The Express. — London, England, 1853-04-15 00:00:00

1 'lsiah be (Mr. Brieht) sat had been betrayed into an ex clamation of muasement at betting that the right hon. gra tlemen had g so further. Had the government got no further in cansiderine the knowledge taxes than to propose a fresh law solely fur the purpose of defining the power of res.rictioa ? (Hear, hear.) Toward. the close of the right b on gentlesnan's speech he bad almost coaxingly premed his right hon. friend not to proceed with his motion, hinting surnethM4 very like a hope that the government would take the question into consideration, but, on the other b a nd, he prepaid a new bill denoting more clearly toe restrictive power. Ile was sorry the right hon. gentle sin h id not iafornmed them the new Sitl was to sweep sway the o b no xious law, but it appeared its only object was to strengthen the hands of the Board of Inland Revenue. (11ear, bear) The right hon. gentiem in had not given trio uruAllest iota:nation that the penny stamp wee to be abo lobs st, but had attacked the arithmetiral calculations of his right bon friend in a blundering manner. The right Lon. gentleman had not denied the possibility of 40 millians es • eonteque ace/ars millions of advertise aunts ; he had not denied the prospect of a revenue of 166,000!., but bad expressed • doubt that that sum would leave a profit to the revense. The right hon. gentleman hod spoken of the Isamuc of establishments, but had forgotten that when ca briolee establishments were already existence, every in crease is the .r hu-iness compatible with their means of dis charging a must he an increase in the clear profits of those e g u blishormts. (Hear) He (Mr Bright) therefore can-' . tended that his right hon. friend was fully justified in esti. auto( that hilly two-thirds of the contemplated increase 11W/id br clear profit to the revenues of the Namolli:e. Therefore the loss to the revenue would be quite insignifi cant, sad would be wholly obliterated if the Chancellor of the Exchequer came to counter the vast facilities which would be given to basiseu by the alteration' which his right bon. frismil propueed. But then the right hon gentle min procleimed himself a minister of progress (Cheers ) Me might be so, but so rause every government be at the I present mommt, and hon. members opposite had shown thi melt,. as anxious for pregress as any one when they found them. ivi e seated on treasury benches. (Hear, hear.) Ile could nut admit with the right hon. gentleman, that the fact of a portion of a tax having been taken off eighteen p a r, ago, wool reason against further reenieeion now. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I said it was eo own Mr Militia—The right hon. gentleman admits .4 that it was no ream, but he had brought forward the tact to show that a gnat steel had beea done, and that there was no special reason fur considering this more than say other question. Thu right hon. gentleman com plained of these motions, but he would ask the right hon. gentleman if he hail ever heard of a tax twigs repealed without the people having asked for it ? (Hear, hear.) He should fee Meet th it the window tax was not repealed until a ft e r s uccessive motions. The right hon. gentleman's expe rience was much longer than his own, and he must remcm herthat with regard to the window tas, as unpopular and bail a tax as ever was proposed, it underwent frequent ' discussions and divisions, and it was only when the divisions beemie extremely close that the present President of the Board of Control found it necessary to abolish 'the to, sad, in doing so, used all the arguments which he had himself endeavoured to controvert on previous motions. (Laughter.) There were people even to this day who be lieved that the remission of these taxes would let loose • fl sod of pestilent publications destructive of the public morals, soil he hell in his hand a circular that referred to that question. The opinion was very prevalent that thom were way millions of cheap publications circulating of • must pernicious character. He leered it could not be denied that • great number of these publications were of • most pernicious elierscter, but he should like to know what was the best means of meeting them ? It was to pro Wee for the working man, what he most surely pre fers, a more heal:lay description of healthy aliment. But they denied them the one and allowed them the other freely. They permitted these immoral and mischievous penny publications, which excited the imagination, stimu lated the passions, and produced the most evil erects on thou who read them, especially the younger class of readers, while that class of literature which was calculated to coos bract those esil tendencies was restricted in its free movie by the attune duty. Seeing that free &seaman was the law of the constitution, and of the prevalent reli gion of the country, he could not think that any Chancellor of the Eichequer would long insist on maintaining/ talon which placed restrictions oa the meansof education. (Hear ) Mr. W. WILLIAMS remarked that the only argument the Chancellor of the Exchequer had urged against the re moval of there duties was the los to the revenue • and the right boa. gentleman calculated that loft at . whole amount, but he s emed to forget that the loos from the re- Elloiol/11 of taxation made during late years had only oven onc.thied the amount taken o ff . And he (Mr. Williams) ventured to say that, if the taxes in question were attained, instead of the loss to the revenue tieing 1,400,000 J., it would sot be move than mu-third. If the probate mad legacy deity were flooded to landed property and bouts', the Chaocellor of the Exchequer would obtain from that wares something like 6,000,0001., and would then have ample means to anions then and other taxes which interfered with the mental or physical enjoyment of the people. In conelatios, the hon. member mentioned the ease of a local anstruped paper, which, desiring to putoish • report of • parish meeting, obtained 300 stamps, but was told by the StampoMee that if he published the paper with there port be would be proceeded against for penalties —hd (Mr. WilliaMs) wished to know whether that was the lad'? Mr. B. SEYMOUR hoped the right boo. gentleman (Mr. Wawa) would go to a division. The Chaneellot of the Embalmer had failed altogether in his attempt to answer the arguments of the right hon. gentlemar, though the Chreellee of the Ezebequer s own arguments had been eitistaakerily met by the hon gentleman the member for Manchester (Mr. Bright). The question of the taxes on twelve.* steed ea far higher ground than those of the bop or the wine duties, for it affects I the education and intellectual cravings of the great body of the poorer classes. He UAW that the facility of posting newspapers 'free through the Poet-office was an equivalent for the stamp duty, wad urged the injustice of a system under which the London newspapers were not allowed to pass free through the past within the three mile effete, while they were allowed to pass from one end of the king dom to the other, over and over ag tin, without charge. Mr. £. PIIILLIMORE looked upon the question &safest * not only the nasals of the people, but the stability of ear imitations. Mr. J. L. RICARDO mid the question now before the lean tas that the advertisement duty should be repealed. He bad not heard one single argument adduced against the patios assumed by his right bon. friend the member fur Maaellemer, and he thought that the answer had been en tirely cestined to the indignant remontraneee of the-Chan oiler df the Exchequer that they otimild have dared to brag forward a question affecting the enamors of But amatry. (Hear, hear, hear.) The Attorney General had not answered the quota* ma to him by the he. member for Lambeth, and he supreme that he did not boar the whole queers put to him. He -should himself put a question to r i m. The law, r it at present steed, append to him to give a sort of roving edmenisaiess to the [nand Revenue Board to go about picking out ler Min publications which they might prosecute, and leaving unprostested such publications SI met with their approval. His right boo. friend bad alluded to the censorship that expired abut sixty years ago, but his belief was, that Mr. Tams; of the Inland Re office, was now the real senses of the British press. He himself beard him adore that is his opinion certain papers ought ▪ be parented, and that other papers ought mot to M He (Mr. Timms) acknowledged that to law all of them ought to be prosecuted ;'but ill bed ha opinion as to the utility of some, and that others eight Mee be tolerated. He did net know what ware the ',Wane of Mr. Timms, but certainly- it -was withia bie power, if he were • radical, to prosecute an un damped oresnative newspaper ; and if he were a conser vative, be might, as he did in the borough be (Mr.'Rieardo) bad the hearer to nut, pick out some radical paper I llMPertias blm (Mr. Mo), and prosecute It. But Mr. lama. imit ohm's attended with seater, and therefore be bed abandred obegother the prosecution of these papers la a regular ; but be assumed that the sellers of the Parrs bad the law, and he summoned them and be brought them up before • police magistrate to be judged accordingly--ema the pub * he tillb paper, but tbe sabotage* man *he sold it. That, he said, was an utuatillisterf Mate of the law; sad what be complained of was net only that the law was eseatisfacwry, bat that it was unentbbeteUy ad siaistred by the I Revenue derolnesmg, uneatsfae tardy administered by the law eSuen of the moiro, and easatiefactorily selministered so far se regarded tbe freedom and libtay of the press; and he did say that at all events they ought to have as explanation from the At*.rney-Gene til as to whether any steps were to be taken to put an end in this state of things, and what was the meaning of the ✓osary the Chancellor of the Easheouer had so faintly shadowed out in his speech. He trusted the Attorney-Cle land would not think it too much trouble to give an answer b the question. It was one that affected • great many Potpie, end people in a station of life that could not defend themeless ; and it wee right that they should know when Siff . offended the law. ATTORNEY-OHNERAL acknowledged the right lithe he., gentleman to put this question to him, but the daintily of answering questions was, that they were often at in se unintelligible form. The proposed alteration was Musk' the law clear, to exempt such publications as the afteellol4l Narrative, but on the other hand to take care that those which were newspapers might not escape from lbsdaties so long as parliament chose to impose them. After a few words from Mr. WILKINSON, in reference to the paper referred to by his colleague. Lord J. RUSSELL se;d he thought the subject of this motion might be met in • very small compass. His right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer had shown that members of the house had asked for a remission of lazes to the amount of more than seven millions before he scald have an opportunity of making his financial statement to the house. It had been answered, that although the re -11104104 of seven millions had been asked for, yet the house had not isnetioned any of those proposals. That wra quite true, but what his right boa. friend asked woo, that the house should pursue • similar course on the present oesasios, and leave him on Monday next to state his views en the Subtle revenue and expenditure., and what remissions should he made. It seemed to him that that was so reasonable a avast that the house ought to accede to the motion of the previous question. On the other hand, he certainly could ant wonder that his right hon. friend the member for Man- Wester being strongly impressed with the injury done by these taws to the country Mould bring the subject before the house, and enforce those views in the very able manner which he was capable of doing. At no time had be heard boa state the ear more fully sad ably. (Hear, hest.) The Loire last year had the tame questions under cor si. i "sholl, and the three propositions were at that time ;diced before the House of Commons, and by . a consider able majority each of those propositions was rejected. They seemed to him to be propositions which stood on very dif ferent ground.. lie did not think that the generic term of " tales on knowledge " was a term that ought properly by any latitude of colutrueti-in to be applied to them. With ward to the tired tax (the advertisement duty) there was certainly little to be said for the maintenance of such a tax. It was no doubt a great interference with the busi ness of the country. It was • tax on persons who wished toobtain situations or to dispose of property, and in era. rious ways it woes tax on transactions. It might likewise be said that it was not a tax of a very large amount, that it was a tax interfering with tile business of the country, and waseertainly • tax pieced en the transactions that took place, because in the first place they had • tat on paper, in the next place they had a ties on the newspaper, and in the next place they bad a tax on the ad. vertiwinente cooteined in the newspaper. With regard to the second question, he owned he did not think it stood oa the same &oboe. lion. gentlemen said it was intended as • restraint upon the diffusion of information and know ledge. Now on that ground, if it were intended as a me straint he del not think it was consistent with the pelicyal this country to impose such a restoring. (Hear, hear.) Mt the duty were not wanted for revenue, they ought to let ins formation be as free ly diffueed as p .sad ale, and let the people themselves make up their opinions according to all the lights they ceuld get. But he must own, while he thought it was a duty fur revenue rather than for restraint, he thought the argument, on the other hand, was pushed • great deal too far, I and the benefits to be expected from the abolition of the tie had been very much exaggerated, because be could not understand hew, considering that it they took eff this tax of one penny, the abolition of that tax would be favourable to everytning that was religion., to every thing that was moral, and to everythicg that was useful, and yet at the seine time that they :About,' give no advan tage to what was irreligious and what was immoral. It ap peared to him that if one class email sell their commodities cheaper so could the other, and it was unfortuneely the case that there was a class in the community among whom them public-seems to which the right bun. member for )1 111- theater alluded as puteicutions that appealed to the imagina tion and excited the passions were mere circulated, and more attreetive then • better class of publications. [Mr. Bright—They exist now.] Yes, they exist now, but lie was afraid that if trey took off the stamp de prould find that they still existed, and that there wuull be persona who wished to buy such publications. On the other hand, it was said there would be a vast increase of useful publications. lie confessed he did not see that there would be this great advantage. He did nut thick that ties supposition of Lord Brougham that papers would be circulated by hawkers would be realised, Besides, the reduction would, after all, be but small. The duty had already heap reduced from 4d. to one penny ; and that did not form a very considerable portion of the price at a newspaper, either in the niltrepolis ur in the large townie The price of tile London newspaper was 5.1., of which the stamp only formed one fifth ; and that price was occasioned by the great expense to which the proprietors went to pro- cure the latest and most authentic intelligence. With re gard to the tax on payer, the lion. member for Manchester had said that he was not sure, if be were allowed the choice of abolishing either it or the tax on soap, which pro seed about the same amount, which he eheuld select for repeal. Really, after that avowal, he did not see how the bon. gentleman could vote for the third resolution. (Mar, bear.) It seemed impossible that bon. members could vote in condemnation of a tax when they had not made up their minds whether it should he abolished. (Hear, hear.) Ile (the noble lied) you'd put it, then, to the house whether, contact.. ring that his right hon. frond the Chancellor of tr e Exchequer was to make his statement on Monday. it was fair towards him to enter into resole lotions dealing with a considerable part of the taxation of the e .untry within five days of the budget. (Hi ar, bear.) Ile did ask the house, on the part of the government, ant on the part of a person who held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer fur the first time, who had occupied that position only for a few months, and who was to make his first financial statement at the beginning of next week, not to consent to the motion of the right hen. gentleman the member for Manchester. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI could quite sympathise with the feel ings that had been expressed by her Majesty's government upon a motion of this kind, having himself had to consider &similar proposition with the name respoiedbility. The late government bail had to consider the three taxes to which the right hon. gentleman, in a speech of singular ability— (cheer.)—had that evening directed attention, and they h id had to do so previous to the promulgation of the budget. He had consulted his colleagues, and particularly Lord Derby, upon the subject, and it bad been his duty to inti mate to the house the decision to which they had come. It we, certainly their opinion that the paper duty was obi. c tionable in iteelr • but they had to consider it only is the present state of finance as • question of excise, which it ass not prudent to remit. Nu other consideration had at as nfiuenced their decision; and that was the conclusion which he had had the honour to convey to the house; bon he said at the MUe time, with regard to the other two taxes, that they stood upon a very different footing. (Hear, bear.) They were also of opinion that there was a great difference als between the advertisement duty, and, taking every thing In consideration, the stamp on newspapers. He told the house that they acknowledged that the objection, espe- Mlly against the advertisement duty, was of a very grave character ; but he asked fur a postponement of the decision of the government. Fortunate was the Chancellor of the Exchequer who could induce a powerful party to consent to the postponement of a government de claration ; and he (Mr. Disraeli) must frankly confess, that for his own part he looked upon the acquiescence of the house as a very great indulgence. But they must draw the line somewhere, and they must nut be led to assert to the principle that no person was to propose the remission of taxation except the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) That would be a very dangerous doctrine, and one that he trusted all sides would be very unwilling to adhere to. (Hear, be ir.) Acting upon the opinions of the late go- Tenement and of Lord Derby, he was their organ of eommu nit:stem with the house. They had considered the question, and especially with regard to the advertisement duty ; and it was the opinion of his colleagues that no time should he lost in proposing the repeal of that duty to the House ut Commons. (Heir) At • subsequent period circumstances over which they had no control, increased the estimates. It wee necessary to ask for • supplemi Deal estimate, and that rendered it necessary to review their decision. (Lord J. Russell—" Hear, hear.") If the noble lord supposed that he was making a declaration in that hoese which was not perfectly warranted, he could only say that he should net have mentioned anything which had been stated in council or in private conversation ; but it should he re membered that • deputation waited upon Lord Derby, and what he said had bees publicly expressed by Lord Derby. (Hear) He thought that he had shown that there was • sincere determination on the part of the government to repeal the advertisement duty; but it was the °lesion of Lord Derby, that as they intended to consider the whole question of the taxation of the country after a certain plan of their own, it was, on the whole, better, alter the accidental circumstance - to which he had alluded had oc curred, that the subject of the duty on advertisementsshould be postporsed until they bad an opportunity of considering according to the plan they had devised other duties of an analogous diameter. He new came to the puede& of what was the ability of the present go vernment to deal with the tax. The house would recollect that the duty was little more than 170,0001., certainly less than 180,0001. They knew from the published menus ac counts which had bees recently placed upon the table of the house, that the amount of the attritive at command was vary considerable—much more than that which he (Mr. Disraeli) had prudently estimated, and he hoped that it would not be considered a very flagrant indiscretion that he had estimated the amount of the revenue at lees than it sppeared to be. (Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, that they would be justified in dealing with the fi rst moie ties of the right hon. gentleman ; but his opinion wee that they were not justified in dealing with the three resolutions. (Hear, bear.) He had totally omitted from eoasideratioa all those political and moral considerations which had been brought before the house ; but looking on the subject merely from • financial point of view, he thought they might safely deal with the first. In the first place he must express his opinion that these] three duties were to be con- Metered as fiscal duties, and in no other light; but they ought to deal with them with considerable moderation and discretion when they dealt with an amount which could not be less than 1,400,0001. In the present instance he prop sod only to consider the first resolution, which in volved • sum of leas than 180,0001. (Hear, hear.) Now, what was the practical argument which was pat forward by the noble lord the leader of the government on this sub Jett ? Why, if any inference could be completely drawn from it, it was that no proposition for the remission of taxa tion should be made before the budget. What chance a proposition of such a kind would have after the budget he would leave the house to decide. (Hear, hear.) If they sanctioned the position taken by the noble lord, the povernment would possess the monopoly of propos ing a remimion of taxation. But had such remis sions been usually proposed first by the minister, or had they not been proposed by independent members on both sides. end repeated until they were carried by the forte of public opinion and the influence of public feeling ? Look at the motions which were made after the peace. Look at the motion for the repeal of the tax on leather ; that was first made, not by the minister, but by the country gentlemen, and it was only by repeated and sustaiaed argu ment that it was carried. (Hear.) He might apply the same remark to some important modern reenissions—modem which had been made in the times in which they lived, and in houses in which they had sat; motions which had been at first rejected by the minister, and after wards brought in by him, after • conversion of a singular kind. (Cheers.) The doctrine laid down that night was a most deem roan one, and one that they must repudiate if they had any re geed for the character of the house, or wished it to remain anything more than an assembly fur registering the decrees of the government. (Hear.) He recommended them to deal with this question with great moderation and temper. Ile did not recommend sny extravagant vote—he for one would • sanction nothing of the kind. He was prepared to vote for the repeal of the advertisement duty, because he was pre- pared to do so when he was in a more responsible sites- Hon ; and because he thought such a course would be most prudent and politic, most beneficial to the country, and most likely to advance them opinions which he prolessed. (Hear, hear.) lie had an opinion that the press could not be too free. It was considered that the press, generally, was not favourable to the party to which he belonged. Is wee not impossible that the fact might be so. It was more than probable that a material and utilitarian spirit, which appealed only to reason, might be opposed to the principles he pr famed. '1 hose principles ,appealed not only to the reason but to the feelings; anti therefore he believed that the more widely those prin. ciples were extended the more influential would they be co me (Hear, hear.) But ho did not wish to enter upon that general ihetne. Looking at the first resolution, and seeing that he bad recommended the policy which he be , tiered to be beneficial, and which both in opposition and in a more responsible situation he had advocated and upheld, i he should recommend the house to support the right hon. gentleman in his first resolution to-night for the repeal if the duty upon advertisements. (Cheers.) i Mr. S. HERBERT wou d not detain the house long, as it was no doubt milieus to divide; but he hoped that it would not divide under the impression and statement which bad just been made by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down. (Hear, hear ) The right hon. gentleman had ref. mei in a tons of some indignation to the depute . tion which had waited upon Lord Derby and himself, and when they had expressed themselves in favour of repealing the advertisement dusty. Nobody had denied this, but eb stract opinions were sometimes little he, dad its great 'Maeda' necessities. The right hon. gentleman, with his abstract opinion, did not think it necessary when he pro- pose.' his budget, to 'sprees any very strong opinion in fa- sour of bringing in a measure (or its repeal. (Cheers.) I That was the Midget of 18.53-4; but was that all which took place ? No ; that budget was one that dived some distance into futurity; but though h e hail for the year' IS5i 5 three or four millions at ha disposal, no margin was left for the repeal. (Renewed cheer.) Ile (Mr. S. Her bert) did not wish to anticipate the statement of his right hon. friend, but be hoped no oae would he so sanguine as to think that they would have so large a surplus as that *lnch the right hun. gentlem ma opposite had supposed. It was the height of ingenuity—(laughter) to suppose that betimes when he was in otfice and had a looser surplus than was now to be dealt with, he hail made no proposition for the repeal of the duty to come forward and ask the government to repeal a large amount of taxes in the manner the right hon. gentleman had done. (hear, hear.) lie (Mr. S. Herter!) had only made these utoiervations because lie w.ll anxious that the house should not divide under the impression prioluced by the false statement which had been m ode as to the financial prospects of the country. The house had heard the expla nation of his right hon. friend, and he trusted that they would have sufficient confidence in him and in the state ment he had ma ie to give him fair play, and allow bins to bring en his Widget on 'Monday night unembarrassed by a previous vote upon this subject. (Cheers.) Mr. J. BALL (amid some confusion) mod the question had originally been one between his right hon. friend and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and lie intended to hare voted with the former; but after the speech of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) he would never consent to 'unto his right hi n. friend a bridge over which lie (Mr. Disraeli) might return to power. (Cheers and contusion.) He could not regard the votes of Mr. Disraeli and his friends as honestly given, and he should therefore v ate against the motion. (Ceeere.) Mr. COBDEN said the hon. gentleman who sat before him had very suddenly changed his opinion. lie would now vote against the proposal which he was before ready to support, and the reason appeared to be that he thought there was now some chance of its being carried. (Loud cheers) If the hon. gentleman was always to act upon this principle, then he would only give his support to the right hon. gentleman (Mr. M. Gibson) on the condition that he would first give him a guarantee that he should be in a minority. (Laughter.) His right hon. friend in wishing: to see the taxes on knowledge repealial was in ear scat; and the question was, whether he was not to' . accept the assistance which had been offered them' by the right hon. gentleman opposite. (Hear, hear.) Something had been said a ith regard to gentlemen imp.- site being willing to do now what they were not willing to do when they were in office. Ile was afraid that might be said of all adminicrations. Uniiappily, it was too true that when g , ntlemen on that (the ministerial) side of the house crossed over to the left of the Speaker's chair, they became more prolific in promises and professions than when they were on that silo, arid the rule applied equally to the gentlemen now opposite. But if anything was to be done for the country by the carrying a substantive and practical measure, he had learned since he hail been is the house, outing the last 13 years, that there was only one way for a person who wished to obtain that object, and that wag, to avail himself of the assistance of any party. (Ilear, hear.) It was so late that he knew he should not he listened vs if he went into the main question; but he wished to uh• serve ou the remarks made by the noble lord and several other speakers with regard to the subject of the penny stamp which he (Mr. Cobden) did not think was rightly under stood. The question was treated as if the redaction of the penny stamp on newspapers would cause a vast increase of penny publications. Now, the fact was, that at present the number of penny publications published monthly and weekly exceeded all the oth, id put together. What wi.s the character of these publication. ? He did not entertain the sins. opinion of them as some persons seemed to do. His right hon. friend hail read some evidence to show that the character of those publications was very had. Now, there was evidence produced before the committee on taxes on knowledge which went the other way. Peony publications did not contain news, but were wholly imaginative in their character, because they were shut out from giving accounts el 'Do current affairs of the day, as he wished that they should he able to do. He would real a portion of the evi dence of Mr. Heywood, of Manchester, one of the largest sellers of penny publications, which would show the sort of literature in which a certain :lasso! the people indulged. Mr. Heywood gave a bet of the papers he sold, and he said : " I sell 100 of the Black Monk,' 100 of the • Blighted Heart,' 100 of the ' Bridal Ring,' and 550 Claude Duval,' a great many boys read that, and grown up pe o ple as well as boys buy it ; 100 of ' Ceptrin Hawk,' 400 of Gentleman Jack,' 100 of Grace Rivers,' 50 of the • lianginan's Daughter, ' 250 of • Kathleen ' (which is an Irish story), 100 of ' L ove and Mystery,' 100 of ' Mabel,' 250 of Mazepps, 3-50 of ' Paul Clifford,' 250 of ' Richard Parker.' Lloyd hes made free with many of the popular names of works that are from time to time being issued by the novelists of the day, 3.50 of ' 1 lira Fingered Jack,' and 250 of ' Tom King ' " Those were all novels, and gold at one penny a number . That was the kind of literature you Were forcing on the people, because those publications were not allowed to de tail matters of fact and the current events of the day. What was the opinion of Mr. Heywood with regard to allowing news to he inserted in these publications? lie was speak ing of the " Family Herald." which published 200,000 numbers weekly ; and he spoke of it in the highest terms, saying that the tone of its morality was quite unex ceptionable, that he took it home, sod that it was read by every member of his family. He was then asked : Are you of opinion that a cheap newspaper—for instance, one of those publications containing, in addition to its other malls r, the current events of the day—would have an ex teosive sale ? Yes ; I think, for instance, that if the -editor of the Family Ilwaldwere to put in two or three pages of news, along with the matter which he gives weekly to his readers, that the sale would be doubled or trebled very shortly. The rale of that publication being 200,000 already, but as general topics were excluded from it, it was obliged to have recourse to tales and matter of that sort. He (Sir. Cobden) had said that those publications were not so bad as they were repainted, and he believed that there was nothing offensive to decency or morality in those tides with the strengenames which he had mentioned. They certainly dealt in the terrible and wonderful, and were written in a calculated to grittily the imaginative taste of the young, but there was no tendency to obscenity or immo rality contained in them. Mr. Heywood's evidence was conclusive on that subject, for he said again and again that if they were of that nature they could not continue to live. He was asked—Has your experience shown that the bad publications put down the good, or that the good publi cations pet down the bad ? I think that the good publica tions put down the bad. The bad publications are at• tempted, and they are carried on for a while under various methods; and, aster getting deeply into debt, they are obliged at last to go out, and per haps lowa up the publisher at the same time. That was the evidearm of a perms who dealt very largely in that class of publications; he was a member of the Man chester Town Council, and a very respectable man. He (Mr. Cobden) knew that the conservative party dreaded the establishment of cheap papers. Did they not think that, as they must now go along with the people for weal or for woe, and take the tone of their politics from them, would it not be better to let them have better aliment than the " Hangman's Daughter " Had they not better have news and information on the topics of the day than tales relating to times long gone by ? Instead of romantics of the time of Louis XIV. would it net be better to let them know that Prince Alb ert had been laying the foundation stone of a new model cottage; and all the leading news of the day, instead of the supposed occurrences of a century ago. They were told that the people were low and rude in their manners, and mach bad been lately said of the ruffianism of cabmen, who congregated at the corners of streets and were insolent to passengers and insulting to ladies. Would it not be better to let them have their cheap papers? If any gentleman had been, as he (Mr. Cobden) had been, in New York, he must have seen among the first sights that met his eye the cab men (and they were all either Irishmen or black'', for no American citizen would condescend to be a cabman), each with his small paper in his band, and the same thing was to be seen among the porton waiting to be hired. Would not it be better to have something of the same kind here, than to have the cabmen congregating at the corners of the streets, and offending the passers by with their ribaldry. The committee on taxes on' knowledge examined an American gentlem m-•-one of the commissioners for the Exhibition , who said that in New York daily papers were delivered at the houses of mechanics, such as shipbuilders, cooper., or far m. re, as regularly as at the houses of merchants and bankers here. It must be a high condition of intellect among me. clunk., that required this supply of papers, and they must, alter reading them, go forth to th.ir labour with a great in cream of intelligence; and, putting the matter very low, he (Mr. Cobden) said that we in this country could not afford to allow the people to be less intelligent than that of Ame rica. See how great would be the advantage that would be derived from making this reduction at a time when every- • thing isquiet. What was the effect of the taking the fetters off the press in France during the first and the last revolu tions ? The tone of the press at once resole, d into the ex treme of revolutionary writing. but if you were to remove the obstructions on the press now, when the people were ' happy and contented, you would we that they would de-cuss great questions of politics as temperately as the higher classes. You would perhaps see things in those cheap papers with which many of yon would disagree, and perhaps he (Mr. Cobden) might see some of his strict political notions disapproved ; he might p. rhapa see his motions on the peace question rival very hardly with by the combativeness of his countrymen ; but he would have no , objection to allow that discussion, and if he found that his principles would not bear discussion, he would abandon them. Then, again, as regarded emigration, you iireireitted I the people from knowing a groat deal about what they were to do when they went abroad. N o w, is America, in ! New York there were papers from which every man could get all the information he required for one penny. Then, again, this country, as compared TIIE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING APRIL 15, 1853. with the etiolates, was under • disadvantage, for in the colonies there wee no stamp duty on newspapers, and there were more daily papers in Canada than there were in England. Let ore get rid of th e vu l gar f ee li ng wh i ch so often Matt us o f not wishing to see other people enjoying themselves iu the same manner as we do. Cheap news. paper. would not injure the first clefs papers. You had on railways tint, second, and third class carriage's, and they all found customers. At Epsom, on the Derby day, threw who were in the grand stand did not enjoy themselves the lege because there were • number of persons who were cot so well accommodated. Indeed, he believed that the en joyment was rendered greater by the assemblage of peewit...re of all classes. Then, at the theatres no tone felt less amused when sitting in th • boxes because the shi.ling gallery was fully occupied. Let that applied to n ews p apers, l et there be cheap as well as high-pricednewspapers, and let them nut fall into the vul gar error of denouncing things because they were cheap. That was the case with omnibuses as hen they became cheap, and *hey were denounced as " the omnibus nuisance." The County Courts, too, were said to be about to (lettuce the country with cheap law ; and, in fact, all things which were cheap were eh precated, but alter all every one pre. ferred to buy Ling cheap. After the magnificent speech of his right hon. friend, he should only overlay the subject if he proceeded further. He could onlyeay, in con clusion, that after having fur years had a strong feeling on the subject of national education, after what had been said by the amble lord the member for London on that su eject— of which he (Mr. Cobden) would say nothing now, but that be believed what he prorsed to be quite hopractic.able—her had come to the deliberate conviction, that considering the interests of the gnat mess of the people, he would rather ace those taxes on knowledge removed, and in return, all tte grants for education abolished; but despairing as he iljd that anything would lie done at preovnt to remove then., he would still declare that lie would rather have that then all the money that was about to be granted this year for ducatien. (Hear, he ar .) Mr. J. lI•GREGOR denied that he was influenced in the vote' he was about to give by the motives which had been attributed to gentlemen on his side of the house. He bad I only risen for the purpose of reading • letter from a literary ream:nail, which, in his opinion, showed the mariner in I which they ought ti vote. It was written from a place once celebrated in the world of letters—from Athens, and by a gentleman well known in the literature of England and of Europe. (The hon. gentleman then read the letter, which was in substance "that he was thankful for the eflorts that had bee• made to publish his works; but he was not sure that the advertising proposed woul4 du much good — a s th e literature of Eugland was divided in that of the universities, of politics, of the circulating library. lie was not a university man—he did not enter into political questions, and his works were too heavy for the circulating library." (A laugh.) Ile alluded to the high price of books in England, and said that all the best English works in hie library were reprints in France and Amer America; and that the English edition of Grote's "History-of Greece" had cost him more than the reprinted works of Mee aulay, Hallam, and others p u t t oget h er . lie also pointed out the disadvantage of the paper duties in re lation to the diffusion of books in the colonies, and the in• terest he hod taken in Mr. Cawan's motion for the reduction of those eh:tits. lie (Mr. Macgregor), adopting the views contained in that letter, should vote fur the motion of the right hon. gentleman. Lord it. GROSVENOR said that, as his constituents were much interested iu this question, he wished to state the grounds out which he should give his vote. In the saeech of the right hon. gentleman the member for Buck• ingliamstiire, the delivery of which he regretted, alit tend. d to lower the character of public mess—(hear, hear)—he said that his nehle fraud (Lard John Itusaell) had stated that no one ought to vote fur the repeal of a tax before the bud get was brought forward. That was • misstatement of what his noble friend had said; for he stated that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was new in his office, and that instead of being asked tour days betoee the financial state ment to repeal a tax, lie should bar allowed to bring forward his plan, and ewe whether there was a Burring or not. (Hear, hear.) When this motion was last brought on by the right lion gentleman the member fur Manchester lilt (Lord R. Grosvenor) had voted with him ; on the present occaxion he did not iuteod t o do so . " H ear , h ear ,'. and a laugh.) Why did he so determine ? Whea the right hon. gentleman last brought on his motion it was met by the right Min gentleman the member for Bucks by a direct negative. (Hear, bear.) How did the Cneneeller of the Exchequer, these or four days before briuging on his bud get, meet the motion ? Why by doing what all the world ' knows the meaning of—namely, that be concurs in the principle of the motion, but is obliged to meet it by moving tho previous question. The Chancellor of the Exchequer in office fur the first time, and four days before making his financial statement, met the motion by moving the previous question, which meant that on the first occasion that he could he would repeal the duty. Ile (Lied R. Grosvenor) was content to rest his vote on that ground. Sir J. PAKINGTON should nut have troubled the house but fur what had just fallen from the noble lord, nor should he have noticed his speech ills had come from any lips but his. (Hear, hear.) Ile really thought it strange for the noble lord to lake exception to the motion of the right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester, and giving the reasons he bail for his objection to it, when it was recol lected what had been the course of the noble lord himself— (" hear, hear," and cheers)—when it was recollects.' whet a triumph lie himself obtained when he carried a motion for the repeal of a duty of much the same amount, and when !te had no scruple in pressing his favourite object of • repeal of the attorneys certificate duty—(hear, hear)—and which he pressed to a division and carried. (Hear, hear.) As to what had been said by the noble lord that this was a vote on • motion of • fiscal nature, and that the course which had been taken affected the character of public men—did that come with • good grace from one who had beaten the government on the question of the repeal of • tax which met his own views ; and it was not fur him to cast imputa tions on those who voted for the repeal of a tax which did not meet his own views. (Hear, hear.) He would detaiu the house no ferther than to say that he should vote with the right hon. g admen the member for Manchester— (loud checn)—on the ground that this was a question which had been entertained by the late government. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Mr. MAGUIRE said it was a matter of indifference to him what *pinion the late or the present government might hold on the, or any other question. lie only looked at it as a question cf justice. He cared not who proposed or supported • motion ; if it appealed to his sense, and satisfied his reason, he was bound to support it. (Hear, hear.) He knew the necessity that existed in Ireland for ecpporting the publishers of cheap periodicals. On the question of the advertisement duty—the one now before the house—he thought its repeal would be • great commercial advantage. The stamp duty might, perhaps, be justified by the free conveyance of newspapers by post. Ile hoped the right hon. gentleman would press his motion to • division. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided : The exclusion of strangers from the galleries muted from ten minutes put eleven to five minutes past twelve. The numbers were— For the first resolution 2OO Against lgo Majority for the resolution 3l For the second resolution 9B Against 2BO Majority for government lB2 For the third resolution Against 275 Majority for government 195 Great excitement was manifest in the house on the de feat of the government on the first resolution being made known. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL stated, that immediately after the debate (this day) on the third reading of the Oaths in Parr harness, (Jesrish Disabilities) Bill, his tight hon. friend (Mr. Cardwell) would proceed with his important statement on the Railway Resolution► (so we understood). The bill with regard to the National Debt would therefore not come en this day. Mr. J. MACGREGOR asked when the Pilotage Bill would be gone on with ? Lnrd J. RUSSELL—Not this day. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house (at Ave initiates past 12) adjourned. Patna. —NY MILNIR GIBSON'S RISOLUTIONII.—The Hon. 0. Fitzwil tam fur with the How. C. Danbury against ; Sir J. Duke for with Lord March against. Mn. Burr's Morton on Kumatrixam.—Mr. Pugh for with Sir J. ht`Taggart against; Mr. Morgan for wilt' Lord Norrejs against. NEW EMPLOYMENT OF LONDON POLICE.—The Vienna correspondent of the Frankfort Post Goalie writes: It is now confirmed that the Prussian police were most efficiently assisted in the late political arrests at Berlin and elsewhere by repeated communications from the police of London, without which many of their discoveries might not have been made. In this we see a proof of the good faith of the British government, when, through Lord Westmoreland, it assured the cabinet of Vienna that it would watch over the conduct of the refugees. We learn from other sources that the London police has for some time kept lists of all the fugitives residing there, and watches over their communications with the continent. SAVINGS BANKS A;i FRIENDLY SOCIETIES.- 'Yesterday a return was issued showing that from August, 1817, to the 20th November, 1852, the gruss amount of all sums received and credited, including interest, by the National Debt Cotnmision.•rs was 68,335,1481. 4.. bd. The ptcck now standing in the names of the Commissioners is 33,283,2731. 18s. Bd. ACCIDENT TO LIEDIG AND THE QUEEN OF ; BAVAIUA.—A correspondent, dating Munich, April 10th, writes :—Liebig was last eight giving a lecture on chemistry at the palace, before Queen Maria, the es-King Louis, anid his Queen Theresa, and the younger branches of the royal I family, when a bottle of oxygen gas being improperly handed to ►im by . his assistant, who mi-took it for another bottle, an ex, , losion took place, and the by the flew into a thousand pieces. Fortunately the esploresn occurred in an inns r room, the door of which was open. Still some frog- mesas of the glass passed through the door, and slightly wounded some members of the royal party who were sitting in the (rent mule. Queen There.a was cut in the cheek, and the blood nowt din abunda , ..ee ; Prince Leopold was slightly wounded iu the forehead, Countess Luzhurg in the chin, and Countess in the heed. None of these wound' will be of any consequence. The proftssor was also slightly injured, having escaped with his life by a sort of a miracle. ;Kitt ersireso. TO CORRESPO:4NENTS. eoebd Etllt . "n -f " The Etprea," enstaistar now evening, "(lazette."b hubhohed evely Tue•tl4; ant Yrplay .fight. in time Me pot. A te.thmenge.to hub -.tied for " The Express," Lollies F.verithe pipet, abat be me the it& EO:lterie.triet, by Two ceolock on the Say of pubbartios. MGR WATEL AT LONDON BRIDGE. rus. DtT—llloroise. Si. 33a After/mos. 6i. 12ni. fu - roaarw—Voraiatt. li. 5 . 510 •—•-••Atuoasak 7L "a* L'INDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 15. THE House of Commons has decided, by a majo rity of 200 to 169, that the Tax on Publicity ought to be repealed. Henceforth the housemaid searching for " a place," and th e governess for a pupil. may hope to be able to make their wants known Without paying eighteen's:nee out of their poverty into the money-bags of the CHANCELLOR of the Exetieut•Eß. Mr. MILNER GIBSON has followed Mr. WILLI MS iu getting a vote in favour of a long-worked and well advocated proposition ; and a tax indefensible either on grounds of principle or policy has been doomed to its fall. The omnibus, the railway carriage, the lumbering street van, the peripatetic baardinen, the wall-chalker, the pavement painter, and the bill-sticker, are to surrender their monopoiy. The journals that pay a double tax in paper and stamp have been declared entitled to relief from the third impost they have hitherto suffered under. The Eighteettpenny Plunder on each advertisement is to fall, and henceforth we may hope to see the business of the Trader, the " wan t ' of the See vent, the school of the Teacher, the sale of the Auctioneer, and the thousand other needs of the active myriads who keep alive the progress of civilised society, announceable in the press without that monstrous check which has hitherto made pub licity in print a thing to be enjoyed only by high payments. The maintenance of our social and com mercial position in the family of nations demands the removal of all needless restrictions on honest activity. We cannot run our race of trade with fair chance of success—against America fur instance— if our rulers surround us with regulations crippling the energies needful for success. In New York the ; trader can for a shilling tell, in a few lines, in the best journals, what lie has to sell, or wishes to buy, or desires to hire, or intends to let. In England—from the operation of the Advertisement and Paper Taxes —such a statement in a journal costs at least five times ! the money. The Advertisement Duty—like other duties—does not simply put the full amount of its own weight upon the thing charged to bear it, but superadds additional costs, and hence to advertisers the eighteenpence which the Government take on each announcement in a journal rises in costliness in proportion to the additional weight induced by bad debts, cost of capital, and the other consequences of keeping up unnaturally the price of a thing which, if untaxed, would necessarily be cheap. The string of reasons for the abolition of the Advertisement Tax given in our columns yesterday seems to have had its due weight in the House of Commons, and the vote of last night having followed, it is needless fur us now to go again over the details of the subject—but one or two considerations' still force themsel fee on our attention. The defeat— I for defeat it was in its way—on Kilmainham Hos pital, followed by this adverse division on the Adver tisement Tax, must tend to show the Coalition Cabinet that they cannot beard public opinion with impunity. They must, in accordance with constitutional right and usage, shape their policy, fiscal and other, in something like agreement with popular sympathies. They exist on ly on the popular belief in their readiness to do right, and the moment their views on general topics swerve from those entertained by "the majority out of doors," they become—as they must now feel—mere reeds in the wind. On these subjects of taxation especially the nation are inclined to de mand justice. There is no unwillingness to pay—no desire to cripple by mean snippings or ungenerous thrift the full payments required for I amply rewarding public service. But the nation has grown wise enough to see that, by the equitable adjustment of a few broad and common sense imposts, the taxpayer could know what to expect and how to provide for the demands upon him, whilst his energies, his industry, his capital, and his intelligence might all be released from a number of petty and unprofitable demands now emptying his pocket and chafing his temper. his not the just load that society puts on a man which makes his journey through life wearisome, but those little thorns in the foot which link each step with a twinge of vexatious and unprofitable pain. Your petty taxes aro your great nuisances, making much grumble whilst bringing little grist to the mill. So last night the House of Commons seemed to think when they ended the debate on My. MILNER GIBSON'S advertisement motion, by a majority of 31 in favour of removing the Tax on Publicity. After that division, the CHAN CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER MLA surely deal, on Monday night, with this paltry and unprofitable, yet irritating, Impost. He cannot well put at defiance the clearly expressed opinion of the House, on whose votes his tenure of power depend., nor can he so far stultify himself as to overlook the ad vantages which must accrue from the removal of one of the three loads under which the Fourth Estate now labours. The abolition of the Advertisement Tax will, in truth, induce its own fiscal reward. Its removal must give a stimulus, more or less, to all branches of business—to say nothing of the spe cial increase that must take place in the consumption of paper and in the Post-office revenue from enlarged written correspondence. The tide of commerce raised by the advent of Free Trade would by the absence of this cheek to publicity grow still higher, and out of the expanding wealth thus arising the Government must inevitably receive new revenue. The country cannot be prosperous with out the Exchequer sharing in the general good ; and it should, therefore, be a sufficient consolation to the Coalition Cabinet, that if the division of last night mast lead to the abolition of an obnoxious source of incJme, the very striking off of the fetter will set free new sources of general profit—all sure to . tell satis'actorily on the public as well as the private resources of the country. PROCEEDINGS AGAINST M. KOSSUTH. The Times of this morning founds its opening leader upon the following statement : We believe that we are correctly informed when we state that, upon intelligence received by the Se cretary of State for the Home Department and the Commissioners of Police for the metropolis, active measures have been taken to substantiate the charges which have long been vaguely pre ferred against M. Kossuth and his adherents. Upon this legal information a house in the occupation of M. Kossuth was searched yesterday morning at an early hour by the competent authorities, acting, we presume, under the Secretary of State's warrant, and the result of this investigation was the discovery of a large store of arms, ammunition, and materials of war, which may be the stock in trade of a political incen diary, but certainly form no part of the household goods of a private gentleman living in pacific retire went. Indeed, there is reason to believe that these preparations have been going on upon a scale entirely inconsistent with the notion of any mere private spe culation, and must have had in view hostilities or insurrectionary movements of a very destructive character." COLONIAL POSTAGE. A deputation of the Association for Promoting Cheap Colonial and International Postage will wait,; by appointment, upon the Earl of Aberdeen, on Saturday, the 16th instant. The association has laid aside for the present the proposition fora penny ado ! nial postage ; and the object of the deputation is to induce the government Walter the proposed rate for colonial letters from sixpence to threepence ; that is, one penny for the inland postage in Great Britain, and the same for the colonies, and one penny for the I ocean postage. In the government scheme, as ex plained by Lord Canning, the Postmaster-General, the sixpence was similarly divided, with this import ' ;ant difference, that the charge for ocean tranbit was I set down at fourpenee. The deputation, which will ,I be numerous and highly influential, is to be intro ducal to his lordship bl• Mr. Thomson Hankey, Go ! vernor of the Bank of England. FRANCE. PAR Tilt&lslOAY tan 7 The trial of th e D u k e of Ho , igo and the " Eve f n oreign correspondents" is still going ou with closed doors. Even M. Berryer, the head of the bar, as botoolder of the order of advccates, has been refused admission. I hear that a deputation of the bar waited upon M. Gonidec, the presiding judge, to protest against their exclusion from court. M. Gonidec answered drily, and no doubt very truly, that he had nothing to do Iwith it. The public prosecutor has pressed the case against NI. Planhol, Paris corresp on d ent of the Ulmer cutoff Be/ye, with inure severity than against an of the rest. The mean s a d opte d b y the French police to secure the conviction of M. Planhol are dis graceful in the extreme. It appears that his letters were regularly opened at the post-office. One being found crotched in strong language admirably adapted to furnish materials fur a prosecution, M. de Nlaupas detained it. Such a measure, although repugnant to modern civilisation, and justifiable, if at all, only upon the plea of urgent necessity, is perhaps not un paralled, but what follows will, I believe, excite astonishment even as the work of the police minister of the coup (Mat. The police made a copy of the letter seised, and forwarded the copy to its destination, but as it occurred to them that the Olmercuteur Brlye might perhaps not insert a letter in an unknown handwriting, they added a postcrint to the effect that M. I'hanhol, having sprained his right wrist, had asked a triend to write the letter for him. This stratagem succeeded ad mirably. The letter was published, and the publio prosecutor, apparently unconsci o us of his shame, triumphantly held up in court the original letter, obtained by violating the sanctity of the post-otlice, pinned to the Obscrrateor Brlge, in which its inser tbm was ensured by a forgery. M. Dutiture, M. Planhol's counsel, denounced those proceedings in vehement language, and did not hesitate to say that the police-officer, however high his standing, who had thus outraged the law of France, as well as the laws of civilised society, ought to stand as a pri soner at the bar to answer for the offence. M. Gonidec, however, with all the authority belonging to a judge of Correctional l'oliee, told M. Demure that the proceeding, being adopted for state reasons, was perfectly justifiable. All the prisoners conducted themselves with entire firmness and independence. The Duke of Rovigo denied the authorship of some ribald verses imputed to him con cerning the Empress, saving that it was not his habit to insult a woman, but he did not deny having, in private conversation, which it seems was caught up by a spy, called the Emperor " lirosbec" and " Boustrapa. This latter appellation, by the way, is simply a compound of :he !list syllables of the three great battles in which Napoleon 111. has gained his military renown—namely, Boulogne, Strasbourg, and Paris. It is thought that sentence wili be passed on the prisoners to-ni :ht. The arrests are going on, not only in Paris but in several of the southern departments. It is said that in the provinces a great many republican proclama tions and seditious writings have been sand. In Paris the latest arrests have been chiefly among the working classes. Many of these are at4eibuted to a demonstration made this week in the Faubourg St. Germain at the funeral of a man named Leber, who was followed to the grave by about 1,500 operatives. A great many men were arrested at Pussy 1 immediately after this oecurrence. Gaillad, the supposedauthorof the Marseilles infernal machine,has left Malta fur England,not havingaufficient confidence ' that the authorities in the Mediterranean island might not deliver him up. It is reported that ho been fated by the French refugees in London, and this adds to the uneasiness felt by the government. The Emperor has recovered from his indispositi.m. Yesterday he took a carriage airing with the Empress as far as St. Cloud. Orders have been given to prepare the Palace of Fontainebleau immediately for the re ception of their majesties, the Emperor having sud denly determined to pass a few days there before going to reside at St. Cloud. ' The transactions at the Bourse to-day in the public securities were on a limited scale, with a downward ; tendency in prices, although at the conclusion of I business there was a slight improvement on yester day's quotations, the Three per Cents. and the Four and-a-Half per Cents. for cash having risen sc. and 25c.'; for the account, the Three per C en t s. d ec li ne d 15 e ., ' 1 and the Four-and-a-Half per Cents. 20 c . B an k S toc k I again advanced sf. Closing prices : Cash, Three per I Cents., 80f. 45e ; Four-and-a-Half per Cents., I 103 f. 25e. For the end of the month, Three per Cents., 80f. 35c.; Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 103 f. 15c. ; Bank Stock, 2,745 f. The railway share market participated in the general dulness of business, with the exception of Paris and Rouen shares, which advanced 161. Latest quotations received by telegraph :—Frank fort Austrian Five per Cents., 08; ditto, 1852, 961; Lombardo-Venetian, 93; Bank shares, 1,550; Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 441; Russian Three-and a-Half per Cents., 931 ; Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents. (Baring), 1031 ; Four per Cents. (Hope), 93; Stieglitz, 921; Polish 5009. Bonds, 921 ; Spanish Three per Cents. Inter. Debt, 44; One per Cent., 2 15-16; Dutch Four per Cents., 961; ditto Two and-a-Half per Cents.. 641 ; Sardinian Five per Cents. (Rothschild), 991; Hamburg, 931 ; Tuscany, Five per Cents., 1850, 1021; ditto, 1851, 1001; United Six per Cents., 1171; exchange on London, short, 119;.—Berlin: Prussian Four per Cent. New Loan, 991; ditto Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 1031; Bank shares, 109; ; Rhenish Railway shares, 911; exchange on London, 3 menthe, 6.22 PORTUGAL. SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY MORNING. The Oriental Company's steam packet Iberia. Cap min J. Sown, arrived here this morning, and landed her mails under the charge of Lieut. J. J. Wilkinson, R.N., Admiralty agent, which were forwarded to London by the next train. Her dates dates are : Gibraltar, April 5 ; Cadiz, 6 ; Lisboa, 9; Oporto, 10; Vigo, 10. She brings specie to the value of 2,9401. Her cargo inclades a hyena and a wild cat, a present from the Queen of Portugal to her Majesty. Lisbon letters of the 9th state that Mr. Hislop has accepted, without restriction, the government cindi tions for the formation of the Portuguese Railway, and has obtained the contract, providing he can get the sanction of the Cortes. Exchange, M. Discount of notes of the Bank of Lisbon, 21 per cent. The skip Orestes, which left Gravesend a short time since with the Australian mail, has pot into Lisbon in a leaky condition. Her mail has been. brought back to England in the Iberia. INDIA AND CHINA, THE OVERLAND MAIL.. The despatches in anticipation of the On /Hai id Mail have arrived. The dates are—Calcutts,: Mar ch 5; Bombay, March 14; Madras, March 11); •and China, Feb. 23. • The following is a summary of the Bottsba y mss The intelligence sent home from Burma l as t mail came down to the 14th February. r ,dings have since then reached us to the 23d ; br , t t h ey afford us nothing more than an extension or con firmation of what had been formerly rece i ve d. The robber chief, Mesa Toon, who ow isioned so much mischief, 'as, it is said, offered to surrender himself, a price of 1,000 rupees being set upon his head; and it has been *remarized that it would be cheap at the money, if it coup . only be ( transferred to the shoulders of tho 13riti eh general. There have been some disturbances in I ihawulpore, ; which have compelled us to lisp, .tch a force from Sukkur for their suppression. The Nawab has been deposed by his Peon' .e, or has ab dicated, on finding himself u ,table to main tain his ground, in favour of his brother, Ilajee Mahomed, the rightful h.eir, late a prisoner in lslamghur, who in vain 'setitioned the British government for his release, ar A permis , ion to reside as a subject in the coutv.ry which he now rules. Nu act of disloyalty IV been committed by him against us, and we n 4.11 in all likelihood ratify the choice of the people, interfering merely to the extent of preventing civil war. The Illee it pp&only the oldest, but i's the only kgitimnie stia.ofinie valued ally, th , .: late Nawab4 , lll6 . lfhint jus( l o4 , eated is a bast:rd w h o h as set lip seielrby Zeira influence. The hill p eo pl e gm. our.:serth. 1 • . . - . . • • " • N N