The Express. — London, England, 1852-07-09 00:00:00

Vhe el:prefso• TO CORRNSCOND /MTS. • 'its e :vas= • 'CU Lapin." coulallisi qui raise ...sin'. ."1.1 pubileied every Twe......y sal Yriday sista, a tu.. & nrt r.. .sts!riesded for "Ile E5p...." London twain, pare., the eats 1.. liouncie.sturi. Sy Two Oaka as do .44 of ItIOR WATER AT LONDON BRUME Visit I/ha—Morning. Th. 13.. Afterasha. Th. Tam. Isawaauw—llorhaag. ►L la A:Wham. *b. 11.. LONDON, FRIDAY. JULY 9. IT was said of TAturmans, that if a person had been kicking him behind, no one looking in his face could have suspected that he was at the moment undergoing so disagreeable an infliction. Our Tory brethren of the press are blessed with equal command of uountenance. True, out of ono hundred and thirty-eight members returned, eighty-six are Libe rals. and only fifty-two Derbyites; true, more than one.lial of the Derbvites have secured their elections be pledging themselves to uphold Free-trade, and promote various reforms; true, the l)erbyitev, as tar as the elections have gone, are in a minority, and that minority even more divided among themselves than the great Peat party on the eve of its disrup tion nevertheless, their Journalists put a good face ou the matter, and talk as big as if they had achieved a glsitious victory. As we foretold yesterday, they exult over MASTERMAN'S heading the poll in London, and over their victories at Liverpool and Greenwich, and remind their readers that the county elections have yet to come on. But their comical audacity goes far beyond what fancy could foreshadow for them. On the strength of their partial successes they affect to believe that the Del i Ito; have under-estimated their strength ; that they might have been equally successful in constitu. encl.. s they have not attempted ; and they begin to cry out lustily for more Conservative candidates. • We cannot conclude." says the Standard," without calling once more for more Conservative candidates. Where the ground is not yet occupied by a Conser vative. let the candidates only offer themselves, and dee people will do the rest." )ur contemporary has taken good care not to raise this cry till it was too late to obtain a response to it. Its anxiety for more labourers in the Tory vineyard reminds one of Swipe's verses on the City Shower The Templar beau, while every spout's &broach, :it archway stands, and seems to call a coach. The penniless tine gentleman could not have been more annoyed had some passing Jarrie answered his hail than our respected contemporary would be were Conservative candidates to flock forward at his call. Why, there is Westminster. Lord MAIDSTONE'S friends certainly did not rely upon " the people's doing the rest when they had brought forward their candidate. No labour, no expense was spared to ferret out friendly or assailable electors, and drag them to the poll. Yet the Liberals beat them, and Lad upwards of 1,700 votes to throw away upon Mr. VS 1 'if .11AlleS hopeless attempt. And yet Lord MAIIAI•TONIi played the part of candidate bravely. 1f is speeches were as fine as the Surrey Zoological Hardens on a great gala night: they had a deluge of real water, an eruption of Mount Vesuvius, and bull-dogs in plenty, if there were no fiercer animals. Besides, Mr. CrIARLES COCHRANE appears to havd tramderred to Lord MAIDSTONE the " nods, ane becks, and wreathed smiles" of the fair patronesses who at last election lent their countenance to Don JUAN DE LA VE6A. Even in Liverpool, about which such a noise is made, the Tories have only regained what was wreotcd from them at the last election. In 1847, Mr. C.tiinwzt.i. (a Peelite), and Sir THOMAS Buten (a Melbournite), gained the seats which had been previously occupied by Lord SANDON and Sir Howsno DoeuLts. The corrupt portion of the Liverpool constituency have only " returned like the dog to its vomit." And to make their utter lack of principle more conspicuous have converted for the nonce Mr. FORBES MACK vine into an anti-Maynooth champion. We have more than once reminded our readers of how recent growth is the anti-Popery zeal of the Derbyites ; what said their leader in 184/ —Lord IJEORGE BENTINCK—in his letter to his con• stituents at King's Lynn, lamed as a counter-mani festo to that which Sir ROBERT PEEL had indited to the electors of Tamworth! " He (Lord °Ronne) bad no conscientious scruple to prevent his acquiescing in th , rmlotcment of the Roman Catholic priesthood ; ho bow reasons in favour of such a measure." fhe truth is, that the Derbyites have gained little hr their few partial successes beyond the gratifica tion of their personal vindictiveness. Their isolated triumphs have been achieved over the ablest men among the parliamentary Peelites. They have thrown out Mr. CARDWELL, Lord MattoN, Mr. RoUNDELL PALMER—we were going to add Mr. SMYTHE, but that gentleman owes his rejection to himself ; be would probably have been at this mo ment member for Canterbury could he have kept a civil tongue in his head, and kept his fingers from hair-triggers. The partial triumphs of the Derbyites cannot affect the general tone and tendencies of the new parliament ; cannot add materially to the par liamentary strength of the faction ; can only enable them to indulge the rancour of despair at the ex pense of old friends become enemies. Even this miserable gratification they have not always been indulged in. The men against whom their anger burns most fiercely, after the Pinatas, are the Manchester politicians. Hence the eel est made against Messrs. MILNER OtasoN aad There is a wire admission respecting the Ibmsheaks .uutest, in a Tory journal of yesterday sesselesi hr which Mr. Loot and Captain Dr.smsit mot thank the party to which they have lent themselves. Elan should Manchester," sap the Meru* Herald, " or Norwich, or Westmuistw, not Five -us the triumphs we expect." Mr. Lora and Captain DeusiAN are here recognised as the champions (or tools) of the faction, exactly on the same footing with Lord MAIDSTONE. Tue vast quantity of gold accumulating in the Bank of England, by the last returns 22,012,6834 sad the continual arrival of bullion from Australia and the United States, have lately attended much attention. Mao is a little error, however, in the too forward statement of some of our contemporaries that the bullion in the Bank for the first time in its history wads its circulation. The bullion is larger 111.18110 SM than the bank-notes by themselves, but it falls short of the notes and the seven day and other Mlle together, which constitute the floating liabilities of the Bank, or its circulation, in the hands of the public The approzinsation, however, to the pongee s:on by the Bank of bullion sufficient to redeem all its notes, is au event in its history well worthy of being noted and recorded. Two great subjects are opened to us by these facts —the condition of the Bank and the effects of the inerea , te of bullion on lie money of the world. Either of them is more than sufficient for a news paper article. The latter subject, too, is not yet ripe for discumion. We require to know not only the quan tity of the pen:ions metals produced, but the extent— and whether increasing or decreasing—of the de mand for them. It will take time to gather together all the elements for a correct appreciation of this groat phenomenon, and postponing all considerations ot'it fur the present, we shall confine ourselves to making a few remarks on the condition of the Bank. The Gasette accounts published last week were as follows : merit a Mt. Notes mined. —L34,167,174 6;leeagam:ft debtf 11,015.100 Other warlike.. 2,984,900 Gold Can and &MOO .— -- 21,653,800 &loot Bullion .. 33,376 £36.587,175 L35,617.17:1 DAMMING D I' AAAAA NT. _ Proprieton' outfi- ______ t el C14.643,000 1t.., 3,077.944 Peblio: deposits Other deposits Serra • day and other bills Government 8e- =Mies £ 13,871,526 Other securities 10,760,395 Notes Gold and Silver 445,501 f 39,330,049 C39,&10,049 £he Rest being a sum written off to the credit of the Bark and lying .n its coffers, shows thatat was, on making up thole accounts, worth 3,077,0441. more th an its liabilities, including in them the whole of the proprietors capital. That capital being invested in public securities, the Bank is really worth 17,830,9441. On the strength of this capital it is the greatest borrower Thus it ____ __ Bo¢aaw•s end r . From the public ~ To the or by notes ar.d I L 'a t e . bills in circu lation L 12,610,653 Tr' urdistd."-:1;,,27,8 1,,,.... By &To:Wu 7,506,979 I o annuities .. 10,75,5,395 Front indort duals as psi. •.ite deposrs.. 12,831,028 T0t,41., LE3,041,0360 I Total L 38,629,021 On the total VIM that it borrows it pays no in terest whatever ; on the total sum that it lends it receives an interest determined in part by act of par liament and in part by the market rate of interest. On 11,000,0001. of its loans the Bank receives from the government a fixed interest of 3 per cent., equal to a sum of 330,0001. a year. What rate of interest it receives on the remainder of its loans we know not, but, assuming it to be 21 per cent., the sum will be about 421,81121. Besides that, it receives for the management of the National Debt 248,0001. a year. Thus for interest on money which it lends, and from payment on account of managing the debt, it receives 1,199,8621. a year from the state and from its private debtors. As a set-off to its gains, it has to pay the state 120,0001. a year for its peculiar pnvilegcs. Of course those privileges are restraints on other men, and it pays the government that sum for permission to impose those restraints on the public. The go vernment, which is naturally bound to prevent all such restraints, accepts the 120,0001. as a kind of bribe for infringing its duty towards the public. Tho Bank has also to pay 00,0001. a year as compensation fur stamps. Under the present regulations, Bank notes are really an authorised government paper money, and though the Bank has all the advantages of the issue—for which it pays the sum just men. tioned—it must also receive credit for the expense caused by the issue, estimated by Sir lt. PEY.J. at 113,0001. per annum. On the whole it is at an ex pense of 293,000/. for the privilege of issuing this paper money. With the expenses of its establish ment for managing the national debt, and for carry ing on its business, we are not acquainted; but as we read the terms of its contract, and the use it can make of its privileges, The Bank receives from the public £1,199,862 And it pays the public 293,000 Leaving a balance in its favour of 906,662 From which is to be Y. b?ith amount—the expense of the establishment, including the payment of the dividends. The Bank hes another function to perform. It is bound to give in exchange for all the gold bullion brought to it Bank notes at the rate of 31. 17s. 9d. per ounce of gold, and as the gold when coined will redeem Bank notes at the rate of 31. 17s. 100. per ounce, which more than covers the expense of coinage, there is for the Bank a small profit on the transac tion, and the more it buys on these terms the greater is the profit. It is supposed by many persons that the Bank loses by having such an immense stock of bullion in her vaults; but the statement above shows that the larger part of this sum really belongs to the Bank creditors, the Government, and the private de positors. The stock of the Bank which really lies idle is what is called the Reserve, which amounts to 14,700,128!., but of this 14.244,626/. consists of its own notes, which nobody has any demand, or use for, on the Bank terms. The Bank would gain more undoubtedly by being able to employ more of the money of its customers, but, the whole capital of the Bank being only 17,630,9441., and the Bank lending a much larger sum, none of its capital lies idle. The condition of the Bank, therefore, at present is ono of combined privileges and restrictions ; and while there is little doubt that the latter are injurious to the community, latterly • question has been raised whether the former—combined as they are with cer tain duties—be beneficial to the Bank. With a capital of 17,630,9441., making only five per cent., the Bank would clear 881,5431. in the year ; but it might possibly make eight or ten per cent. were it perfectly free to act, and no restrictions were placed on it as a bank, and no pri vileges granted to it. The probabilities are that it would make more than at present, while it would not he the means of imposing restrictions on the general trade of the country. On account of its vast command of capital, and old custom, it ought, and would still be, the bank of the government, and would obtain all the advantages it now possesses from having a customer of such large resources and such ill-regulated expenditure. From the Bank having so large a reserve from such a quantity of the capital of its customers lying unemployed, and from the low rate of interest prevailing, it is plain that at pre sent capital is redundant in relation to the demand for it. The redundancy is more the consequence of production and distribution being facilitated than of any lack of enterprise. Every branch of industry is well occupied, and new branches are continually opening. Though capital is con tinually accumulating, the demand for it is continu ally extending. But accumulation is going on all over the world, while enterprise is not so extensive. We were informed a few days ago, for example, that the Germans are investing capital in the United States Stocks. There iscomparatively little demand for capital in Germany and France—there is compa ratively. little enterprise in them; and instead of borrowing extensively from us—as the Germans and French would do were enterprise rife on the conti nent—they lend their own capital to other countries. One cause, therefore, of the redundancy of capital in England is the deficiency of enterprise on the con tinent. Another cause is mechanical and other improve ments which make the capital of other nations avail able for our purposes. It is notorious that the facility of communication between all parts of our coustry makes all the small and country dealers keep very small stocks. They can have whatever they require at a few hours' notice, and therefore do not tiny largely in advance. Suppose they require sugar—it is lying in the docks, the property of a Porto Rico or Havana planter, consigned here, but not sold, till some country grocer, or some interme diate agent, actually requires it for nee. All such improvements as railroads and telegraphs make less capital requisite for the operations of all country dealers, end throw back the necessity of having capital more and more on the actual producers of commodities. Thus it comes to paw that the capitals of foreign producers enable many home distributors to dispense with capital, or to carry on their business with a diminished quantity, and hence capital be comes redundant in relation to enterprise. But this is an evil which is feat leading to a cure. Abundance of capital lacking profit lowers its terms and stimulates enterprise. Enterprise is thus made to feel political restrictions, and demand their abate ment or abolition. Rulers do not turn a deaf ear to a voice which tells them of increased revenues and increased power. Thus the redundancy of capital, now complained of, must force on further freedom for industry here and abroad. A part of that progress will probably be to take from the Bank of England its troublesome privileges, and release other men from the restrictions they impose. From the present re dundiumy of monied capital, it may'be inferred that some of the most obnoxious restrictions now in exist ence are these on its fees employment in banking, and the abolition of such restrictions may be looked forward to as one of the next improvements in our commercial policy. ATTE/04001f DESPATCH or Lanais TO EDOC ellitalli •PID OLAIKAM.—A Clement Post-ones notice, dated July, 1862. states that on and after the 12th instant. beers of letters for Edinburgh and Olusow will be made up at this °lke, to be despeted by the 'sprees train, which haves the Easton square Station at 6 p.a. (Sundays es eepted.) Letters for this despeteb suet be pealed at the receiving offline in London before 2 p.m. • at the branch offices in Lombard. street, Borough, Charag-erose, sad Old Casendish•street before 3 p.m., and at the Oeeeiel Peet office. St. Martin's-le-Orand, before 3.30 run. Newspapers will not be forwarded be ibis attenuant nail. NEW LETTER REcrlveYL.—The practier of erecting cast.ircm pillars in the Musts, and forming letter receiving beam in them, u is the rue in some parts on the eontieeot, is about to be introduced into Jersey es an expe riment, previous, • n doubt, to Rs introduction into Eng- I land. The rastofilce anaemia** in St. Muliteals.Orand hays adored four east-iron pillar., with letter•receivina in them, to be erected in the town of St. Helier's, in JerseßOY y. AL CoLLaos or timotnas.—The martial eleetie• of fellow, into the council took place yesterday, whim Mews. Cooper and Cuckoo were re-elected, and Meows. Gulliver, of St. Mark's crescent, Respriserp irk, oand Richard rartriclge, of New street, Spring-gardens, went elected the new members no the vacancies occasioned by toe .esignation .1 Mr. Stafford nod the death of Me. Dalrymple. THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY j iat Dr. Vero es to R t e o " France ig NU short of public expectation. It is acriyelr of a pee eati ad pa linodia, in which the editor the Cksiti litionnel seeks, by crooking tha t hinges of the knee, and fawning apt the heed which be once described as " a fist of iron sheathed in vel vet," to expiate a procisiltary gesture of independence, which has east his journal two warnings. Still, here aid there a certain Hora tian Acme and point, tot wkieh Veron's style is noted, are not wanting in this trot essay on New France, and the texts furnished by Louis Napoleon's political writings are cleverly timed spin et his po litical performances. "Never ramps, says the doctor, " lay there before the test of any government • field swept so clean, so eemplefe a tabula rasa. Preceding governments have had to contend with violent irritated parties that were still on their legs. But the present situation is such that those who show ered acclamations and eulogies upon Louis Napolean when he could do nothing, are constrained, by self respect, to use more reserve in their language now that he is all-powerful. Some presumptuous and im provident men may cry : 'Let crowns be brought ; let us put on festive garments, and mount the capitol. Everybody has need of the government of Louis Napoleon, and the government of Louis Napo leon has need of nobody.' Thoughts so rash, thoughts so blind, harbour neither in the heart nor stir upon the lips of the Prince-President." The doctor then quote' passages from the works of the philosophic prisoner of Ham, which may be pondered over with advantage by the po tentate of France, about the duty of govern ments to put themselves boldly at the heed of the great interests of civilisation, and to march at the head of the ideas of their age ; otherwise these inte rmits will be leagued against him—those ideas will leave him behind or upset him. So long as a govern ment has before it enemies and obstacles it ma lies without ideas ; but, when it is neither by perils nor impediments it must march at the had et' the ideas of its age; and it Immune the duty of all publicists to study those ideas. Hence we aro to have in the papers on new Francs discussions upon finances, industry, trade, and all other questions that can concern the progress of society. True, the tribune is fallen; true, the proms is bridled; but Veron's tongue shall still wag. Some proud fellows (Persigny and Co., no doubt) may say, after the victory, "Pass on your way, you am not wanted any more." But he will answer, "Pardon still some hours of enthusiasm." The knee of submission can sink no lower, so tho doctor winds up with singing the praises of De Moray and him self (the joint proprietors of the Constitu- Naxos!) for their generous abnegation in abstaining from opposition after their disgrace, and contenting themselves, after having piloted, as minister and journalist, Prince Louis Napoleon through all his diffiteltiss and struggles into smooth water, with muting down in their fall as humble supporters of the =11:t in the Corps Legislatif. I had almost o say that this preface of " La France Newell° " opens with the name of M. Thiers, who is represented as having said lately to a friend (per haps M. Duvergicr d'Hairranne) whom he met in the Illireeb of France, alluding to the present state of things In France, " Cat gee ca pent darer lony 6118t7erof the most important di lomatic events is the return of that female politi cian, the Princess of Lieven, from the baths of Germany, where she has been pleading the cause of the President with the Empress of Russia. Nothing has yet transpired as to the success of the princess's mission. With regard to the question of M. Thiers, I am assured that the government had given instructions to its diplomatic agents in Italy and elsewhere, that they should in nowise be instrumental in molesting that statesman. But as soon as the voyage of the Duchess of Orleans to Switzerland was known, the government's jealousy was awakened at M. Thiers's residence in the same country; and it is said that on this account instructions were given to the French envoy at Berne to procure his internement. It is declared in other quarters that no application has brat made by the French government on this sub ject, and that the whole business is a gratuitous piece of poltroonery on the part of one of the Swiss ministers. Madame Thies leR Paris yesterday by the Lyons Railway to join her husband on the confines of Switzerland. This evening a supplement will be published to the Moniteur, to convoke tho Electoral Colleges for the 31st July, for the election of the councils-general and municipal councils. Oalignani says : The mayor of the town of Vernon, and an inspector of domains, assisted by the jugs de pair, the commissary of police, and the lieutenant of gendarmerie of Emu:, with the brigade. of Vernon and Peg, presented themselves on Monday at ewe of the entrances to the Chateau of filly, the property of the Orleans family, end previously occupied by the Duchess Dowager. A mammon* was made to open the gates, bat the esperior employee of the chateau replied that they would not. The mayor than repeated three times the summons to open. The refusal being persisted in, orders were given to a locksmith to force the lock. The mayor of Vernon and the inspector of domains found no other ob. stale, and, havingraetrated to the interior of the chateau, took formal possession of it. The harvest has commenced in the environs of Valence. The crops are abundant, and the grain of good quality. Potatoes are also very fine in ap pearance. A considerable fall in the price of wheat has taken place in the Paris market. The quotation, which about a week since was 35fr. the 100 kilogrammes, is now only 30fr. 31c. The supply in hand amounts to 8,135,400 kilogrammes. The government is now engaged in preparing a bill for the internal administration of Algeria. SWITZERLAND. It should seem by the following letter in the Jowr nal de Geneva that M. Thies has not removed from Vevey. It says : M. Thies has been very near going, and M. Druey would no doubt have robbed his hands over his departure. But r e th wa ii o at ! the kind o s;Ttake , p i te; an i d et e i s oa thr r it th is e ;zither erel Comae, but al the rn:erely the work of M. Drug, the latter will not have the laugh on his side. The adimry session of the two Legislative Coun cils opened at Berne on the sth inst. In the sitting of the National Council, at 9 o'clock in the morning, 80 members, about two-thirds of the Assembly, were present. M. Hungerbuhler, formerly vice•preet dent, was elected president by 64 votes of 78. Few or none of the members of the Federal Council ap peared. In the Council of States, M. Bristle war appointed president by 27 votes out of 38. The Council of State of Neufchatel had published a pro clamation on the question of the day, in which is set forth briefly the new situation in which this canton is now placed, and en appeal made to the republican feelings of the population. ITALY. WHOLESALE ARRESTS IN LOMBARDY. Political arrests are now going on in Lombardy to an extent which proves at once tho universality of the dissatisfaction with the Austrian government, and the consciousness of the government that it is in imminent danger. There have been 47 arrests in Mantua and its province; others at Verona; others at Brescia; others at Milan, &c. These wholesale arrests have their rime in the following incident. A search was nude in some house, on suspicion that the inmates were concerned In smuggling. One of the %mini loan notes wee unexpectedly discovered in the house. The holder of this note, a patriot to some extent, but not a member of the organised association of patriots which extends over all Italy, wee induced to mention the name of the person who had given him the note. This person was arrested ; all the letters, even those of the most immaterial and inoffensive kiwi, found in his house w re used as indications of new persons to be arrested, the Austrian police hoping that the very multipli city and promiscuousness of the arrests would lead accidentally to discoveries. Perbapi the most signi ficant fact connected with these arrests is the condi tion in life of the persons arrested. Among the 47 arrested in the Mantuan province are the bro thers Nuvolari, Dario Taasoni, Frederic Rossi, Pe drani of Oonzaga, the Arcipreti (heads of the clergy in their respective communes or municipalities) ; Otto- JULY 9, 1852. ' . Omskli, of and 1 ii, of Bain& of Vela Capella ; Cessi, a notary. Governoto Joseph Finn a p ielpr ; 1)r. liendifti, of Mantua ; L ouis Boob Gerola, Puma Marchif Professor-Nanry Tassoli, a priest, was few months ago, and has been, since then, in on bread and water diet, and subjected to all - kinds of torturing contrivances, in the hop e . of obliging him to make revelations. Attilio Mon, engineer, Louis Castellazzi, archpriest of Bozzetti, and others were arrested at the same time. At Brescia they arrested Tito Speri • at Verona, Tactiolit at Milan, Giovanni Pezzotti, ;he was found strangled in his prison the next day. Pezzotti was a man of high intellectual attainments ; whether he died by his own hand to escape the moral tortures to which prisoners for polip deal offences in Italy aro always subjected, or whether he was killed by his jailers, is still a mystery. Sometimes they do torture for the sake of compelling revelations, and then, having gone too far, and fear ing publicity, they kill. Such are the things now going on in Lombardy— part of that prisms of mortal warfare between the people and tyranny which is continually going on in Italy, whether we hear of it or not. The number of the arrests, however, and the quality of the arrested persons, are proofs that in Lombardy the strife is at this moment specially intense. We may hear more we long. TURKEY. The Marseilles mail brings news from Constanti nople of the 25th ult. Lord Stratford de Redefine embarked with his family on the 20th in MM.'s steamer Scourge for England, having Colonel Rose as charge d'affairs. Before his departure, Lord Stratford had a most satisfactory interview with the sultan. It lasted an hour, and is looked upon as an unprece dented favour. The news is confirmed of the Per sian occupation of Herat. In Syria some of the in habitants had been conciliated by the remission of the conscription, in consideration of the payment of a thousand pounds sterling, which they are to pay in addition to tho ordinary taxes. Corn had conse quently dropped from 25 piastres to 18. The corn crops were abundant. Two-thirds of the town of Serrayova had been destroyed by fire. THE ELECTIONS. WESTMINSTER. Yesterday the polling commenced at 8 o'clock, and for the first three hours the returns were favourable to Sir John Shelley and Sir De Lacy Evans ; at 11 Lord Maidstone's position began to improve, and at 12 he stood second on the poll, Sir John Shelley holding the first, and Mr. Coning hem the last plate; the numbers then being— Shelley Maidstone 1,884 Evans 1,771 Conineham This, with the tory candidate, was the top of the flood tide; at one the ebb had set in, and his majority over Evans was reduced front 117 to 44. At two Evans headed Lord Maidstone by 14 ; at three, by 222 ; and at the final close of the poll, at four o'clock, the numbers for the re spective candidates, as given by Evans and Shelley's com mittee, stood as follows: Shelley Evans 3,758 Maidstone 3,341 Coninghsm Mr. Coningham's chance from the very first hour was nil, and that he insisted on recording votes which might otherwise have been counted for the other liberal candidates, was la the neigl.butrhood of the hustings freely stated to be a desire to assist the tory candidate. At one period of the day a rumour obtained that Evans had resigned, said to have originated with the opposing committee, for obvious reasons, and later in the afternoon an equally groundless statement prevailed that Mr. Coninghsm had surrendered. At four o'clock an immense crowd, composed principally of the non-voting friends of Mr. Coningham, assembled in front of the huller in Covent-garden to cornier' their own candidate and to assail the victors, in both of which objects they were to a certain extent successful. 7dr. CON INGHAM appeared on the hustings before the final closing of the poll books, and, responding to the im patient demands for a speech, acknowledged that he had been beaten in • fair stand-up fight—(here he was inter rupted by loud cries of " No, no .7)—a fair stand-up fight so far as he was concerned. ("Hear, hear," "bravo," and that's about it.") He bad coalesced with no one, but had stood alike independent of the whig rump mail the old tory clique. (Cheers.) He had stood upon inde pendent principle sad had conducted the contest in a fair and honourable manner. But his whig adversaries had not adopted that course—(" hear," and "shame.") — They had condescended to attack him not only in the ordi nary electioneering fashion, but had issued against him from their central committee libels of the most scandalous description; and when they found that these fell harmless, these whig friends of religious liberty, as they professed to be, attempted to raise •no popery cry against him. (Loud cries of " Shame.") He had no hesitation in saying that men who could countenance such proceedings were traitors to the cause of religious freedom. (Great cheering.) There fore he said that Sir De Lacy Evans was not fit to represent the enlightened constituency . of Westminster —( great cheering, and cries of " Oh, he is a humbug ")—sad there fore he said also that Sir J. Shelley was not true to his principles of religious liberty, when he united with one who was a traitor to the cause of religious freedom. (More cheering.) The question to be decided by the pre sent contest was whether aristocratic or democratic power should prevail in the coming parliament. (Hear, bear.) He had hoisted the flag of democracy in that the second city of the empire—he had flung the banner out wide before the people of England, and before the free peoples of the world. The democrats of America and of France would respond to the cry that had been raised. (Cheers.) The question was whether we should have an Anglo-American and an Anglo-Fretch alliance carrying out a liberal foreign policy, or an alliance with the despotism of the north—en alliance with &pais and Austria—(never)—whether we were to have Lord Palmer ston for our foreign minister, and the assertion of liberal principles, or whether the dominion of the northern mum was to prevail throughout Europe. (Cheers.) He was accused of being a communist, an anarchist, and a revolu tionist, but his object was to carry on the contest between the democratic and the aristocratic principles by peaceful means not by putting a musket into every man's hand, but a vote. (Loud cheering.) And to that end ho bad raised the cry of manhood suffrage in Westminster—a cry which would re-echo from one end of the laud to the other. (Cheers.) He would above all things warn them against whiggery. The whip were always traitors to the popular cause. (Loud cheers.) He bad not coalesced with the thrice. He had no connexion with them. All his voters had plumped for him. (Cheers.) Still, he thought an hottest tory was better than a traitor ous whig. (Tremendous cheering) The whigs, ever anxious to retain dim—were afraid to act on the prin ciples they professed. They were even letting " I dare not wait upon I would." The radicals went too far for the whip, and were feared by them. A good fight had been fought on the present occasioe, and they would fight it again, and give the whip ramp such • licking as they never had before. The whip had placarded the elec tion; booths that he (Mr. Coningham) had resigned, though they knew to the contrary—for when a deputation of the joint committee waited upon him on that subject his answer was, " No ; let the whip no-Popery candidate and the tory no-Popery candidate fight it out between them." (Cheers.) Sir JOHN 8111111 LIT and Sir Da L. EVANS, who came upon the hustings as Mr. Coningham concluded his ad dress, severally endeavoured to obtain a hearing, but with out effect. They were assailed with groans, )ells, discor dant noises of all kinds, and at intervals with showers of missiles of a vegetable and occasionally of an animal cha racter, none of them much improved by the heat of the weather, and at length were compelled to give up their at tempt and retire. Neither Lord Maidstone nor any of hie friends showed. FINSBURY. The poll commenced yesterday, and from the first Mr. Alderman Challis, contrary to general expectation, took the lead and maintained it throughout the day. The 001 l was conducted with the greatest quietness and order. The returns of the committees of *sett of the candidates varied considerably. We give the state of the poll at the close according to the accounts published by the two success. fal candidates. Mr. Wyld's committee made no return of the result. CLOSE OP Till POLL. Mr. Alderman Cluillls's Committee. Challis Duneombe 6,669 Wyld Mr. Duncombe's Committee, Duncombe 6,683 Challis W At eight yld o'clock Me Alderman CHALLIS eddreseed hie supporters, who were assembled at the Belvidere Tavern. He thanked them for their exertion% and said he tasted that all acrimonious feelings would now pass away. When he *ma first invited to stand for the borough, he had no hos tility to Mr. Wakley, who, be considered, had discharged his duty, and was a man of eminent ability, and he, there fore, refused to stand without &requisition stating a vacancy, and that he was a proper person to fill it. In corielipioe, the hon. gentleman expressed a hope that his conduct in parliament would be such as to merit their future con fidence sod support. SOUTHWARK. The polling commenced at K o'clock yesterday eseraing. The following were the emotion et the _ PLUSS OF THI POLL . Maletworth Pellatt Seemed 2,629 -q-.7."r7 1 ._..... • MIDDLESEX. MEETING AT UXBRIDGE. ii ,d 4 trairt Ghrosvopr, and Mr. 13. Osborne are stall= candidateeld ;the field for Middlesex ; but placards have been puldruy numerously at all the prin ,cipal voting places 1 eta county requesting the electors to te reserve" their votes : and this circumstance, in conjunc liana arith certain equivocal advertisements in the daily pa pen, signed by the conservative registration agen t for Middle sex, =tams the general impression that a Derbyite can didate" is to be brought forward at the last momeut. The name of the Marquis of Illandford has been very generally mention ii as the contingent tory candidate ; but it was understood yesterday that Lord bertGroaver.or had ads ceived a letter from the noble marquis stating positively. that he has refused to allow himself to be put ii 11001i11111, tiara The contemplated opposition is directed against Mr. Osborne, and the grounds taken are solely " religious," so called. It is believed, however, that his great popularity readers him perfectly " safe." Yesterday afternoon (market-day) a meeting was con mod at Uxbridge to receive and bear addresses from Lord Robert Grosvenor and Mr. Osborne. The public rooms in which the meeting was held, were well filled, many of thus present being farmers. The chair was taken by Mr. P. If. Rictus, who, after a few brief observations, introduced it Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR—His lordship said he regretted, for their sakes, that in presenting himself on this Manion to the electors of Middlesex, there were only two candidates. It was a circumstance, however, at which bo himself greatly rejoiced. They might desire the excite ment of a contest ; but he did not. Perhaps, however, he wasj i ansature ; and, after all, there might be • contestint c . In going round the market place just now, met a man bearing a placard which re• quested the electors to "reserve" their votes. Re serve was a very good thing, if not carried too far; but it mightcarried too far ; and he trusted the electors of Middlesex would not permit themselves to be tricked, but that they would deal as fairly and frankly with the candidates before them as those candidates de. sired to deal with the electors. He, himself, came before them frankly—and was glad to see them, and to communi cate with them. lie did not present himself for their vote. on the strength of his connexion, of his family, or his in fluence. He depended on his character, on what the electors knew of him, and on the course he had taken as their representative. His public life extended over 30 years ; it was fully known to the electors, and he had therefore no delirofession of principles to offer. The noble lord proceed ed to speak of the change of government dur ing the last session, and of the conduct of the present go vernment. lie had no confidence in the present govern ment. Referring to the Militia Bill, ho said that it was • most ridiculous measure; and he believed the government were so satisfied of its absurdity that they already regarded it as waste paper, and never intended to bring it into ope ration. The ministerial manifestos he did not understand, and he thought that the next novel of Mr. Disraeli should be entitled " A Government in Search of a Policy." If the government meant a return to pro tection he would oppose them, and he believed tho majority would vote on the same side and defeat them. If they meant by a " revision of taxation class legislation, he would also oppose them. Ile knew he was addreesing an agricul tural body ; and he believed that many protectionist gen tlemen had given him their support at the last election ; but he believed they had so honoured him because they found he was • steady, consistent man, and he would never consent to disguise his real sentiments. (Cheers.) He had been a party man all his life. He had acted with a party which he regarded as potent for good, and which he knew had conferred those benefits which the community are now enjoy icg. (Cheers.) But he had never given a slavish adher ence to any party ; and while now distinctly expressing his want of confidence in the present government, he wished it to be understood that if their measures were good—which he didn't expect—he would support those measures. lie believed the corn-laws had been too hurriedly repealed; but the evil of that baste had been now fully got over; and there could be no retracing of our steps. He wished to see the commercial policy of the last ten years continued, and the more especially as regarded the articles of tea, tobacco, and spirits. As regarded the finan cial scheme, which " loomed in the future," he was in fa vour of a direct in preference to an indirect system of taxa tion. The relief to the agricultural interest which he would propose would be the removal of the malt tax. (Cheers.) He had very few words to say on the question of reform of parliament. lie did not like organic changes, and he still less liked frequent changes. But he was quite prepared to face fairly the demand now being generally made to go beyond the bill of 1832. The time, he believed, had arrived for an extension of the suffrage • and especially for a greater equalisation of electoral districts. ( Cheers.) lie had no objection whatever to vote for Mr. Locke King's motion for giving the franchise to 101. householders in counties. (Cheers.) Should he be sent to parliament he would vote, therefore, for an extension of the suffrage. [An Elector— What would you do with the colonies?) As to that point he would say that if the colonies got proper self-govern ment,they would not want representatives in Westminster? He would also vote for the abolition-of the property qualifica tion. That restriction did not work practically, and was an absurdity. [An Eyncron—And give the constituents the ballot-box.] He thought that electors ought to take the elections more into their own hands, and that they ought to bear the expenses of elections. In conclusion, he had only to say that in his past life were the pledges for his future performances ; and, if elected, he would be glad to continue to serve them just in the cams manner as that in which he had already served them. Mr. B OSBORNE then addressed the meeting, stating that his principal duty on this occasion was to answer the charges, urged and :the faults found, against him in con nexion with the period during which he had represented Middlesex. An anonymous effort was being made to dam age him in the estimation of the electors ; and every one of the attacks which had been made, he was now fully prepared to meet. His secret opponents had gone into de tails to serve their malice. First of all it was alleged that has social position did not qualify him to represent so im portant a conatitueocy as that of Middlesex. lie , admitted that fully. The sneer that he was not in point of wealth and position fit for this candidature did not hurt him : for, in the flat place, he begged it would be remembered he had not thrust himself on the county, and in the next place he did not think the electors of Mid dlesex were the men to believe that wealth was the prin cipal test of the fitness of their parliamentary representative. (Cheers.) But what did this charge against him amount to ? To this—that because he was not the pet and protege of the magistrates of Middlesex he had no right to pre sent himself to the county. Well, he knew very well that there were excellent men among themagistrates, but he denied that they had the right to dictate in regard to this question, and he knew well enough that if the majority of the electors returned him again to parliament it would be not ' on his own merits as to worldly position or otherwise, but .n their princip.es. (Cheers.) But the faults found with him were various. In the requisition calling upon the " Protestant electors" to reserve their votes, and which was being hawked about from house to house in Uxbridge, he was accused of entertaining " Popish tendencies." (Laughter.) There was a worse fault urged against him— that he had pandered to no government, (Cheers.) Worse' still—that he had offered what was called in the slang of the day, a " factious opposition" to the government of Lord Derby, and that he intended still to offer that opposi tion. (Cheers.) However, he was not going to sneak into parliament. He would shirk no question, and shrink from no test.' (Cheers) He had always been sensible that the representation of Middlesex ought to devolve on a man of a con= rank in life ; for he was no leveller. But where wino they—the electors of Middlesex—of the working cheese, sad of the middle-dames, who bad returned him er Mr. Osborne) at the last election, to find such • man ? If rcould find a resident gentleman willing to advocate in isment the opinions he had advocated, and able, too, to express those optnions—(cheers)—then, even at the eleventh hour, he would retire in that gentleman's favour. (Cheers.) He had no petty ambition, he hoped, about him; and if • seat in the House of Commons were, indeed, the great desideratum for an English gentleman, then he thought he eadd manage to find a seat, and what was called a " quiet seat " elsewhere. Bat he had felt this, in coming forward en this occasion, that having been returned at the last elec tion by the noble, independent, and hard-working exer tions of the middle and working classes of Middlesex, it would have been unworthy of him now to run away from a neatest. (Cheers.) In short, he had determined that as km as they wculd stick to him he would stick to them. (Cheers.) The principles on which he had been returned Is 1847 might be briefly described. At that time free trade was not so fashionable a system as at present, and he had been elected as an advocate of free trade in the fullest and widest sense. (Cheers.) lie did not agree with his noble colleague in regretting that the free trade policy hsil been resorted to all at once, and on a sudden. Ile rather thought it was a matter for national shame that wo had endured at all for any time that great conspiracy of landlords which in the year 1815 determined that the bread of the poor man should be taxed. (Cheers.) lie had always regarded the corn laws as involving the simplest of all questions, a question of rent between the landowner and the farmer with which the consumer had properly nothing to do. (Hear, hoar.) Well, he was not ashamed of the re sults of free trade; be was not brokenhearted because 50,000,000 of quarters had been imported into this country, paid for, and eaten since the free trade system had been adopted; and by those results he was willing that the early advocates of the new principle should be judged. (Cheers.) As • frestrader he was, then, still entitled to their support. (Cheers.) They were not to " beware of Osborne" because be had predicted that the wages of labour would fall, that 1 there would be a drain of gold from this country, and that the British lion would cease to wag his tall ; whenever, forsooth, ' the poor man began to est his bread at its natural price. (Cheers.) His language on this question had been of one sort from the beginning. Ile had never joined in de nouncing and hunting to death the greatest minister this country had seen foe two hundred years. (Cheers.) lie had not attacked Sir R. Peel as the leader of an " *r emained hypocrisy," and then, when the loaves and fishes of the Treasury were secured, turned round and main- Wined, in a magnificent budget speech, that a free trade policy was the only policy to secure the prosperity of the country. (Cheers and laughter.) These men who did this might find it their„purpose to attack him (Mr. Osborne) ; but he would say to the electors—to those Englishmen who could appreciate all the shuffling and un-English trickery of the last three months—beware of Lord Derhy,and take care that the protestant= of 1852 is not left in the same lurch as the protection of 1547. (Loud cheers.) The new " dodge " was a" modification of taxation." Well, he would say to the farmers who were listening to him, hoping that they would take good advice, even though it proceeded from one whom they did not regard as a friend, that this new " dodge " was a palpable attempt St delusion. (Cheer,.) He didn't agree with his motile Iriend in respect to the malt-tux. He didn't regard the malt -ta x as a burden on land : it was a tax on the consenter. (Ilea; hear.) It was not a tax to be lightly dealt with' fir it produced 5,000,000 f. He saw several gentlemen in that room who had money in the funds, rind he thought they would hesitate before they gave a vote for ravine. down the revenue by 5,000,0001. And as a tux on the e, a: sumer, he could not remind to throw it up unless nay showed him that the amount would be end ure d in dire taxes, or that it could be rained in slime other way, an d that the public creditor would not raiffir. He would nuke h 9 vague promises or declarations. lie hadn't three P.'s— popery, property, and pretestantism ; nett be lit thertible-nemer. (Cheers and lauehter ) Then the re was another so called burden tin land—the county r,•„ . but surely the borough rates belanced the m. (Bear, hear There was the tithe rent-charge ; but all land was Iga u ;e subject tu that charge, and it was no grievance. lie wouldn't say much shout church-ratee ; but, at all events, they were borne equally in boroughs and counties. These " huedthe on land " were a mere sham ; they only amounted to a phrase got up by that stupendous juggler —a very able and distinguished man, but a juggler—the pentad Chew:eller of the Exchequer. (Canes.) That gentleman bad 01GE observed cl 2 him; ; C: n b d rid h g e e m m ar r bi o t;p ho la ni ce e , ) ar i 4d li t ed ele th eto o rs .h h ia d ie acknowledging Mr. Disraeli's ability, they bad remarked that he was not straightforward. (Cheer.) lie (Me. Us borne) was saying nothing behind his back which be had not said to his face ; and his estimate of Mr. Disraeli was this—that he was a quibbler and a political Puieyite. (Cbeen and laughter.) lie (Mr. Osborne) went cer dually with his noble friend generally a. to taxation. Ile would take off the taxes ~ n tea and tobacco. But, observe, in saying this, he was not wanting to make an electioneering speech. lie said all this, subject to conditions affecting the maintenance of the necessary revenue. lie would do all he could, but he would make no rash pledge. (Cheers.) He spoke out and had no concealments ; and if they did not like him for their member, why he was a farmer, and could go ha c k to his farm—and he begged to say, that farming was net only an amusement, but that, with an expenditure of proper cupital, it was a lucrative amusement. (Hear, hear.) li e wanted no support he was not entitled to. The magi.aratts mightn't like him, and the fashionable parts of the come tueney mightn't like him; but he did'nt look for fashion able suffrages. in 1847 he had been returned lir'nen fashionable Middlesex; and he hoped they would m-e lect him. (Cheers, and cry of "Of course we will.") Ile had now done with the tree-trade and financial question., and he came to the question of parliamentary reform. HIS course on this question appeared to have frightened a good many persons. They cried out that he was a leveller and a dangerous man. They had heard of Louis Blanc, and they said he was that sort of man. (Laughter.) Now, all this was very absurd. Ile did not know what he could get by "levelling." He yenned, perhaps a small, hut certainly an independent, fortune ; and he had everything to lose by unwise political and social changes. Ills levelling just ex tended to this—that he would make the representation of the people a reality, instead of a glaring sham. (Great cheering.) lie was not afraid of the people ; and if there should be danger to the social system, he thought it would rather arise from the vices of the higher orders than from the follies of those who were vulgarly called the " lower orders." (Loud cheers.) lie was a real con servative in looking for that representative chino which was wanted to save us from stagnation, and to re. lieve us from a dead lock ; and he would maintain that representative government could not last in this country unless toe system was rendered real and faithful. (lend cheers.) I. eve trade was in danger it wee said; and if so, why ? Because we had no real representat on of the peo ple ; and the country might be rent sure that unless we got a real representation we should move no further in carrying out the principles of Sir Robert Peel's commercial policy. (Cheers.) Ile came to the next act of steaks nn him—attacks provoked by his series of votes in favour of religious liberty. On this point he had nothing to el glee He had voted for the admission of Jews ir.to parliam, at, and he would give the same vote again. lie had nothing to do with the conscience of men ; that was an affair between them and their Maker. (('heers.) That man who paid taxes was in his eyes a citizen, and wan, whatever his religious views, entitled to the rights of citi zenship. (Cheers.) lie would exclude no man from par liament or from the Fondue., because of Isis religious views; and in saying that ho included all known creeds. Ile had also give* big vote while member for Middlesex for the abolition of church rates. (Cheers.) He was no dissenter. He was a sincere member of the established church ; and he was satisfied that the church would he strengthened in the affections of the people if she would consent to abandon this paltry dole. (Loud cheers.) He came to the great charge against him. It had been said that he had voted for the grant to alaynooth. It was very wonderful to see what respectable men would say in the heat of a general election. In this instance they stated that which was not true. (Loud cheers.) lie had never voted for the grant to Maynooth. (Loud cheers.) He wished to take distinct political ground on all these so-called religious questions. He, as a politician and legislator, had faced the fact that our Queen reigns over an empire of all religions—an empire in which were protestants, Roman eatholim, Jews, Mahom medans, Buddhists, and pagans; and we, the "good pro testrints "—though, by the bye, that was a phrase covering a multitude of not over-Chriatianly sins—could not say, like the Anabaptists of Munster, that no one should exist without our pale. (Loud cheers.) But on this Maynooth question his explanation was clear. He had not voted for the grant. In 1846 Sir It. Peel was carrying through the House of Commons a measure increasing the grant to Maynooth by 14,0001. a year; and thereupon Sir H. Ward, then member for Sheffield, moved as an amendment that that additional sum should be taken, not from the consolidated fund —or, in other words, the public taxes—but from the revenues of the Irish established church. He (Mr. Osborne) had voted for that amendment. But that wasn't voting for May nooth; that wee a vote not one of his former supporters could object to. (Loud cheers.) Who, however, were the men urging this charge against him ? The supporters of the present government. But this was iniquitous; fur it so happened that the man who proposed that in creased Maynooth grant to the House of Lords was Lord Stanley, the Lord Derby now heading her Majesty's par cm:fence protestant government (Cheers.) He did not desire to be a party to any contest which would risk the interests of the county. But he warned them, while " bewaring" of Osborne, not to allow a protectionist candidate to creep in, M the sheep's clothing of a \o-pope ry zealot. (Cheers.) Let the electors look to the Derbyite banners. On one side, turned towards them, they will Pee " Protestantism;" but let them walk round, and on the other side they would perceive the letters of " Protection" in reserve. (Cheers and laughter.) He had no disguises, no reserves. He was a free-trader. He was for an ezten 'ion of the suffrage, and for vote by ballot. (Great cheering.) And, m a word, he was for civil and religious liberty —just now, not a mere euphonism, but a principle to bestuck to. (Lead cheers.) In an ener getic peroration Mr. Osborne, amidst great applause, called upon the electors to set for themselves, and to deal with the election as smatter of business, in its results vitally affecting their daily lives and permanent welfare. The meeting was brought to a close by Mr. MAURICE SWAREY (J. P.) moving, and Mr. MONTGOMERY (J. P.) seconding, * resolution, which was carried unanimously, to the effect that Lord R. Orovenor anal Mr. Osborne were " lit and proper" persons to represent Middlesex in paella ' meet. The following is the placard referred to by Mr. Osborne, and ita charges arc certainly surprisingly unexpected. Mr. Newdegate (a Middlesex resident) is supposed to be the author of it : " Protestant electors of Middlesex. Reserve your votes. Beware of Osborne, the advocate of papal aggeosion, leader of the Pope's brass band, and member of the !rah brigade." SHEFFIELD. There was a second monster meeting at 7 o'clock on Wednesday evening, in the New Haymarket,on the oc casion of the declaration of the poll. It WAS decidedly larger than the nomination meeting, on the previous day. The number was generally estimated at a near approxima tion to 20,000. Mr. Hadfield was loudly cheered on his arrival on the hustings, about a quarter before 7 o'clock. Mr. Wm. Overend, who arrived next, was assailed by the greatest amount of hooting. Mr. Parker and Mr. Roebuck ' came about five minutes to seven. There was a consider able amount of cheering fur Mr. Parker, but the plaudits in honour of Mr. Roebuck were such as only twenty thou sand pairs of lungs can simultaneously raise. The MA you took his place en the hustings at 7 o'clock. He was applauded on his arrival, and there was evidently a general disposition to restore immediate silence; but from the tremendous pressure of the crowd, and the consequent uncomfortableness,lsome time elapsed before a very mode rate degree of tranquillity could be established. The Mayor at length made himself heard. He said—l have to inform you that John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., has received 2,092 votes. (Cheers.) George Hadfield, Esq.. has received 1,84,3 votes. (Cheers.) John Parker, Esq., has received 1,580 votes. And William Overend, Esq„ has received 1,180 vows. I therefore, gentlemen, proclaim that John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., and George Hadfield, Esq , are duly chosen and elected members to serve in parliament for the borough of Sheffield. (Vociferous cheering and waving of hate : ) Mr. PARKER and Mr. OVEREND having addressed the electors, Mr. ROEBUCK was received with loud cheers. He said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen. (. Speak up.•') I can't speak louder, and you must be silent. It is iniposqhle in a meeting like this to make a speech. 1 cannot. 1 have thoughts and feelings in my breast that I cannot enunciate to a multitude like this. Impossible 1 find it ; but I do wish to say something. (Cheers.) The only desire 1 have at tu tt e siresent moment is, if I can, to explain here a word I yesterday. Speaking of my friend Mr. Overend, said he was a supporter of Lord Derby's government. (Cheers.) I want to explain to him why L said so. so soon as we meet in Westminster-hall two motions will be made; one in favour of the principles of free trade, the other against the present administration. (Hear, hear.) In favour of the first I should expect the vote of my ho nourable friend. (Hear, hear.) I am sure he would be against the second ; therefore, I say, be would be a friend of Lord Derby's government. (Cheers, abr . ! Mr. Overend—" No, no.") My friend says "No, to. I will tell you how I put it. The second motion about to he made would be this : that Lord Derby and his friends having in opposition always opposed free trade, are unlit to conduct the government based on the principles 01 free trade. (Cheers.) Would my honourable friend auppor , t that motion? I say he would not. (Ilear, hear.) It is on that ground that I call him a friend of Lord Ike .y's government. The practical result is as I say. Ile would vote against that motion, and upon that motion dir e enil the existence of Lord Berb•j'a government. (Cheer,.) I can 't