The Express. — London, England, 1851-04-25 00:00:00

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Toe Scotch protectionists marshal forth an inter minable array of arguments and figures for the en couragement and mystification of their blind friends, who open their mouths and swallow what their own politicians give them. A more extravagant tissue of falsehoods, assumptions, sophisms, and absurdities than these of the Edinburgh banquet was certainly never woven. And it betokens sod contempt for the intellect of the audience they addressed, that the actors of that banquet did not feel the necessity of at least fairer arguments. There is much that might be said for protection that would sink into the hearts and convictions of freetraders ; but the reckless and unblushing effrontery, which flings a palpable lie, or an unblushing I,llsilicution of figures at one, under the pretence of producing conviction, gives rise to feelings of anger and contempt. Ilow can a rational man seriously sit down to re fute such ro-hushed nonsense as I.ord EGIANToN's fears of our dependence on foreigners fur food, and especially on France, when that country is known to have sent us a large supply in the yearn of war and in the midst of the European blockade? Or is it worth pausing to consider Sir EDWARD betwktes marvellous discovery thut the ruin of Athens was owing to her importing foal? Why, Athens could never have been anything but a village, nor Attica aught but a desert, had they not imported food. The very source and reason of the greatness of Athens was the barrenness of its territory, which would not produce corn, and com pelled the Athenians, from the very first, to seek their livelihood and their prosperity on the sea in trade,and at home in industry. They wanted corn, and their country would not produce it in sufficient abun dance ; and thereupon they set about producing equi valetas wherewith to purchase food. This enriched Athens --this increased its population—this swelled it from a village to a city. 'lids gave Athens an agriculture--by gathering wealth to expend upon its barren soil. It was the wealth that was earned with trade that fertiliwsl Athens, converted its arid • • •• • are required for the support of such churches and of their ministers ; that a sum of 240,0001. would then be wanted for parsonage houses - that Increased school accommodation for more th an 200,000 da rken would also be required • tha t a further enlist ment of 1,000 scripture read ies was most desixahlii and that an increase in the episcopate wall also ne cessary. The persons who made this statement to her . MA JEs*TY arc the two archbishops, eight of the bishops known in popular phraseology as low church bishops, three dukes, one important as being the premier's brother ; eighteen earls, two viscounts, eleven barons, fourteen peers' sons, the Speaker of the House of Commons, and forty-five members of the lower house of parliament, eight of whom only are of the liberal party, but amongst whom are Mr. HINR tELI, and Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT: a goodly array of distinguished, powerful, and of able personages. ()n all subjects the opinions, wants, and wishes of such a body are worthy of respectful consideration and attention;' but put forth modestly and temperately on the question of providing religious instruction for a popu lation that has far outgrown the strength of the present parochial system, and which has not been provided for by the mighty efforts of non-conformity, the views and schemes of so influential a body increase proportionably in importance. Let us, therefore, examine the address in the spirit in which it was conceived. We confess, then, that, even whilst sympathising with the object aimed at, all objection of great weight arises to it an tiostime. The addressors do not ask for state assistance in carrying out their scheme; they rather point at sources and at means wherewith to carry out their proposals, in the church itself, and they express reliance on voluntary liberality to do much in aid of what the church can furnish. But, when all their ways and means are scraped together, they still so obviously have a great hiatus to till up, that, not having disclaimed any de signs on the public treasury, their silence on that point is very suspicious ; and it must, as it ought to, arouse, if not the apprehensions, at least the vigi lance of all nonconformists, and of that large party in the church itself which, desiring its development under favourable circumstances, is quite as opposed to state assistance as the stoutest dissenter. On a matter so important as this, involving a principle on which the minds of a large majority, as we believe, of the intelligent community are quite made up, the utmost frankness, candour, and plain speaking were due from the addressors. On the contrary, doubt, and suspicion,and fears attend their very field step; and they will impede, embarrass, and retard any progress which may he possible. When Sir ROBERT Pau brought forward his scheme ho acted very differently; he at once threw Sir Ronal. INuLIS overboard; disclaimed all wish to ask parliament for means ; and bid the church rely on its own property and people. The consequence was, that all knew at once what it was they had to deal with ; and that success attended his plan. After this example, an application to parlia ment for funds for church or parochial extension would, we know, be perfectly hopeless ; and so, we are persuaded, many of the addressors think : but others there are who have always advanced. chiims on the state treasury tbr the state church, and betbre any support can be given to a movement in which they take part, it must be distinctly, unequivocally, and emphatically dis-associated from any such design. As that has not been done, a great mistake has been committed in launching the scheme. Rut this is not the only important omission. It may, perhaps, be quite possible to propound a sound and practicable scheme of parochial extension—one, we mean, that ought not to wound the principles of noneonfurinity more than the existence of any state church does necessarily wound thew, and that ought on church principles to be supported; but any such scheme must be based on and must start from church reform—and, first of all, a reform, a re adjustment, and a re-modification of the tem poralities of the establishment. To erect (as propowsl) 600 new churches in England and to place therein properly educated ministers on stipends such as a moderately qualified merchant's clerk would repvt ; and at the same time to continue the contrast of primates wi•li 1.5,9001. a year and a couple of palaces, bishops with 4,1/09/. and well adorned reaidences, and a clergy of older endow- meats with the revenues of country gentlemen—this, we say, will never do. Yet this is what the carrying out o' the addressors plan involves. In adding in one direction to the efficiency of the church of Eng. land such a ni.inifestation would only augment its scandal in another; and that, it is to be trusted, par liament will nut think of. waste into fruitful farms, and gave to its landlords that mit width they never would have had but for the Athenians ploughing the sea, and reaping from trade the wealth that gave value to the land. The wealth and the greatness of Athens were made by free-trade, and by free-trade especially in corn. And Athens lost her wealth and greatness, when she exchanged the pursuits of trade for those of war. In war she wasted her population and revenue. She planks' colonies, but she made war upon them ; and she grew SO jealous of a neighbour ing country, which was not her rival in trade or in wealth, and with which she had no cause of quart-el beside vanity, that she would engage in inveterate war with this rival. And the rival conquered her. To talk of free-trade being the ruin of Athens is utter nonsense ; nothing hut her continued and unsuccess ful wars overwhelmed her. When, instead of producing or manufacturing or trading, in order to pay for corn to feed het 'population., Athens thought to do this by the sword, and by making use of her naval superiority to bully all nations, then indeed, Athens found provisions difficult to have. But the chief difficulty came from being no longer able to pay for them. She wan enriched by free-trade, and made thereby a free people; site was impo verished by war, and fell in consequence a prey to tyrants. There are most salutary lessons in Athenian history for England; but they are curs tainly not those which Lord Enetsfrox and Sir Enwsfut IteI.WER have in a most blind and unclos e/cal spirit sought to draw. The political economy of Mr. Sheriff ALISON strikes us to bo quite as shallow as the literary phi losephy which would measure the polities of 'listby those of Atetutvors. Mr. Amster's first idea of the ',asperity of a country is the nominal wealth and profits of its upper classes. An UM' MOWS rental from fu n d, and a high rate of profit from capital, are, in Mr. ALISN'S eyes. the sole clement and signs of a nation's pros perity. Far from this, we can imagine both coming down, with a very great increase of the nations prosperity. The business of life is the great inter cluinge b etween the products of land and those of manufacturer. l'rotection to a certain extent es hanees the nominal returns of both land and capital. But it Noun cemes to be of any use to capital, because of its increase, and because of the relation of the manufacturing interest with foreign countries. The tendency of the products and profits of land to rise in value from its limited extent, the tendency of manufacturing produce and money to fall in value front its unlimited accumulation and extension, soon disturb the balance. And the time comes, inevitably comes, when the manufacturing or money aide cannot furnish to the landed side the same ratio. The balance must be struck sooner or later. And as the profits and returns of capital must diminish, so must that of hind be brought to some thing like a proportion. There cannot be a doubt that the general and irre sistible demand for free-trade and low prices in corn proceeded from the diminished profits of numufactur ing capital. When Mr. ALISON therefore tells us that the taxable interests have decreased within the last ten years in proportion to the increase of the population, we believe him. Hut that is only further proof to us that land has necessarily submitted to the fate of all thin We are by no means of the prosperity school, who think sail declare that merchants, and manufacturers, and lawyers, and capitalists are making more money, and receiving . greater incomes, than ever they did. We believe plat the contrary. We believe that the upper and middle class have been let down more than one peg, and that free-trade has broken the fall, not aggravated it. But, whiLst the upper classes have been let down these pegs, the labouring classes have immensely and largely benefited. To attempt to undo all this would, in its probable result on the working classes, probably produce a re volution, or a state of feeling tantamount in gravity and dl effects, whilst the attempt would not produce the desired advantages. By cutting the manufacturer from the foreign market, the competition of capital would be increased in the home market, and prices would not rise even with restored protection to enable the manufacturer to draw more in the shape of price from his home customers. The agriculturist might, under protection, demand a high price, but, in truth, there would be no fund to pay, and ninety balite would be pinched in order that ten might pay double for their accustomed quantum. Parliament, in fact, might as well decree a famine, as a pro tecting duty on corn, for all the effects of famine it would have. Where the government is to be found to make such an attempt we know not. That Lord &EASLEY would try it, we do not in the least believe. Indeed, his conduct in the last crisis too clearly proved his conviction. But that he may procure a parliament to be elected. as PEEL did, under the belief that he would uphold protection, that is possible. The re sult in Poet's are was his individual ruin as a politician. In Lord STANLEY'S, the rain would not be that merely of an individual,but of the entire aril tocraey, whom the very farmers would immolate as the most nefarious of tricksters and the most dis honest of mankind. We had intended entering upon Mr. AusoN's colonial argumentation, but must reserve this for another day. No ; the wealth of the episcopacy must be largely ulsited; our cathedral establishments must be placed on some rational organisation; our monster parishes must be broken up; their surplus wealth must be applied to the relief of church poverty elsewhere, and the entire body of the clergy reduced to a work ing army—before further millions, no matter how raised, are spent, before new funds are raised, and, above all, before any further increase in the episco pate is seriously considered. This the addressors altogether omit to propose ; and its omission is the second mistake of their scheme. But were their plan modified in these two parti culars—had they disclaimed the slightest design on the national treasury, and had they laid the foundations of parochial extension on a further reform of church temporalities, the archbishops, bishops, peers, and squires who address the QUEEN do not appear to have any adeqnate notion of the breakers which even then would be a-head of them. 'they propound a scheme of church extension. But what is the church of England—where is it ? Is it to be found at Lambeth, or at Fulham? at Bishops thorpc, or at Torquay? To talk now of the church of England, is merely to use vague, unmeaning, inde finite words—it is a term that perplexes, confuses, distracts. With Primate SUMNER it liplike one, and a rational, thing; with Bishop }lima- I FIELD something different; with Dr. PlllLL rorrs it is the very antipodes of the archbishop's interpretations. It varies in almost every diocese. To extend it is, therefore, to increase our trouble, to propagate our discords, to sow scepticism broad cast over the land. The rising clergy, as a body, incline much more to the catholicity of ilishopPitate roi TS than to the protestantism of Archbishop Susi- NEIL; and yet it is from the rising clergy—from the monks of Oxford and the sacramentalist. of Cam bridge—that the six hundred new churches must be supplied when built. Is this a pleasant, a safe, sr a religious prospect? Is this a church extension tote fostered, and encouraged, and promoted by the ex penditure of millions? No doubt, a great majority of the subscribers to the address are sound protestants. But their very soundness in that respect, when contrasted with the names that are absent—when brought into relation with the fact that appended to it are the signatures of a minority of low church bishops only—when we think how compact, powerful, and determined is the party opposed to these addressors, then we sec only too clearly and plainly how deep s rent it is that has torn the Church of England; and, seeing that, we may feel how hopeless at present is any great scheme of parochial extension. Such a confession may be deplorable, pitiable, humiliating; but it is the consequence of the faithlessness of the clergy of the Church of England: it is the result of their phi landering with catholicity, with Rome, and things Hornbill. It is the NEWMAN'S, the °AXLES'S, the PusEvs, the MAN:SINGS, the WILBERFORCES, the SIA)SIFIELDS of the church, who brought the Church of England to a stand still. Into the details of the suggestions offered to tie QUEEN in the Address we - shall not now enter. Bat to many of them there are great objections, even were the external difficulties mentioned removed. Before, for instance, any rational man can assent to en increase of the Episcopate, the whole character sad position of our prelacy must be changed. Strong reasons, too, must be shown before, under the shape of scripture readers, a new order of teachers be legally introduced into the church; foe useful as that most meritorious class now undoubtedly is, much of its usefulness is derived from what may be termed its voluntary cha- racier ; and lastly, the suggestion, again renewed, of ' holding a great auction of the LORD CILANCELLOR'S benefices, would so materially lessen the power of the crown over the church, as to give encouragement to all those attacks on the royal supremacy winch it is the duty of every friend of religious liberty to repel. Oa the whole, the address may have been well MOW ; but it is, nevertheless, ill-timed; &idea it will be used by a Premier so deartst labsps as Lord lons Rvsezu, to stifle, is far as IN Wednesday's Express we published sa ad dress lately presented to the QVIEN, in which her Mown was informed that " there is an absolute sad immediate necessity for the extension of the parochial yawn 1" that 600 additional churches, at a coat of 2,100,0004 are needed; that 160,0004 a-year THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 25, 1851. possible, that dismission respecting the church which 1 the reassembling of parliament will bring on. lihmrsif our leading cotemporarks had, a dap or two bp, what was intended to bean alarming article on the bliartists having hoisted socialist colours, and uOati Messrs. Annum and HARNEY having added to the five points or stars upon their banner the social i st stripes, being the absorption of capital, the assoassaity of land, and, what our cotemporary for got, the abrogation of the family, as the unit of so ciety. We do not think the Times warranted in painting the Chartists so black. Their programme is rather a mild infusion of socialism. Yet even this will damage them. There are no two principles so firmly rooted in the English mind as those of family and property ; and if we have any fears on the sub ject they are merely for the fate of the preacher ar the ,arty that would impugn them. /No ; the danger to our social fabric, our political institutions, our security, our peace, threatens, not from socialism, or from that class which is supposed to generate it, but from a class of society at quite the other extreme. It is the lords of the land that are conspiring against the stability of things and of ideas amongst us. They it is who are conspiring, socially as well as politically. And were it possible for them to succeed in grasping the power, in re versing the policy of the country, and limit ing the supply of the people's food, as well as of paralysing the capabilities for giv ing emp 9 -mot which cheap food gives to capital and industry, then indeed one might fear the rise of anti-social and subversive doctrines. Then, indeed, a theory or a religion very like communism might arise, not merely in the lower but in the middle and better ranks of the commercial classes, which would ask by what right a class inimical to them was allowed to monopolise legislative power, and to convert it to the swelling of their private fortunes. We always thought it fortunate that the anti corn-law agitation ended where it did. For had it been forced to renewed combats, it could not but have erred into paths of argument which would have produced a terrible awaxenment. The anti-corn-law champions fought with blunted foils and muffled fists. They confined them selves almost exclusively to a middle class agitation. Provident tones saw their reserve, appreciated their moderation, and compelled the yielding of the landed aristocracy—Heaven knows, In time, crc the events of 1848 came like a thunderbo.t upon Europe. The 19th of April, 1818, would not nave passed away, as it did, in smoke, had not the diseintented classes been appeased by a great act of juatire and concession. The class which was compelled to yield on that oc casion, preserved, nevertheless, the social and political power to recover what it yielded, whenever it might have the hardihood to make the attempt. Not a doubt of it, the landowners are all-powerful in one house of parliament, and the most powerfel in the other. To re-establish their old monopoly, and artificially raise the price of agricultural produce, so as to keep their rents to the old standard, is in their power; and to do so is a question of peril and expediency, not ofjus tice. For when did a class, legislating for itself, think of justice ? Although the high or low price of corn has, in reality, nothing to do with the profit of him who merely takes the laud on temporary possession and uses it as a raw material, still by the monopoly of the material and by the promise that prices can and shall be raised by legislation, the fawners can be lured on to supprt that class on which they hare been long dependent. In like manner the tradesmen in agricultural and provincial towns can be pinched and punished by purposely withheld expenditure, both on the part of landowner and farmer, with the accompanying reason given that free trade is the cause of all. The livers by rent are putting on the screw. some from spite and faction, some from the dire necessities of in debtedness, the fruit of past extravagance. And there is no doubt that the hereditary monopolisers of land can number in their mediate or immediate dependents a body of voters to whom the constitution still allows a correspontli iig monopoly ofeleetoral rights. And what effect the efforts of this combined monopoly may have on the votes of a new parliament we know not. But this we know, that in thus turning round the rudder of state and of parliament, they are directing the vessel's head right upon the breakers of middle-class discontent and popular tumult. If the trading and industrious population, with the moneyed interest of the country, ask why the owners of the land should not be contented with rents by one balf greater than those paid at thecommencement of the etutury, instead of insisting on receiving double or triple, it will not do to reply either that they have been accustomed to such incomes, or they have mortgaged and framed their expenditure on such incomes, or that it is the natural and fair result of bringing more barren soils into cultivation. Providence endowed England with a fair average of fertility and a fair average of fertile boil. Nor can it be argued that as population increases, each generation is to be condemned to harder and harder conditions of life, paying for the whole of its food at the price of pro ducing it on the barrenest of its moors This may be political economy, but it is iniquity. It was not merely England that was made for the English, but the world that was made for man. And nature points out and coin-, mends the calling of one portion of the world to supply the wants or gradual development and neces sities of the other. These things are too plain. Even if the landed proprietors have lost for the moment one-tenth of that rent, which has doubled within half a century by the accumulating wealth of manu factures and commerce, it has not the smallest right to demand the restitution of the tenth. Whilst the danger of the demand is its likelihood of resulting, not in the recovery of the tenth, but in some terrible communistic and popular theory of adjustment. None are more aware of or alive to the iniquity of such theories, whether applied to capital or land than we are. But it is not philosophic or inquisitive minds which start such theories ; they are born of oppression and injustice. And such creeds as communism spread like wildfire, not from the force of logic or truth, but from their appeariug as a fit specific for an universal social disease. if we want to create such a disease amongst our working classes, we cannot do anything more efficient than to com mence by raising the price of their bread, following this up by augmenting the price of their clothing, drying up in both ways the power of capital to give employment, and thus creating one by one all the ele ments of revolution, which in our days will never be merely a political, but will infallibly seek to be a social one. If the Tunes will again take post on its conservative watch-tower, and look forth for the coming thing, and the coming man, we doubt its finding either in Mr. REYNOLDS or in Chartism. Let it turn to quite another point of the horizon its moral telescope, and it must perceive, not the operatives and their charter, but the squires and their leaders, as the agitators and conspirators which menace to subvert society by their selfishness, their violence, and their hallucination. we WEEKLY TRACT SOClETY.—Yesterday the third annual meeting of this society was held at Exeter-hall. Mr. C. Jones took the chair. The report, which was read by the Rev. Mr. Elliott, described the object of the society as being to circulate weekly tracts conveying the lessons of Scripture among the working classes. The number of tracts circulated had been 1,038,240 during the past year. The report, referring to the approaching exhibition stated that it was the intention of the committee to circulate tracts in the continental languages among the foreign visi tors. The funds of the society were represented as pros perous on a comparison of their condition in previous yeses. The meeßug, the attendance at which was exceed ingly limited, was addressed by Mr. M. Murphy, the Rev. Mx. Alden, and the Rev. Mr. Fishbounie. _ A FARM= SHOT BY A CLERGYHAN.—A verdict of manslaughter has been returned by the coroner's jury against the Rey. Mr. Smith, who shot a farmer, believing hula to be a Wsglar. This verdict having been given, the Coroner said he had a great deal to prepare before he could conclude the proceedings, therefore he suggested the ad ' jourrment of the court to Thursday, whenie would read over the depositions and take the recognisance'. The jury were then bound over in their own recognisance" to prose cute the inquiry until it was finally completed. At this moment the Bin. Mr. Beano, the vicar of Brampton, entered the rem is great baste, and evidently in a state of painful incitement and exclaimed—. He's trite gone, quite gone ; the poor man (allading to Mr. Smith), he is quite goes out of his mind."—The caused great sensation sad sympathy amongst those who remained : lt appeared that Mr Baia had beee told the result of the inquiry, which so overwhalmel him that he cried and sobbed like a child.—Dr. Graham certified that the rev. gentleman was in such a state of mind that it would be most dangerous to ammenicato anything to him; of an exciting nature. An spoliation is to be made to • judge to admit Mr. Smith to !ml without his having to appear before the magistralts. FRANCE. IPARIS, THURSDAY EVISINO. The announcement that M. Guizot will take the field for the representation of the Landes, which I mentioned in • preceding letter, has produced a good dial of sensation, as the contest between him and M. Duclerc, the republican candidate, will be the first electoral struggle between the declared partisans of monarchy and the republic. The question of mo narchy or republic, which was proposed by Laroche jaoquelin a year ago to be referred to the people, is Incoming daily more and more distinctly the great argument on which parties are being divided. An electoral contest is at hand which will present a signal occasion for putting public opinion to the test on this question. The electoral colleges of the Landes will be assembled on the 11th of May. The public manner in which M. Guizot is new advocating, in the columns of the .riasemoble Nationale, a return to the legitimate monarchy, I gives to his candidature at this moment a special meaning in reference to the question of the day. Great interest is therefore excited by the struggle in prospect between the new convert to legitimacy and M. Duclerc, the champion of the republican party. The text upon which the Aniembke preaches to-day is that the republic must be got rid of, as leading inevitably to socialism. The plain answer to that . argument is that the mo narchy led to the revolution of 1848 ; and nothing would be so likely to end in social cataclysm as the restoration. The main fallacy of Guizot and the monarchy men, is entirely to ignore any ground in human progress or political development for the revolution of 1848 ; whereas the republicans regard the acquisition of universal suffrage as a no less me morable destruction of privilege—which can never be firmly re-established—than the wreck of feudalism in the first revolution. So long as the royalists treat the revolution of February as an accident, or mere surprise, the possible triumph can never be regarded as a durable arrangement or as anything more permanent than that prolonga tion of the President's powers which they.stigma tise as a mere continuation of the provisormni and perpetuation of anarchy. It is only by attaching same reality and justice to the franchises achieved in 1848 that the eventuality of a civil war can be pre vented from recurring not only once, but repeatedly. But to identify the extension of suffrage and the maintenance of the republican form with the triumph of socialist principles of government, is to beg the question, without making a single practical step in udvunce, for the republic will never be killed by calling it names. The democratic party . have determined to abstain from voting in the elections of the Landes. The sittings of the Assembly were resumed to-day. The motion of MM. pascal-Duprat and Daze, relative to the street-sale of journals, stood first on the order of the day. After M. Friction had supported the motion of M. Pascal-Duprat, on the ground of public justice and convenience, M. Langlais, the reporter, I claimed for the government the right of settling all matters connected with street police. If newspaper vendors established themselves on the boulevards, other trades, on the principle of equality, appealed to by the advocates of M. Duprat's proposition, might demand the same privilege. M. INladier de Monjau spoke next in defence of the motion ; and, after some short remarks from MM. Bass and Duprat, the taking of it into consideration was rejected by 403 against 276. The increasing figure of the republic minority was hailed by the Left with much satisfaction. The Assembly then decided, by tiBsis-el-len!, to take into consideration the proposition of M. Bazc. All the Mountain voted in favour of it, because it does away with the arbitrary inequality between news papers of opposed politics, by abolishing the street sale of both. The Assembly then proceeded to discuss the bill on the Western Railway, an outline of which I sent previously. M. Hennequin spoke in favour of con struction and working by the state, and opposed the concession recommended by the committee to an English company. M. Cremieux demanded the adjourmnent of the bill until the report on the Avignon Railway Bill was presented. M. Gustavo de Beaumont strenuously opposed this delay, and insisted upon the mischief of postponing projects of utility. M. Crcmicux having renewed his proposal, which was opposed by M. Lacrosse, the Assembly voted that the bill should be read a second time, and rejected the adjournment moved by M. Creinicaz. The house then rose. The committee on the Avignon Railway decided to-day upon the execution of the section passing through the city of Lyons, but reserved the moment of execution. A subcommittee, consisting of MM. Dufaure, Gouin, and Chapot, was appointed to exa mine the two systems of the right and left bank, and estimate the expenses and receipts of the whole line M. de Nlarescalchi, late secretary of the French embassy in London, has been appointed minister to the court of Portugal, in the place of M. Adolphe Barrot, who is expected from Lisbon by the Caffa relli steamer. Admiral Romain•Dcefoeses has arrived on board the steamer Chaptal in the Pincus, having sailed from Brest on the 3rd ult. The municipal council of Dijon has just voted, on the proposition of M. Magnien-Philippon, member of the Constituent Assembly, a sum of 25,1100 fr. for the reception of the President of the Republic, on the occasion of the inauguration of the railway from Paris to Dijon. This vote, says a journal of the lo cality, has been passed in order to induce the first magistrate of the republic to preside at the fete, which, it is thought, will thus draw a crowd of stran gers to the place. The Moniteur du Soir was adjudicated to-day to M. de Montferrier, its present responsible editor, for 230 fr., together with the liabilities. The gradual fall of the Bonapartist papers is noted as a sign of the sinking fortunes of this cause. It is but a week or two since the Pays turned republican. A council of ministers was held yesterday. The Portuguese question is said to have been the object of deliberation. The President could not receive on Monday, in consequence of a severe pain in his foot, which some attribute to gout. M. Forth-Rouen. late charge d'affaires in China, is named minister at Athens. M. Desmeloiczs, chef de cabinet of the late minister of foreign affairs, is appointed consul-general at Amsterdam, in the place of M. Bernard Desessarts. The Bourse still continues heavy, and the funds decline. The Fives closed at 92fr. 5c., with a fall of lsc. The Threes fell 10c., and closed at .57fr. GERMANY. Austrian semi-official organs, says the Cblogne Gazette, affirm that Prussia and her confederates will bo exempted, on re-entering the Diet, from acknow ledging the acts of that body passed whilst they re fused to join or to recognise it. Vienna dates of the 20th announce the ap pointment of Prince Schwarzenberg to the Gover norship of Transylvania, rice General Wohlgemuth, deceased. _ . - Our correspondent writes as follows : BERLIN, Aram 22. Baron Manteuffel has returned from the country, and the ministerial machine has again been put in motion. The prime minister had an audience with the King this morning, and this evening a sitting of the cabinet is to take place, at which the ambassa dor for Prussia to the Diet will probably be selected. Meanwhile the organ of the -Tanker party con tinues its short but sharp paragraphs, impres sing on the government that they must appoint one from out of their ranks, upon whom they and the government can count in the time of need. Re port says that Herr von Bismark, who has seen no diplomatic or any other service, is desirous of being appointed, but the anstitutionelk of this evening says that the talented Professor Stahl, of the same party, has been put in nomination. The Kreuz Zeiteeng, speaking of the last Austrian note, repeats that the Austrian despatch is of a very friendly character, and that it contains some new propositions respecting the admission of the Austrian provinces. From the tenor of the mystically-worded notice it would appear that Austria designs to with draw a part of her proposal, and that only a portion of her non-German provinces are now proposed to be incorporated with the confederation. The first and second commission of the ministerial conferences at Dresden have held a very long sitting, in which most probably the manner of terminating the conferences was discussed. It is not anticipated that any other result will be obtained than the agreement to establish a military executive, with a standing army of 133,000 men. SPAIN. A Madrid letter of the 19th save : " Active exer tions are being made at the ministry of finance to prepare the budget of 1852, which is to be presented to the new Chamber in June next. In virtue of an arrangement, which has been favourably received by the public, from the Ist July next the charge for the collection of the territorial contributions will be re duced from 4 per cent. to 3 per cent." ITALY. ROME. Letters from Rome, of the 12th, in the Milan Chaettr, announce the arrival of a Spanish envoy with the concordat between Spain and Rome, which only awaits the signature of his Holiness in order to be definitively ratified. TURIN, Amt. 20. M. Nigra's separation from the cabinet was occa sioned by a difference with his colleagues on the time being opportune for contracting a new loan. It is reported that M. Galvagno will pass from the In terior to the Ministry of Justice. The i)uke and Duchess of Aumale are here on their way to Naples. WEST INDIA MAIL. The Royal West India mail packet Thames, Capt. G. Abbott, from the West Indies, &c., arrived at Southampton this morning, and landed her mails under the charge of Lieut. T. Strovcr, R.N., Admi ralty agent. Her dates arc: Havannah, March 26 ; Chagres, 27 ; Honduras, 21 ; Carthagena, 29 ; Jamaica, 31; Berbice, 27; Demerara, 24; Trinidad, 28 ; Bar badocit. 31 ; Antigua, April 1 ; Martinique, 1; Gre nada, March 29; Porto ltico, 31 ; St. Thomas, April 6; La Guayra, March 27. She brings on freight 934,058 dollars from the Pacific, on account of mer chants, 209,993 dols. gold dust, 1,8031. British coin, 122 scrons of cochineal, 61 bbs. plata bruta, 21,122 dols. plata tin, 1,92.1 dols. platina, and 2 packages for the Exhibition, and 67 sundries. JAMAICA. From this island the intelligence is of the same date as that brought vii New lurk by the Canada. The despatch of Earl (key on the labour supply question, referred to in Tuesday's Express, is pub lished in the Morniny Journal, occupying seven of its columns, and being therefore very much too long to allow of our reproducing it here. It is in reply to a memorial addressed to the Queen by the House of Assembly of Jamaica in December last, expressing great alarm as to the difficulty of obtaining a supply of labour for the cultivation of the land, which was anticipated from the frightful mortality, principally among the labouring classes, which has been lately occasioned in the island by cholera, and praying that her Majesty will order all captured Africans to be sent to Jamaica, and will adopt such other measures for the speedy and adequate sup ply of free emigrants from Africa, as her Majesty's ministers may deem most advisable. Earl Grey declares his anxious desire to co-operate with the colonial legislature in the endeavour to ob viate the new difficulties with which the planters of Jamaica are now threatened, and "by which the prospect of improvement in their condition, which I had hoped was beginning to appear, has been again obscured," because, says his lordship, I concur with the two branches of the colonial legislature in believing that the aggravation of the scarcity of labour previously existing in Jamaica, by the loss of so large a number of labourers by the disease which has ravaged the island is likely to prove one of the mostserious consequences of the calamity, unless prompt measures are taken to avert the evil. I have always been of opinion that the labouring no less than the proprietary classes in Jamaica are deeply interested in the success of the great branches of industry which are carried on there, because, unless the production of its staple articles of export can be continued with All V:111 • tags, the most civilised of the inhabitants of the island would have no inducement to reside in it, while their departure could not fail greatly to retard, if not to arrest, the pro. p• of improvement in that part of the population which has so recently emerged from slavery and barbarism. With regard to the negroes found on board slave-ships captured by her Majesty's cruisers, I have to observe (says his lordship) that all ready aU those who, without improper constraint, can be induced to go to the West India colonies, are sent to those colonies free of expense to them by her Majesty's government; the number, therefore, to be sent to Jamaica could only he increased by depriving some of the other colonies of the share of this advantage which they now enjoy ; and considering that in these colonies the want of labour is not less urgent than in Jamaica, though they have hitherto been spared from the disease which has visited that island, this is a course which her Majesty's government could not with propriety adopt. With respect to the intro- duction of free emigrants from Africa, I concur with the Assembly in thinking that it would be highly beneficial if it could be accomplished; but you arc aware that every en deavour which has hitherto been made to procure free emigrants from Africa has failed ; and a report, which has very recently reached me, of the last attempt which was made, only a few months ago, to obtain emigrants from the Kroo coast, is not encouraging as to the prospect which exists of greater success attending any further experiments of the kind. In a memorandum transmitted tonic by Mr. Macgregor, it is suggested that an endeavour should be mode to induce the free black inhabitants of some of the United States to settle iu Jamaica. I have already called your attention to this subject; and since that despatch was written, I have obtained further information tending to confirm the opinion that there is a reasonable prospect that, if proper arrange ments were adopted for the purpose, a large number of emigrants might be obtained from among the coloured and black inhabitants of the United States and of Canada. I need hardly observe, that there is no immigration which would he attended with so many advantages as that of the class of persons now adverted to. But to encourage the efforts of individuals to obtain labour for themselves, it would be necessary to make some arrangement for securing to those who incur the trouble and expense of introducing labourer, the advantage they have a right to expect from doing so. For this purpose lam of opinion that a law should be passed rendering valid, in the colony, engage ments entered into by iinmigrants before their embarkation ; to repay, in instalments, such a sum of money as may be agreed upon between them and the persons by whom they are conveyed to the colony. _ Having entered at some length into the details of the manner in which a law such as that proposed should be framed and carried out, Lord Grey goes on to say : But I have already observed that I do not consider immi gration so by any means the only source from which an in crease in the supply of available labour may be obtained in Jamaica. Every account which has reached me of the actual state of society in the island, tends to confirm my impres sion that the laws and arrangements now in force are not calculated to call forth the energies of the existing popula tion; and that if proper inducements to exertion were held out to them, they might, without being at all overtasked, be made to perform much more useful labour than at present. After alluding to the general " indulgence of idle ness" since the abolition of slavery, and to the want of education, &c., he says : It appears to me greatly to be regretted that on the aboli tion of slavery the emancipated population were not required to make some small weekly payment for the support of schools, of churches, and chapels, and of public dispensa ries and hospitals.—Such institutions would have greatly contributed to their civilisation and moral improvement, and the necessity of earning, in each week, the mean, of meeting the required payment, would have been a whole some stimulus to industry, and would have supplied that motive for labour which was unhappily wanting. Further on ho says: In proposing that the expense of providing medical assistance and education for the population of Jamaica should be met by a rate imposed upon houses, according to the number of their inmates, I have had in view both the justice, considering the purposes for which the money is required, of this mode of levying it, and alse the advan tage to be derived from it, by its being calculated to stimu late the labouring classes to industry. And again— It would likewise be most desirable that, while this new demand is made upon the population, they should at the same time be relieved, if possible, from some of the most objectionaßle of the present taxes. I would more especially recommend a revision of the duties upon ordinary articles of food, such as flour, butter, and cheese. The duties upon these and upon other articles of a similar kind I should con sider it highly expedient to abolish, or to reduce, if the state of the revenue should render it practicable to do so. It is, I think, impossible to doubt that duties of this kind must have a tendency very injurious to the great st a pl e b ranc h es of colonial industry. While the sugar and coffee planters are suffering so much from a deficiency of labour, it is obvious that, in levying the revenue required for the pub lic service, the utmost pains should be taken to avoid every tax which has a tendency . to divert labour from these occupa tions. But taxes upon imported provisions have this ten deney.in the highest degree:—By raising the price of such provisions, they must necessarily increase the consump tion of provisions grown in the colony, and therefore the demand for the produce raised by the negro in his own round; thus artificially increasing the profit to be derived from this description of labour, and at the same time making an equally artificial reduction in the amount of food, which can be purchased by the wages earned in the cane field. Thus, these duties are directly calculated to discourage the labourer from working for hire, and to lead him to prefer working in his own provision ground. It is hardly neces sary to observe, that in the actual state of society in Ja males, it would be desirable that whatever revenue is r e . quired should be raised by taxes having precisely the opp e . site effect. For these reasons I consider it to be of g r ea t importance that the duties in question should be reduced, if they cannot be entirely abolished. On the ways and means of taxation, and after de. precatMg the practice of allowing taxes to be imper fectly collected, Lord Grey says : Parochial taxation, properly imposed, is calculated, for the reasons I have already stated, to act as a stimulus to industry; whereas import duties, unless kept within most moderate limits, must tend to discourage the formation of a taste among the people for the comforts and luxuries of civilised life, and such a taste could not he developed with out creating new and powerful motives for exertion. I have reason to believe, indeed, that the existing mode of levying parochial taxes requires to be revised; it seems objection able that they should be charged upon stock and upon wheels, as this mode of assessment must fall most heavily upon the most active and enterprising cultivators. Whether rates should be levied as in this country, according to the value (lithe property assessed, or rather as you have formerly suggested, according to the extent of land occupied by the rate-payer, is a question on which I have not the means of forming a judgment. The principle of apportioning the charge according to the value of the property on which it I is imposed would stem to be the fairest, but, on the other baud, I can easily understand that to make a valuation which shall nut only be really correct, but which shall sa tisfy those concerned that it is so, may, in Jamaica, be a matter of insuperable difficulty ; even in this country it is nut very easily accomplished. l'erhaps a middle course might be the best, and land might be assessed at different rates, according to the nature of the cultivation, one rate per acre being imposed ea all pasture laud, another on laud growing canes, and another on proeisiun grounds, taking as the basis of the calculation the average value of the return derived from the laud by these several modes of occupation. I am persuaded that the various measures I have suggested, would tend,by their combined effect,to stimulate the industry of the working classes iu Jamaica, and would greatly contri bute to increase the advantage which may be derived from an addition to the number of labourers by immigra tion. But it is obvious that this is a policy of which the success must entirely depend upon a firm ;mil equal admi uistratiun of the law, and upon the efficient maintenance of order and obedience to authority throughout the colony. It is not to be expected that the negro population would will ingly submit to the new burthens imposed upon them, if they should perceive that the land-tax and other charges falling upon the higher classes of society, were negligently collected and imperfectly paid; and if they were not satis fied that the produce of the rates were properly applied to their professed objects. Nor would it be possible to enforce a rate upon houses, if any part of the 'emulation were allowed to wander about without any recogr.ieed place of allude., thus escaping the charge which would fall upon the settled and industrious inhabitants of the various parishes. I would therefore most strongiy recommend to the legis lature to adopt such regulations as may ensure the puuctual and exact collection of the rates and taxes, both general and parochial, and may subject the collections to an effective responsibility for the due performance of their duty. The constitution of vestries and other bodies, to which the expenditure of parochial and other local rates is entrusted, should be considered, and, if' necessary, im proved, in such a manner as to give to the lower class of rate-payers some share in the management of their own affairs, and the proceedings of these ducal bodies should be subjected to the supervision of some superior authority, and theiraccounta to an independent audit. Lastly, if the existing law against vagrancy is iusufficient to cheek that offence, its faults should be corrected, and it should lie considered whe ther the reductions which have been made in the police have wit been carried too fur, bearing in mind that there can he no such short-sighted and injudicious economy as that which should refuse the necessary outlay fur maintaining Cho Police in a state of complete efficiency, for the preservation of order, and the enforcement of the law, without which in dustry eau never flourish. The estimated expenditure of the island for the year ending October 10, Mil, is 244,300/. The re port of the committee appointed to arrauge the finances of the island for the current year recommend various reductions in official salaries and in the num ber of the receivers of the same, in printing, and other items of expenditure. The estimated income of the year is 213,830/., leaving a deficit of 434:101. Towards this amount the committee suggest the rt . . enuctment of the house tax, to be collected i 7 the various parishes, towards the liquidation of cholera expenses, cud they estimate the annual produce thereof at 10,0001. ; they recommend a tax of lid. in the pound on assessed annual value of hereditements, which is ealculattsl to produce 12,0001.; and a tax of per cent. on all incomes of and over 1001, per annum, except those derived from heredita smuts, to produce 4,050/. ; and they propose to the house to postpone the payment of the interest to her Majesty's go vernment for the current year, pending an application to her Majesty's government for relief, and amounting to 6,1001. ; making a total of 32,450/. In connexion with the actual financial condition of the island on the 10th Octuber led, the committee lay before the house a return (Nu. 10), furnished by the receiver-general since the date of the report made to the house on the 14th January, 1851, by which it appears that there are due and payable into the public treasury, alter the 10th Octo ber Isso, from public tax rolls, 18.50, the sum of 30,0101. 10s. 4d. ; and runs rolls, 28th September, 18.50, the suns of 11,1761. 141. 6d. ; valued by the receiver-general, in evidence before the committee, to produce respectively the net amount of 22,3001. nod 10,6001., or together 32,9001. This amount of 32,9001., added to the cash on hand, 10th °ember, 1851, 6,5401., and the estimated net value of the arrears, 10th October, 18.50 (return No. 8), 5,7931., 3,6001., together 43,0101., will be applied in liquidation of the arrears of interest and salaries on the 10th October, 1850, amounting to 12,6131. 16s. Gd. (return No. 5), and in reduc tion of the total liabilities of the island, at that date, to the sum of 650,4101. In conclusion, the committee recommend to the house to make provision for the ultimate redemption of the public debt by specific enactment, similar in its principle to the imperial statute 10 lieu. IV., c. 27, whereby it shall he com pulsory on the treasury, on the 10th October in every year, to make up accounts of the annual revenue Mr the pre 'ceding year, and to apply such fixed portions of any annual supplies as the house may resolve upon towards the redue tion of the island debt. Agreeably to a requisition presented to the mayor from the merchants and others interested in the trado of South America, a meeting was held on the 19th, for the purpose of considering what measures it would be desirable to take, with a view of inducing her Majesty's government to enter into such arrange ments with the royal mail steam-packet company, as will influence them to re-open the monthly win munication with South America which formerly existed. The result was the appointment of a com mittee to prepare a memorial to the British govern ment, urging upon them the necessity of carrying out the object sought by the requisition. BRITISH GUIANA. The Royal Gazette, of March 27, gives the follow ing summary of the fortnight's news: Since the date of our lout review, on the 13th instant, the attention of the community has been chiefly fixed on the proceedings of the Combined Court. From the 13th to the 19th the court sat day after day, disposing of the various items on the estimate, and the incidental questions there with connected. The most important of those items related to our ecclesiastical establishments, for which, we are happy to say, with one or two exceptions, far provision has been made. This, however, was not effected without consider able opposition; some members seeming to think that it would be more to the purpose for the colony to spend its money on policemen than clergymen, and that the clergy of the established churches are fonder of enjoying their ease than discharging their laborious spiritual duties. We arc far from affirming that the population of this country arc universally so well conducted as to need no police to coerce them; nor do we deny the efficacy of salutary fear as an instrument of good government. But it may well be questioned whether, were such a scheme tried, the burthens of the tax payers would nut be greatly increased, and the people, after all, be more demoralised than ever. Batons and fetters—police forces and penal settlements—are much more costly than clergymen and ca techists, and Bibles and Prayer-books ; while experience. also, unhappily shows that, as a general rule, penal disci pline acts upon men like dram-drinking the more they have of it the more they want. Again, though rather ab solutist, perhaps, in our ideas of government, we must own that we think it would be a great injustice to our people and to their posterity, even admitting, for the sake of argu ment, that such a scheme would answer, to govern them rather as human machines, consigned for ever, from cir cumstances over which they have no control, to occupy an inferior rank in society, than as beings with immortal souls—with feelings and minds capable of indefinite enjoy ment and extension—and as standin g in the sight of the _ . King of Kings on a footing of perfect equality with the mightiest and most gifted of mankind. Christianity is the great charter of the poor and the weak. Commit society to the guardianship of philosophy, and en lightenment, and capitaliam, with their selfishness, and science, and good intentions, and combinations, and pride—with their narrowness, fickleness, Weakness, and nonsense—and what in the middle of this boasted nine teenth century would be the result ? Why, that the world would be no better than a prison —a huge despotism—ea arid, flowerless, hopeless desert—the lair of every wild and savage passion. if the rich men of the present age wish for security of property and life, they would do wisely to look with respect upon the institutions of Christianity, instead of scoffing and sneering at them, as by law established. On the 18th the court was adjourned, from, we are sorry to say, the illness of his excellency the governor, and the serious indisposition, which shortly afterwards terminated fatally, of Mrs. Wolseley, the wife of our esteemed acting government secretary, the Don. W. B. Wolseley. The court will not re-assemble for the despatch of business be fore the 31st inst. Hie excellency, however, who was suf fering from a severe attack of fever, is now, we are glad to say, convalescent. Active preparations are being made for taking a census of our population. Commiqiioners have been appointed for that purpose by th e governor in each of the three counties, of Demerara, Esecguebo, and Derbice ; and to facilitate operations, a number of subordinate ()dicers, called memo. raton, will act under these commissioners: the duty of the enumerators being to distribute blank forms at the dw,Fll - their different districts, for the purpose of beta, filled in, and, where the parties with whom forms arc left are unable to . write, to fill them in for them, and afterwards