is the same thing as in proportion to the property. There arc some places where the population has diminished during the last ten years, but the returns show the same ;number of representatives. There are places where the population is stationary, yet return the same number of representatives. There are places where the population is rapidly increasing, and is likely to continue to increase yet they only return the same number as they did previously. The increase in this city alone in the last 10 years has been 38,000 souls, a number which consistsof the 500th partof the entire population of the kingdom. It is a number equal to the population at the last census of Andover, Harwich, Huntingdon, Leominster, Marlborough, Thetford, sad other towns, returning altogether 16 members. The whole amount of the population which there return 16 members has been added to this city in the lust ten years. The in crease in Liverpool, Manchester, and Salford is 85,378. 81,000 persons in eighteen boroughs return no fewer than 30 members to parliament. London has increased 405,000, yet has not is single additional member. Lancaster has increased by 65,000 persons, and still gets its two members. Nor arc these incongruities confined to this part of the subject. They are em braced in the: Reform Dill itself, a bill which draws an arbitrary distinction, which is founded on no reason or justice whatsoever. The 10/. householder,who or what is he? Why does the amount of your rent constitute your tide to have a share in the representation, and in the legislature of your country the line is must unfairly drawn. It include* the meet dependent of all classes; the small tradesmeu, and it excludes the most independent of all classes, I mean the intelligent operatives. I suppose there are very few working men who pay more than 151. a year rent. You may take it fur granted that all the work ing men included in the Reform Bill are to be found in the number paying between 101. and 151. • year rent. That number is between 90,000 and 100,000. Suppose the half of these are working men, and you get 60,000 only as the total amount of the working classes enfranchised by that mach-boasted Reform Bill; that is to say, the working men who constitute the mass of the commons of England have one vote out of every 17 votes possessed by the other classes of society. This is an anomaly which is not to be endured. They strove well and truly, heartily and stoutly, for the carrying of the Reform Bill, and it is a debt owing them by the middle classes to strive with heart and soul for their enfranchisement; for the fulfilment of that obligation I think the time is now wholly arrived. And, sir, my fear is that Lord John Russell may stick too closely to the little accommodating way in which he achieved that reform—that he will be peeping about in moiety to sec if there be any little clan here or a little class there who may safely be admitted within the bounds of the austitation. Sir, the course should be directly the re verse. The mod.: should not he to see on whom parliament might bestow the franchise and on whom it might uot, but thin they should give it, and show cause, and good cause = ' thievery instance where the franchise is witheld or de (Hear hear.) It is a privation, a degradation, and sisal not be inflicted unless a man's incapability of using illsedettrly demonstrated. (Hear, hear.) Lord John Ros ie, I should sap, has fears and apprehensions ; he has ex pound them on several occasions, and teems to be in great ulna as to the safety of wine of our institutions. Why, air, there was a much stronger alann in other quar ters when he introduced the Reform Bill. My thoughts go back to the time spoken of by a fellow-townsman of mine,—that is, • gentleman of Norwich, named Bunting. He has recorded in apamphlet a collection of prophecies uttered at the time the Reform Bill was introduced. They were all of a very alarming nature. Mr. Banks said the Reform Bill would establish a state of things approaching to the despotism of the mob. Sir John Shelley said no administration would be able to carry ou the government of the country for en weeks. Mr. Price prophesied confu sion and civil war, until some powerful chief would inter fere and e-tablish a military despotism. Sir IL Vivian said no freeholder nor no landowner need flatter themselves on their property being safe: a reformed parliament would take the crown off the king's head. Even Sir Robert Peel fell into these alarms about a reformed parliament. He said the government of the country would come into the hands of demagogues, who wool lead tha country to despotism and destruction ; and even though the mo narchy were not to be nominally abolished, still the democrats would virtually reign in the House of Commons. I think after all these prophecies Lord John Russell slight have spared himself the folly of prophesying on the present occasion. He might take it for granted that as the demo cracy had not risen when the last Reform Bill was earned, so there would be no great danger that such p would prove true in the present case, and that we n r t a tter s on furth .z reforming without such sacrifices as those which were predicted. (Cheers.) I believe the monarchy would be as perfectly secure under any reform which Lord John Russell may entertain, or which is contemplated by the neat thorough - going democrats in this country. I believe the House of Lords is quite as safe as it deserves to be. As to the established church, lam not sure that every voter should be pledged, as his lordship seems to wish, to . " on i bs : Ch g lE f ribee r nh. :ds fa etharerbori:pr:ithmrlibieifretauduhtedtih:e,lSrusleafinte,gortne:nysugual7erfylywn,odshi: exPiilbragiii:P°::anthea74 people and for the people. (Hear, hear.) Their claim to) will gather to a focus all the political teaching and all th a existence and to respect is when they properly discharge : virtuous political sympathy of years. The people already their functions and show themselves in their several affairs I feel the prestige of triumph. They approach the crisis with truly subservient to the general good. While that is the' confidence. Free from excitement, but with deep earnest ease, they are entitled to our respectful interest and sup- I ness of purpose, they arise to grasp—rather than to struggle port. When that ceases to be the case, they are only for—their long-withheld liberties. entitled to the sentence, "Cut them down, they encumber " Joanna WahgateY, President of the Association. the path." Sir, I will not follow our worthy president in " 11, Poultry, London, Sept. 22, 1E01." his excellent address, nor you in your luminous analysis, by JOHN WILLIAMS, Esq., M.P., then addressed tho going into more particulars of the reform question. 1 shall meet i ng , lie said : Mr. Chairman—After the meeting of be followed by , those who will supply what I may leave to.ninht I unsure that public opinion will become to mighty deficient In this matter. I will only express my heartfelt that the idea of obstructing it will be called t he blindest delight at this great combination, and my anticipation of f o ll y i n th e wor ld by all sensible people. Public opinion triumphant success by this union of the middle and work- w ill take its stand here to-night : and lam sure the great ing classes for the common rights and interests of bod both. It was by the union of the trading anti pro- with us in the agitation for the new Reform Bill which is during classes in times of Norman despotism that yof the working classes of Englund will be ever united to be carried. Now, as to the extension of the franchise. the vestiges of Saxon institutions and their free No man is more anxious than lam to elevate the working spirit were preserved in the country through that stormy classes, by raising them to the privileges of voters. This tame, until they should again be recognised and regardel as institutions which were dear to the English heart, and mus t be done by the people. (Cheers.) It must be dune which should be prolonged through all generations. It was extension of the franchise cannel .10 done fur the people , it b usefulness, thoughtfulness, union, temperance , wisdom. by the union of the trading and the productive classes that (Near, hear.) Class legisiation cannot be brawls.d down, feudalism was shorn of its terrors, and eventually was abol- it must be reasoned down, talkeddown, and must be written robed. Every town and every guild were then places of I d own . Th e p en is always mightier than the sword; refuge for the victims of feudal tyrants. They fled to the and far more elevating are its illustrious creation.creati on. abode of industry, and there they were safe. Cities arose In this county the cause of the great majority of abuses has in the land, while castles crumbled into dust. (Cheers.) It been class legislation, and that has been sanctioned by perm was the union of the intelligence of the middle and lower classes which brought about that great event the Reforms. been rulers that the many have been so grievously mi s ru led. tion ; great not for the doctrines or reforms it established— I t i s b ecause the many have been so apathetic and ignorant these were the least important and most inessential part of lar apathy and disunion. It is because the fe w alone have that class-made governments have up to this hour r etained the work—out great for the assertion of the rights of mind their seats and their power. (Cheers.) A great deal has and conscience, rights belonging to the catholic as well as to been said about the whim!, and a vast deal, also, about the the protestant, rights inherent in human nature, and which torics. Looking at the people Of Manchester here to-ni g ht, should now have the protection of the broad shield of public who cares for Whigs or for writs? (Cheers.) Can we not opinion, to keep bigotry and hypocrisy in high Owes form a party here as we have formed a party in the metro from trampling those rights under foot. (Loud cheers.) polls? The old parties I fear will soon be too weak to die; It was this un ion of the trading and productive classes (laughter)—andi I cull on the people of England to erect on which in our institutions had been grossly perverted and the tooth of both parties the citadel of another party , which abased, when the throne had become a symbol of tyranny, shall inscribe upon its banners, " Liberty, prosperity, and sad the altar had become a symbol of superstition—it was p o; , er .e (Cheers.) And then I feel we shall say farewell this combined power which overthrew throne and altar to the species of greatness which has been festered by their both, and taught the people of this country that their rights littleness, and which was the safeguard of the slavery of the included even the solemn functions of sitting in judgment world. (Cheers.) I trust that in the next parliament we shall on archbishops and monarchs. (Cheers.) It has been by have a large sprinkling of the intelligent portion of tho the union of these two great powers that all the greatest trading classes of England in the House of Commons, I improvements since the settlement of things at the revolu. 'cult that house to commence to be what it ought to be, non of 1688 have been attained. From that time to this the mouthpiece of the Cl/1 1 11 1111101 , and not , as It is n ow, a every great and generous measure, every emancipation of mere t oo l of the aristocracy. lam the last ream in the the lower classes, the striking o ff the chains of the negro world to set class against class, and party egninst party ; slave, and the restriction of barbarous and brutal and sun- but let us have the House of Commons to repre s ent th e guinary punishments, have their origin in this. But great people, as we have a House of Lords to represent the aris reforms have arisen, not from the aristocratic legislature, tocraey. I shall not be satisfied until we have a larger nominally representative—they have risen from the might number of the democratic party in the House of Commons. of public opinion, to enable that body to know its duty, But we cannot do without money gentlemen. (Ileac, and how to perform its duty. By the union of these hear.) We shall therefore he very much obliged indeed if two classes, the burdens of the state in all their weight you will :give us some assistance to carry on the Parha have been borne and manfully sustained through the aid of toca t ar y lteforin Association now established in London. long and toilsome days. By the union of these two classes As treasurer or chancellor of the exchequer of the associa have the wealth, intellect, and greatness of our country tion, I may state that we shall not b:so exclusive as the been realised. They have achieved its brightest victories; Chancellor of the Exchequer in another place, for any of and as by the union of the tradespeople anal the operatives y ou who wish to subscribe, even if it is only Is. a year, • • union • book s the first reform bill was carried, so by that shall we at length enjoy a second anal a better reform bill, more ever you think proper. (Hear, hear.) I assure you that shall be free to overhaul our ana l am it t h en w hen. just, inure comprehensive, more glorious, and snore en- during. (The hon. member resumed his seat amidst great my heart is with you in this movement. (Cheers.)during. GEORGE THONIPSON, Esq., M P., then rose and said: , cheering.) I apprehend that this meeting was called fur the purpose of The resolution was then put, and carried without a single obtaining from those who might utend it an expression of dissentient• their mind in reference to the plan of parlituneutury reform Mr. R. KETTLE then read the following address : advocated by the society whose representatives are now "NATIONAL PARLIAMENTARY REFORM ASSOCIATION. before you. (Chsers.) That mind has Iseen expresssal. All " Fellow.couutrymen,--We arc, at an important period of the feeling shut I could hope to awaken were I to address our political history. The time has arrived when our this vast audience at any length has been as akened. It electoral system must be reformed. There no longer exists remains for me, therefore, as a prudent nun, having other any party who rely upon the set of 11532 as a final settle- places to visit, and other speeches to make, to reserve any ment—all reformers agree there must be a change in the thing that it might have been advisable to offer to this construction of the Rouse of COMMONS. This is the crisis meeting at au earlier period for those future oveasions. sir,_ for the people to resume their legitimate power, anal to I used not avow in this place my attachment to the cause of shape their own political future. To understand the lire. parliamentary reform. 1 gaud here, it is true, to night, sent, let us shortly review the past. the very earnest advocate of that measure of reform put "Years of argument, months of agitation, and ulti- forward by the Parliamentary Reform Assoc , atiou. 1 wish mately days of intimidation, were ended by the Reform it success. I will labour in my huinble way to achieve its Act of 1832. The people of England received their new success. I belies-c it is a great practical measure. 1 believe coustitution in confidence; they watched it with pati- that it would be in its elfees tantamount to the extension ence ; and then submitted to it with anxiety. It failed to of the suffrage to all, without any refs recce whatever to satisfy their just expectations, even residential qualifications. I am prepared to avow " After the failure of the act of 1832 became manifest, the class whirse hopes of political einancip dim hail been excited again, as I did when I was on this platform IR months ago, nay preference fur a measure which should give to every • by the discussion of that measure, and who had receive(' it man within the limits of the British islands, who is cite as a promise of progress, were the first to speak out their obedient subject, a moral and peaceable citizen, the right • dissatisfaction tat the result. Th e ir po li t i ca l discontent of voting, whatever might be his dwelling, or even if ho gradually shaped itself into a definite claim. By discussion had none, in the choice of his representative. (('hears.) they formed an unanimous opinion.—Ultimately by organ- But the question is not what is abstractedly just, so much as isation they made, • his one voice, a distinct demand—it was what is obtainable—(hear)—is practicable ; and as we have fur the people's charter, learnt, many of us from lung, and some from hitter mined " Whilst this movement was progreesing amongst the emcee, that we cannot get all we want, it iv necessary to be unrepresented, a large portion of the represented classes moderate in oiler to the achievement of our object. We also became impressed with the necessity for further mai- cannot get all to unite with us 011 these large and illimitable tical reform. They had, however, no point of unity. Each grounds which justice has marked out; we have come to the district—indeed almost every individual, attached impor- resolution to agitate for a measure in which the working tance to that particular measure of reform, which local ear- classes generally will go with us, and in which the militia cumstances or personal observation . presented as a desirable and many of the upper classes of society are willing to political improvement—There existed no organization join us also. Therefore we are here to-night, nowise men, through which the aggregate will of the middle CUM could to take advantage of circumstances, to read the signs of express itself. the times and to act judiciously, and at the same time The circumstance, however, which, more than any resolutely to put a moderate, anal reasonable, anal obviously other, prevented the middle class from joining in a general safe measure of reform before the country, and to as!c Oar demand for political change, was the conviction that the fellow subjects of every rank anal every creed to unite with emancipation of trade was an immediate social necessity. us in attaining this national object. Their energies were devoted to the attainment of free Mr. ABEL HEYWOOD moved the second resolution, trade, to the exclusion, for the time, of all other national „ That the cordial union and energetic action of all re objects. formers are now imperatively requisite. That the prin "We have now to speak of another section of the great eiP les advocated by the National Parliamentary and Fallon party—the aristocratic reformers . The Whigs adopted the eial Reform Association merit the support of the great Refer:a Act : they ‘ worked it for the people—and for diem- body of the neonle of this kingdom; and this meeting, con selves. They carried some measures of political and social . • • siccing of reformers of every shade, pledge themselves to amelioration by it. It enabled them in their turn to carry sustain the well directed efforts of that association ; that but until a very recent period they re- ea the government 'the conveners of this meeting are hereby constituted -a • com garded the Reform Act as a final measure. "So much for the past. Whet is our present position ? f org anising a branch of the National Parliamentary mittee (with power to add to their numbers) fur the pur " The unenfranchised still maintain that their demand 1 1= ' • ' Lem for the People's Charter is just. The enfranchised see m Association, to co-operate with the council in Lon don , and that the committee be requested to take iturno around them n population ripened in intelligence since the allots: . steps for that minas..." time when a larger share of the popular eleinent was ~ : ILLD, town councillor, seconded tho ad mitted within the pale of the constitution. A people Mr. J. SCHOLLk taught, not only in schools, but educated in the lecture- motion. hall and from the platform—a people well acquainted with Mr. MANTLE, a chartist, said he had listened to the their political rights, but waiting in a soirit of confidence, proceedings with great pleasure. Ile hail not expected to and with conservative patience, for the time when they find so much good stuff in the speakers ; but ho wished to shall receive their rights of citizenship. Those who have knew why they had left out of the movement the pros :shun secured the freedom of trade now bring the influence of for paying members ? their realised wealth, and eminently practical ability, to Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY said the question had not assist the producing class in obtaining the largest practical escaped their attention. Ile very much admired the velum measure of parliamentary reform compatible with the tory system, and could only say, for himself and friends ; peaceful development of the national will, that they should be heartily glad to set the peoide pay "The whigs—the third section of the party—now admit their members, and the sooner they begun the better. they can no longer govern under the Reform Act. The (Laughter.) game of party has been played out. . There must,' say The resolution was carried, anal after a vote of thanks to they, ' be a broader basis of popular representation.' the chairman, which was carried with great cheering, the " What are we now to do ? It is not for the executive meeting separated. government of a constitutional monarch to dictate funda mental eh:sages in political institutions ? As individuals, - they may consult, they may advise; but, as ministers of the crown, their duty at such a crisis is to ascertain, to adopt, and then to carry into law the will of the people. "It is for the people to declare their will. It must be done unanimously—deliberately—resolutely. " After mature deliberation—after mutual exchanges of confidence, and mutual concessions—the middle and work lag classes agree upon the basis of a representative system. Both parties accept the principles of the National Reform Association. They are— " 1. The extension of the suffrage to every occupier of a tenement or portion of a tenement. " 2. Vote by ballot. " 3. Triennial patiiaments. " 4. A more equal apportionment of members to popu lation. " 5. The abolition of the property qualification. " Such a reform, carried in it- integrity, would make the House of Commons the embodiment and expression of the mind and will of the people, and with this—aud with no thing less—should the people be content. " We know no reason—save our own apathy—why we should wear the badge of political proscription, and we are resolved no longer to remain in so unjust and so degrading a position. " There must be no mistake, either as to the extent of our demands or of our determination to achieve them. The minister must understand this, and our representative must feel it. THE REGISTRATIONS. lIERTFORDSIIIRE.—The Revising Barrister's Court was held at lloddesdon on Wednesday. In the parish of Great Amwell the claim of J. 11. Raw was struck out by the miles on the ground that his property, which is copy hold, is held subject to an annuity, by which the annual produce is reduced below 101. per annum. In the pari.li of Cheshunt several tory notices of objection failed througa in formality in the service •:f them by post. In the sam.• parish the claims of four liberals were struck ulf because the ours was of opinion that the land was nut of sufficient v due. Mr. buttons said he considered this decision very on:: ir; neither of the claimants had given less than W. for his land, which was building land, and he thought it 'nicht fairly be presumed that each piece was worth at least 11/s. per annum. The following is the result of the day's revi.i.ui: Liberal gain: claims, 35; objections, 31 ; total, 61. Tory gain: claims, 40; objections, 21; total, Ui. Lax:taiga:a to this time, 417 ; tory ditto, 317. CLERICAL. TIMFBRMRNTB. Rev. J. Fisher, to Ozleworth Curacy, Gloucestershire. Rev. E. Rice, to be Chaplain to Mr. Sheriff Cotter@ll. Rev. William Henry Stokes, to Goring Perpetuel Cuyaey ; Oxfordshire; value, 1461., with residence; patron, S. W. Gardiner, Esq. Rev. T. Walters, to Kilvey Curacy, Glamorganshim. Rev. A. Wheeler, to Old Sodbury Vicarage, Glees-star. shire; value, 4901., with residence; patrons, 1./eau and Chapter of Worcester. lter. G. A. Denison (Vicar of East Brent), to the Arch. deaconry of Taunton, value 250 L, and to the Canoi.,y of Milvcrtoo, in Wells Cathedral; patron, Bishqp of dath and Wells. " Take, then, fellow.eountrymen,legal, energetic, prompt means of proclaiming the opinion of all classes of her Ma jesty's subjects of each and all of those great principles of parliamentary reform. With work, not words, we must devote the next few months to the advancement of our poli tical rights, and to the means of alleviating the burdens of Our fellow-men. We would suggest to you— "I. Organisation.—Let every city, borough, town, and hamlet form its parliamentary reform committee. Apart from local organisation, let every reformer enrol himself a member of the National Reform Association. " IL Public Meetings.—The healthy political sympathies of the people should bo armed by frequent public meet 111. Petitions.—Let petitions be presented, not only from every city and town, but from every workshop, hamlet, and homestead. " IV. The Press.—The press will do its duty if it see the people are in earnest. The tracts and publications of the National Reform Association must be distributed—they must be read. Educate and sustain each other in this great work. "V. Constituencies—Let constituencies be faithful to themselves. Personal considerations, and personal attach ments, must be disregarded. There is ne intermediate course. Every man who is not fur the people is against them. Let constituencies be prepared to replace with better men those who prove unable or unworthy to lead the people in this great struggle. " Fellow countrymen, every step in the progress of this p m :se ve rer: Every publi c p w ob a riC hea m —e ecti v i e t ry g every petition its weight. Act the w n aicilt as h.ria m vil e e n fri ih vie o nfi s iu re ""i n cem ot : t hut w a melt ret y o ga are merely i r e p t l r prompting arguing an l d e:. a r.o nfi us u h en r ez d g dl . 7 :' o h f en ": , trn ' a u n glr d not till then, t n.c he:o ved liti th ca e l d id es d ti a o iry n f taohbf:trafbrutc:turosesPrigaeP:ucrirati:unoiun' mph be their permanent k c h e ap , lb r o e t a i industry, n t . t d r pe aceful yd.m Th d tfo comprehensive r r i v g i r o 'n u s t n n t t " The political education of half a century has prepared . theina poli giti y tial he e :li n on l be gi rrt ko y ffo in rug ir a ir e, our way. As a nation wo are ready for the advance. The confiding, but watchful quiet of the English people daring the late years of kingly and lordly fear has proved them to be conservative and defensive of ail that is good in our political and social institutions. The next few months VACANCIES. St. Martin's Rectory, Worcester; value, 3781., wit:l Tr sidence ; patrons, Dean and Chapter of Worcester ; Rev. A. Wheeler, promoted. Chaplaincy of Sherburn hospital, Durham ; Rev. S. 11. Stokes, promoted. MIDLAND GREAT WESTERN (IRELAND). --The ac counts to be submitted to the proprietors at the approach ing half-yearly meeting of this company show a profit of 25,181/. 6s. 10d. on the half - year ended company July last, °node up as follows :—Receipts on railway for half-year c:.ding 31st July, 18.11 : passengers, 18,5841. 3s. ; 2,041!. ss. Id.; merchandise and parcels, 2,7651. 143.; cat tle, 2,2081 . 19e. U.; horse', carriages, sad dogs, 3251. 2e. Receipts account of royal canal: rents, 1,3201. 4s. 611. ; tells and water supply, 9,4361. Ss. 9d. Total, 37,7741. 13s. Bd. Expenditure : expenditure chargeable to railway, 10.7021. 3s. Bd.; ditto to canal, I,Bou. 21. Total, 12,6931. 72. 10d. Net rerenim for the half-;ear, 26,181!. ss. 10d. e k- .1 _ LAUNCH OF A ItZW STFAX FRIGATE FOIL TILE BRAZILIAN CIOVELINNZNT.-011 Thursday morning a rine new frigate, built by Messrs. Wilson and Co., of Bie.eis bead, for the Brasiltan government, was launched upon her future element. The vessel is handsome, well built, said In every way creditable to the constructors. Ifer length is 192 feet ; she is of 950 tons measurement, and will be pro palled by two engines of 300 horse power, mad,: by :Sr. • Hick, of Bolton. The materials used throughout the ship are Fast India teak and English oak. The sides arc pierced for an armament of sin b9-pouudeei, and her ar rangements throughout are of the most at proved Lim. There hue been wore attention paid to strength than si ' in her construction, but it is expected that ch.! vs ill :.ctrinr: a speed of from ten to eleven knots an hour.—Licy,• 4 ol . • Chronicle. I V. ~a