The Express. — London, England, 1853-06-11 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAT, Jr,fl 10. The Loan C KAN( tu.os took his seat at 5 o'clock. THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. The Marquis of BATH root pursuant to notice, to pre sent a petition from certain parishes in Wiltshire, praying the house to grant so further powers to the Great Western Itailosy Company, until they should have completed the line between Warminster and Salishu-y, and to call the attextion of the house, and of her Majesty's government, to the conduct of the company with respect to that line. The noble marquis went at some length into the subject, com plaining that the company had obtained the bill to make the line in question without the intention of completing it ; but simply to keep the South Western Company from coming into what they considered their own territory. The non completion of the line between Warminster and Salisbury was a great injury, not only to the agricultural, but to all other interests in the district. The conduct of the corn pauy was iniquitous, and exhibited an entire want of faith. It was said that the capital of one million and a halt which they had raised under the act had been used for meeting the opposition of the North Western Railway Company, and for other purposes. It was a subject well deserving the attention of the house and the government; end he wished to know whether the go vernment intended to institute an inquiry into the matter, and whether they would recommend parliament to refuse to give any further powers to the company until the result of such inquiry was made public. They were the most proper per.ons to conduct such an inquiry, as there was no doubt they would do it efficiently. If they did not think it to be their duty to institute an inquiry, he hoped they would not oppose the withholding all powers with reference to any future bills which the Great Western Railway Com pany might seek to obtain until they had completed the line in question. At any rate, he hoped they would not oppose the insertion of a clause in any railway bill which the company might seek to obtain, making it obligatory en them to complete this line, to make which they had ob- Stained en act in 1817. Lord STANLEY of .ILDERLEY said this was one of many cases in which great inconvenience had been cape 'kneed by the public from the non-completion of a line of railway. The law, however, had decided that there was no power,to compel a railway company to perform such con tracts. An es post facto law would bear very hardly on many parties; but the government had t iken care to pre vent such evils in future by the adoption of a sessional order, ail consequence of which in every bill which came be fore the House of Commons this session it was required of, any company asking powers to construct a new line to in sert a clause by which they should be liable to a penalty if they foiled to make their line. (Hear, hear.) They had,also to pay down a deposit, which would be forfeited and paid into the Consolidated Fund if the railway was not completed. The powers obtained by the Great Wes tern Company is 1847 to make the line in question would lapse in 1854; and there would then be so difficulty in the formation of a new company to make the line of rail way through the district referred to. After some conversation, the petitions were then ordered to lie nu the table. CHARGE AGAINST THE IRISH GOVERNMENT. The Marquis of WESTMEATH, in moving for a series of returns of convictions for assaults in the county of West meath, made a long speech, and complained of the punish meats awarded by the law having been remitted by the Lard Lieutenant. But what could they think of a govern ment that was playing into the hands of such persoes—and what were t iey to think of the position of thing- which bad placed the stfairs of the empire in the bands of a majority de pendent upon a party, who made the welfare of this mighty empire secondary to other considerations which they had is view and who used their position to obstruct rather than to advance the public interests . The government seemed to have proposed an alliance with the extreme Irish party. They had thought fit to nominate to the important office of Solicitor-General the hon. and learned member for Athlone, who, however great his talents, was considered beennot exactly the person who should have appointed to that office. In reference to that hon. and learned gentle man, it became his ditty to bring under the notice of their lordships a transaction which he trusted the noble earl at the bead of the government would now hear of for the first time. At the last contested election for Westmeath, an hon. baronet, Sir R. Levinge, was a candidate; Mr. Keogh, the Solicitor-General for Ireland (who, he believed, had nut an atom of ground in the county) came to canvas. for another gentleman, who was ultimately elected. At • meeting in the town of Moat, held in the Of ell street, Mr. Keogh addressed the electors. The speech the hon. and learned member delivered on that occasion was heard by three magistrates of the county, one of whom thought it his duty to communicate the facts to me, and he had since had communication with the other two magis trates, and the tact would be deposed to if necessary on oath by the three. Toe speech of the hon. and learned gentleman was as follows :—" Boys "—their lordships should be aware that in Ireland all were boys between the ages of 65 and 14, women as well as men--(a laugh)--all who had brawny arms to wield a stick, or to hit a mark wilt a stone—ee Boys," said the hon. and learned gentle man, " the days ars now long, and the nights are short— in autumn the days will be shorter, and the nights longer —but in winter the days will be very short, and the nights will be very long, and then let any one remember who voted for Sir R. Levinge." In the month of January the government were enabled to obtain evi dence and to bring to convection a number of persons is this country and in Ireland for being engaged in the ribbon conspiracy. Now, their lordships would find that the sen timents here enunciated by Mr. Keogh were exactly in accordance with some of those which had been expressed and with the pass wards which were used by the parties belonging to that bloody conspiracy, as they were brought out in the course of the proceedings against them. The noble lord might say that these words were all "gibberish," but they were well understood by the initiated. The words used by the ribbon oggispirators were— &unmet is a the Mort days are gone ; friendship wW tlasdsy draft days will be kept long. Let freedom relit Is hod end era, Lad dash to MR wits amid betray. Now, their lordships wesid ma there was a close resent blase* between these words and those used by the hon. and learned gentleman, and no denbt those to whom they were addressed knew well their meaning. What he wanted to ask the noble earl opposite was, whether they were pre pared, in the event of a vacancy (scarring, to advance to the beach • man who did not scruple to promote an election by moonlike these ? That the words were understood in the Knee he inferred there was proof, for a man standing by said to the magistrate, his informant, " You hear those words, sir ; what do you think would be done to me when the winter nights come, if I were to vote for Bir R. Livings I " It was not for the purpose of attacking the member for Athlone that he brought this subject forward, but to show the government the sort of system they were giving encou ragement to—a system which had shown itself at Six-mile Bridge and at various other places during the elections. Mr. Keogh was entertained at a dinner after his election, at Athlone ; and what would the neble lord who introduced the ecclesiastical bilk my when he heard that at that dinner, in the el the Irish Solicitor-General, the health of the ll was gienn with nine times nine, and afterwards thee of the Qum, with only the usual honours / He contended dist the gossernment had no right to select a person holding esealsomdo soh as these to fulfil a respon sible position. (new, leer.) In the list of toasts the name of the Pope deed clef, then followed the Queen. The boa and lamed psalms (Mr. Keogh) was pre sent at the arrangement of thew Masts, and took part in the dinner ; in feet, by his amilnet upon the occasion he bad shown himself unfitted for the high office which her Majesty's government had conferred upon him. The noble marquis esseladed by saying that he had some from Ire land e considerable inconvenience to himself, bat he bad felt it his duty to bring these matters before the house. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that he had no know ledge whatever of the circumstances connected with the election of Mr. Keogh, nor of the speech to which the noble marquis referred. As it was, he weld only assure the noble marquis that he had no knowledge upon the subject to which so large a portion of his obeer. vat , ons referred. In answering the motion of the noble marquis he (the Earl of Aberdeen) wu happy to inform the house that Ireland was never to proswous, never so free from outrage as at the>ment moment, and he could not help thinking that the noble marquis, being desirous of finding fault, had been compelled by the present state of Ireland to catch held of a matter so trifling and unimportant as that before the house. The noble marquis stated that certain persons, being condemned by the proper tribunals, had been arbitrarily relieved by the Lord Lieutenant. With regard to the remission of sentences, there had been no departure from the usual course, and he was prepared to produce a portion of the papers referred to. The Marquise( CLANRICARDE thought that the noble lord opposite (the Marquis of Westmeath) had been greatly misinformed upon this matter, for he had made several mistakes in the statement which he had made to the house. Thus he had stated that the assault was upon • magistrate, but sects was not the fact. The Earl of DERBY said that after the few words of the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) he was bound to say that, with regard to the two eases brought forward by the noble marquis (the Marquis of Westmeath), the statement of the noble earl was entirely conclusive. If the facts were that in the first case the remission took place in consequence of the representations of the magistrates trying it; and, in the second ease, the sentence was re witted is of a reference to the learned judge who set tutlied pleases+. and such remission was made in acesedueme with the judge's recommendation ; then he thought his aebie Mead (the Marquis of Weetmeath) had no wi t a ' , cooed to oak for th e production of pipets. If, thee, he the Earl of Derby) understood the noble earl at the of her ilkasty's government to state that thus reshawne had taken place in the man ner le bed Jute meallenall s sad that they had not been mode open the muse medal of the Lord-Lieutenant himself, he—seeing the inconvenience which might arise from the produtica of the judge's report—would advise the noble marquis ass tepees his motion. But, although he (the Eul of Derby) aid nee wish:to dwell upon the question, he must .ay that It seemed to him that the noble earl and the noble marquis opposite (the Marquis of Clanricardel had dealt too lightly with the other part of the speech of his noble friend (the Marquis of Westmeath) ; he meant that portion with regard to the language imputed to the boo. and learned gentleman who was now Solicitor General for Ireland. It was true that there were properly consti tuted tribunals for the trial of contested elections, and that it was not within the duty of this house to consider such matters. But this question was not as to the political and moral effect upon the election of language msde use of by as boa. and talented gentleman ; hut, as to the effect of his bolsi been selected to till the office of Solicitor-General by bet Mejesty's government shortly after the delivery of that language, and while it was yet n matter of notoriety. The sable earl had said, and he (Lord Derby) was bound to believe him, that be knew nothiag of this speech. Yet the speech was a matter of geneval publicity ; in fact he believed affidavits had been mode as to the particular words uttered by the hon. and keened member. fle (the Earl of, Derby) therefore could not help wondering that the sub ject should not have been brought under the notice of the noble earl at the head of the government at the tune when t►e hon. and learned gentleman who made it was about to be appointed to the post which he then filled. lie (the Eatl of Derby) was bound to give implicit credit to the noble earl opposite when he said he knew no thing of the speech ; but ►e could not refrain from again expre , sing his surprise at—he did not ray it offensively— the ignorance, the non-knowledge of the noble earl upon this subject. Mr. Keogh, when the election for the county of Westmeath was about to take place, acting on the part of the liberals, and being himself a candidate for a seat, was reported to have said in public, "That the nights were then getting short, and the days were long ; the time was coming when the nights would be long and the days short, and then they would know how to act with those who might venture to vote for Sir R. Livings for the county of 'Westmeath." If he (the Earl of Derby) were not mile taken, Mr. Keogh hail recommended persons to go into the town of Athlone armed with shillelaghs, and to use them, if need be. This might, per►aps, be an incorrect representation, but that some such speeches were uttered there was no doubt. It was a most unfortunate matter, that after such speeches as these Mr. Keogh should be appointed to a high post connected with the administra tion of justice. It had the effect of making people doubt the sincerity of government, and had led to the belief that • system of partiality existed, and that these appointments were made without a due regard to public tranquillity. The Duke of NEWCASTLE complained of the maimr in which tic noble marquis (the bla•quis of Westmeath) had brought forward an accusation, without notice, against an hon. member of the other house of parliament. He recollected when he was a member of that house it was the custom to talk of statements which were more than doubtful as " Irish facts," and the facts of the noble marquis fell within that category. The manner in which this accusation was brought forward certainly undo it appear as though the noble marquis had brought forward his motion solely with the view of throw ing dirt upon the hon. and learned Solicitor-General, end he must bear witness to the admirable manner in which the noble earl (the Earl of Derby) had improved the occasion. The noble earl had etpressed surprise that the noble lord at the bead of the government was not aware of the • speeches delivered by Mr. Keogh. He (the Duke of New castle) recollected not very long since, when the election speeches made by Sir F. Kelly were referred to in that house, the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) had stated that be was quits unacquainted with what his own Solicitor-General hal said, and that he had no time to read the newspapers. (Hear.) Bat he (the Duke of Newcastle) was in a position to inform the house that these speeches were really never uttered by Mr. Keogh. Hs had the autho rity of Mr. Keogh's word for it, who stated that he had ado use of any such language, and that what he did say had been grossly perverted. (Cheers.) He (the Duke of Newcastle) had next to charge the noble marquis opposite with having made his accusation in a very unfair for he (the Duke of Newcastle) had been informed that Mr. Keogh had, through a private friend, denied the truth of the language i mputed to him. Nevertheless the noble marquis had not hesitated to come down to the house and make the accusation, without having the candour to say one word as to the denial of the bon. and learned gentleman. The Earl of EGLINTON was quits at a loss to see the parallel between thetas' of Sir F. Kelly and that of Mr. Keogh. Sir F. Kelly was the actual Solicitor-General of the then government, and addressed the constituency of the place for which he sought to be returned upon a ques tion then in abeyance, which was to be settled by the de cision of the country at that very election. Mr. Keogh, on the contrary, was a private individual at the time he made the speech imputed to him, and although that speech, whe ther delivered or not, was • matter of notoriety, it appeared that he was appointed to a high and responsible situation without the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) having the slightest idea that any such sentiments had ever been at tared. Of course he was bound to believe the noble duke with regard to what the Solicitor-General for Ireland had stated, and also that Mr. Keogh meant what he had said. But what did the denial amount to ? The noble duke said that Mr. Keogh contradicted what had been stated by the noble marquis. He (the Earl of Eglinton) would not say that he believed the exact words as put by the noble mar quis, because he might have transposed the words and thus changed their meaning ; but he must attach lime credit to what three magistrates of the town heard and were pre pared to swear to. (Hear, hear.) Its had an additional reason for that belief in the fact that he had in his own possession an affidavit sworn before a magistrate by a person whom he believed to be a respectable man, and who was present on this occasion, ascribing to Mr. Keogh words almost identical with those attributed to him by the noble marquis. He was bound to believe that noble lords opposite had no knowledge of the words; he was also bound to be lieve Mr. Keogh's assertion until it was disproved ; but he thought the subject was one which, under the circumstances, ought not to be lightly disposed of,but to be made matter of inquiry either by their lordships, or before a select com mittee. He had always considered the appointment of Mr. Keogh to the office of Solicitor-General one of the least re putable acts of the present government. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he was very unwilling to trespass on their lordships attention by making • second speech ; but he must say teat If be was willing to carry political animosity to its utmost extent, he might commit the noble earl (Eglinton) by a very pointed reference to the last sentence in his speech. Tha Earl of EGLINTON was andentood to say that ha could cot be commit•ed. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he would tell the noble earl what he referred to privatel. The Earl of EOLINTON — I rise to order. I will not be committed before your lordships by any hint or inuendo. (Cheers.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, as noble lords oppo site cheered, he would state whet he referred to. The noble earl having declared that the appointment of Mr. Keogh was "one If the least reputable acts of the present government," he begged to state that he had learnt, on the best passible authority, that a com munication was made by a noble lord who held office seder the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) before the completion of the arrangements of his government, purporting to come from the noble earl him eel', to inquire whether Mr. Keogh would take office un der him. (Hear, hear.) That was his answer to the noble earl (Eglinton). The noble earl had made two opposite declarations on this subject. He said he should believe that the statement made against Mr. Keogh was true until it was disproved ; and subsequently he said he should believe Mr. Keogh until hie denial was disproved. How could the noble earl reconcile those declarations? The hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Keogh) had not merely authorised him to contradict the statement of the noble marquis, but to deny that ea the occasion in question he uttered words which bore the signification of those attributed to him. He distinctly and positively denied that there was a shadow of truth in the allegation made against him. The Earl of DERBY—My lords I feel it to be my duty, after what has fallen from t he noble duke, to my that I have heard the rumour te which the noble duke 'Boded. I heard it for the Bret time after the appoint ment of Kr. Keogh had called forth a great deal of obser vation in Ireland, and had been loudly condemned. I heard then that it was put about by friends of Mr. Keogh, that such an offer wee made ; and I lost no time in autho rising every person who might hear it to state, on my au thority, that I did not know, nor bad I ever authorised, wir did I believe then—l do not believe now—that any such offer, propnaition, suggestion, or hint was at any time made to Mr. Keogh. (Opposition cheers.) The Earl of BGLINTON—For my own part I distinctly deny having ever been a party to sash a thing ; and I did not know that anything of the kind bad ever been asserted. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he would tell the noble earl wh • it was that had made the statement. - -----.. The Marquis of WESTMEATH replied. With regard to the objection that he should ham brought the subject forward earlier, he wished to Awry, that he had been on the continent. It was undoubtedly true that Mr. Keogh had sent to him a denial ; but, as respectable parties were ready te attest the accuracy of the words on oath, a mere denial was not tracient. itfer.:(Wl;;rds from the Earl of CIANCARTT and the Earl of &MINTON, The motion wee withdrawn. THE TURKISH QUESTION. The Marquis of CLANRICARDS said he had reason to believe that the discussion which would probably have arisen if he had persisted in the motion of which ha had given notice for that evening, would at that moment be in convenient, if not daagerous, to public interests. He wished, therefore, with the leave of their lord ships, to withdrew it. He had another reason for taking that course, namely, that the information on that grave end important subject was not in such an advanced state as he bad reason to believe it would be when he gave his notice. Although he thought some discussion must take place in that house within a few days, he could not leave his notice on the paper, because it was impossible for him to tin upon a day on which it would be advisable to bring forward the subject. At the same time he must say, that the withdrawal of the motion for the present, probably only for a few days, would not lead any parties to consider that parliament or the country was in the least degree indifferent or lukewarm with regard to this great subject. The honour and the interest of this country were involved in the maintaining inviolate existing treaties ; and he well knew that their lordships, aad the people of this country too, were prepared at all risks and all hazards to maintain be iatnests, end, above all, the honour of this country, which was involved in maintaining the good faith of treaties and the proper balance of political power, if unfortunately the necessity for incurring risks sad hazards by the greatest of calamities should arise. The notice was then withdrawn. BURIAL GROUNDS BILL. This bill was read a third tune. HACKNEY CARRIAGES BILL. - to passing through committee, this bill received two amendment& ; one providing that omnibuses should be pro vide with lamps after suttee, and another designed to abolish advertising vans. THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 11, 1853. DUKE OF MEDFORD RESTITUTION BILL. This bill vu read a third tins and pared. Taal: lordships adjoanied at eight o'clock. ROUSE OF 0311MONS..—Fm0AT, Jums 10. The SPEACER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. THIRD READINOB.—Cork and Bandon Railway, Eut Kent Railway, Gorbals Gravitation Water (No. 2), St. Helen's Canal and Railway, Warrington and Aitrincham Railway (Stockport), Halifax Waterworks and Improve ment, Shipley and Bramley Road, Spalding Improvement, West Harptry Road, Whitechapel Improvement; Bills. SECOND READlNO.—Battersea Park Bill. wit alt was given by men as an act of self-denial out of their own means, which they would otherwise enjoy, end that of which they were permanently the givers by law which wu not In fact a gilt at all, but was so touch taken from their Min. He had now done with corporations sg. gregate. but a most important question, and one of conside nails difficulty arose in consequence of a principle of ear law by which persons under the denomination of corpora tions sole held property. These corporations sole be be lieved consisted generally,. fur thou s h there were excep. tions, they were of an insignificant character, of the clergy of the country, bishops, and the incumbents of parishes. The question arose, ought the property possessed by these corporations sole to be regarded as corporation pro peer, and on that account made liable to the tax, or ought it to be regarded as a provision made for the discharge of certain official duties. These two views of the corporate character, and of the official character, met at this particu lar p , int, and the whole question turned on this, would they hold that they were corporations according to law and say, because they were corporations they were sub ject to the tax, or would they, on the other hand say, the revenues were merely payments for o ffi cial duties, and that, therefore, a clergyman on ac cession to his rectory should no more be charged with the tat than a judge on his entrance into Westminster Hall was charged,? The view of the government was that the pro perty of ecclesiastical officers, though they were in law cor porations sole, ought to be regarded as a provision for the discharge of certain duties', and that, there fore, the acquisition of these onkel ought not to be taxed as a succession. But there was another and a good reason, and one he was afraid rather in the nature of a grievance, for arriving at this conclusion, and that was the present provision of the law which entailed a heavy ex pense on the acquisition of these offices. Whether on that ground or on the other ground, he had very little doubt the house would be of opinion that this large portion of eccle siastical property, which was vested in clergymen as corpo rations sole, ought net to be regarded as corporation pro perty, and ought not to be subject to a tax on successions any more than they would tax the succession to the office of Lord Chancellor, or of any of the judges. There was only one other point he had to name. There were certain other classes of men, who, although not corporations in the view of the law, yet they ehoult! view as corporations for the purposes of this act, namely, bodies of trustees, under whatever name, who were actual holders and administrators of property for the use of individuals through whose hands property was continually transmitted without any charge on death. The bill would be so framed that bodies of that kind would he regarded as being virtually corporations, and property in their hands would be treated as if it were the property of corporations. He did not know that he need detain the committee any further. It would be obviously more con venient that the details should be reserved ; but, as re spected the principle, it was material that the house should know what was the plan of the government as regarded corporations, and therefore be had thought it right to offer this explanation. Sir F. KELLY asked whether the bill with regard to corporations would form part of the bill before the house, or would be treated inn separate bill, whether the corpora tions to be liable to the tax included municipal corporations, and whether the measure would affect the property of the corporation of the city of London ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the bill would not make any distinction between the corporation of the city of London ;and other municipal corporations. He thought he bad stated that municipal corporations would be brought under the action of this plan in the same manner asunder the income tax—that was,they would be liable to pay the tax on their realised property, but not on the re venue which they derived from the rates. With regard to the other question, the view of the government was, that it would be decidedly more convenient that they should deal with this subject in a separate bill, because the whole of the present bill was founded on the idea of succession as the consequence of death. Be hoped to be in a condition to lay the bill on the table of the house in a few days. Mr. BIALINS suggested that it would have been a more simple plan to have made the property tax 3} per cent. instead of 3. Sir J. WALSH wished it to be distinctly understood that in acquiescing in:the arrangement which had been come to, it was on the distinct understanding that they auented to the second reading of the bill, as it were, pro forma; I that they were not to be understood is any way as assenting to the bill, but that they would come to the discussion on Monday as completely free as if they had come to it this evening. Mr. HUME asked whether it was intended that the pro perty of the country should be registered, in order that go ' vernment might know when a change took place. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that was no doubt an important question, and one that ought to ' be well discussed in the debates on this bill ; but when a question was put to him on a former night, whether it was intended that the Registration of Assurances Bill should be pressed,in order that it might become the basis of this mea sure, he answered in the negative, and he had now to re peat that government did not think it necessary that there should be any registration of property for the purposes of this bill. Their belief was that the tax might ba collected without any general registration of property ; and, there fore, whatever course parties might think fit to take with reference to the registration of assurances, it would not be proposed in the bill before the house. Mr. WALPOLE said in the bill before the house there was a blank left for the sum below which parties were to be exempt from paving the succession tax. He asked whether a similar provision would be made in reference to the pro perty of the smaller charities. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER must con fess that the point of exemption, the minimum point at which the tax was to be laid, had not occupied his atten tion. It was a matter of detail, and he was not sure that in the case of corporations any exemption would be right. He would rather take time to answer. Mr. HEADLAM asked whether any charge was to be imposed on the property of the ecclesiastical commission. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he thought they fell under the description of the revenues of corporations sole. These revenues were distributed by the commissioners in aid of official provisions, and would not be liable to the tax. Mr. HUMS ;Flied whether incases where the dissenters had established funds for the payment of their ministers in I part, they would come under the same provisions, because it would appear that these funds were for the payment of services exactly in the same manner u the revenues of the Church of England were. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied that wherever there was an endowment for the purposes of any religious community other than the established church, which was assimilated by a legal provision to the ease of the corporations sole, the same benefit precisely would be ex tended to that endowment, quite irrespective of the question what was the religious denomination to which it was at tached. With regard to funds held by trustees, he was afraid there would be difficulty in working it out, but they should attempt to come as nearly as they could to the esta blishment of the principle he had described, namely, that where the provision was bona fide for the discharge of cer tain official duties, there they would be exempt. Mr. HUME said in some cases funds were provided for the purposes of education, the payment of schoolmasters and others. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there was no general provision for exempting funds for the pur pose of education ; he would explain why enotter time. The bill was then read a second time. PUBLIC BUSINESS. SLIGO ELECTION. On the motion of iiiif. fa.&cii, the evidence taken be- fore the Slip Election Committee wee ordered to be printed. CLARE ELECTION. On the motion of Mr. MILES the evidence taken before the Clare County Election Committee was ordered to be printed. PETERBOROUH ELECTION. On the motion of Mr. BaAusvox. the evidence taken be fore the Peterborough Election Committee was ordered to be printed. THE TURKISH QUESTION. Mr. LitYARD said—l understand that in my sheens* the hon. member for Warwick asked the noble lord the member for London whether I could bring on the motion of which I have given notice, with regard to the position of Turkey and Rusais, and that the noble lord stated that he wished it to be deferred. That is quite true, and I now beg to ask the noble lord, or some member of the govern. ment, considering the importance the question hu now as sumed, and the official notice which has appeared in the French papers of the sailing of the French and English fieets for the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, whether it would not conduce to the information which the public desire to have on this important sub ject, to have it discussed in this house as speedily as pea• ale, and whether the government will allow me to bring it on, on an early day. If not, I shall avail myself of the earliest opportunity that the forms of the house allow to bring it on. Lord PALMERSTON—The hon. gentleman must ask the question of my noble friend when he arrives. My noble friend manages the arrangement of the business ofthe house, end he will be better able to give the hon. gentleman an answer than myself. (A laugh.) ADAPTATION OF THE MER CA NTILE STEAM NAVY FOR WAR I'URI'USES. Colonel DUNNB wished to know if the isammiasions of officers of artillery and °Moen of the navy, appointed to in quire into the capabilities of the mercantile steam navy for warlike purposes, had reported; and if so, would there be any objection to produce their report ? Mr. MONBELL—They had reported: their report would be laid on the table. GLASGOW POST•OFFICE. In answer triToine;tion put by Mr. .1011NMACOREGOR, Mr. J. WILSON stated that the plans for the new Post office in Olasgow had been approved of by the authorities of the Board of Works, and orders had been issued for the immediate commencement of the bantling. ADVERTISEMENT DUTY AND SUPPLEMENT STAMP. Mr. M. GIBSON asked when the public would be In formed of the intentions of the government with reference to the advertisement duty and the newspaper supplement duty. (Hear, hear.) It was generally understood that the original resolutions in the budget on these points had been abandoned or considerably modified; and the public was naturally anxious to know what was the new plan, while the house could not but be desirous to see what the plan was before being called upon to discuss it. (Hear, hear.) He wished also to know when the bill, leave to introduce which was given six months ago, for declaring the law on the question, what was a newspaper, would be proceeded with ? Oa three three 'ejects the time was certainly come when the country should know what were the definitive plans of the government. (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not know if the right bon gentleman was correct in saying that it was generally understood that the original reso lutions on the question of advertisement duty and supple. ment stamps had been withdrawn. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had, at least, given no authority whatever for such a rumour. He had, however, always intimated from the Bret that those 'resoluti4ns would be open to recon sideration, aad that it was desirable that ample time should be taken, as an early vote could not be taken on them, to obtain all available information on the subject, and all the views, as far as possible, of those who were best acquainted with the interests which would be affected. Some period had now elapsed since the first mention of the matter, and he ' agreed with the right hon. gentleman that the time had now come for the convenience of the parties interested when he ought to acquaint ,the house with the definitive intentions of the government. It had been his intention to ds so, irrespective of this reminder of the right honourable gentleman, and on Monday he would lay the resolutions, in their amended form, on the table. With regard to the bill referred to, the right hon. gentleman should recollect that it was a bill under taken by the law officers of the late government ; but the delay in proceeding with it on the part of the present go vernment had not been occasioned by any disinclination to adopt it, or from any doubts as to the points which bad to be settled, but was because the question was so mixed op with the changes he had proposed in the budget in regard to.taxatioa on newspapers, that until these resolutions were disposed of they could not conveniently go on with the bill. But id the course of a fortnight he thought they would be in a position to go on with the bill. Mr. BRIGHT suggested, then, that the bill should be at least laid at once on the table. (Hear, hear.) The motion (that the house at its rising should adjourn to Monday) was then agreed to ; and the clerk at the table proceeded to the reading of the orders of the day. CUSTOMS, dm., ACTS. The report wu brought up and agreed to. SUCCESSION DUTY BILL. Om the motioirtVet this hill be reed a second time, Sir J. PAHINGTON intimated that after what had occurred he would not propose the amendment (that the bill be read a second time that day six months) which it bad been his intention to bring forward ; nor would he offer any observations on that stage, having found that his friends were not prepared for the discussioa ; but he gave notice that they would discuss the principle of the bill at the next stage, vie., in committee; and in the meantime he hoped the schedules would be distributed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Then they could take the discussion on Monday. (Hear, hear.) The schedules were printed ; but, to com ply with the general wish, he would circulate them at ease as an amendment to the bill. Before going farther, however, he would discharge a pledge he had given, and state at once, not at all with a view to discus sion, the intentions of the government with respect to taxing corporate property. The government had been, it was known, of opinion that in proposing this extended suo cession duty on private property it would not be just to leave exemptions on corporate property, which enjoyed the privileges of protection under the law. The question arose, in what way could a tax be vied ? Corporations never died, and if it had been proposed to establish an equivalent system whereby corporations should be taxed every 26 or thirty years, there would have been the clinician of determining when theee cycles should begin. The proposal, therefore, was to effect a commuta tion whereby enporatioes should pay in a certain proportion annually. Then they had to consi der in what way the amount was to be framed. Should they go on the assumption that the transmission of their property was analogous to the tranamission of pro perty in the direct line or as analogous to the transmission from one set of strangers to another ? On the whole, they thought they should not take either of these extremes • and the proposal they should make was that on corporatio n pro perty, speaking generally, there should ultimately be levied an annual tax of 6d. in the pound on the net revenue as equivalent to the succession duty, but that for a period of seven years from the present time, inasmuch as it would not be fair to make the tax accrue at the first moment, for the period of seven years from the 6th of last April the tax would only be at the rate of 3d.:in the pound, but after the 6th April, 1860, the tax would beset the rate of 6d. in the pound. Then, with regard to the question of the various de scriptions of corporations and how far theta: ought to apply to them universally,how far any of them ought to be exempt, or how far other bodies ought to be considered as corporations for the purposes of the succession tax, it was quite obvious that with regard to municipal corporations they would act safely in adopting a rule correspondent with that which had been adopted in the sets imposing the income tax, namely, a rule which regarded as liable to the tax the realised pro perty of corporations, but which exempted from tax such of the revenues of corporations as were derived from rates and taxes laid on the community. As respected trading corporation', they did not, he thought, fall in purview of the plan, and for this plain reason, that although they were corporations for the purpose of carrying on business, yet the whole property invested in them was divided into shares, and was therefore represented in the investment of individual property, and the investment of individual property was liable to the succession tax. Then they came to a large class of miscellaneous corporations, charitable or eleemosynary, academical and ecclesiastical corporations ag gregate. These would all be dealt with in the same man ner, Obit was to say, under the rule he had already de• seribed. They would be subject to the tax of 3d. in the pound on their realised revenues for seven years, and of 6d. in the pound thereafter. He thought he had now named, although briefly, all the important classes of corporations aggregate, with the exception of one, which was not very important in a fiscal point of view, but which interested the feelings of so many pc rains, that perhaps he had better refer to them. He referred to the case of religious corporations strictly so called, namely, religious and benevolent societies which were supported in the main by annual subscriptions or donations. With re gard to these it was not proposed that they should be sub ject to the tax at all, except in reference to such portions of thole property as they might have derived from bequests or as they might have been in possession of anterior to the commencement of the present century, because he thought that nothing could be more antagonistic, to eitind policy, and he was sure nothing could be more repugnant to the feelings of the heuse and the country, than to lay on the do nations and contributions of living persons which really re presented the principle of charity in its full and free action, anything in the nature of a tax. It seemed to hi m just to draw a distinction between that EXCISE DUTIES ON SPIRITS BILL. The hone then wentCatocOMm Captain JONES moved en amendment, for the rejection of so much of clause 1 as imposes an addition of Bd. per gallon to the duty now payable on epirits taken out of warehouse for consumption in Ireland. His arguments for this modification rested mainly on the large existing duty ; the encouragement which he conceived the proposed in crease would give to illicit distillation; and the lose to the revenue which had been occasioned by increased duties on former occasions._ _ After a discussion, the amendment was negatived by 100 to 38. A lengthened discussion took pl►ce upon the other clauses, in the course of which the Chancellor of the Ex chequer stated, in reference to the controversy now exist ing between Ireland and Scotland as to eertatn advantages supposed to be enjoined by the latter country, that the question of allowing the distillers of both countries to dis til from duty-free malt was under consideration. The bill passed through committee. CUSTOMS DUTIES ON SPIRITS BI.L. This bill passed through committee. TENANTS' COMPENSATION (IRELAND), BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. Serjt. SHER said he did not see the necessity of going into committee at present. The house would agree with him that it was of the utmost importance that a measure, upon which the attention of the country had been fixed for a considerable time, should not be passed hastily, but that there should be the amplest opportunity given for considering its details, or developing the objections which it might he thought necessary to take against it. There had not been the least reason to suppose that this bill woull go into committee to night; indeed the chairman of the committee from whom the bill emanated only put it on the piper pro forma as it were, as it was felt by him and other honourable members that there was no prospect of its coming on to-night, while many honourable gentlemen who took an interest in the clamant had gone away under the impression that the discussion on the Successions Dill would take up the whole evening. (Hear, hear.) IMr. V. SCULLY certainly must protest against proceed tog with the bill to-night. Sir J. YOUNG was at a loss to understand how Irish bills were to be disposed of, if the government were to be met with obstacles like this. Mr. NAPIER entered into an caplanation of what had occurred in the committee up stairs, and admitted that the committee gave the fullest consideration not only to the two bills referred to them, but the whole subject of tenant right. With regard to the bill he was opposed to its machinery, and he advocated some delay in its being committed. Colonel tiREVILLE urged that, u tho bill was only in the bands of members yesterday, it should not bo pro ceeded with. He wished to know whose bill it was ? The CHANCELLOR or the EXCHEQUER said that the government attached great importance to the bill, and they were anxious to proceed with it, After a few words from Mr. lititx, Mr. BRIGHT said that the house ought to know what the views of the fpvernatent were on the bill; and it was unfortunate that in the select committee those views were not known. The chief secretary for Ireland had done his best in the select committee to make the best of the bill, and had taken a very liberal view of the question, but be (Mr. Bright) would recommend the government to go care fully over the hill, and make up their minds to carry it as a government measure. lie believed it was the best mos spre that could be passed, and would give greater satisfac tion in Ireland than some boo. members expected, and would tend to set at rest this session the important question of tenant compensation. Mr. WHITESIDE said this was in truth a new bill, and he implored English members to read it, and consider bow they would relish having its principle • &tended to England and Scotland. If the government believed in the soundness of the principle of the bill they ought to take it up, and endeavour to carry it. The bill was then postponed. The order of the day for the second reading of the Lon don and Edinburgh Gazettes Bill was discharged. Thos WhitUebury Forest Bill was read a third time, and passedTAX. ING OFFICER COMMON LAW (IRELAND). On the consideration of this bill, as amended, Mr. I. BUTT moved, us an amendment, in clause 3, page 3, lines 3d and 36, to leave out the words "that tho said principal officer shun be a barrister of at hest five years' standing," and insert instead thereof the following words: " that any such principal officer hereafter to be appointed shall be an attorney of one of the superior courts of corn. mon law at Dublin of at least ten years' standing." Sir J. YOUNG opposed the amendment. the bill had been prepared under the superintendence of the heads of the courts of Ireland, and their opinion was that the officer in question should be a barrister, and that the second taxing officer should be a solicitor; by which system they would get at once legal knowledge and the knowledge of technicalities. Mr. R. MOORE opposed the amendment. It was not a question which profession should be consulted; but how hest the public interests would be benefited ; and this bill was based on the proper principle. With respect to juris diction and salaries, however, he thought that the two officers ought to have been on a par. Mr. FITZGERALD would support the amendment if it left the office open to either professions. Ile had never beard that the bar had too many offices. It was notorious that the Irish bar was neglected by the Secretary to the Colonies, and by the President of the India Board. The amendment was withdrawn ; and Mr. R. MOORE moved an amendment to the effect he had suggested: but ho did not press it, but undertook to bring it up at another stage. A convenatin't then took place as to what the salary of the second officer should be. The Secretary for Ireland was disposed to make it 6001. a year ; and after some dis pute, the bill was recommitted for the purpose of deciding the question. The result was that the salary of the first officer was fixed at 1,000/., aad that of the second at GOO/. The house then resumed. CANTERBURY ELECTION. On the motion of Mr. K. Stivmtii, the issuing of the writ for the Canterbury election was further postponed till the Bth of July. The house adjourned at eleven o'clock. Mr. Bateson paired in favour of Captain Jones's amend ment on the Excise Duties on Spirits Bill with Mr. Keating (Reading). ghe erovego. TO CORRESPONDENTS. A tecond Edition of " The Express," containing the rants evening's Garette," G pabliahed every Tuesday and Fridley sight, in time Ice pout itetnoustento intended for The Express," London Evening paper, owe he at the Odlce, 10, Bouverie•atrost. by Two o'clock on the any of petdkatlos. NIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tan DAT—Woralag, 41. 41..... Taicaacw—llocanag, M. 203 Aftenook 60.410. LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 11. THE motions regarding Foreign Affairs which Lord CLANRICARDE and Mr. LATAItD were to have brought forward respectively in the two Houses of Parliament, were yesterday postponed at the request of the Government until further notice. The precise reasons for this postponement are not stated, and the public are left to infer what they please on the subject during the next few days. But this in terval of suspense cannot last very long. If Liberals "unattached" do not bring the subject of our existing relations with Turkey and Russia under the notice of Parliament, other persons will. It may not be convenient to the fourteen noblemen and gentlemen who constitute the present Administration to declare what is their policy,—if they are still un agreed upon one. But that is their affair; and the safety and honour of a great and a free people cannot be made "an open question," to suit the exigencies of an undecided Cabinet. If prevalent rumours be not wholly unfounded, there are two opinions amongst the members of the Government, regarding the course which it is the duty of this country to pursue in the present crisis of European affairs. On the one hand, it is argued that, come what may, our position ought to be one of inflexible neutrality. As far as diplomatic expressions of all kinds are con cerned, there is no objection to being eloquent on behalf of Turkey, and energetic in remonstrances against her wanton humiliation or ruthless dismem berment. But all the while it is clearly to be under stood by es Px , -Piat the aggressor that all this language of deprecation means simply nothing at all. The plunderer has ears, but be is expected not to hear; he has eyes, but he is requested not to see. Eng land having proposed to France, Austria, and Prus sia to offer jointly their mediation on the Eastern question, and having induced those powers to forego all separate interests and predilections for the com mon good, is nevertheless to be considered free— should Russia set at defiance the public opinion of all Europe—to stand aside, and leave her Allies to meddle or abstain as they please in further proceed ings. The goodwill of Russia, at any price, is avowed to be the primary aim of this policy ; and next to this an et dente cordiale with Austria and Prussia, neither of whom, it is believed, would move in defence of Turkey, were England to fall back from the position of Quadruple intervention. On the other hand, it is argued that beside the unworthiness and discredit which this trim ming and temporising policy implies, it must inevitably prove to be as shortsighted as it is selfish. That Russia can be duped by so feeble an effort at finesse, or bullied by what she knows to be the blank cartridge of diplomacy, is idle as well as absurd. if she is left for another fortnight under such an impression, the Danubian Principalities will be occupied, and, to use the cant of conquest, " events I will take their course." Turkey, if abandoned to the mercy of the spoiler, may only be able to redeem her ravagedprovinces by the abject concession of all which she has been counselled to refuse. Her utter humili ation, in the eyes of the world Ind in her own, will have been sealed; and henceforth,—knowing by a terrible experiente the futility of reliance on Western Europe for support or succour,—she will resign her self unresistingly to a state of avowed vassalage. How long we might retain the now valuable and increasing market she affords us, should the seat of govern ment be practically transferred from Stamboul to St. Petersburg, it were idle to conjecture. But neither such a contingency nor others of an equally serious character, affecting the security of our Asiatic possessions, present the moat I serious, because the most immediate, considerations, connected with so fatal a policy. What course will the Public Opinion of France take in such an emer gency, or with what sentiments must it regard the conduct of Great Britain, should it seem to resemble what we have described ? There is no use in mincing the matter. The sense of mutual distrust which every wise and good man in both countries has hitherto sought to allay would thenceforth no longer be capable of disguise or concealment. With unanswerable force we should then be subject to the reproach of sacrificing the independence of an ancient ally and the stability of an important branch of our trade to dynastic antipathies and vague suspicions. Louts NAPOLEON would be then able to say that, while he alone had been prompt in sending armed succour to the menaced SULTIS, he had shown him self the most ready to lay aside ambitious schemes of reprisal, and the most willing to enter into a quadru i ,le league for the preservation of the status .71w throughout Europe. He would have a right, in the judgment of all civilise4 nations, to complain should Fr;;;;;;;Ii eibe :eft i n a position of isolation. It is neither his intutit nor the inclination of the high-spirited peopl e ee hoa x h e governs, to renounce the part he has shown hircscf ready to play in defence of the integrity of th e Ottoman Empire. We forbear from pressing the considerations that must inevitably suggest themselves to the least fore. thoughtful in reference to such a condition of aft'ai ts . For us alliance with the people of France is worth all other alliances on the continent put together. To us alienation from France, with or without just cause, appears the greatest of external il k In the present case we are bound, i n e a honour and conscience, to admit that up to the pr e , sent point the existing Government of Franc e h as acted loyally to the cause of peace, and to that of the general safety. Should Lout, Noluothos b e tempted to abandon that course of action, we shouid deeply deplore it; but so long as the Govet meat of England proves itself sincerely desirous of acting for the common weal, in concert with th a t of France, we shall not be responsible far the evils and calamities that must att en d the letting loose of all the passions now restrai ne d throughout Europe. We shall be responsible, h ew . ever, if for the sake of an Austrian or a Russi an alliance, we give cause of alienation and distract to France : and it is because we believe that the instincts of national policy arc both wise and just, that we wish to see the opinion of Parliament taken upon t h e Turkish question with as little delay as possible. TUE amount of emigration still going on from all parts of the kingdom, and especially from the ag r i. cultural districts, seems to be occasioning something like alarm, even in the minds of men who are rather too rational to suppose that the farms and pastures of our country are destined to become desolate and wild as a North Carolina plantation, or an Illinois prairie. If agricultural information were as complete and as readily accessible as mane facturing and commercial, there would be no such apprehension; and we should not be called on, an vo feel ourselves at present to be, to point out the coma. lations of the case—the see on d a ry asp( et of the question of a sufficiency of agricultural labour in England• If the statistics of agriculture were furnished as they ought to be, and as we hope and expect they will be, every farmer in England might know precisely how much labour is replaced by the use of agricultural machinery, and how, while our labourers are gashing out from our ports, to enrich our colonies and them. selves by their toil, new sources arc opened on the spots they leave of a kind of labour which we car, always hold in profitable slavery, and by which we can never be left in the lurch. In the last volume of the " Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society " there is an account of the new and improved implements exhibited at the Lewes meeting last year, which might well astonish the croakers who fancy we are going to ruin for want of labour: and if materials were afforded for a comparison between the number of departed labourers and the potter introduced into tillage by the extended use of labour-saving machines, we believe there is not a landlcrd or intelligent farmer in the British Islands who would not be exhilarated by the prospect of ever-cheapening labour bringing ever-thickening crops. It is not so very long since the fight of the thre.h• ing-machines might still be seen ; when bands of labourers would assault any new machine, and ex hibit its fragments, to be a terror to the whole country-side; and then did the thresher swing bis flail above his head in triumph, and gn to work again, stopping only to wipe his brows with his sleeve, and then toiling on, because bread was rising, and wages were falling, and his children would be hungry g house. Then were the days when two men and a boy, driving four or five horses in to team, ploughed four or five inches deep—an inch for each horse— merely apitling off and turning half over a slice of the soil, leaving the weeds in the earth, and spoiling their plough with such stones as it encountered. Those were the days when such seed as was not wasted by broadcast sowing was put in by hand— by a multitude of hands, which were all held out for money on Saturday nights. Then was there a man, woman, or boy to every hoe. Then was there a lad or a lass, an old man or a motherly woman (who was wanted at home) to every hay-rake, and the hay lay for a week or more at the mercy of the clouds. Then was there nothing commoner than " the clod of the valley," the big clod, whose heart was never laid open to be fed by the atmosphere and cheered by the sunshine. Then was the corn cut by handfuls, by the hot labour of the reaper, with his ineffectual sickle. Then was the corn ground in windmills, which had a provoking property of stand ing still while the public were waiting for their flour; or in water-mills, which, to obtain the neces sary fall, backed up the water, and flooded at times hundreds of acres a piece, and many a hamlet, so that it would have scared the miller to have known how much was the farmer's loss, and how many were the funerals per annum, caused by his mill. 'We might go on through the whole range of rural processes, and show an enormous waste of labour at every tura; but the facts have proved themselves, leaving us only to state the proof. The labourers who were then thought indispensable are gone—not on ly the flail, bat the man who wielded it; the sower. and the mowers, the reaper and the miller's man ; the soil-stained ploughboy, and the sun-burned milkmaid, and the whitened man on the mill steps, glancing up at the sails. And yet the work goes on. We cannot tell precisely at what rate in comparison with half a century ago, because the information is nowhere to be had: but we know that tillage goes on better than it ever did before. While the labourers are streaming away, the soil is better drained, and some what better broken ; the seed is better sown, and the plant better weeded; the hay is often made in a day, and the corn reaped as if the elves had been summoned, in American fashion, to a "cutting bee," the grinding does not wait for wind nor, in so many cases as formerly, detain the water. In a word, the extension of the use of machinery in agricultural operations promises to keep pace with the with drawal of human labour. Everybody bas heard a good deal of the new hay-making and reaping machines; but everybody may not know what the demand for steam-engines, threshing machines, and drills has become, since free trade gave its noble stimulus to agricultural improvement, and the emigration of la bourers has sustained the impulse. One manufac turer of .team-engines for farming purposes has found his business increased fourfold within three years ; another fivefold, and another eightfold ; and another, who sent out 15 in 1843, sent out 291 in less than two years before the Lewes meeting. One maker of threshing machines finds his business in. I creased fourfold, and another could sell four times as many as he can make ; and of drills, some makerssay that they send out 30 per cent. more than they did two years ago ; and so on through the whole cargo of improved implements. While all this labour saving is going on there is, i l or there has been till very lately, a deficiency as to the most essential point of all—the immediate prepense Lion of the soil for the seed. We sec all manner of ploughs on trial, and each has some virtue of its own, but still they are ploughs, and keep to making furrows and slicing the soil, whereas we want to have something like the gardener's seed bed, level and well pulverlsc 1, without the gardener's hand labour. From the superior ftrtility which The the .Ifo of whi( " Th =omen close I the sqi Susse a to the the Arc " Tht tinople similar cour to to the " Th , besides, approai Orders Marseit Chapta Duadas " Th eludes I difficult The been ye people e in anyt seen gr where reading •ion, " ment of marked to watel better note de betweet ing to was t tion i MON CI A de He is u rally if paid in largely The positivi do not source. The f imports tette' received that an nople w beeiles formal] , A di 114