The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-06 00:00:00

tion of clause A, which they did not approve of, intoned' es they thought special reasons existed for leaving the law of evidence as it now stood. COMPENSATION FOR DAMAGES (IRELAND) LAN D) BILL On the order of the day being read for going into commit tee on this bill, Lord J. RUSSELL stated that he could not give the hon. member for Montrose a pledge to keep a house for him to morrow. If the hon. member would - let the matter stand over till to-morrow week, he amid have the whole evening to himself. Mr. HUME was sorry to oppose the noble lord, but he felt bound to proceed with his motion on the subject of the Rajah of Satan. He hoped that the noble lord would not be angry with him for adopting such a coarse. (Laughter.) COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH PRUSSIA. In answer to • question from an hon. member, Lord PALMERSTON said the correspondence between the government of this country and that of Prussia was being prepared for publication, and when ready would be laid on the table of the home. UNITED STATES DEBT. In reply to • question from Mr. Hugs, Lord PALMERSTON said that he had no objection to furnish the house with the correspondence between the Bri tish government and the government of the United States, relative to the leen due from that country to this; the greater part of the debt, however, was due from separate states, and not from the anion as an aggregate body, and he did not .apprehend any difficulty en the settlement of the claim. AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL On the question being put for reading the order of the day for going into committee of supply, Mr. B. OSBORNE mu to call the attention of the house to the present state of Portugal and the situation of our naval and military forces in the oonntry. He thought it was highly de sirable that the noble lord the minister for foreign affairs should offer some defence for the policy which had been pur sued towards Portugal before the donor the preseat session. On constitutional grounds he regretted the abrupt termination of the recent debate. It would tend to degrade the house is the estimation of all who were favourable to political liberty and freedom, and therefore he felt it to be his duty to revive it. It was clear that the Queen of Portugal bad on every occasion broken faith with her people, and on all hands it was admitted that her conduct was most unjustifiable. He did not think any of the speeches of the members of the government on a recent occasion, when the subject was under discussion, at all m ade out a case for armed intervention is the affairs of that country. It had been urged on the part of the British government that France and Spain had induced them to interfere with the affairs of Portugal, but M. Guizot, in the Chamber of Deputies, hal denied that he had at all urged the English governmeat to adopt an armed intervention. The conduct of France towards Portugal was most irreproachable, and it was clear from the course pursued by her admiral at Oporto, that France was not the power who urged the necessity or the ex peaiency of an armed intervention. It was very evi dent, however, to him that the noble lord at the head of the foreign department of this country was the dupe of that great master of modern arta, Louis Philippe, who was: the indi vidual that reaped the advantage of all the odium thrown upon this country for the part we had taken in the affairs of Portugal. The ministers both of France and Spain repu• dieted the protocol which had been issued at the instance of this country. The hon. member here read a portion of a despatch from Count de Jarnac to M. Guizot, dated 24th May, 1847, for the purpose of showing that the protocol was drawn up by Lord Palmerston at the earnest solicitation of the Portuguese minister. The hon. member proceeded to denounce the seizure of the ships of the junta ea aa itetwhie nothing could justify, and stated that while some feeder were escaping, the British slimiest informed the general in command of the Queen's troops of it by signal, and they were instantly pursued and butchered. He wanted to know why it was that this country was now paying 1501. a day for the support of the prisoners who had been captured on that occa sion. (Hear.) If the noble lord had so much faith in the Queen, that could not be the cue with the debentuom Wald in her name. (Hear.) The real object of the junta Wel dee removal of the cabinet now in power at Lisbon, and who were a disgrace to civilised Europe. The noble lord in his protocol had promised that they should be displaced, but they still remained in office. The honourable member took a survey of their indivi dual merits, and characterised them as weak-minded, dis honest, and despotic. He wished also to know from the noble lord why it wasx at such a peculiar crisis, that the late Lord Howard Ds Walden and r. Southern, both so inti mately acquainted with the affairs of Portugal, were with drawn, and two gentlemen, who knew nothing whatever of the country, plaoed in their stead, one of whom (Sir H. Seymour) had but just come from the court of Belgium, and was, therefore, perhaps, fitted for the part he had to play? (Hear.) If the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) had insisted on the dismissal of the ministry, there would have been no occasion for his protocol. The Portuguese people were de termined not to submit to their rule, and when the charac ters of the men were regarded, it could not be wondered at. As an instance of other individuals about the person of the Queen exercising the most mischievous influence, he might mention her coaplain, whe was at the head of a poll deal club of servants in the palace. He had been a bishop, but was deprived of his bishopric for his drunken habits, and although a priest, he was the father of a large family of sons and daughters. (" Hear," and a laugh.) What partible confidence then could the people feel in the appointments made by the Queen of Portugal? (Hear, hear.) 1914 had not the exiles, who had been sent to Angola, been brought back ? (Hear, hear.) The Count de Boman and his fellow-prisoners, who had surrendered on condition that their lives and property should be spared, had been stripped of their baggage and landed in rags on the shores of that inhospitable - clime. (Hear, hear.) The grader portion of the victims had subsequently been dispersed in the most unhealthy parts of the settlement, and inch was the destitution of the whole number that a subscription had been raised among their friends at home for their relief. (Hear, hear.) Such was the conduct which had been pursued b the court of Lisbon towards her prisoners of war, who ha y only been guilty of struggling for constitutional liberty— (hear, hear)—and the British government had shown sym pathy only with the court, the people having always been a secondary consideration. (Hear, hear.) On the 3rd of Jane whilst the armistice was in existence, the Spanish troops entered Portugal, and were now said to be in pomessioe of 1 Oporto, which town our navy had threatened to bomberd.Why, did the noble lord remember that the whole trade of Oporto was in the hands of British merchants, and we were new risking the whole of the trade of that place by the policy I which we were pursuing for the purpose of maintaining a I despotic and ungovernable woman on the throne of that I country? (Hear, hear.) It had been said, now that Spain and Portugal had lost their colonies, it might be well if they 1 were united under the same government, and he had little doubt that the occupation of the latter country by the 1 troops of Spain would create a strong Spanish party, which might not only endanger the peace of Portugil I but the ultimate results Might involve the whole of Europe in • war. (Hear.) The Spanish army, however, by the noble 1 lord's protocol, were to remain bat two months in Portugal, and what was to prevent the civil war from breaking out again as soon as they left? (Hear, hear.) With i Spanish soldiers on one side and a British fleet on the other, the people might ?•,e iept in awe; but how long were we to act the part of P.' ,lice to such an outrageous despot ? It was I tae merest tw am le which they heard from the treasury benches when Portugal was spoken of as our old ally; we only true all' unce was with the intelligence and the wealth 1 of that coy .retry , and not with those who sought to Isemgke e her liberties. ( Hear, hear.) Could it be illeanied that a stmgg l a w as going on through Europe at this time . b e tween despotic and popular power ? (Hear, beer. ) And ought we not, therefore, to be very 1 C e tied in enforcing the principle of intervention ? (Hear, A Sr.) Had not the last vestige of Polish liberty been • estroyed in the annexation of Cracow? (Hear, hear.) Austria was urging on France to interfere with titreSwitzrland, the King of Primate was oscillating between the of of fending his powerful neighbour and giving a free constitu tion to his subjects. Was the present a time, then, that the noble lord should interfere to support the Queen of Portugal with a British fleet ? And what was the noble lord doing it for ? To establish that worst of all governments, a protected dynasty. But the noble lord must be well aware that this was the last experiment of this kind which the people of England would endure. They would not inherit to be taxed in order that the system of tampering with the constitutional rights of other people might be upheld. They knew that during the reigns of the first two Georges the wealth and blood of this country ware spent for the aggrandisement of Hanover. And they would not now submit to be taxed for the purpose of keeping the Queen of Portugal on her throne. They would not, out of an abstract love to the throne of Portugal, or slavish devotion to the house of Coburg, submit to have money taken out of their pockets. He was totally opposed to intervention, but if they were to have interference, neither the House of Commons , nor the people of England would endure that it should be all in favour of one side, but would require not only that the con stitutional rights of the people of Portugal should but that those men who were consigned to Angola should be immediately brought back to their country. If there were no other member to second the motion with which be was about to conclude, he thought that the noble lord ought to do it, after the declaration Inreply the amendment pro posed by the hoe. member for Finsbury. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving, that in the opinion of this house, it is is cumbent on the British government, as it made itself a party to armed intervention in the affairs of Pee tnpl, with a view of adjusting the internal differ• mess in that country, to ensure to the Portur rh e: no- 1 Lion the full enjoyment of teir costitaiseml and privileges, and also to insist h on the n immolate sislowisa of Count Boogie and his fellow-prisoner, ban do peed selv ti of Angela, and, if nocessery, to provide mesas Ike their °coverings to Europe. Viscount PALMERSTON.—I certainly do not rise for the purpose of seconding the amendment of my hon. friend, notwithstanding his kind and n invitation ; not that I Ojai to the spirit or aubs e tan g ef in of his amendment, because we are anxious te go into committee of supply, and the carrying of his amendment would in some degree defeat Nat object. On a former occasion, my noble friesa the Firat Lord of the Tstated that he concurred in the Aged of the amendment proposed by that honourable piellanan, and I new declare that her Majesty's ent will feel it to be their duty to exert = l anai which moped) , belongs to Great Britain of obtaining from the government of Ports -1111.1 and faithful execution of the articles of the per *lsiLeathinefr, hear.) My hon.to rtenad has . hr. rein t tr• umber for montrose ( r. Hume) hgs spoken the prologue of that drama, of which the hon. gentleman has now recited the epilogue ; but it was a drama which, if we did not in some degree take upon ourselves the duty of being Wage managers, instead of partaking of a comic character, womd be a trsgedy of a serious description, and would be marked by a wide spread and destructive anarchy, or the establiah ,... meat of a mead sad making tyranny. (Hear, Mr.) The peiaelple m whisk we eels& wee that of soothes *bar of tams two Mimes. Hy he.. friend, however, Us ra ptured ea this measles net merely es the miter of a wry p ar= gee, but Ms Man ea IlmneM a sew haehm. at el in obotelrie elisserm—(englitsr)—by wh he seeks is deliver ma of a certain eloquent rase& Mier which be thought I laboured seam time ago. (A iaregh.) But he win not be enensidul in delivering me of that mesa, berme the falltrewn child wMeh the hem settee =from the right hon. t he meeker it Tem entirely eramsedes the , ea lay gun, et the delivery of that Mho* which, if I ea het maim, I mild have gime birth to. (Leratrisr.) To go at o f SW into any dill^ It to explain sins by step the come of pulley which res her peet Xejmey's gememPerieM *mid it right to perm with te the of ; would weary the Mender of dr boo" mei Wine - de MO maim be i ce s mow settled to he eatithedem—witk the earadua el • kw members—and to the MAIM, et the esemtry at large, same it is mavinted that our.semme of loamy was wise, and Ad our object was not the estabbasset of tyranny is Pererail, but the =intention d the liberties of its perais. (Hear.) I do not stead here to defend the government of Portugal from the charges which to been brought against it by my hon. friend, or to vindi ate the character of chaplains or confessors. I would rather be excused from mitering into minute details, but, in my humble opinion, the Portuguese government was wrong in the mune they pursued in October last, and I find no • - culty in avowing that when the crown raid to the people of Portugal, " you shall have no parliament in which to state your grievances," the people of Portugal were justified in saying. " then we will state our grievances with arm in our bands." (Loud cheers.) Our object in interfering was to relieve the people from the consequences of that technically illegal proceeding, and to induce the crown to give the peo ple a parliament in which they could state their grievances, and to restore the battle of Portuguese parties to the legiti mate arena of the senate. (Hear, hear.) That was the main object and direction given to the policy which we pursued, and any one who reads the blue book will see that it was the policy we pursued day after day, and week after week. We were long ago told by the government of France that the state of things in Portugal constituted a cams fcederis under the quadruple treaty, and if a govern ment like France stated that a case bad arisen in which we may be called on for aid, it was a distinction without a dif ference to say that we were not called on by France to inter fere. We were early told by Spain that a ease might arise in which Spain would consider the provisions ef the treaty applicable, and in which she would be compelled to interfere by force of arms. Although the fear of displeasing Spain was not stated as a motive of acting as we have, the govern ment of Spain from time to time declared their intention of interfering with us or without us, and at last M. Pacheco, the Spanish minister, declared that anxious as be was to make the conduct of Spain conformable to the wishes of England, Spain was so deeply interested in the tran quillity of Portugal, that if the Queen of Portugal was placed in danger, Spain must act of herself, because the safety of the throne of Isabella could net permit that of Queen Donna Maria to be shaken. (Hear.) We had two objects in view —we wished to per suede the Portuguese government to de that which we thought they ought to do—to use conciliation towards the discontented party, to pacify the people by proper conces sions, and to negotiate with the junta with a new of putting an end to the civil war. On the other hand, we tried to prevent the forcible interferenoe of Spain. In that we un fortunately failed ; in the other, at the last moment, we suc ceeded. Bat it is said that we suddenly changed our course of policy, and that having declined to interfere in the first instance we afterwards consented to interfere. (Hear, hoer.) Why, the blue book itself fully explained that we exhaust ed every method to prevail on the Portuguese government to make concessions. The Queen of Portugal was herself wil ling to follow the course we pointed out,hat her government resided. Her government at last partially gave way, but the President of the Council and the Commander-in-chief of the army, the Marquis Saldenha, declared that he would not be a party to any concessions or any measures of conci liation. The Intervention of Spain was asked for ; the Queen of Portugal was unable to take the warm we advised her to take, and events were hastening rapidly to a crisis. We might have mid we will do nothing. There were two modi fications of that course, and which of them would the hon. gentleman say we ought to adopt ? We were told we ought to adhere to the principle of non-interference. Was this to be a total, en entire non-interference ? Ought we to have left things to themselves ? Ought we not to interfere to prevent Spain from interfering, bemuse, if the Queen of Portugal asked Spain to interfere, you, men of non-interference, to be consistent, ought to tell us, " You should abstain from med dling in the matter ; you have no business to check Spain, and if Spain interferes, let Spain take upon herself the responsibility of such an act." That would be entire non-interference, but I should like to know how that course of policy would serve the cause of constitutional principles in Portugal. (Hear, hear.) A Spaniels army was ready on the frontier; Count Thomr wee pulling the strings; and the feet was that a Spanish army would have entered Por tugal, and we would Me Spanish interibrence, which has been Mated to be so dirtiest and ealamitsee, without being controlled, sapped, sad delarmiemi by the so-operation of and la mojeastios with the ether powers, which have directed it he the legitimate *st id establishing a constitu tional goverment in Portrait Yes would have, on the contrary. Spanish interformaire digested by Count Thema and the Padre Arose, wife well pram a national con flict between Spain and Pottligd, and probably lead to the 'stability:sent ist that Mem weeelve and tyrannical government against whisk the people of Portugal rose in /day last, and again in October. Nobody, however, has said as yet that we ought to have punned such a course. But it is said we ought to have interfered, not by force of arms or armed mediation, but to this extent : to prevent the Spanish troops from entering, and not in any other way— that is, we were to say we would not interfere, and would prevent anybody else from interfering. But I contend it would be interference on our part to prevent others from interfering. Te say that we would not help the Queen of Portugal ourselves, and would prevent others from giving her aid and assistance when she sought for it. would be ex ercising a dominioa over the crown of Portugal which Eng land is net entitled to exercise. (Hear, hear.) Any person who took the trouble of reading the treaties which subsisted between the two countries, must see that they could not adopt such a course. if Portugal was not a country COM nected with us politically by treaty, if she was not a country connected with us commercially by trade, if the scene had been in some distant country, we might have left the people to take care of their own concerns ; but as Portugal was connected with us politically and commercially, to see it re duced by our neglect to a state of anarchy, or to see the esta blishment of en arbitrary government over the Portuguese people, ought to be a matter of regret to the people of England. (Hear, hear.) The only course left was that which we pursued. We saw, on the one hand, that Spain would have interfered union we threatened her with war in ease she did so. (Hear.) Now, to threaten war with out being rewired to carry it on is it course which. I think, would be unworthy of this country ; and if we were to came down to this house to propose war with Spain, and probably in consequence war with Francs, I do not think such a pro position would be well received, either by the house or the country. (Hear.) Would such a course be sanctioned by this house ? Mr. OSBORNE.—Mr. Canning declared war. Viscount PA.LMERSTON.—Mr. Canning declared war, but allow me to say that was a different case. (Hear) He did so in fulfilment and execution of a treaty, but in the present case there was no such treaty—there was no obliga tion to make war on Spain, and if we did so it would be a purely Quixotic proceeding, and one which I do notthink the house or the country wo ul d sanction. We therefore deter mined to regulate those acts which we could not altogether prevent from taking place. We said to the queen that we would enable her to make those concessions to her subjects which we thought ought to be made. There was a rising end we told her to grant an amnesty. There were decrees published of en arbitrary and unconstitutional character against the liberties and rights of her people. We told her to revoke those decrees and to establish things as they were before they were issued. We told her to let the elections take place, to have parliament called together, and to place the government, in the meantime, in the hands of men who would not be liable to the objections of the junta on the one band, or to the Cabral party on the other. What other conditions did those whe took up arras require ? Was not this granting to the people of Portugal' everything they asked ? Was it not even more than they required ? Mr. OSBORNE—Nothing has been done. Lord PALMERSTON—It is only this day that we have received information that the junta have agreed to the terms proposed. (Hear.) Whiling to make a figure in contem ponneou history, I suppose, they were waiting to know what the parliament of - England might do, and having learned the event, they became satisfied—(Laughter) —and peace is now restored in Portugal. Meer, hear.) Now that this event has happened, the ether arrangemeets which were contingent on this event will take place. I will take upon myself to say that they will take place. The amnesty has been already published. It is full, complete, and applicable to all thole, who have been In arms the government. The revocation of the de crees against the place ; and now that the civil war is over, the elections which could not take place while it was raging will be held, and the Cortes will be assembled. (Hear, hear) It is stated that the ministry new in power is the emu against which the revolution of October took place. The men now in office ere not the men who were in office at that time ; and I do net believe they are liable to the objection that they will not act in conformity to the articles of the pretessi. But I can enure my hon. friend that the Whims* of the British government will be exercised in etrobiles from the Queen of Portugal the full per themense el this condition as well as the others. Hy_ Imermakii friend says that our conduct was marled vs peetilra towards the crown of Portugal. That, I NS assure lim y is not the opinion of the party =them the insurrection of the 6th of October was for they complained of our partiality towards the les* and it was said that it was their eonfidence in our =Oat prevented them from listening to the proposals thole, ear from making them themselves. The hon. gentleman asks why was Lord Howard De Walden removed. Lord Howard De Walden deserved all the commendation bestowed en him by the hon. gentleman; and if he knew all *se I know d the manner in which Lord Howard De Walden performed his duty during the time that he repro imbed the Delhi Crown at the court of Lisbon, he would MI Mal mem le his praise. (Hear, hear.) Lad Howard De Walden woo mewed because he desired to go to the Wet Indies, to look after his private intends there. Sir Hamilton Seymour was sent there, and whatever the hon. gentleman may say of the prepossessions with which Sir Hamilton Seymour went to Lisbon, I can mean him that he has done nothing that has not been t proved of by her Majesty's government, and, that inateTt and complicated circumstances in which hi hid no previous instructions, and was compelled to act on the moment on his own judgment, he had acted with judgment, with courage, , TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 6, 1847. • MOM w ith &gums, ifiejl(111111ii, SSA in a meaner wetly of the repreesstatiVe therEritWt mown and nation. (Hear bear.) He had beesisegartial between the eantendbrg par ties, and for that laspadfality he was blamed by both. I beg to tell the hon. gentleman that Mr. Southern was not re moved from Lisbon. He is there still, bat obtained leave of absence for remonseonnected with the booklet his haul); bat he did not leave Lisbon, and his preseme there wee at tended with very great advantage. Mr. liestkorn's conduct proved him to be an holiest, upright, and able an. (Hear.) My hon. friend says, that there is a decrepasey between the blue book in France and the blue book presented to this helm, because, wirde we alleged that one of the motives which determined us to pursue the policy we did was the fear of interference on the part of Spain, it appeared from the despatch of Count Jarnac, that when the representatives of the powers assembled at the Foreign Office for king in , terference, the Spanish minister said he had no institutions for joint interference, and therefore hesitated to apes to the protocol. But there is no inconsistency in that, for what we said was, that Spain would have interfered by heseel4 and that there was a strong party in Spain anxious for interfe rence; and it was therefore only natural that the Spanish minister should hesitate before he tied up his government as to the amount and duration of the interference. So far from there being any inconsistency between the two state ments, the account given by Count Jame° confirms and eorrehorates that statement on which we found in part ear justification of the course which we pursued. My hon. friend charges us with a desire to crush Porta geese liberty. That is not either the course which we have palmed at any time, nor, I will take upon me to say, is it the course which England, in these days, has pursued, or, I trust, ever will pursue. (Hear.) It was very well for a g reat sad powerful people in ancient times to hold it to be their peculiar duty to impose fetters on every neighbouring land, to crush and trample all than who felt an honest pride in national Independence, and to draw against them the ruth less of the destroying sword ; but far different, in them days, the allotted task of England. (Hear, hear.) Our duty and oar vocation is not to enslave, but to set free. (Cheep))l trait I may my, without boa ting and without giving offence to any, that we nand at the head of moral, social, and political civilisation. (Cheers.) Sir, it is our duty to lead the way, and to direct the march of other nations. (Hear, hear.) Ido not mean to say that we ought to guide the unwilling, or force forward the reluctant; but if we see a comrade struggling with difficulties, and tits obstructions thrown in his way, we may be permitted to cheer him with our sympathy, to encourage him with our , approbation, and, when the occasion occurs ' to stretch for ward a helping hand to enable him to bear up against the difficulties which beset his way. (Cheers.) We have dens this England has done this often, aye, and with suc case. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, if Greece shook off that yoke which bound her down to the earth for centuries, and if she now enjoys a state of political independence, it lL to England, in co-operation with the allies, that the thanks of the Greek nation are due. (Hear, hoar.) Why, if Spain has escaped the double calamity of foreign dominion and domestic tyranny, its England that Spain should thank for escaping from that double misfortune. (Hear, hear.) If Belgium has ceased to be transferred front master to master, as the tide of conquest ebbel and flowed over the face of Europe, is it not to the influence of England —an influence exerted under two opposite and conflicting administrations—thou of the Duke of Wallington and Earl Grey—that the greatest share is due in bringing about that happy event? (Hear, hear.) If the house of Braganza now sits on the throne of Portugal, and if the people of Portugal enjoy civil and political rights, I say it is the strong arm of England that enables Portugal at the present day to boast of a national dynasty and political freedom. (Cheers.) And though our neighbours on the other ride of the channel may sot be much disposed to acknowledge their obligations to those whom they erroneously look upon as jealous rivals instead of acknowledging them as tingle hearted friends, as we are—if they are enabled to enjoy the advantages of the revolution of July without paying for it the penalty of foreign war, I say that the influence of England, also exerted under two opposite administrations, was exerted, at least honestly and sincerely, and not without some effect, in securing to the French nation the advantages of that event. (Cheers.) Well, then, I sty, what is there in the conduct of the party how in power, in the conduct of the men responsible to public opinion, to justify the hon. gentleman in saying that we are actuated by Ms., dishonourable, unconstitutional, and use-Engliah feelings? I repel the charge with as much indigna tion as parliamentary decorum will permit. (Hear, hear.) The reverse of these sentiments are those which have guided her Majesty's government; and when we are told of some influence I do not know what— by which we have been induced to swerve (rem our proper path of duty, I can only my that the men who suspect us of acting a part so unbecoming of the stations we hold must alter their own feelings very much before they are lit to bold *Miler situations. (Loud ministerial cheers.) I say that our course has been straightforward and consistent. We found Portugal a prey to civil war, and to all the calamities which attend it. And looking at her as an ancient ally, and as a country with which we had important relations, we felt it to be our duty to put an end to a state of things which wee bringing desolation and famine on Portugal, and at the same time to secure constitutional guarantees for the liberty of the people, and to prevent the effusion of blood (Hear, hear.) We succeeded in our object—we put an end to blo odshed, and we removed the conflicting parties from the field of battle to the legitimate arena of parliament. (Cheers.) By our interference we secured to the Portuguese nation the means, through the constitutional and political institution of the country, of stating their grievances in parliament, and, if neceissary, of obtaining in a legitimate manner, and even I may say of extorting mimes from the crown. (Hear.) That is the object—that is the limit of our intention—aad whatever hon. gentlemen may think, I leave it with osali dance to the country and to the impartial judgment ease. ,temporaries and of 'future times to determine it we have swerved one hair's breadth from that constitutional course which it is fitting for the government of England to pursue. Mr. P. BORTH WICK roes, and at some length reviewed the circumstances connected with the war. The crown, he said, had declared war against the people, and had invaded their privileges by invading the charter. The people resisted. Their resistance was not the resistance of a faction it was a general war, not against the person of the sovereign, but against the measures of the crown. So far from the inter ference of England under such circumstances being calcu lated to establish peace, he believed that it was calculated to worths war. He believed that at this moment the train was laid which would issue at no very distant day, perhaps even before the next British parliament assembled, in a pro clamation of the Duchess de Montpenaier as de jive et de facto Queen of Spain. He hazarded that statement on no light or iesuflicient grounds. The noble lord professed to think that liberty had been secured in the peninsula. If so, why was General Espartero a degraded exile in London ? ' If so, why were persecutions persisted in at Madrid ? It was not long ago that a citizen of Madrid, occupying a position equal, or nearly so, to that of lord mayor of London, was summoned one morning !Ipy a polies-agent, who informed him that a carriage was at lie door, waiting to convey him on his road to the Canaries. ..1111•I have I done ?" was the inquiry. The police-agent, Of muse, did not know. " What Is your authority ?" The sent produced an order from the government. " What are the reasons of the government ? ' " Oh, the govern ment never assign reasons ! " In half an hour this poor man was on his way from the city—an exile for life! This, let it be remembered, was no extraordinary cam. The reign of Queen Isabella the Second had been written in the blood of more Spaniards than the reign of the much-dreaded inqui sition. He considered that the British government, having interfered in the affairs of Portugal—the British government was responsible for the future government of Portugal. and was, in point of fact, the government of Portugal. He re garded the noble lord as responsible for the detention of the prisoners, as well in Africa as at Lisbon, and for all the evils arising from the protraction of the settlement of the affairs of Portugal. Mr. HUME entirely concurred with the hon. and learned gentleman in protesting against the late unwarrantable inter ference of the government in the affairs of Portugal. Lord J. MANNERS was of opinion that the people of England were as little satisfied as ever with the state of things in Portugal. It was scarce possible, indeed, that they should be so, when they saw that the patriot prisoners re mained in their imprisonment, that the second city of Por tugal was occupied by the troops of a most dangerous and hostile neighbour, and that an practical progress had been made in the assertion of constitutional principles. Mr. ESCOTT should oppose the resolution, for the simple reason that he considered it wholly useless. After what the noble lord had said the house was bound to regard the go vernment as equally disposed and competent to carry out the benevolent views contemplated by the resolution pro posed. Sir D. L. EVANS approved of the course which had been taken by the government, and condemned the incon sistency with which its opponents upheld intervention at one time, and opposed it at another. It was a fallacy to call the recent intervention an attack upon popular rights. On the contrary, it was an intervention accompanied by the strongest guarantees that popular rights should be pre served. All the conditions insisted upon by the British government were conditions bearing against the Portu game government, and not against the people. (Hear, hear.) To these conditions the Queen of Portugal had been obliged to put her signature ; and, more than that, she had been required, in a manner unusual when dealing with crowned heads, to send a certain obnoxious person out of the kingdom. Yet, in the face of all this, gentlemen stood up and charged the British government with an intervention against popular rights. To the motion itself he had no objection ; he did not look upon it as a censure upon the government, but as • motion in which they might cheerfully concur, and the spirit of which he believed they were fully determined to carry out. Provided that house did not neglect its duty to the Portuguese people he apprehended no danger to Portuguese liberties from the in tervention which had taken place. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the prisons?* at Angola, he trusted that the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would use his influence with the Portuguese government to enable them to return to their homes ; and also in behalf of the prisoners at Fort St. Julien, in whose cue, now that the Oporto junta had submitted, restraint could be no longer necessary. If, in addition to this, the British government would procure the restoration to power of the Duke of Palmella, he had little doubt but that tranquillity would be soon restored. Mr. HORSMAN believed the motion of his hon. Mend the member for Wycombe to be wholly unnecessary. He was satis fi ed with the declarations which ministers had made, and was inclined to leave the matter in their hands. Having originally opposed intervention, he could not now support • motion for continued and more extended inter ference. Mr. EWART had ever objected to all interference in the domestic concerns of foreign nations, and though he ap proached the question with very great doubts pervading his mind, he could not see any use in the motion of his bon. friend (Mr. B. Osborne), or in pressing this motion farther. At the same time he was anxious that en answer should be given to the question which had beet put by several hon. numbest, namely, whether any steps had been taken by the British government for the restoration to their homes and their relatives of the brave and unfortunate men who had been eo unjustly expatriated to Angola. Lord J. RUSSELL said that with respect to the motion now before the house he would only observe that it wholly differed frees that of which on • former occasion the hon. member for Finsbury had given notice. The words of that Betio, he (Lord J. Russell) did not at the pre sent moment precisely member ; re but its effect was to wore the mown that this house had seen with pleasure and satisfaction the just influence which the government of, this country had used to obtain for the people of Portugal the free exercise of their rights and privileges. The present motion, however, proceeded to call upon the government to interfere, and to ensure to the people of Portugal their rights and privileges. This was, therefore, a new question, and involved a continued and perpetual interference with the affairs of Portugal. To that extent he was not prepared to go. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend, who bad just sat down, asked whether the government had been enabled to obtain the recall of the Count Boman, and the other officers who had been sent to Angola. He could only answer that as the basis of the interference of the British government it had been insisted that all the pri soners should be recalled--(hear, hear)—end there bad not been wanting recommendations from this country to the government of Portugal to carry out that provision ; and there was no reason to think that they would do otherwise than comply with those recommendations. But hitherto the Queen of Portugal had not had the means to obtain the recall of these personages, in consequence of her not having a naval force at her command. H e trusted, that as the news just received intimated the conclusion of the civil war, and that Portugal was restored to tranquillity, the government of that country would see that the only hope for prosperity and peace was in the strict observance of the constitutionid rights of all classes in that kingdom ; and that what ever passions or feelings of revenge might exist, the executive government will observe the constitu tion with the utmost strictness ; and that whatever party might have the majority in the Cense, that should be the party to whom the Queen would entrust the government of the country without any attempt to restrict their manage meet of public affairs. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord J. Russell) had already stated that, although the British government had been brought to the necessity to interfere on this parti cular occasion, yet to perpetual interference he wholly objected as being inconsistent both with the dignity of the crown and the rights of the people of Portugal. (Hear.) Lord G. BENTINCK thought the noble lord at the head of the government had given a most unsatisfactory reason for the non-recall of the Count Bomfin and the other insur gent leaders, who had been expatriated to Angola. With all the British steamers, that lay in the Tsgus,—the Sidon, the Gladiator, the Bulldog, the Polyphemus, and the Phenix,—one of the five at least might have been spared to go out to Angola, and bring bask the Count Bomfin and his companions in exile and banish ment. But the noble lord and his government were not as energetic in the cause of the insurgents as they were in that of the Queen of Portugal. (Hear, bear.) But he (Lord ce! Bentinck) wished to know where was to be found the treaty by which this country was bound to interfere between the Queen of Portugal and her people. The noble lord on a former occasion had admitted that the Queen of Portugal had committed a breach of her coronation oath—that she had arrested her responsible advisers, and had constituted a military despotism. This the noble lord said was a mere act of imprudence. (Cries of " No, no.") Did the noble lord mean to deny that the Queen of Portugal had broken and violated her coronation oath ? Lord J. RUSSELL was sorry to interrupt the noble lord; but in the first place he must observe that the noble lord was irregular in referring to a former debate, and in the next place the noble lord was in error. He (Lord J. Rua sell) had not said that the Queen of Portugal lied broken her coronation oath, neither had he said her conduct had been merely imprudent. On the contrary, he had con demned it altogether. (Hear, hear.) . . . _ Lord G. BERTINCksaid that u the noble lord sheltered himself under the parliamentary forms, he would not pursue that point further, but the records out of the house would show, to-morrow, that his cause was not so good as it ap peared on the other side. With regard to the treaties, there was none which he could find that could justify the inter ference of this country between the Queen of Portugal and her people. It was true that this country might interfere to prevent the invasion of Portugal by the troops of other countries, but it was bound to the constitutional government and not to the queen when exerciaingunconstitutional powers. It had been laid down by Mr. Canning, in 1827, that this country ought not to presume to interfere until both cham bers of the Corte*, by acclamation, had confirmed the proposal then made to apply to this country for assistance. But now the Queen of Portugal had abolished the Cortes, she had made captives of her responsible advisers and had established a military despotism in her kingdom, and therefore her email tutional right to all upon the country to interfere had gone hom her. Therefore, there was no pretence whatever for saying that the Queen of England was called upon at the desire of the Queen of Portugal to interfere in this civil war. Spain by Pacheco had declared that she would not interfere without the consent of Great Britain ; and as to France the despatches published in the French newspapers showed that M. Guizot had no thought of interposing so long as England abstained from interference, but the moment he discovered the intentions of the noble lord at the head of 1 foreign affairs to meddle with the affairs of Portugal, and leave France out of consideration, then H. Guizot made up his mind to intedbre on the pert of France. With respect to the present motion, he felt great difficulty, because he was against all interference, but, at the same time, he felt that England had been placed in a most disgraceful position by the conduct of her Majesty's government. It was a mockery to say that freedom in Portugal could survive the interference of British arms. He could be no party to any resolution in favour of perma nent interference—in favour of the British government being now and for ever the government of Portugal. (Hear, hear.) Not being prepared to mute to the 5,000 or, 6,000 men who had been up in arms their just share of promotion in the army, he could not agree with the motion of the hon. and gallant member for Wykeham. Still the insurgents had been placed in a very cruel position by our interference. Just as they were on the eve of victory, we had made them all prisoners, and taken from them their arms and ships. He doubted whether this had not been done illegally, having been done without any declaration of war ; and it was a grave question with him whether these insurgents might not seek and obtain redress in our courts against the officers commanding our squadron. (Hear.) Henna he condemned the interference altogether, especially on the part of a queen who had abolished all constitutional government; but he could not help asking the hon. and gallant member to with draw his motion, lest the house should be placed in a false petition, by appearing to approve that which he believed a majority of the house condemned. Mr. OSBORNE said, u he had understood the noble lord to intimate that Count de Homfin should be recalled, he would not object to withdraw the motion. Leave was accordingly given to withdraw the motion. THE EX-RAJAH OF SATTARA. Mr. HUMS said he felt great reluctance in bringing for ward the motion of which he bad given notice on this sub ject, but he should not think he had done justice to the ease if he did not again lay it before the house. On a former oc casion the right hon. baronet at the head of the Board of Control (Sir 3. C. Hobbouse) had denied all his statement', and said that his documents had been obtained in • surreptitious manner. He would not retort these per sonalities, but would pus them over, however much some hon. members might think he was called upon to notice them. Wherever there was abuse he always found the cause was a bad one, and he had been long enough in the house to learn how to pass over abuse. (Hear, hear.) He had been charged with singling out one public officer err attack ; but this was excused by the tact that be was de fending an absent individual, who had been deprived of his sovereignty and degraded from his rank. In 1818 the ex rejah of Satter* had, been placed on the throne, after the Mahratta war, having an independent sovereignty assured to him by treaty, and to his successors for over. The treaty specified the district over which he was to rule, and fixed the conditions of his government. Provided he did not violate that treaty, the British government bound thew solve' to pretest him in his dominions. Instead of this be had been deprived of his throne and exiled, without Jut ground; and he bad never had a fair trial. (Hear, hear.) Had his conduct been open to censure formerly there might have been some ground for treating his defence lightly. gat, on the contrary, he was the only Indian chief, who, during a period of twenty-one years, had uniformly received the thanks of every government in India. The documents be fore the house amply testified to the goodness of his char acter, and showed that he had invariably conducted himself so as to give satisfaction to the government up almost to the period of his dethronement. At various periods, testimony had been borne by the Governors-General of India to h is mild and amiable rule, and his devoted attachment to the British government. In 1834, the court of director" bad declared that he was most attentive t• business, and that en no native prince could they place greater reliance. The est charge against him was made some time subsequent Britt and in reference to that charge, a letter from the asst s( directors declared that ha was perfectly in the rjght,sui first the government of India was in the wrong. His labours in the cause of education, in his own dominions, had exalted the jealousy of the Brahmins; but so satisfied was the court of directors with his conduct, that in December, 1835, they caused to be presented to him &sword, with a complimentary letter, expressive of their approbation, respect, and applause. The charges brought against the rajah were an at'empt to seduce some officers of the 23rd Native Regiment from their allegiance, and having entered into correspondence with several native states hostile to the British interests as well se with the Portuguese at Goa. The question he wished to put to the house was, whether, however late, justice was not to be done to the rajah by granting inquiry ? The number of times that this had been refused was no argument against its being re-opened. The right hon. bert. (Sir J. Hobbouse), in a former debate, bad himself acknowledged that he did not believe the charge against the rajah of conspiring with the Portuguese at (Inc against this country. The Portuguese governor also denied that he bad ever had any correspond ence with the rajah. The evidence with regard to the first charge of tampering with the officers of the 23rd regiment while at Sattarah, was so contradictory that it could not be believed, and the officer who commanded the regiment said that the whole was a piece of Idahratta intrigue. The commis ionen were directed to inquire into the whole of the ex-rajah's papers, and they dated that there was nothing which indicated that there had been any communi cation with the ex-rush, or anything whatever to bear out the charge made against him. To every place where inky. milieu might be obtained to support the charge an applies. Don was made, but no evidence could be obtained to show that the ex-rajah bad been guilty of any violation of faith. The right hon. gentleman had said that the terms proposed to the ex-rajah were not disgraceful: Mr. Tucker and others, however, affirmed that they were. The hon. gen tleman having referred to a letter of the court of directors in 1839, stating that further inquiry would be detrimental to British interests, proceeded to show that this and the subsequent conduct o the court of directors was at variance with the opinion of Sir R. Grant, who declared in 1831 that be never could concur in any proceeding to de throne the rajah without a trial. But to this hour no trial had been granted, and on that ground he (Mr. Home) appealed - to British justice. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member then read from a letter by an eye-witness the treatment which the rajah had received at the period of his removal from his government, the troop? entering his capital by eight, and carrying him off almost is a state of nudity. 1,200 of the rajah's subjects accompanied him on his route to Benares, and witnessed a series of cruelties which it was not expected would be disclosed in this country. As reparded the mode of getting up evi dent* against the rajah, be could not help Implicating Col. Ovens. Mr. Thompson had accused Col. Ovens of sys tematicallyintercepting the correspondence of the rajah, and of suppressing evidence in his favour. Both these charges were extremely serious. Col. Ovens was proved to have given money to buy evidence. He (Mr. Hume) hat a copy of a receipt of 160 rupees paid for seditious documents, bearing what was stated to be the signature of the ex-rajah. A gang-robber also was pardoned on the crime' condition that he should furnish depositions intended to be used against the relish. All these facts should be made clear before the public. No one could be more hostile to the rajth than he was at a former period, because ha believed that Sir James Caruso would not be guilty of an act of injustice ; but he could net resist the evidence of his innocence. The course first taken by the rajah sou that of presenting a petition to the board of control. He himself went to the Earl of Ripon, and observed chit there was new matter to be examined, which was greatly in favour of the rajah's case. There sou a letter from the rajah, detailing the whole of his case, which had never yet been produced, and this kind of suppression characterised the whole case. A man who had given security to the extent, himself of 1,000 rupees,' and 5,000 rupees by other parties, with a view to the examination of charges against Col. Ovens, had not, to this day, been able to obtain an investigation. The rajah refused all private considerations for hie sove reignty. He demanded justice, but justice had hitherto been denied him. While eight folio volumes had been sans fully produced, containing every prejudice his case, not a paper was produced which went to exculpate him. If rajah were really guilty let him be proved such b •Ye trial. If justice were not administered to him, the charnlm of the East India Company, and of the British government, would be most seriously damaged in India. In his (Mr. Hume's) opinion the rajah was perfectly innocent of the charges brought against him, and he theref ore moved for an inquiry into the conduct of the East India Company in de posing the Rajah of Sattara, and detaining him a prisoner. Mr. EWART seconded the motion. Mr. HENLEY moved the adjournment of the debate to this day, which was agreed to. On the motion that the Masters in Chancery Affidavit Office Bill be committed pro forma, Lord G. BENTINCK moved the adjournment of the Mr. HUDSON seconded the motion. After a conversation, Lord G. BENTINCK expressing is determination to persist in his motion, The house divided.—For the adjournment 8 Against it The committee on the bill was ultimately postponed till 11l day. The house adjourned at a quarter before two o'clock. --, ht erpreo. The overland closed mails, .1. Marseilles, to the Illedbeetvres, =Ades, Ceylon. toOl., licag King, fore., will be mega up ea the ft of the 7th July. A mall for the United &Met British Math hawks, he., ea be made up oa the morningof 10th July, for tratuadoloa by the steamer Washington, from Southamean. LeUere sodium, mast be specially marked, "Per W The West India "l =ttgaguding thus lir Madam Honduras, and the Ilavannah, will be mode .p an themes/age the 17th Judy. The mail., for NMI& Muth sad the Untied States, will be male up au the ier= =Maly. The overland mailer Cllhreiler NaMialkeese. Pee lonian Wanda Fetfpt, Aden, Ceylos, indkaiiesipleavd a Cis. via liouthammon, will he made op as tar isaulaistar July. The mane for New Swath Weis% Vas lalmereet Dad, and New Zealand will be =damp me the e eniedui altar Slot July. The man for the Ilearis, is ttetweit Ilisekliceste he rdVeo, Pernem. and Ayres, will be up on the n.isgo ßah l s das 4th August TO CORRESPONDENTS. Advatbeteeele beveled /a Tie lawvol. Lewis mei paper, mut be et the Mee by Ewe debut ea the deiy BIOS WLTI AT LONDON-DODOS. T. Day—KoWB. S 2 W. MA T: Aftww. si Wk. mg 8. T..Yeawr—Nwin. 67 W. wt S. AhowL SI WA mg 8. LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 6. In the House of Lords yesterday , Lord BROUGHAM intimated, as a dissolution of parliament was on the eve of taking place, that he should bring the subject of bribery and corruption at elections before their lord ships on Thursday next. In the House of Commons, which met at 12 o'clock, a discussion took place at the instance of Lord GEORGE BENTINCE, on the alleged inconvenience resulting from the sitting of committees during the sitting of the house, in consequence of the number of members that were thus prevented from attending to their higher dunes in parliament. Contem poraneous sittings of this description the noble lord designated as unconstitutional.—Lord J. RUSSELL defended the practice as consistent with the ancient usages of parliament, confirmed by modern example, when a session was approaching to its close.—Mr. BOUTERIE moved that all committees should have leave to sit, notwithstanding the sitting of the house, which proposition was resolved in the affirmative by a majority of 53.—The Health of Towns Bill was then further proceeded with in committee, bat only three additional clauses were gone through, when the proceedings were adjourned to this day.—Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to Mr. BAILLIE, stated that the expedition against Canton was not under taken in consequence of instructions from the government. As a general principle, if British subjects were exposed to outrage, the governors of colonies would act immediately without reference to a higher authority. A conversation ensued on the subject of additions' provision being made for pay masters and pursers in the navy.—Lord lone Rug- SELL, for reasons which he stated, withdrew the Incumbered Estates (Ireland), and the Prisons Bills, for the present session. Lord PALMERSTON, in answer to Mr. HOME, replied that he did not appre hend any , difficulty would arise in the settlement of the loan due from the United States to this country, which was owing by separate states and not by the aggregate body. Mr. B. OSBORNE brought forward his promised motion on the subject of Portugal, calling upon the government to ensure to the Portuguese nation their constitutional rights and privileges, and to insist on the immediate restoration of Count Bomfin, and his fellow prisoners from the penal settlement of Angola—After an able reply from Lord PALMERSTON, in the course of which he stated that information had that day been received of the junta having accepted the terms offered to them, and some further discussion, Mr. B. (Neonate with drew his motion.—Mr. HOME moved for the appoint ment of a select committee to inquire into the charges against the exiled Rajah of Setters, the debate stand ing adjourned to this day. A division took place on the question of the adjournment of the house, moved by Lord 0. BEIrrINCE, which was negatived by a majority of 24 ; when the stages of other bills on the table were disposed of. THE revenue accounts for the year and quarter ended Bth inst., which we publish in another column, might, in ordinary seasons, be deemed scarcely worthy of notice, as merely indicating that affairs were sta tionary. At present the excess they show over the returns for 1848, and its corresponding quarter, are a wonderful illustration of the stability and elasticity of the national resources. In the ordinary revenue there is an aggregate in crease of 2,615,8711. for the year, and of 440,4271. for the quarter. For the year there is a positive increase in every item of the ordinary revenue, and for the quarter an increase in the excise, stamps, taxes, property-tax, and pest-office. For the quarter there is a slight falling-off in the customs (4,2721.), and in the miscellaneous. In the ex traordinary revenue there is a decrease for the year of 1,611,8451., of which 963,2151. is in the item of China money alone. In imprest and other monies there is a decline of 7,3331. for the year, but an in crease of 14,6931. for the quarter. In repayments of advances the decrease for the year is 641,297/., with an increase for the quarter of 28,337/. The healthy condition of the national finances in dicated by these figures, combined with the state of the markets in the manufacturing districts, and the revival of foreign demand, ought to re-assure the veriest alarmists. So many strange things have happened in our day, that men should be (sinful how they commit them selves to the assertion of anything being an impossi bility. They who can no longer depend upon a demonstration must have last all faith in the assump tions of a mere rhyme ; and what's trfft .Iblecan't be, AM very— has ceased to be a text of authority. The rarity of the event, it would seem, must be abandoned. The I "impossible" has become a thing of daily ooeuCrence. Science has done before our eyes what it has Welt mathematically proved that she could not do ; and we are stared in the face now, as we write, by a "great fact" which bas been positively negatived by antici pation on the testimony of figures. It is not very long, as our readers well know, since one of the oracles of the press (whose views have since been adopted by others as the basis of a coalition against ourselves) worked out an elaborate problem to the effect that no paper could flourish under a price of fivepence. The Daily Newa was presented to the world as the inevitable victim of statistics : and the Great Combined assumed the attitude of journals which had already made as large sacrifices fir their readers as were compatible with solvency. That there was something wrong in the terms out of which this proposition was wrought it was vain for us, then, to point oat—so far, at least, as they were concerned. It was not for a young paper like ours to correct the arithmetic of journals which had so long com manded a monopoly of the figures of the case. Bat the account began to be looked into in other quarters. The principle of cheap newspapers proceeded slowly to spread, and was found to be a fructifying one—the authority of the " tivepence " was gradually impaired:—and lo ! yesterday was sig nalised by the auspicious announcement, in its own columns, that on and after the 26tk of July, the Morning Chronicle will be sold for the " impossible " sum of FOUBPENCE. Thus, then, though it has not yet done all that may be expected from its improved lights, we have the pleasure to announce the adhesion of the Chronick to the cause of the reduced tariff in newspaper literature. If any one of our readers supposes that an announcement like this has taken us by surprise,—that reader has not yet mastered the principles in the strength of which we entered upon our present undertaking. The fact now before us is but in the anticipated order of their working out. It is but one in the series of results which we contemplated from the first,—and, if oar readers will remember, announced to them as certain. We never reckoned on—or de sired—a monopoly of the cheep newspaper issue. It was a positive element in our calculations that we could not have it. We knew perfectly, in the outset, that the final maintenance of the fivepence by any portion of the press in the face of our success was a thing impossible. One of two events was, we knew, to happen. Either we were to be crashed by the power of the high price ere our principle should have time to take root—and this, had our resources, or determination, been less than they were, we should have been—or the high price must ultimately succumb everywhere to our principle. This, as we said, we have all along known :—and our rivals knew it too. It was their cue to conceal that knowledge so far as professions went ; but they be trayed it by the unblushing combination to which they lent themselves for our ruin. They played their best stake for the " high-price" game—and lost it. Their coalition against ourselves has signally failed : and the first fruits, as well as direct confession, of that failure are before us. The Chronicle has but led where the rest must follow. As we prophesied before with only oar own calculations for our inspiration, we now prophecy again with our calculations largely confirmed and our prophecy in rapid course of obvious fulfilment. One by one, these papers shall all come into the principle which we have established. In the instance immediately before us, we have reason to believe that it has only been a race between the Chronick and Herald for priority of submission ; and that the " race" has indeed been " to the swift"—where there could be no question of " battle"among the "strong." They who love the Times sufficiently well to wait for it may wait with the assurance that they shall ultimately have the Times at a reformed price. Between a re duction of price and a reduction of circulation that paper must finally choose:--as the Chronicle hopes that for itself it has to-day chosen. THE bulls of the corn market appear to have been as busy in Russia as here at home. The Commercial Journal (Handels-Zeitung) of St. Petersburg has been obliged to come forward with a semi-official con tradiction of the reports industriously disseminated to keep up fallin6 prices. It is stated in the number of the journal we have named, which was published on the 24th of June, that " a rumour has recently been spread, to the effect that it will be impossible to deliver the grain already sold within the limited time, and that it will be impossible to find in all Russia the quantity contracted for." This rumour is, sans facon, declared to be the invention of a few speculators.. The Journal of Comm•rce undertakes, with a view to allay the apprehensions of " foreign merchants imper fectly acquainted with the corn trade of Rana," to establish its falsehood by official returns. From these it appears that, in the beginning of 1847, the tiara gate of the stocks of grain of all kinds at St. Peters burg, Rybinski,Nischnij-Novgorod,and the staples on the Upper Volga, amounted to 11,677,420 chetwerts (about 7,074,194 quarters). Of this, about 7,000,000 chetwerts (4,9oo,ooo4uarters) had St. Petersburg for their ultimate destination. The annual consump tion of that city is about 2,000,000 chetwerts ; conse quently there remained 5,000,000 (3,500,000 quarters) for exportation; and the quantity actually sold for shipment, on the 24th of June, did not exceed 2,300,000 chetwerts (or 1,610,000 quarters), leaving 1,890,000 quarters still to be disposed of. This statement of the Commercial Journal does not materially differ from an estimate we had previously received from another quarter. According to this latter document, at the end of May, 1847, no less than 8,290,456 chetwerts (about 5,803,320 quarters) of grain of all kinds had been forwarded to the several river stations to be embarked for St. Peters burg. Of this quantity it is said that nearly two thirds are intended for exportation. Two-thirds of 5,803,320 quarters is 3,868,880, which comes very close upon the estimate made by the St. Petersburg Journal of Commerce of the quantity available for exportation. WHILE the mass of Irish politicians are broken and divided, and while the vast space occupied by O'CONNELL remains unfilled, it is possible to discern three different political ideas struggling for notice and prevalence. There is the idea of protestant ascendancy, combined with oligarchical hostility to poor-laws, and sectarian prejudice against the catho lies and their priests. There is at the other extreme the idea of ulterior revolution, of national prejudices fanned into a flame, of a new force to be formed by warlike journalists and combative declaimers There is between those, not partaking of their narrowness, that idea which will ultimately triumph, if the liberals of Ireland be tree to their country and themselves. We allude to the idea of social reform, blended, perhaps, with a graceful and temperate nationality, furthering the advance of civilisation. and in states man-like fashion adjusting the claims arising from the Irish extremes—from the property of one and the numbers of the others. This idea—that of the whig and liberal party — has, we are convinced, far more moral power than any other in Ireland. This party alone in Ireland has a moral and historical existence. The mind of that country, as far as it has been developed, has affected such principles. All the brilliant reputations of Ire land in the senate, literature, or at the bar, below to m oderate liberalism. Her most popular viceroy", her foremost statesman, Grattan ; her best debater, PLUNKETT ; the brightest spirit of the Irish bar, CURRAN, were all Whigs. Nor is that all. Her po pular statesmen, with powers of public effect, may be claimed for the same party. FLOOD acted through life upon their principles. The leading minds of the Irish catholic church, from ARTHUR O'LEARY down to Arch bishops CROLLY and MURRAY, have all been favourable to toleration and social progression, but averse has violent convulsion, or menacing schemes of polities. To most of Dr. DOYLE'S sentiments on Ireland sa English whig might cry " ditto," as the Ballet merchant said to BURKE'S speech at the hustings. The muses in Ireland have strung their lyres to the cams tune. The " poet of all circles and the idol of his owe" has through his manly life never written one line tined with a sectarian or unsocial spirit. The seemileg on the one side, or the Corn Exchange upon thesis* supplied him with no inspiration ; but tree is tilt mind of his country and his own genius, be palm forth those strains which have been echoed by agar class, and in every clime. The parties of the ascendancy, or of the pert lace, cannot appeal to any long-established Oa systematic connexion. Their principles are and transient. But between the Engleit Irish liberals there has been a strong fear Oar • nos. In vain does one seek fok similitude lsetesea the successive leaders of the oche opposed the legislative union of he believed that the intimate al sonal than moral, which an lisp and Irish whigs, would p Mr. PITT, on the other hand, sa party in Ireland congenial with After 1782 Mr. PITT naturally nexion. He said, "As there is let us have a commercial one." tuls " Irish commercial proposit Mr. Fox, on the other hand, re . strong party union of English an. The existence of that friendly islands. But for the want of s living personal connexion—the land, for the last fifteen years, barrassed. We say it without that the class of men who were fl into St. Stephen's did vast inju political character of their count any good. Their social influence land, was nominal. They had Tl. ing influence in the House of Co not coalesce with English radica l views were totally different. The ously spurned them from their societies. The whigs could not be who had usurped their seats, an. fled their principles. The gig O'CONNELL, and his multifarious them any influence. Had they tluence in Ireland, or of talents . • would never have so tamely submi The introduction of so inferior has been felt in Irish legislation d session. We drew attention, som notorious incompetency of the pre. and our remarks have been echoe leading Irish journals. Bat what i. answer, every obvious one, which employed. The Irish constituenc lead them, must take the matter up eapables must be ousted. The me significant country squires; the and dingy provincial dandies, m their business. Their places must and respectable men, by those who their characters scrutinised. We repeat that there must be a candidates for the coming elect; tuencies must not follow the bad the county of Cork, where two ine men are new put forward as rival seat filled by O'CoNNELL. The to Mr. LEADER, a respectable count nothing more ; certainly in few re be the member for so large a consti Cork. On the other hand, the repeal their obstinacy to prevent a whig f have put forward a physician practi town, Dr. MAURICE POWER, for the have carried his election ! What could such a gentleman have in an House of Commons? He is not ex business; he is neither a landholder o be is unacquainted with commerce, iv as a public man ; yet, blinded b county of Cork repealers have ch. cypher for their candidate. There ca error in Irish politics than in ret without personal influence, or the q favour. No wise constituency ough. social position and personal claims of their suffrages. To send into puha.. rank, without talent, without expert a blunder of the greatest magnitude, to observe that some of the Irish con resolved to persevere in the absurd c, given them for many years an ineffici despised body of representatives. It is for the leaders of the libe land to put an end to this syste hable representatives to parliamen party in Ireland has been for some ti abeyance ; but now, when too large popular party is showing an abject politics, the leaders of the Irish libe forward and interpose their autho political inaction of the people, and th of the ascendancy. If they will not d Ireland may become worse than it h in the lowest depths a lower still." THE sale grounds upon which exor foreign goods imported were advoca cient proof had been given that the revenue was, that they defended ce turing or agricultural interests. Hig tial duties were supposed to protect h. Parliament arrogated the power of c serving certain branches of trade. The triumph of the free trader co Laving the obnoxious duties abolishc• at something higher : his wish was, convictions on which the advocacy was founded. His labour was direct. acknowledgment of the incorrectness He wished the house to declare th create and would not protect any bran laying on restrictions. This acknowledgment was practical Sir ROBERT PEEL, but only as lead for years had professed the new faith, fully fought against him to spread i congenial leaders it might be expect house would at least show the same vi furnish the same majority to support question raised concerning inland prod be expected that restrictions would f any future project for the encouragem • But the case occurred; and how Parties desirousof constructing rail w: by the unprecedented success whic some of those undertakings, come to leave to do so. They are told that • the capital of the country, and that build them. Whether it is the agri manufacturing interest that is to alleged monopoly does not ap. WO not even called upon to stn Urea they now recommend parlia tact. An indistinct notion prevails absorb capital. People have not length of openly declaring that th present dearth of corn, or the women the factories ; but there is a notion ab not right about them. It is true . line as long as some of the German li does that signify? What good can it do man to be twenty-four hours sooner i, he now is ? People shake their h Brent throws out the bills. Matter-of Make such comments as the followi requires about 200 tons of iron per went afraid of exhausting our mines. this iron, wages are paid long be road company gets its rails or labourer, therefore, runs no risk. Imported ; its cost and its freight are . railway company gets it. The lando spot to look after his own interests. \ risk in contracting with a railway cam but these compames lock up all our mo they lock it up? They neither make of it. If money passes through their . forthwith into the pockets of the iron The timber merchant, or rather of the these employ. They will scarcely deliv without payment, and consequently th scribed can scarcely be locked up, at le company. To people of such simple mi employed to enable a company to ord sands of tons of iron, and some hun. %limbic feet of timber, instead of being Poeitively increased by its being thus Let the railway but be built, and it whether the company is a loser in and if the shareholders have lost n. can the nation be a loser ? Where is e for interfering in this purely commere It this simple view of the matter be one, it would be charitable in any oppon speculations to set us r*ht. He, of . his finger on the particular party who expenditure necessary , to construct a am show which of the monsters that . ?f the monied man swallows his cash it to any one else. The obnoxious . detected, may ran the gauntlet betw desirous of sending produce cheaply manufacturers in want of cheap coals or rush We might add the population tricta desirous of being cheaply fed to foes. But until we see him, how whether he is a mouse or a mammoth ?