The Express. — London, England, 1852-01-22 00:00:00

Witt Crprego, the examples of France and America, where modes of balloting hare been adopted which may :cot ensure *cavity. We admit that a rondo of balloting which dues not ensure secretly is only a cloak for corruption and undue influence. But we are convinced that modes of taking the ballot which would ensure seemly may be devised; we believe that the ballot box invented by Mr. GROTE would be found per fectly efficacious; and we believe that secret voting is a out, quo non of sincere %citing. It is alleged that the principle of secret voting is imperfectly understood, and nut generally popular. There may be some truth in this, but if the practice is good in itself it is no at gement against its adop ti:m. We are free to admit that the ballot was not a popular demand iu England before BENTHAM ex tended his views from mere judicial to constitutional reform, and identi fi ed himself with the radicals. Wo arc free to admit that the populace added the cry of ballot to the cry of universal suffrage and annual parliaments. less because they understood and appre ciated the principle, than because it had been assw cWted with these objects. We are also free to admit that many profess to advocate the ballot, not because they are convinced of its importance, but because they hope to gain popularity by so doing. All these admissions show the necessity of enlighte • g public opinion on the subject of secret voting. but nut that secret voting is objectionable. The theory of secret voting is this :—The elector ought to give his vote acconling to his cotewientious conviction that the candidate he votes for is the ablest and most trustuorthv individual in the field. To ensure his doing so, he ought to be liberated from all temteations of fear or of selfish sinister inthwnee It he votes openly, be is liable to be int' 'dated by sonic more powerful indivi dual, or. it may be, by an ignorant and exasperated mob. If he votes openly, he may be induced to give his vote with a view to being rewarded by money or patronage—by direct payment from the wealthy, by custom from his poorer neighbours. But it' no man can know how ho votes, he need fear no vengeance fur voting so as to displease any one ; and as he has it not in his poser to show that he has earned a bribe by his vote, no man can be induced to pay hint either directly or indirectly. But to ensure secresy of voting, more is required than a mechanical device that will prevent any man from letting others know how be soles. In a small constituency there are always a number respecting whose votes no doubt can be entertained, and by deducting those, a pretty shrewd guess may be given as to how the rest voted. Again, if it is left free to men to show how they vote, they may be compelled by intimi dation, yr seduced by bribes, to vote openly, and in fir s way tlw aim of secret voting will be defeated. It is therefore requisite that secresy in voting should be compulsory not permissive; and that the consti tuencies should be so numerous as to defeat all at tempts to conjecture how any individual has voted. c are quite prepared to hear a clap-trap objec tion urged against the proposal to make secret voting compulsort . The old cry of an Englishman's man liness and right to speak out his mind freely will be raised. But this braggadocio sentimentalism is mere wordy eapour. Every mat is free to express his liCe• tinients, to argue in favour of any one or other prin ciple or man; but when he actually comes to vote, he should be placed in a state of seclusion that will liberate him from all temptations to vote otherwise than according to the dictates of his sincere convic tion that the candidate he supports is of all others the best qualified to discharge, for the general bene fit, the important functions of a legislator, tax-im peser, and controller of the public expenditure. Next to prayer the act of voting for a person upon whom is to devolve such high and responsible duties, is ono of the most solemn a man can be called upon to per form: and like prayer it ought to be discharged with none but Coo and his own conscience to witness how he performs it. TO CORIMPONDP.STB. la teen. t EdMem of" Ilea rtgertyd. eadashehad *de rune evestra*. a ta.ettr,ala pabUmbei every Turley ma Eriday abed, fa um foe ;Awl. 4drett , • -wee talueded for "The Exprava,"Lavelas Emile" eider, ).u.;id at the Oils% le, Ilegyarodeamet. W Two Oblast es the day of palifestied. mom vrAFF.it AT LONDON BRIDGE Tots Day —ll.onllitz. 311. Oft .Afteressa, 3.. 9m. Toassaarnr—lllormag, N. rM, sk. 43m. LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 22. SONE twenty yearn ago, Birmingham was esteemed cese of the strongholds of reform. lilts it ceased to libe No? The recent conduct of its members is rather equivocal. It may be said that Messrs. Mesrz and SCHoLtrILLD are not Birmingham ; but as long as Binnitiglium allows its clown repreeentatives to ' play Gest and Loewe with the reform movement, Bir • =lngham has no right to be surprised if people at a 1 distance infer that it sanctions their shuttling. A reform meeting was convened at Birmingham. The members were ins ited to attend, and accepted the imitation. But when the day anieed, both sent % apologies; they had been acting in error; they had belieeed the meetiii; to hose originated in a local Inuirenunt i they had learned that it was instigated 'by parties at a distance ; and they could not in con. 'science countenance foreign intervention in such ',mat tees. This from Mr. Wit aleat St ilot.r.FtLi.n, isirho was • member of the Anti-Corn-Law Li ague ! From Mr. Mt ST/., who was a party to the prove gandiet reform agitation which ended in the burning keit' the Bull Ring! 1. Neither Mr. Mt see nor Mr. Wm. Settout mu) ;hare been regarded as Cies:ems in reelect of do lquence. Poseilily they may aspire to the reputation of Cietaitie.s. by emu.ating the orator who would . never follow anything that other men begin." People do say that it is curious to note how luke warm Birmingham is becoming to reform since Lon don and Nlancliester were in the field before it. Birmingham, they say. was zealous enough when its union could claim priority in point of time ; firm lingham was pleased to see other towns follow in its wake: and Birmingham will stand aloof, mikes other towns wait for it to give the signal. We do not I believe that this is the twee; but we cannot disprove i the imputation till Birmingham itself furnishes us s pith the means of doing so. This it can du by a rpurely local demonstration, and by inviting the at -1 tendance of its members, who would then have no suliterfuge to palliate their standing aloof. Ilad it ,only been Mr. NIUNTZ who declined to attend the ,meeting, it would hare been attributed to his pro ' eerbial eccentricity ; but Mr. SetioLeteirw's refine' has a suspicious resemblance to Lord Jotts: Itts -1/111.1.es evasion of the proffered visit of the deputies from the Manchester Reform Conference. I A very different spirit animates Manchester. The Manchester reformers took part in the Conference which was attended by deputations from Leeds, London. and other places. And the Manchester reformers have since held an independent meeting ' of their own. Judging by the speeches delivered and the revolutions pawed at that nweting. we should infir that its ohjecrwas to give expression to the l views and wishes regarding parliamentary reform 'which predominate in the locality, with special Ireference to the local defects in the system of repre sentation. The resolution moved by Mr. BRIGIIT elates exclusively to the state of the representation of Lancashire. fa there any reason why Birming ham should not. in the same manner, protest against the inadequate repn.sentation of the populous and important district of which it forms the centre? ' The general principles of electoral reform advo cated in the petition adopted by the Manchester !meeting arc : An elective qualification bused on occupancy and liability to the poor-rate; the exten sion of the 495. franchise to the United Kingdom ; ‘the grouping of "small and neighbouring boroughs" 'when practicable into one borough, and the merging :of isolated boroughs in the county constituency • the :allotment of the seats in parliament thus suppressed to 'emulous towns now unrepresented; the Ballot; land no property qualification fur members. A measure . embodying these reietisitions, would !undoubtedly be a material gain for the people. In 'Scotland no propert y qualification is required for meinhers, and no bad consequence has been found to result front thus havir.g the choice of the electors free and unlimited. Front all that we can learn of the working of the system which groups several small boroughs into one electoral district, the limited 'adoption of the practice in England recommended by the Manchester meeting appears to be judicious. In the Avr district of boroughs the two sea-ports of Ayr and I'm-Me, in the county of Ayr, are . grouped with three inconsiderable towns or village's, in the county of Argyle. There is little intercourse between the Avrehire and Argyleehire boroughs; no community of interests, no public opinion common to all. In Ayr, Irvine, and (perhaps) Camptelltown, politi cal opinion does exist ; but when parties are pretty equally balanced in these towns, the casting veto es thrown into the hands of the villages of Obaa and Ine yearn where the electors an: eulely influ enced by petty local considerations, or the Highland propensity tu " do the ;aird's bidding." In the same s way the voice of the popular, intelligent, and enter prising community of Kilmarnock may he neutral wed by that of Rutherglen, a mere suburb of Glas gow, or l'ort Glasgow at the bidding of a few ship owners, or the decayed boroughs of l)umburton or Renfrew. In some of the 11 elsh districts matters are even worse ; the small boroughs that compose them I .voting as they are bid by some neighbouring borough-' monger. The consequences of such a state of affairs are self-obvious. %Vhere three or four small seats of industry are immediately contiguous there is a com munity of interest, and a common public opinion, and in that ease a circle t imbruing all of them may fent a trustworthy electoral district ; otherwise the grouping system can at best only substitute a heouglomongering oligarchy fur one despotic loroughmungm To a ratepaying qualification we are decidedly friendly: un the understanding that liability to any rate. held or general, is to confer it. It is a partial recognition of the principle that every taxpayer ought to have a voice in the election of those who have the power to impose taxes on him; it is an approach to the realisation of the constitutional theory that taxation and representation go hand in hand. And of still more importance is the effect that its adoption might have upon registration. It is of the utmost consequence that the register of elec tors should embrace every qualified voter, and no one else. If the framing of the register is left to official authorities, there is • constant risk of its being tampered with. If it is left to depend upon the exertions of the individuals qualified to vote, many are apt to omit urging their claims; and asso ciations fur the purpose of registering are almost certain to degenerate into electioneering clubs. The expellee .4 registration is increased, and unfair prac tiotv resorted to, in order to put sham voters on the rill, and keep real ones off. If liability to rates were adopted as the electoral qualification, the local rate-hock would he a self-adjusting register, in which every elector would be sure to be inscribed, without any additional expense. This would r far to break up thow affiliated canvassing agencies which are the great source of electoral corruptions. The utility of the proposal to extend the 495. fran chise to the United Kingdom is less obvious. In England and Wales there is a 40s. franchise; and we have advocated, to the best of our power, the efforts made of late to turn it to account for the practical extension of the franchise. But in Scotland it dotal not seem easy to engraft this franchise upon the peculiar forms and modes of hind-tenure which exist there; and in Ireland there would be great danger in resuscitating the peculiar kind of PS. franchise which was abolished at the ern of catholic emancipation. Where a 495. franchise vitiate, we would make the must of it; but where it dos not, we would hesitate to introduce a qualification which the change is money values and social relations has rendered in a great messuro an arbitrary, if not a fictitious. one. To the declaration of the Manchester reformers in favour of secret voting wo attribute great import ance. We could have wished, indeed, that they had adopted the term "secret voting." which indicates the end to he attained, instead of " vote by leillot," which indicates only one mode by which it is pro posed to attain it. The adversaries of secret voting puzele and perplex the public by fallaciously mixing up doubts as to the efficacy of the means with objec tions against the principle. They keep harping upon BISHOP BACRYT, the Diocesan of the inhabitants of Frame. has very promply justified our opinion, that small was the security protestantism had in him against the intrusion of Mr. BENNETT into that benefice; for, to the detailed and specific objections which the parishioners urged, first to the patron, and then to him, against Mr. BENNETT's institution, the Bishop has returned a general reply, that he could not behave so " uncourteously to Lady BATH" us to reject her presentee, whom he believes to have " a firm and deep-rooted attachment to our own church." He, therefore (overlooking the reasons, quotations, and arguments of the clergy . and laity of Frome), " adheres finely to his intuition" of institutin g Mr. BENNETT; censures all unseemly opposition, and hopes that the Lady Bovril's nominee will be received with " kindly feeling." Nothing, perhaps, more strongly or more painfully illustrates the anarchical condition of the Church of England than this reply, when brought to bear upon cognate circumstances. It shows that in speaking of that church some of its bishops understand and refer to things essentially different and even antagonistic. Thus, though Mr. BENNF.TT has been compelled to resign a benefice in the diocese of London because in its Bishop's judgment his teaching and practices in volved infidelity to that church, he is about to be in stituted by Bishop BeGoT into a benefice in the dio cese of Bath and Wells, because that prelate believes Mr. BENNETT " has a firm and deep-rooted attach. ment to the Church of England." Again, though in conformity with the law of the land, Archbishop SUMNER instituted and in ducted Mr. GORILAM into the benefice of Brarnp ford Spekc, Bishop Pult.Ertrrrs, in violation of the law of the land, continues to refuse ordination to candidates, licenses to curates, and institution to presentees who hold opinions on baptismal regenera tion similar to Mr. Goititast. And, though to his metropolitan Bishop PfitmenTrs has sworn obe dience, Archbishop SessNER has, in the presence of the clergy of the diocese of Exeter, been excom municated fur holding heretical views by that prelate. It is quite idle, then, to say that the Church of Englund of Bishop BEostriEtat and of Bishop BAGOT are one and the same church; it is quite obvious that the church in the diocese of Exeter is something very different from the church in dioceses not so heavily afflicted; and it is notorious that the church of Primate Seitstra is the very antipodes of the church of Bishop Pitti.teeTrs. The question, then, for events to decide is, how lung a church so rent by its bishops can stand ? When a low church presentee is to be teased and worried, and tormented and plagued, Bishop Pittit.- Forts has shown us what powers and opportunities a prelate has by law to do it. When a disorderly high church priest is presented by " a lady of quality "to a good living,llishop BAGOT is now slow ing as how very unimportant are his ill reputation and his heterodox opinions and the objections of the parishioners;—how courtesy to Lady BATH must override all such considerations as these. When the LORD CHANCELLOR presented Mr. Goa HALT to Bishop Plind.eirers, nothing would or could satisfy him. MAJOCCIII on the QUEEN'S trial was not subjected to a cress-examination half so severe as the one Bishop PHILLPOTIN made Mr. Goeffssi un dergo. Nor time nor place was allowed to interfere or interrupt the mental torture. Mr. Goatasst was dragged two hundred miles away from his home, his books, and all assistance, to be put to the question. And after being scalped intellectually with all the malice of a red Indian he was rejected. How differently Bishop limiter treats Mr. BEN NET?. Ile pushes amide the offensive extracts from his books; he does not require any attendance; ho thinks of Lady BATH; Hatters and praises her ; and "is satisfied" Mr. BENNETT is not attached to the doctrines of the church of Rome. after Mr. Goali.tx was instituted, Bishop Nays publicly requested the churchwardens of his prish to spy and to inform against th e i r p as t or . Whilst before Mr. BENNEer is instituted, Bishop lltame represses "unseemly opposition," and be speaks "kindly feeling" fur him. Thus true it is, even where episcopacy is concerned, that one man is hung for looking over a hedge, whilst ;mother is allowed to ride quietly away with the horse he has stolen. But, to come to closer quarters with Bishop B wan-, we should like to know if all the formalities which the law requires have preceded the institution which he is about, out of courtesy to Lady Hint. to ,• give Mr. BENNETT to the benefice of Frame. In 11770, the then Primate of Canterbury issued a 'otter of dirtvti.m.., to be observe I by all the mottragan bishops of his province, which are still acted on; and touching institution to a benefice, is the following : The presentation to be tendered to the bishop, sad to be left with him to be considered. THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 22, 1852. The orders of deacon and priest to be exhibited to the bishop, according to the 39th canon. drew the articles, and soon after the Juhn Bull was started, and the government support withdrawn from the "respectable" and transferred to the " blackguard" paper. Hut Canning and his friends did not acquiesce in this return of the dog to its vomit or to its wallowing in the mire. Though ministers as a body had ceased to be propagandists of rational and liberal opinions, ministers as a body were compelled to defer in their measures to the growing intelligence of the public.' The timid eclectic liberality of the Broughams, nor ners, and Russells, and the more decided liberality of Mr. Hume and his half-dozen adherents in the House of Commons, told mightily out of doors, and reacted on the legislature. Canning, Iluskisson, even l'eel, in some points availed themselves of this to liberalise the ministerial policy. A mighty change came thus to be effected in the interior of the tory party itself. Its more enlightened leaders repudiated the violent, servile, and irra tional doctrines that had been fashionable during the war. The working classes, influenced partly by suffering, partly by the spread of education, partly by the missionary efforts of whigs and radicals, fell off from it. A struggle ensued between the partisans of the Castlereaghs and Sidmouths on the ono side, of the Cannings and the Iluskissons on the other. The whigs and educated radicals c ime to the rescue of the hitter, and the result was the triumph of Canning. and the formation of a semi-liberal party on the basis of sympathy with continental and American freedom, and an improved commercial policy. After the death of Canning the weakness of his colleagues again threw the reins of government into the hands of the bigoted tories. But public opinion had become more powerful, and the Canning ite and whig alliance continued unshaken. The practical sense of Sir Robert reel and the Duke of Wellington, whom personal predilections, more than opinion had kept in the tory ranks, recog nised the necessity of concessions. Financial refiirm, according to the views of Sir Harry Parnell, WWI inaugurated. Catholic emancipation was granted. The dull obstinacy of the true tories revolted against their rational leaders, as it had done in the case of Canning. The Duke and Sir Robert attempted to compromise; but the malcontents in their own ranks were implacable, the liberals became bolder and more urgent; the (;rey ministry was formed; and the Reform Act appeared to have filially broken, dis persed, and submerged the last relics of the writs. The personal ambition of Sir Robert Peel enabled them to rally. He taught them by professing ac quiescence in the new electoral constitution, by dropping the odious manner of torics ' and by adopt ing some articles from the liberal cre ed, to construct a conservative party. How its ranks came to be re cruited by wing deserters, and how it came to be tolerated by independent liberals who had faith in the necessities of Peel's position, have been indicated in my first letter. The repeal of the corn laws was the signal for another revolt ir. the tory camp. It is with the character and position of the tory protectionist party, which :wilted from that insur rection that 1 have now to deal. Now, the 30th anon directs—. No bishop shall katiesta any to a Unifies who hath been ordained by say other bishop, except he first show Dim hi■ ' letters of orders and Wag him a sufficient testimony of his former good life and behaviour, it the bishop shall require it; and, lastly, shall appear upon due examination to be worthy of his ministry. Now . Bishop ll.vuor states that he is "satisfied" with Mr. BENNETT ; but how " satisfied ?" Canoni cally, " upon due examination" or the presentee, or irregularly out of courtesy to the patron ? Again, Mr. DENNErr has been objected to both by the clergy and laity of Frume. Ilas, then, Bishop Bsoirr required "a sufficient testimimy of his for mer good life and behaviour ?" if he have, the form will run thus : We, whose names are hereunder written, testify and make known that the Itov. J. W. E. BIN N ITT. Clerk, late of St. Barnabas, in the diocese of London, having teen previously known to u+ for the space of three years last past, hash dating that time lived piously, soberly, and honestly ; nor bath he at any time, so far as we know, held, written, or taught anything contrary to the doctrine or discipline of the Church of England. In witness, &c. And the practice is that such a certificate shall bear the signatures of three beneficed clergy, and that their characters shall he attested to by their own bishop. Ilse this been done in Mr. BENNErr's case? If yes; the world ought to know who the bold men are that have certified Mr. lIENNEtr never held, wrote, or taught anything contrary to the doctrines or discipline of the church of England. l'reviously to this presentation, Mr. BENNETT was nut a clergyman of the diocese of Bath and Wells. Before, then, he can be instituted into a benefice in that diocese, he must bring to Dr. Bmier a testimonial from the ordinary of the diocese whence he comes. This is required by the 48th Canon, which says: No curate or minister shall be permitted to serve in any place without examination and admission of the bishop or ordinary of the place having episcopal jurisdiction, in writing under his hand and seal, having respect to the greatness of the cure and the meetness of the party ; and the said curates and ministi re, if they remove from one diocese to another, shall not be by any means admitted to serve without testimony of the bishop of the diocese whence they come, in writing, of their honesty, ability, and confor mity to the ecclesiastical laws of the church of England. Has, then, Bishop IltnatvrEt,n, who expelled Mr. BeNxErr from St. Barnabas because of his ecclesias tical irregularities, given to Mr. BENNETT, going to the diocese of Frome, a testimonial of his " confnrinq to the ecclesiastical laws of the church of England? All these are inquiries which the parishioners of Frome have a rigkt to be informed on, and on which, if there be aught defective or wrong, they can appeal from their bishop either to the Primate or to a court of ecclesiastical law. Perhaps, however, they would not act so " uncourteously to Lady BATH r What is their spiritual uditication to her ladyship " doing as she chooses with her own?" Bishop BAGoT "is satisfied." What more can the clerjy and laity of Frome want ? The most remarkable feature of this party is that it has not one efficient leader who properly belongs to or sympathises with it. The Herrieses and Gout burns are too out kr effective service. Lord Aber deen is compromised in their eyes by his coquetting with liberal views. Lord Stanley is true to the tra ditions of " the great whig families," and holds but loosely by protectionist views. Lord George Ben thick in like manner adhered to the traditions of " the great whig families," and was a C. gito to boot. His successor, Mr. Disraeli, if he has any fixed opinions and principles at all, aims at persuading his followers to adopt liberal views, but to express them in language borrowed from their old tory creed. Were any accident to shake his party into power, it could find no men competent to take office who could or would act upon its opinions. The very first session would witness an insurrection in its ranks, like that which drew Canning into an alliance with the whigs, and twice drove the Duke of AVellington and Sir Robert Peel from office. The rank and tile of the party in parliament are tolerably homogeneous. They are principally of the landlord caste, with a sprinkling of ambitious but not very capable lawyers, and the remnants of the defunct West India interest, and the moribund shipping interest. But their only bond of union is the tnulitional sentiment of caste. They hold together because they are for the most part of the squirearchy, and believe in the )as diciaosi of the squirearchy. But as the streams of the Moselle and Rhine How for a conside rable distance in the sank channel without mingling their waters, so the retainers of the whig houses of Derby, Richmond, and Portland march in the same ranks with those of the Pitt-made peers, both parties maintaining all their hereditary incompatible perso nal prejudices and crotchets; and discordant opi nions have found their way even into the tory camp. They are all nominal protectionists, but a pretty nu merous section sees that protection cannot be re gained. 'they are all churchmen, but some are of the o:d " high-and-dry " faith, some are Puseyites, some are rank altvangelists or Orange men. The West Indians and shipowners have been too often sacritictsl in emergencies to have any faith in, or any cordiality fur, their allies. The vague sympathies of landlordism are all that keep the party together, and they are only powerful so long as it continues in opposition in a negative state of existence. Once in power, the internal discords of the party would paralyse its action. But though thus reduced to be a mere clog and impediment on the wheels of the state machine, there is little prospect of its numbers, and conse quently its power of obstruction, being diminished so long as the electoral system continues unaltered. Tho strength of the party is in the agricultural consti tuencies. The tenant-farmers are grumbling and malcontent, at present, but that is the only show of disaffection to the squirearchy; and it is one that cannot be relied upon. The tenants at will are not in a position to act independently if they were disposed: they have not political knowledge sufficient to induce them to act independently if they had the power, and they have no leaders even though both the will and the ability to revolt from the landlords existed. As the numbers and power of the tory-protectionist and ministerial party are pretty nearly equal in the Ilouse of Commons, so the probability of this equality remaining unaltered by any election under the pre sent system is very great. The former aresecure in their counties; the latter in their few counties, their close boroughs and the town constituencies in which timid liberals and time-servers prepunderale. But though both of these parties are more numerous than any other party or connexion in the House of Commons, each is numerically a minority of the whole house. It remains, therefore, to analyse the ingredients of which the various groups into which the Hooting balance, which can give at any time a majority to either, is composed, and the opinions, interests, or principles which guide their conduct. Only from such an analysis can it bo shown whether either ministers or their rivals have it in their power to extend the basis and increase the efficiency of their party. AN EX-M.l'. ITALY. ROMAN STATES. Our Homan correspondent, writing on the 14th January, states that the French court-martial was trying a Roman fur having killed one and wounded two French soldiers. Police persecutions eon tinued on a large scale. Fifteen doctors hail applied in vain to the Pope fur a remission of the tax on pro fessions. 'rho annual meeting of the English Academy took place on the 12th. Roman Consols have got up to 89 (Five per Cents ), and the exchange upon London has gone down to 87. THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES. LETTER 11.-TIIE TORY PROTECTIONISTS. TO TILE EDITOR OF TILE DAILY NEWS. SIR,-It is not from the tory protectionist party that any sane man would recommend ministers to look for recruits. But this party is the only one in parliament which equals or approaches to them in strength. It is the really antagonist party against which they have to struggle. Before pro ceeding, therefore, to review those parties with which a coalition, partial or entire, can by the remotest pos sibility be recommended by arguments substantial or specious, it seems advisable to cast a glance on the antagonist power. The word tory, like the word whig, has at differ ent times had very different meanings. The only tories that have been known in the days of any mau now alive, are those who were formed, embodied, and marshalled under the auspices of George 111., of cunning and despotic memory. one aim of that monarch, from first to last, was to make a party of King's friends—that is, of courtly time-servers. After various preliminary and partially abortive efforts, he succeeded in this by the aid of the younger Pitt, and the panic inspired by the excesses of the first revolution. The exclusive and domineering policy of " the great whig families" made the King popular with many who had originally nothing of the tory in their composition. The nucleus of his party consisted indeed of the srecalled " King's friends," but it re ceived from time to time accessions from the ranks of the whigs, and the even more advanced and inde pendent liberals. Many joined it as early as 1765, with a view to shake the family compact of the Rockingham party. More acceded to it on account of the obvious tendency or intention of Fox's India Bill to render the authority of the great whig parties permanent and irresistible. The coalition of the whigs with Lord North, by reveaiing the hollowness of their professions of principle, led to a still more I numerous revolt among their partisans. The COMlC quence was, the utter defeat of the old whigs and the formation of a Pitt party. But neither the second I nor the majority of his followers, were tories at the outset. He himself advocated parliamentary reform in the beginning of his career, and opposed it afterwards only on the ground that it would be dangerous to concede it at the time. Hisconunercial policy was far more en ' lightened than that of Fox. In principle ho was friendly to the claims of the Irish catholics. In 1791 he was strengthened by the accession of the Portland', Fitzwilliaras, and other old whig fami lies. Even the Dundases were originally whigs. But the alliance of Pitt and his followers with the King, and their partial dependence on his counte nance for support, led them naturally into a habit of accommodating their language to the tastes of the court. From merely speaking the language of cour tiers, they were insensibly led to entertain the sentiments of courtiers. The leaven of the more courteous among them graduallpicavened the whole mass. The impassioned and imaginative writings and harangues of Burke imparted a specious and captiva ting appearance to the servile spirit that thus insen sibly gained ground among them. The exaggerated representations current of the danger from revolu tionary propagandists confirmed them in their aber ration from the principles of 168 ii. All the vulgar and brutal ignorance in the king dom—such as animated the mob which destroyed Priestley's house—joined the ranks of this party. All the bigotry of the establishment—afraid of nonconformists, on the one hand, and Roman ca tholics on the other —joined this party. All unprin cipled seekers after place and emolument joined this party. The intelligence and patriotism of its more enlightened leaders were submerged in this political quagmire. It became in reality as well as in name a tory party. The war phrensy added to its violence and intolerance. To avoid raking up old-world stories, I pon to consider it as it existed in 1819—the era of it s greatest power and greatest degradation—the era which immediately preceded its subversion. By this time the ignorant and servile elements of the party had obtained complete ascendancy. Can ning and his personal friends—a small minority— were the only remains ofliherality and intellect even among its leaders. The Manchester massacre, the spy system, the six acts, the persecution of the Queen of George IV., sufficiently stamp the charac ter of the party and its most powerful limiters. But as John Wilkes said that. he had at no time been a sincere and thorough-going Wilkite, so it may be said of the tory leaders that they were at no times sincere believers in the servile and despotic principles they taught and encouraged their fol lowers to avow. In fact at the time when George IV. ascended the throne they felt that the progress 'of public opinion would soon render it impossible fur them to continue to act upon their professed prin ciples. They were at that time busily employed in pr e parin g their party for their avowal of more liberal and national views of policy. About that time money was advanced by the ministers to establish and support a weekly newspaper that should advocate principles substantially the same as those of the Sliosbleryli Ri.r ew whigs, and at the same time decry and discredit the politi cal leaders who professed these principles. No less a man than Mr. Croker was the principal medium of communication between government nod the amiable and intelligent editor of the journal alluded to. Just lovfore the Queen landed, Mr. Croker attempted to obtain insertion of some of his abusive attacks en her 'in its columns. lie was refused, on the ground that they were utterly inconsistent with its tune and pro fessions. lie admitted the validity of the plea, with• 1 GERMANY. The government of Bavaria has (sailed upon the Germanic Diet to provide for the reimbursement of the expenses incurred by it in crushing the people and constitution or Ilesse Cassel. These charges amount to no less than 1,752,n2ht florins. The Diet has named the reprcsontatives of the ‘Vurtemberg, Darmstadt, and Nlecklenhurg governments a com mission to draw up a new constitution for Hew. AirIHENT .AT THE LTCEVII THEATRE. Last emotion. durimi the heAry Rile, the frame-work of irlici4 plat.• recently ercc.c.l to protivt the line of gas letter. whirl, announc.• the pit entrance of the Lyceum to the fre quenters of the Strand was carried away by a gust of wind, mid came down with a loud clash. Fortunately no ono was butt. FRANCE. ALLEGED ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE TILE PRESIDENT. PARIS, WEDNESDAY MORNING. It is said confidently that an attempt was made yesterday upon the life of the President. It seems that the wife of an ex-prefect, who has been replaced in the }Penult by M. Durant do St. Amand, came to Paris to intercede with tho President in favour of her husband. She obtained an audience yesterday morning; but, Louis Napoleon having refused to grant her petition for his reinstatement, she is said to have drawn a poniard, and attempted to stab him. The woman was arrested, and conveyed to the Con ciergerie. Ily a decree dated the 17th, the following ex-re presentatives, expelled from the French terri tory, M. Charras, lieut.-colonel of infantry; MM. Cholat and Millotte, captains of artillery; and M. ' Valentin, sub-lieutenant of infantry, are struck from the rolls of the army. The decree of the provisional government autho ' rising ieeruite to rnntruct voluntary engagements in the army for two years abolished ; and the old terni of seven years is restored for such 'engagements. In the report preceding this decree, General St. Arnaud says, that the decree now repealed has I been equally prejudicial to the interests of the army as well as the treasury, as the short duration of such engagements does not permit the completion of the soldier's education, and is besides destructive of discipline. (The substance of these decrees has al ready been received by electric telegraph.) M. de Toulongeon, orderly officer to the President of the Republic, has just set out for Bayonne to carry to Marshal floristic the baton of the new dignity conferred on him by the head of the state. The operations for verifying the electoral lists are being continued at the different mairics. It is sup. posed that the whole will be terminated about the end of the month. The Patric contains a notice that the ex-repre sentatives not comprised in the decrees of banish ment, have just been authorised to return to their homes. The Patric states that no official receptions will take place to-day, on account of the anniversary of the execution of Louis XVI. The ifonitcar contains a decree relative to the pro mulgation of the convention concluded between Franee and Hanover for the mutual guarantee of the property of works of art and literature. The Court of Accounts held a sitting yesterday, under the presidency of .l. Harthe, first president, for the reception of the new councillors and referen daries. Three inhabitants of St. Omer, M. Pierret, a mer chant, formerly a member of the Constituent As sembly, and MM. Dumeril and Courden, judges of the Tribunal of Commerce, have been arrested. Their friends have not been allowed to communicate with them. At Ilaguhcs, on the 16th, M. Dubarry, a bar rister and ex-member of the Constituent Assembly, M. Itruzand, a physician, and M. Desplats wero ar rested. Many warrants were issued against other persons, who hare taken flight. The o,ltrrier de Naney, of the 19th, mentions the arrests of M. Louis, a barrister, and ex-member of the council-general of La Wardle; M. 'Atha., barrister, ex-constituent ; M. Antoine, (wow , : and M. Vallerot, formerly sub-prefect of Toul. At Toulon, M. Fubre, formerly carpenter to the arsenal, and a member of the municipal council, has been arrested. A convoy of women, arrested on po. liticnl grounds at Garde, Freinct, and Luc, is ex pected at Toulon. M. James Odicr, father-in-law of General Cavaig nac, has written this letter to the Obserrateat Bel ye: I read in your journal of January 12 an article about M. de Moray, from which it seems toresult that you attribute the motive which led him to write to rny wife the letter relative to the setting General Cavaignac at liberty,:to private and per sonal obligations which might have engaged bis gratitude towards me personally. I owe it to truth to declare that this fact i. completely false, and that M. de Moray u as hot townnls me or mine under the weight of any personal obli gation. On the 18th, M. Quinettc, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the Preach republic, had a private audience with the King of the Bel gians to deliver a letter from the President of the Republic, notifying the new powers conferred upon him by the vote of I kcember 20 and 21. A woman, named I'ichon, was guillotined yester day, for the murder of her child, aged ten years. This is the first execution of a woman that has oc curred in Paris since 1828. M. Baune, ex-representative, has just taken his departure for Belgium. It appears certain that the remains of the Duke de Reiehstadt will be removed to France. The applica tion of the President of the Republic on this subject has been favourably received by the Austrian cabinet. IVEDNEsimy EVENINO. - . The uppermost topic is still the scheme for contis eating the property of the Orleans family. Five of the ministers, do horny,Feuld, Mather, Nlagne, and St. Arnaud, are said to be opposed to this atrocious spoliation, which is chiefly instigated by the extra official influences of l'ersigny and ltomieux, and ' Maupas, the prefect of police. The ministerial crisis occasioned by this question is now at its height, and must be speedily resolved. The decree has been prevented for the moment from ap pearing in the Moniteur not only by the causes which I have already reported to you, but I understand that the Marchioness of Douglas and the Princess Matilde have implored the Presi dent with the moat vehement supplications, even upon their knees, not to consent to a measure which must stigmatise his chararcter in the eyes of all Europe. Notwithstanding these impa . ssionel appeals to his better feelings, Louis Napoleon is said to remain sternly bent upon this inexorable decree. Meanwhile, the highest tow authorities, M. Portalis,the head pre sident of the Court of Caseation, and M. Trop long, the president of the Court of App ea l, I and even the notorious M. Toile, whose skill us a jurisconsult is as well known as his de plorable trial, have been called to the cabinet of the President end consulted on the law of the matter. ' It seems that the decree of confiscation would be based mainly upon the illegality of the donation made by Louis Philippe of his private property to I his family, on the tith of August, 14:10, three days previous to his accession to the French throne, in order to avoid the absorption of his estates into the do ', main of the crown. Thisconveyance is said to beeontrary to the usage of the French kings. It was at first suggested that that the property of the Duke d'Au- I male should bo spared. I believe that this amounts to about sa,ooot. a-year. But it was afterwards ob jected that such an exception would not find devour in the eyes of the legitimists, whose creed about the mysterious end of the Prince de am& is ineradicably opposed to the validity of thewill of the Duchess de Feucheres. I may mention, by the way, that among the avenues which are kept open to induce the Ic gitimists to make their adhesion to Louis Napoleon the reserve of the vacant places in the Senate, which I i s the most prudent, seems as yet to have been nn ' attended by the least success. Thu whole party holds aloof with obstinate coldness. To-day it was announced in the Monaco?. that no reception would take place, because the 21st is the anniversary of the execution of Louis XVI. Thu meaning of this ostentatious homage to the memory of the decapitated king is as transparent as the omission of all legiti mist names from the lists of proscription. Hut the bait is spurned. It is said that the Spanish minister has already ' put in a protest against the confiscation of the pro- party of the Duke de Nlontpensier. It is rorted that the Presidents of the Senate and the C orps Lryislotif and the Vice-President of the thuseil if Elot are to receive a salary of ltM,ooof. a year. MM. llillault and Chaise dlist Ange have refused seats in the Collard el'Etat. The terror in the provinces goes on increasing daily. In many parts of the country the troops go out and beat the woods for men, as if they were hunting game. A detachment of the 35th regiment. after a long chase, lately caught 17 in a forest at St. Thibery, in the Iles:Lull, at the unsportsmanlike hour of two o'clock in the morning. In the same ticigilhourhond the papers of to-day speak of arrests by the dozen, and by the score as having been made by the military at Itonjan Puisalieon, Caux. Nef- Ws and Permit's. At Clermont, Canet, St. Andrili Aspiron, and several communes of Lodilve, etas and public-houses without number, have b eat closed. In the Vaucluso a lieutenant of gen. darinerie, at the head of some gendarmes and 150 men of the oath Regt have been very sue ceseful in making captures. A man named Sauvan, who took to his heels, was brought down by a grena dier. The ball entered his back and came out at his belly, yet, wonderful to relate, the man still lives. At Cuero the sport seems to be left to the ei.il power. M. Girard, a judge of instruction, is indefatigable there. Within the last eight days be arrested 370 men, being about one-fourth of the male population of the place. The gaoler at Toulon was the other day surprised at the visit of a large column of men, who, struck with terror, and driven to d es p a i r b y the incessant harassing of he soldiery, Caine to surren der themselves prisoners. lie had not Milli to lodge so much unexpected company, and, after taking down their names, begged them to be go el enough to call again. This they did, and they were ulti mately stowed away somewhere. In the fort of 14- inalgue, at Toulon, there are now 1,20° prise. nem. In the neighbourhood of Crust, the pursuit of political refugees eau only be compared to chatuois hunting. The country there is rocky, and e e r eee t of the proscribed have been shot at repeatedly by voltigeurs, as they skip from rock to rock. 'no chase hero has not hitherto been se sues slap as in many other places, for, after u long and fatiguing day the troops only ellptured one man, :hutted Donjon. lie was, however. a leader and the capture is considered important. In the town of ('rest, on tho Kith inst., Alsier de Faun, the commander of the insurrection there, was taken, and a great crowd assembled in the marketplace to sec )11111. It must not be supposed that :units aro confined to the people called socialists. Judges, councillors-general, barristers, physicians, merch ant' , proprietors, and people of the highest respectability, are arrested daily. There seems no proepect of any cessation of the system. The prefects write the newt stimulating letters to their subordinates, urging theta not to hesitate to use their powers and to arrest any man whom they may suspect, and even, if necessary, to keep him in prison without specifying any charge against hint. A journal of I.e Mans states that the War of tho disturbances of the Sarthc will not be taken up he. fore the ordinary jurisdiction of the Court of Assizes. The parties implicated in them will he, according to their degree of culpability, transported, or expelled temporarily from the French territory, or removed from the department. The same measure will ex tend to all (lie departments which are not in a state of siege. 'Tile Minister-at-War has acceded to General Ca vaignac's demand to be placed on the retired list of the army. At the Bourse the Five per Cents. rose K.k.,elo , ing at 101 fr.; the Three per Cents. rose 95c., and closed at 67.60. There were great fluctuations, the open ing was at a lower prim than yesterdy. Bank of France spores fell 10fr. Railways, after much flue. nation, closed generally at somewhat lower prime than yesterday. SPAIN. MADRID, J. IG. In the present state of the press, which is as much gagged as in France, the uewspaps•rs till their columns with copious accounts from the statistics of domestic crime, which seems to be fearfully on the increase. Foreign politics also take up no small part of public attention at present, so that home affairs are scarcely permitted to be spoken on. The late mo difications on the duties of goods brought into towns have not given general satisfaction; in several place' in Andalusia the authorities have been obliged to take precautions. Within these last few days the police authorities have been unusually severe with the ('arlist papers. While the apostle's of absolutism attacked constitutional government in the abstract, they were allowed to go on the tenor of their way without any obstacle, but now that they talk of tho application of their principles with refs). rence to a change of dynasty, they are seized without mercy. The opposition prints have stated that General tortes, the sub-secretary at war, has sent in his resignation, in consequence of the exile of his cousin, Admiral Pinzad ; but 1 have good reason to know that the report is without foundation. Nor is there for the present any modification to lie made in the ministry, though it is understood that, when the state of affairs will permit it, the Nlinister of War will take the lucrative gorentorship of Puerto Rico. (DY SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH.) TROW OUR. OWN CORRESPONDENT. PARTS, TII URSDAV. The Minister of War Lersundi, in Madrid, is re. placed by General Eacceleta. RUSSIAN INSULT TO THE BRITISH CONSUL AT BELGRADE. The following is extracted from a letter dated Vienna, January 13, 1%32 " You are aware that our consul-general in SC•fi2 is par tieularly obnoxious to the Austrian government, and that his blustering Highness, l'rinee Schwarxenbcrg, ' regis tered • vow,' that both Mr. Fonblanque and his French colleague (M. Limperani, a cousin of the President Louis Buonaparte), should be driven out of Iklgraele. Hence all the attacks upon the consular dwellings awl permns, and the calumnies in the Austrian newspapers against the honourable officers just named. The end of all this is drawing near, fur I learn from Constantinople that the Turkish government has resolved to sustain the provincial representative* of the powers mod. closely allied to the l'orte, and that ample satisfaction will be given for the attack made upon Mr. Fonblanqua last autumn. On the other hand, it may be supposed the Austrian and the Russian consulates in Scrvia arc doing all they tan to encourage and exasperate the aggressors, and ate unceas ingly urging the celebrated canon of • Servian primate— The English, fleet cannot come up the Danube.' "In a recent number of the Vienna Lloyd there has appeared a notice to the following effect, dated Bel grade: Mr. Femblanque, the English Connal•Cieneral, made—contrary to the usage of all other consuls no personal visit to the Russian resident on the Emperor Nicholas's birth-day, hut sent up his card from the carriage, which he caused to drive to the door of the house. The Russian consul sent back the card, with the remark that on that particular day lie only received personal visits. Mr. loublanque, highly incensed, tore the card, and sent a note demanding satisfaction. Now the visible intention of this statement—which is true to far as it goes—is to create a belief that the British agent attempted to put a slight on the Russian agent on • national occasion, and hail eon...laced, acted in an ill-bred and impolitic way. But a letter re ceived from Constantinople supplies the wippreasi.o reri of Lloyd's Belgrade correspondent, and place* the matter in a perfectly different light. It appears that the hotel taken on lease for the British Consulatc.General was pre viously occupied by several tenants, all of whom received long notices to quit at the expiration of the term. One of the lodgers, however, said he would only go out when he thought tit, that he was a Russian, and defied the Turks or the English to eject him; so he locked himself in, abused the police, and prepared to stand a siege. Mr. Fonblanque of course addressed an official note to the Russian Coumd ()mural, but either through ignorance of diplomatic usage, or unacquaintance with social proprieties, no answer wan returned! This was at once a denial of justice, and a per sonal disrespect which (until atoned for) made it impossi ble for the aggrieved functionary to hold Mimed' ate inter course with the wanton offender, who (having only re cently arrived) win not even known to him by sight. So Mr. Foublenque took the obviously correct course of repre senting the matter to the Foreignoinice and to the entheasy at Constantinople. In order to save appearances without compromising the national honour or his own —he went, in uniform, to the Russian consulate, and gave in his card, whirl, was insultingly rejected in the way elreadydescribed. Sir Stratford Canning is reported to he highly indignant at the affront, which is viewed by the Porte as part of an in tolerable system. The liritish ambassador Is supposed to have left the question to the decision of the Secre tary of State, and there is a general impression that the Russian functionary will he disavowed by his go vernment. If the Austro-Muscovite intrigue s and cabala; are suffered to continuo much longer in the European pro vinces of Turkey, there will he no use in trying to check them. The game will be up." Tut: SOCIETY OF ARTS' MAIM. for the production of the best colour box, cunt:aping the fereqty,t number of best colours for general uw, to he sold retail at one shilling," has, it is stated, been awarded to Joshua lingers, of 133, Dunhill-row. ilANDsttmt: I)oNATItIN To TIIE 11 7 ..%Ri Y-cf.l/iNa As-oc IN With a view to relieve this soci , ty of an old standing debt, amounting to nearly Mat Mr Hitch cock, the silk merver. of St. I`,nal*.-eharrhyard. 'wean? 1,141,1 111111 he would double any sum that the a•socistiotl might raisi• M ithin a month from that date (•,th Nov. last). Encouraged I.) the mitnificenee of this pciposil the mein hem at once commence a 16VMM canvass, which resulted in their raising within the period opeeilied ioee. It is stated that, although this sum I•Xeeelled what antici pated ....old he collected, Mr. Hitchcock rembly handed over his cheque for the saute` amount , thus piscine :I halanCO exceeding AY. at the disposal al the 1/1110C1111011, defraying the expenses of na future operations. Yesterda United St The roy Boston On 'the prat this arri% u Kossuth at at the Ti present. berate, pr Boyd on h his let. meats near The firs States," to am hen department the st ore rat of the l'rts to tender t which the • *see mbled, kindness es sion, god in liberty—(sl —there is I'resident o this 'WA co Mr. Kill It was on disily resPo "{unitarian and mourns who strugit liberty. V ful exile, w the lust tha the hind of you is this honoured by the sift% the dictates ploy in In cheering.) In rcpt. thus coma