The Express. — London, England, 1848-07-24 00:00:00

THE EXPItES, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1848. Vie OrpreMS. measures of relief; but if no other member brought for ward such mealures, he would take an early opportunity of submitting to the house his long-considered convictions as to a modifiestion of the act of union. Let it not be supposed by these men who had arms in their hands and pillage on their li„ a, that he would grant the repeal of the union ; he would sooner lose his life on the side of order than become the hanger-on of demagogues, who only incited to plunder that tut y might tenth themselves. In support of the vote he should now glop he might quote the precedents of Mr. Fox and Mr tinividan, when the Habeas Corpus Act was last suspended ; Iso in the case of this unfortunate Ireland I in 1503, on occasion of the murder of Lord Kilwarden. Much the samestate of things prevailed then as now ; he said that to th- shame of all governments; French influence was th , n directly alluded to. Mr. Sheriden, on that occa sion, said; " L -t us now think only of saving the ship if sh 3 be in danger; and when it is .past, we can bring the captain to account. Lot us not talk &hunt who is the tninist. r, but consider who is the enemy that we have to cope with." (Hear, hear.) He wo alit not now taunt the noble lord and his celleaeues with their shortcomioas, but would take a more fitting opportunity of doing so. (Hear, hear.) When the house was on tire it wan not a time to refuse to work the englues. (Hear, hear.) From a letter which he had re ceived that morning, he knew that many of the houses in Tipperary and CI , nmel had been stripped of their lead to make ballets. Und,r prosent circumstanceo he should sup port the introduction of the measure proposed by the noble lord. (Hear.) Mr. Ski/LEIB concurred in the necessity that exi tcal for the me• sore now professed. In the absence of any effort of government to realise the profuse professions they made in opposition, he saw no practical means of preventing blood shed, the destruction of property, and the forfeiture of the claims of industry, but by the proposed suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. Sixty-five coercion acts had already passed for lrelaud, hut not a single remedial measure had yet emanated Iron this parliament. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he had never risen to address the house with tea ling, so painful. He consid ved that the connexion of Ireland with this country was is danger; and as a loyal su'itect, desirous of upholding that connexion, and maintaining peace, he telt bound to state the measures which he thought necessary for that purp-,se, and why he thought the measure now proposed would not have that effect. It would destroy the principles of liberty without producing any counterbalancing advantage. Whence came the uni wrsal discontent snit disaffection of the pecyle ? It was owing to their miserable social condition: the lowest classes were starving ; an enormous taxation wee fast waking the middle classes ; and the landlord* would soon be plunged in the same ruin. While such was the state of Ireland the promised remedial measures, without which no goal could be done, had been entirely neglected. During the preaent century insurrection acts had been in force at various p nods, and the Elabi as Corpus Act had been thrice suspended. What was now the rosult ? After 47 years of union Ireland was in a more d stressed and dis contented condition than ever it was before; and the danger of rehol.ion was greater. There was c:early no alternative betweei, hailing Ireland by the sword and governing it to such a way act to produce content and obedience. The power int this country might be sufficient to pea down re he hut it co all not Runic, to preserve peace over the whole face of the country. In the year '9d there w. re 100,01)0 troops in Ireland ; and union rem, dial measures were passed for Ireland the swine lord wouid be obliged to call upon parliament for a great in crease of the military force in that country. W;,a Great Britain prepared for that? (Hear, hear.) Without reme dial measure' no coercive policy would be adequate to pacify the people of Ireland. It was the const ant neglect of such measures that compelled the people of Ireland to entertain the desire far separation. He did not think that a suspen sion of the Habeas Corpus Act should be asked for until the government had tried the emcacy rat see eristMg laws . nnit found them to foil. He thought that the enf: - .'eefuels. oi the Felony Act would be sefficient. The government, in his opinion, had not used the means within its power to put down rebellion. He was old enough to recollect the pro ceedingo which had taken place before the rebellion of 'OB : and he believed that the government of that day had not taken the proper course to prevent things coming to a crisis. He did not mean to charge the present government with adopting a like tr.licy, Int. there was some ground for suspicion when the law, now existing had not been put In operation. There wcald be no fear of the peasantry of De land listening to toe doctrines that we: e preached to them, if the tenants wore secured in their just right*. For himself he would rather vest in the government the power of martial law than vete for the present measure, and believing that the measure would not be effective unless accompanied by othL n of a remedial character, he would propose the following amendment—" That the present state of Ireland arose front misgovernment and from the want of remedial measures for acknowledged prier .nets, without which no coercive policy could restore order or ensure permanent tranquillity in that country." Mr. W. FAGAN seconded the amendment. 11. was es other, the minister would, in his mind, deserve well of Ms errantry, and be entitled to the hearty and full coun tenance and support of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few words upon this all-important subject. Ile was not one of those who blamed the government for endeavouring to stop the progress of insurrection in helmet, but he doubted whether this bill would effect that object. He whet tamed as much loyalty to the crown and atiecton for the people of England as any man in that house, but he could nut consent to sit , quietly in hi. place and allow Ireland to be made the dupe of every party in or out of power. Let the house apple remedial measures to Ir. land, and they would do more to sow the audio( contentment amongst her people than all tee coercion acts put together. Sir D. 0. J. NORILEYS observed that he believed the effect of the Lill would be either to put down re bellion or to ensure its immediate explosion. But if the meuere was delayed greater evia must be incurred. In deed, so strongly did he feel uoon the subject teat he really thought the noble lord would have been justified in taking steps to seize the head. of the conspiracy and come doom to the house for a bill of indeuini y. It was to save his poor countrymen from the miseries of civil war that he voted for the bill, to which he should give every possible support. Mr. H. DRUMMOND was astonished that the hon. mem ber for Core should object to this measure. Civil war was no child's play : there was nothing in it but victory or it ath. Neck Rod here summoned the house to attend the Lords Commissioners in the House of Piers. On Mr. Speaker's return he infortn«l the house that cer tain bills (for which see Lords' report) had received tho royal assent. Mr. H. DRUMMOND then continued.— 'Ate ret be fore them was a particular remedy for a particular disease. That disease is rightly described as Jacubinism. The mem ber for Nottingham said all this arose n consenuence of the existence in Begland of a profligate press. What was the meaning of the word " proflioate ? " lle believed it meant some one who did something unworthy for his owe advan tags. Now, he wished to know whether that press could be called profligate which pubbshed a long list of blasphemous books, and recommended them to its readers? (Hear, hear.) Ho left it to the member tor Nottingham to say whose press hail done that. (Hear, hear.) What press was it thet declared that all society must be subverted—that avowed that " civilisation meant ill-re quiteo labour, and was a huge lie, end an (lionised hy pocrisy ? " (Herr, hear.) It WAR not a profligate press more than an unruly tongue that injured society in helm .—an unruly tongue that set on fire the course sat nature, and set on fire a hell. (Cheers.) Mr. HUME said Communism rather than Jaeohinirin was the description which ought to be given of the agitation in Ireland. lie agrees', that that nun wnoset a country on fire by blasphemous publication and se lit Mus speaking, ought to be checked. Such public -aliens reel such language were dan -1 gerous in any situation, but e.pecially so in times of ddH culty and distress, and be deprecated them, whether used in that house or out of it. The position in which he was placed by this measure was &disagreeable one, but he felt the emergency of the occasion, sad he was prepared tv support the g .vernment in the present bill. At the sauce time he protested against it sea re.medial measure teethe wrongs and Oil , . of Ire land. 'foe Church in that country, the religions distinctions which prevailed there—ought to be dealt with. Parliament, however, had done nothing towards putting the people of Ire land on the same footing as Etigdenmen and Scotchmen. Their civil privileges were withheld, and no lung as they were not treated as freemen they could out be expect d to act as freemen. Irish questions were never treated propiely. They not only affected Iceland, they affected every parish in Eng land, and they ought to he trea.ed aceorlingly. But pro mises were made by every parliament, without any attempt at performance. Each ministry haund it and made it a par: y ;atm-held, and is no other way werethe great interests of the sister kingtiom ever cot.siderea.....,olng the present session no one measure had been passed for Ireland exec pt coercion bills, and the result was that the country we. now in a worse peat tion than a twelvemonth back. The present m. mire might hush and quiet turbulence for a time, but of its permanent effects he had acme doubt. Prisons might be filled, but as fast as arrests were made new agitators would scut up, un less remedial measures were Roomed. As the government, therefore, had the p core and telt it, let them not permit fins parliament to separate without doing eomething. Let them at once deal with the question of the Irish church. Let them govern the country by mild, paternal sway; not hold the land by troops and treat it as a garrison. The house ought not to separate without passing conciliatory measures. They ought to sit from day to day to consider the subject. While giving his zealous support to the measure, he would 1 more earnestly than ever call upon the goes raiment to lose no time in adopting those remedial measures for Ireland which had so long been demanded, and which the right hon. mem- 1 bar for Tamworth had so emphatically proclaimed the hetes sity of just previous to his relinquishmeet of office. Mr. NEWDEGATE gave his unqualified sanction to the .... • nanish opposed to the proceedings at present taking place in bill. Ireland ae any man iu that Minn, tied he b lieved that if Ilr. GRODAN rest, la the name of the loyal and peace. those who were cennected with them could by say pone. ably-disposed clause of Dublin to express hearty thanks busty succeed, which he (lid not think war at all likely, it that the government had at length determined to grapple would involve that country in half a century of the graateas with this monster agitation, this vile incubus, which had so misery. (Hear, hear.) But il defeat should be the result, long been weighing down Ireland, paralysing her trade and and defeat he believed to be inevitable, the political and her commerce, and, as a necessary consequence, suspending social condition of Ireland would be thrown bet k for quite as employment, and involving all interests in poverty, it not in lone a period. Ile war in favour of a domestic legielature, absidute ruin. (Hear, hear.) The measure was tardy in its but opposed to atomization between the two countries. He appearance; but better late than never. Its earlier produc. believed that by moral force all the just demands of the tiou would have been still more merciful towards the poor people of Ireland could be obtained, and that the exercise of deluded men whom the desperate and designing demagogues, physical force, which was now apparently in the ascendent, the leaders of rebellion, had been seducing and tntirei would retard the prosperity of the country, and ought to be the dating into their toils. He trusted that she house would last means by which those demands should he maintained. unanimously senetion the measure, and that, once paned, Those were his opinions, but believing that the suspension of the government would carry it vigorous!, and promptly into the Hebrew Corpus Act would not have the effect of putting full effect. This was no time for ineecision. (Hear, hear.) a 'rep to the proceedings that were new taking place iu are The fomenters of rebellion mud be effectually quelled. Ile land, he felt it his duty to support the amendment had that mornina seen an account in the news. Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity ofatating papers of • magietrate presiding over one of the the single reason why he would give his earnest and unequi- seditious meetings. He had already observed the vocal support to the proposition of her Mreesty'sgovernraent names of other magistrates—of tome in Kilkenny, in (Hear, hear.) If he thought that the origin of this impend particular—similarl connected with the rebel movement. ing insurrection arose from the social and political grievances Ile trusted that on Monday the government would be pre of which they heard so much in the sister island—if be pared with an intimation that these magistrates had been thought that the meerare of her Majesty's government would struck out of the commission_ (Hear, hear.) He saw eo prove ut obstacle to those remedial Inen ores which were reason why parliament should he kept together from menth neeeseary to remove thou social and political grievances, he to month, iu the way that had been suggested, but he would for one should view it with jealousy arid distrust. Its eha- say that if government contemplated any further men. rnetoT w3.flogrnr.: it was covered with no he pocrieical vu sores for 'the effectuatien of tranquillity—and he could nish ;it was avowedly an assault on the constitutiorad liberties not but think this would be necessary--he hoped of the subject, and the only justification for such a proposition they would not delay to propose them. Tnia done, he con mast be the necessities of the case. (Hear, hear.) He mind that Irish representatives would be doing the state thought th necessities of the case existed in those eireuru- better service by repairing to their respective estate., and stances to which the noble lord the first initialer hail re- supporting the cause of order by their presence amongst thole ferred. (Hear, hear.) It did not indeed require the ex- tenantry. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, further, that the vas pesition of the noble lord to impress that conviction upon the Tame lieutenants of counties in Jreland would he ordered to house or tbe country, for the noble lord woe not in the psi- their poets without delay. (Hear.) lion which ministers in similar circumstances had found Mr. REYNOLDS said that from the loud and general themselves. The noble lord did not come there with a cheering which had hailed the proposal of this tall by the green tag filled with anonymous and numerous cum- noble lord, and the speech in support of it by the right hen. =unlink:ion., or with !statements made to the minister member for Tunworth, he supposed he might prophesy that under circumstances which could not safely be re. the measure would pass (laughter) —bet he himself ogled to tee Roue of the country. The noble lord, should oppose it at every stage. The bon. member for Mon. without affectation, with a frankness and simplicity trove urged the Irish represe. tatims to support the bill, but which did him honour, referred only to them eireumetan'tes the hon. gentleman's speech was anything but favour:Ml • to vie .h they were all familiar with, and which were daily and its principle. The hon. member unequivocally admitted hourly occurring, as his justifiestion for the policy wh.ch he teat the two coercion bills of the past six moist! s had proved 'recommended to be adopted, and the re sponeihility of whim entire failures, and, therefore, urged the hon. member, let hi. did not shrink from. (Meer, hear.) Ane lee also re- us nave a third. He (Mr. Reynolds) had pruplie sled, on minded the house that a responsibility attached to them as each occasion, that these two bills would pr Meares, a the representatives of the people, from which they also could he prophi tied the a .me laths. eto the present measure. To not escape. (Hear, hear.) If he thought that this impend- use a commercial illustration, the two bins have been pro ing insurrection was funded upon these emied and political tested on non-acceptance. The government had now drewn cede, he should have viewed this proposition with great a third bill, including the two former amounts, principal jielousy end distrust; but he was bound, in giving his tines. and interest; but the third bill would be protested just ea its fling support to this measure, to state that it was nis "pillion predecessors had been. What he wanted to know was thin: e• e. :mete ding iesurecti in did not in :oly way por:uk Min, del govermn,nl mina to prin. cd wed tisey hod goi of that character. It was not an agrarian move. their bill ? Suppose they kith d the gaols with poll. meat It was not a religions movement. It ti. al offenders, as crowdeilly as the union houses was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any were filled with able-bodied paupers—what was to bo sentiment of perverted nationality. It was an mitt real eon. done then ? Suppose that alter these men had been kept in tine't.l movement. It was neither more nor less than a prison till March, the discontent remained unabate I, the Jacobin movement, and, lookinz upon Jacobinism to be disease unmitigated in its virulence—what state doctors were nething mom nor leas than a system of universal reunder and then to be called to physic the complaint ? In his opinion unmitigated violence, he thought it was their duty to grapple this measure, so far from &baying discontent, would aggra with the evils in which they recognised such features with a vate it; so far from lessening the forces of dieconteet,it would power greater than their violence, and with ade erminetion add to their number, by the adeesion of many woo now kept to maintain every social principle and every social right with aloof, but who would then say: "We have waited with a a courage equel to their audacity, which had been so much confi Bence in the British legislature, but we nue abandon encouraged uy everts which had untortutsately occurred on that confidence." He did not tee the necessity tor the the continent, but happily not in England nor yet in ire. measure. Why could not the government deal with the other Lod. (Hear, hear.) It was fur that reason that he thought political criminals of Ireland as effectually as they had dealt they ought not to hesitate to invest the government with with Mr. Mitchel ? Undeniably • great deal of most culpable these great end extraordinary powers, and he for language bad been used by agitators in Ireland ; but one protested against the social end political evils he conscientiously regarded it as equally undeniable of Ireland being in any way mixed up with this that the enormous preponderance of the Irish natien the question which was before them. (Hear, hear) was thoroughly loyai, and milieus to preserve the He protested against its being assumed in argument that connexion with England. He utterly repudia cd the th, se who had originated this movement had, in fact, any augeestion of the hum mean ter for Nottingham, that the re desire to - remedy these social and political grievances in any peelers, as a body. participates in the seditious sentiments of war welch the common 'sense and feeling of this country the Irish revolt leaders. And even if t .ere were twice as meld recognise or appease oe. Nor did he believe teat this much dissiniction in Ireland as there redly was, the 45,000 impending ineurrectan was either now, or in its mien), an i troops there, with the 10,000 police, were amply sufficient for ti inaurrec.n of the people of Ireland ; and the chief ra • the effectual maintenance of order, not to mention the inti. son which had induced him to take that opportunity of nice thousands of loyal &ejecta strong armed and stout making these few observations was to protest against hearted, who were as ready to stand forward in the vindica its going forth throughout Europe that the question Lien of order as the special constables in England had been. before them was a question between the government of There had been made out a case of alarm in some seditious England and the people of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He language said to have been uttered at Bray, in Wexford. did not believe that even numerically the traitors had Why Bray was a little village, wita, at the outside, a popula. the advantage; for he could not for a moment suppose Lion of 400 ; while, as to Wexford generally, it was as loyal a —indeed, he had every resent to disbelieve—that the county as Middlesex. And as to Dublin, trade and corn. Roman catholic priesthood could look with any favour mesa were going on much as usual, and the people walked upon a Jacobin movement. (Hear, hear.) He believed about the streets without any maniestation of the that the great body of the peasantry of the south of Ireland alarm that was talked of so much here. All that at first looked with no favour on this movement, although the Irish people wanted, was some reasonable attention to the neglect with which it had been treated, and the pitch it their just claims. Re was constantly asked by his coned. bad now attained, as must always be the cue with an im- tuents: " What is the meaning o f yo ur remaining at all Musionable and eufferinz people, might induce multitudes in that House of Commons; its mere 100 of time; they easel, yto rally round those who made bold promises calcu- won't do anything for ma ? " and w hen he has said: " Well, 'feed to produce an effect on the masses. (Hear, hear.) what is it you really went ?" the answer hut always been, Though this might have occurred, he was still of opinion "We want an emulation of rights as of duties with Eng. ehat the great body of the peasantry were not heart sad soul land ; we want our municipal institutions to be placed on a in the movement, which was me menacing. It aeu a move. footing with those of England ; we want a grand jury relent, he repeated, organised by a party that was etiretulated by law, which shall relieve the people from the peculation, of foreign example and inspired by foreign successes—(hear)— their masters; we want a landlord and tenant law, which who on preview occasions, in the history of Irelued, had shall give the farmer some protection in the outlay of his 11 ..a°Pfed the same coarse, and met with the same results. capital and his labour ; we want an extension of the suffrage, Their plans and machinations must, under any ntimlLM- which shall enable us to be really represented in parliament. nsncell meet with complete and overwhelming discomfituM; These things, and such things se these, are what we Dot he, for one, was a nxious that their overthrow this time' want." And it appeared to him that these were b....stetted not be attended with the terrible expenditure which very reasonable and just claims. As to the representation in e e •t 'elelialised their previous defeats—not an expenditure of parliament, the parliament he desired for Ireland was an hide. eMeremere of this country only—not an expenditure merely pendent legislature, the country i tself remaining firmly con °f the l ie es of Engl ishmen, but of the destruction of all that nested with England by that golden link, tee crown, which ,euenng and good feling between the two countries had neaintained the connexion for 600 years befote the legis ed taken now half a century to cherish and foster, hative netion was thought of. Before he went out of office mod welch a discomfiture obtained by such means would re- the right ;eon. member for Tamworth admitted emphatically ‘Ve with . all the old feelings of prejudice, misconception, that Ireland could not he governed by coercion . If the right se a titterneu. And If the government could quell this im- hon. baronet still retained this opinion let him seriously peorli e m insurrection that bloodshed, without them consider within ilinuelf whether he was not bouetel, even at seine, neoliation, ravage, and disorder, Ana 'without oz. this eleventh hour, te; lend his powerful assistance in earri!ng Citing the feefings and penions of one people whist the • bete practical operation that Principle so declared by .sedu=m, 1 that Ireland is to be governed by conciliation and not by coercion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ said that, however reluctantly, he felt him self necessitated, by the imperative circunistanca a of the cast, to Import the gong rnment proposal, though with ample be. lief that the measure would fail, as all coercion must fail. when applied to a nation desperate from utter and universal misery. There was no alter Wive, however, but to make the attempt contemplated in this bill. Sir W. BARRON could not omit to lend his testimony to the absolute necessity of some measure et this kind being adopted by the British parliament with the leant possib'e delay and the greatest possible unanimity. (Hear, hear.) lie only regretted that the measure had been delayed so long, fur the letters he received from Ireland had become, day after day, more and more alarming. (Hear, bear.) People of all persuseimas there, et all political opinions, he might say, were well nigh tan animous in condemning the government for not having produced this measure earlier, though, at the same time, it was felt that the delay had been in great measure owing to the aenerous and gentle nature of Lord Clara ndon inducing him to attempt every other means ere he had recourse to the more strin gent mine now contemplated. It was generally con aid, red that this delay had given the reckless and unprin cipled men who were fomenting rebellion the oppor unity of augmenting their apparent numeers by the intimidation of many thousands of poor men, who would have resisted the it threats alike with their persuasions had they seen any s'eps taken by the authorities to protect them in that resistance. (Hear, hear.) However, the meuure so long needed was now forthcoming, and joyfully would it be hailed throughout Ireland: aye, and not less joyfully than by others by nutty of the leaders of the movement themselves, who, felt that from one heedless step to another they had at last gone too far, and having some stake in the country, would be very glad 10 receive the aid of the very government they had conspired against in quellin! the monster their Frankenstein efforts had created. (Hear, hear.) He believed in his con science that not a few of the prominent insurrectionary chiefs would bedelighted at the passing of the bill, and at their being placed in sac keeping under its provisions. He was convinced the clueing of the prison doors upon them would be grateful music in the ears al' men who thought and felt, as these men did, the utter hopelea suss of the project in which they had engaged; who knew peraectly well that rebellion, even if for a few hours, a taw days, successful in a few localities, must inevitably end, alter the destruction of thousands noon thou sands of insurgents, and of, perhaps, millions of Irish pro perty, in the utter discomfiture of the attempt to overturn the institutions of the empire. (Hear, hear.) Col. DUNNE felt called upon to support the measure, though he agreed, abstractedly, in much that had fallen from the hen. member for Rochdale. The state of Ireland, at this moment, was quite apart from the consideration of remedial measures, however essential the earliest portable coutideration of such measures clearly was. The conuuct and the emirate's of the fomenters of rebellion in Ireland — those urgent advocates for tne parti ion of property and the 'pilling of blood—had certainly no relation to remedial mea sures, but, on the contrary, tended to retard such measures. air. SCULLY supported the amendment. lie denied than there existed in Tipperary anything lake the disloyalty and disaffection which haat bcen charged against that county, and what discontent there did exist w.es mainly attributable to the injustice which had characterised the late government prarsocutions in Ireland. The house divided—For the original motion 271 For Mr. S. Grawford's amendment B-263 The bill was then brought iu by Lord %Ulla Russell nod read a first time. . . _ Lord J. RUSSELL said that as the house bad ao un equivocally pronounced its opinion in favour of the bill, and u it ergs of the utmost importance that no delay in pa,sing it into a law should intervene, he hoped they would all agree that it was far better to do ai immediately, than to fol low the ordinary course. He begged therefore to move Unst the bill be now read a 'Mad Mr. F. O'CONNOR got up amidst cries of "Oh !" He only rose to do justice to the Lord Advocate, in respect to the assertion made by him on aformer evening, that it was not usual for a select committee to report immediately to the house when its sittings wore concluded. He found he was wrong, and he begged the right hon. gentleman's pardon. Sir L. O'BRIEN rose and said that he felt himself to be in a delicate position. (lieu.) When he heard the noble lord opposite state bis intention to bring in the bill before the house, his tint improtion was that he ought not to vote fur it, considering the present situation of a very near relation of his. But other considerations had induced him to deviate from his original intention; and he owed it to the noble lord to say that the manly declaration which he had made had contributed to thin change. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HOME said that as very great power was to be given to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whoever that personage might be, he wished to ask whether any record of the arrests effected under the Sill would bu kept, so as to afford mi 61111 fur inquiry in future times ? He wanted to kaow what the rule was in these Extraordinary circumstances. Sir G. GREY said that the objc et sought to be attained by tin lion. member bad been provided for. Every warrant would be lodged with t.:e clerk of the peace fur the county where an arrest was made. Mr. REYNOLDS said that the bill having been read a first time, he must put it to the house whether it was fair ' in the ab.ence of the majority of the representatives of Ireland, to call for a second reading without having given them due notice. Mr. MONSELL said the state sat Ireland was that of im minent danger. He entreat d the house and the noble lord, if they valued human life, to press the bill forward and to 1 1 pass it at once. Mr. D. CALLAGHAN felt bound to say " ne" to the question that the bill be read a second time at on.. De did so out of consistency to his character and position, and, if necess.ry, he would divide the house upon the principle f the bill. Mr. FOX said that the sooner the bill was passed into a law the better. He would do all in his power to aid the government in'carrying it at once. Lord J. RUSSELL s.id that the house would not feel surprised if he declined giving way to the proposals for de. iat sag the bill. Lord INOESTRE was understood to ask whether the bill would ..• printed and laid on the table of the house forthwith. Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to promise that it should. . MAILS. The overland closed mails, rio Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, Ste., will be made up on the evening of the 24th July. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Wig, and Gibraltar will be made up on the incoming of the 27th July. The mails for British North America, and the United States, will be made up on the evening of the 29th July. The mails for New South Wales, V an D ie m an's Land, and New ! Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 3lst July. The Mae for the West Cuent of Africa and Mudeirn will be made up on theevening of the 31st July. The West India Mails, Including Bermuda, Noma; Havana, ' Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Cruz., Tampico, and Porto Rico, and exclodutg time for Madeira, Jacmel, I, Banta Martha, (Ingres, Panama, West Coast of South Am and St. Juan-de. Nicaragua. will be made up on the morning of the 2nd August. The mails for the Bnisits, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco. Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made op on the evening of the 4lh August. The overhead mail tot Gibraltar, Malta, Grua, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, via bouthamp. ton, will be made up on the evening of the 19th Anvil. TO CORRESPONDENTS Advesisevssots InteaW4 be • TM Swim," Lowden towaloT Parr...ft bat • 'kcal.. t 4 Wwwlowawl, W Two oirelowo on IN du ae .pasheatbos U I OH TS*. AT N 81910C/T. Tut Mt —3l.ormag, W A 3 ' Cropu LO t DUN Murano, 9 Pal. past 4. Tu••usztow—lhealsg, 43 mla. pat 1, iltaT3oa. 21 •Lia.P•IN 1. LONDON, MONDA Y. JULY 24. THE „proceedings of the House of Commons upon Saturday last will be read by all classes of the peope throughout the United Kingdom with deep and pain ful interest. Summoned together on an anusual day, to take counsel with the responsible ministers of the crown upon the best means of providing for a perilous and unexpected exigency, the crowded bencies of the representative chamber of the legislature wore an unwonted aspect of solemnity and theughtful care. It is due to all who took part in the discussions of the day toobserve the peculiar freedom from party recrimination and the almost unbroken unanimity of feeling that characterised both aid.e oh the house, and all sections of the representative body. English and Irish— conservative and radical—united in deploring the miserable necessity with which they were called upon to deal. Of the cabinet, Lord Jona RUSSELL only spoke. Oo the part of their predecessors, Sir ROBERT PEEL expressed in terms the most unquali fied, and even urgent, his assent and approval of the course recommended by them. Mr. DlsitsELl and Messrs. OSBORNE and Hume tendered the sup port of their respective parties. Among the Irish members, ten only recorded their formal opposition to the measure, by which additional powers of arrest and detention are to be conferred for a short time on the executive in Ireland. But the great majority of the Irish representatives, both liberal and tory, did not shrink from the discharge of the painful duty imposed upon them by the madness of a certain portkn of their countrymen—a much more inconsiderable por tion, however, than clamorous boaatings or pusilla nimous credulity would lead men to believe. In a speech which occupied nearly two hours in the f.; . ;:ivery Lord JOHN stated with great precision and distinctness the rapid rise and growth of anti social conspiracy in certain counties and towns, having at its head the prominent leaders of the young Ireland party—having for its object, not the repeal of the union, but a species of agrarian communism,—and for its means a sanguinary revolt and the " establishment in Ireland of a Red Repub lic." Vague menaces of such a design had for some weeks been circulated through a portion of the Dub lin and provincial press; but the incoherency of the projects that were put forward, and the apparent absence of any means of realising them, disarmed the apprehension of government, though not its vigilance ; and thus when on the arrest of Mr. Duffy, Mr. Meagher, and otters, symptoms of a more serious I description began to appear,the authorities found them selves already in possession of information leaving no doubt of the identity and searet connexion of armed clubs throughout a large portion of Leinster and Munster. The public ascemblages of these bodies at' Cork, Waterford, and Clonmel, and the open promul gation, by their chiefs in Dublin, of the most ruthless and rapacious schemes, roused still further the anxiety of government To wait until these unprincipled men should have lured additional thousands of the excitable and misguided peasantry into their iniquitous plot would have a forbearance as culpable as cruel. War with the Queen's troops, and to over turn the Queen's authority, was undisguisedly and ostentatiously proclaimed; and had the infatuated dupes of the conspirators beeu allowed much longer to imagine that their array was regarded as formid able or their cause one of possible success, no man could feel secure that a casual spark might not fire the ignitable mass, and originate a disastrous confla gration, in which multitudes of innocent and defence less homes would infallibly have been laid desolate. As to the stability of the royal authority, no doubt could for a moment be entertained. Beside the amount of troops actually in Ireland, or capable of being in a few hours transported thither from this coun try, the extent to which the I:yalty of the upper and middle classes universally had been attested, and the instinctive repugnance with which they must regard the doctrines of spoliation and violence preached by the incendiaries, rendered from the outset all anxiety on the part of the vice regal government for its own defence superfluous. But for the safety of the people of every class and opinion, grave apprehensions ne cessarily arose. It was clearly the duty of Lord CLA RENDON, and those by whom he was advised, to fore stall insurrection, and to prevent at all hazards the effusion of blood. It was manifest that delay would give the determination of this awful question to the_ open enemies of property and order. The existing law did not enable persons, however notoriously be lieved to be engaged in conspiracy against their neighbours and the state, to be detained in custody until a fair and dispassionate trial could be obtained. The LoRD CHANCELLOR of Ireland, therefore, and the other law advisers of the crown recommended an immediate application to parliament for such tem porary additional powers as the urgency of the cue demanded; and parliament has done wisely and mer cifully in losing not an hour in conceding them. It Is a total misconception to suppose that the bill adopted by the House of Commons upon Saturday last is a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ire land, or in any portion of that kingdom. All the rights of the subject remain precisely as they stood be fore, with the single exception of complicity in treason. For every other offence a party when arrested can still offer bail, or, if in error committed to prison, he can claim his release by writ of habeas corpus. But if to the LORD LIEUTENANT of Ireland and to six members of the Privy Council, and whose signatures are indispensable, it shall appear reasonable to sus pect that any person is engaged in treasonable prae ti,cs, a warrant may be issued for his apprehension, and he shallnot be entitled to claim as of right his liberation or trial before the Ist March next. Thus the mildest and most limited form has (seen t hewn for interposing with the strong arm of extra-constitutional authority between the insane and worthless disturbers of the public safety and their meditated prey. If it be pas sible to avert a sanguinary collision, the means are thus pros-id: d. Policy, justice, mercy, alike commend the moderation and decision of the course now taken ; and public opinion, both in England and Ireland, will doubtless approve and affirm it. It is obvious that the bill is not aimed spinal opinions openly and legitimately discussed, but against acts of violence and rapine, whether secretly or openly planned. It is not against repealer, or repeal that its provisions are framed or will be pot in force, but against rebels plotting anarchy, plunder, and desolation. Mr. MEAGHER ended one of hie latest harangues with the exclamation—" God save the people," not the Queen :—we say, God enable the servants of the Queen to save the lives of her people! The bill was then read a second time. Lord J. ItUSSELL moved that the bill be forthwith com mitted. Mr. REYNOLDS explained that by the speech which he had just made, his object was to throw the whole of the re sponsibility or the summary proceedings, with respect to the bill, on the government. (Hear.) The house then went into committee on the bill. Lori J. RUSSELL said that he wished to state to the h use that the present bill was altered in one respect only from the bill of 1821, by which the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended in Ireland. The clause contained in that bill exempting member* of parliament from being arrested under its operatiin was omitted in the present bill. (Hear, hear.) The preamble of the bill was then postponed. On the question being put that the operation of the bill be extended to March 1, 1849, Mr. B. OSBORNE rose and denied that he had ever voted against the application of remedial measures to Ire. land. It would set a very bad example if the present hill ' were to be passed in a hasty and inconsiderate manner. In stead of intending its operation to March, 1849, he would suggest that the act be limited to the Ist September, 1848. He begged to move, as an amt ndment, that the words " Sep. tember Ist, 1848," he inserted instead of "March Ist, 1849." Mr. REYNOLDS said it was of little importance whether they restricted the operation of his unconstitutional measure to the lilt September nest or the let March. If even it was proposed to extend it to si.ren years he should not teal it his uuty to tilvAe the i u:... lie Lerciore advistd the .1; po , Dents to the bill not to give the house the trouble of again divining, but to have the government to bear the whole responsibility of it. Mr. F. O'CONNOR asked what was 'ho difference between the present hill and the act of 1822, in point of duration? Lord J. RUSSELL said that the art of 1822 had operation from February to August. The present hill would extend from July to March, very nearly the same period of time. With respect to the remedial measures which the hon. mem ber for Middlesex war desirous to Circe from the government, he would recollect that the su,.plies fur the year were for the moat part unvoted, and he could at any time oppose them if be thought fit, on a motion fer remedial measures for Irelmid. Mr. HUME recommended his hon. friend to leave the wii le responsibility tine present proceeding with the go vernment, and to offer his opposition on the motion for goine Lito committee of supply on the estimates yet unvoted. Mr. P. HOWARD thought the government course was the wisest under ex i sting circumstances. Mr. S. CRAW FORD took the same view of the question ma his hon. friend near him (Mr. Reynolds). Mr. B. OSBORNE, under these circumstances, and as the Irish member* were almost unanimous in their sentiments as to his amendment would not persist in pressing i!. The amendment was then, by leave, withdrawn; the blank being tided up with the words " from the 22nd day of July, 1848, to the let day of March, 1849." Mr. B. OSBORNE said that he had not heard any ques tion put that the standing order be suspended in favour of the present bill. Mr. BERNAL (chairman) said that there existed no standing t rders •ihich prevented the course now adopted from being followed. The clauses and preamble being then age. ed to, the house resumed. Mr. BERNAL reported the bill to the house. The report was forthwith received, and the amendments in committee agreed to. we l r a e ordJ. RUSSELL moved that the bill be now read a third time; which being done, the question that "this bill do pass" was put and carried. Mr. Batoret, was then ordered to take the bill to the House of Lords forthwith. The hon. member accordingly took charge of the bill, and proceeded to the upper house. He returned in a few minutes, and reported that the House of Lords was not then sitting. METROPOLITAN SEWERS (COMMISSIONS). Lord MORPETH brought in a bill to consolidate the Metropolitan Commissions of Sewers, which was read • tint time. The holm ►djourned at a quarter to seven o'clock. NEW RECORDERS.—Mr. J. Greenwood, now Re corder of Portsmouth, is appointed Recorder of Devonport, being the first recorder of that borough on the grant of quar- ter sessions there. Mr. T. Phinn, of the western circuit, is t o awned Kr. Greenwood as Recorder of Portsmouth,--06- server. ArrACREs.--Mr. Wombwell, the second paid at tube ach e British Embassy at St. fetersburgh, is appointed lint paid attache at that court, in place of Mr. Elliott, ap pointed of legation at the liig u e.i. Mr. Tod, un paid attac he at at mover.. is appointed second pied attach{ at St peteysburgh, in place 01". W. Wombwell.—Observer. Tins meddling with the sugar duties has been from first to last a most unlucky affair for ministers. In all shapes, in all stages of its progress, it hu brought them nothing bat discredit and discomfort. The proposal to move new resolutions about the strange duties, of itself indicated levity and instability of purpose. In the course of the session ministers had repeatedly declared that they did not intend to alter those duties. The Last declaration to this effect was made only a week or two before notice was given of the resolutions. No one expected anything of the kind—everybody was taken by surprise. It was as if a sudden impulse had seised the First Lord of the Treasury while picking his teeth aft e r dinner—. 4 , Hang it! I'll alter these sugar duties a lter aIL" .And the career of the measure throughout has had s mog marks of after-dinner legislation about it. In the first place, the idea of tampering with the rates of they en emu, settled in 1846, betrayed a ' jolly forgettable"; of principle. The gradually evaniahing scale of differential duties on sugar was a plagiarism from Sir It. Pest's gradually evanishing se of duties on foreign corn. The reasons on which an evanishing scale of protective duties are ad vocated are these ; The necessity of reverting to a natural state of unprotected trade in the article on which the duties are imposed is admitted. The gra dual diminution of the protecive duties, leading to their exterminati n within a limited period, is dictated as the mode of reverting to free trade by two consider ations. The first ie, the danger of exciting a panic among the protected parties by the prospect of a sud den transition from a state of protection to a state of unrestricted competition. The second is, the danger of exciting distrust in the minds of the parties inte rested in fret: trade. To satisfy the lat ter a precise time is fixed by law for the introduction of a perfectly free trade ; to re-assure the former, their protection is allowed to disappear by regular, almost insensible, degrees. We are not defending this theory—we neither affirm nor deny that it may ba a piece of excessive refinement— we are simply stating it as the theory upon which Sir ROBERT PEEL and Lord Jon RUSSELL after him devised what seemed to them a plan of introducing free trade in corn and sugar with the least passible injury to any interest. Good faith and sound policy alike require tha: measures framed tyon these views shall be held to be irrevocable. Good faith to all parties consemed requires that the part of the csm promise favourable to each shall be religiously observed. Good policy requires that the expediency of reverting to a state of free trade having once been solemnly reco,mised, no doubt shall be allowed to arise as to the unchangeableness of the decision, through any tampering with the arrangements by which it is to be en forced. Good faith and good policy were there fore alike disregarded by ministers, when by tampering with the Sugar Duties Act they broke faith with the people who were promised free trade in sugar within a fixed period, and revived the hopes of the protectionists that the advent of free trade may yet be indefinitely postponed. The manner in which the ministers proposed to alter the rates of duty imposed upon sugar in 1816, had still more the appearance of impromptu after dinner legielati n. They indulged ad libitum in non sequiturs. The speeches of Sir C. Wool) and Mr. Hawes proved, if they proved any thing, not tha. the British sugar growers required a more liberal al lowance of protection cud a larger continuance of it, but that all protection might at once and safely be dispensed with on their part. But the climcx of the discredit earned by the whole history of the measure was reserved for its final appearance in the shape of a bill. The bill has been prepared alter such a slovenly fashion that ministers, after a fruitless attempt to avail themselves of the criticisms of opposition in committee, have been obliged to withdraw it ; in order, according to their own phraseology, that it may be reprinted, but, in fact, that it may be revised an'.l corrected. The important blundera of the bill are of two kinds —inaccuracy of language, and gross arithmetical blunders. Ministers attempt to defend the former — the mistake to which we adverted on a former occasion as leaving the West Indians uncertain whether the duty on their sugars is to be raised or lowered—by maintaining that it leaves no uncertainty. They are obliged, how ever, to establish the meaning of the disputed words by a legal argument. The question has been raised in reference to their bill, whether in the British West Indies the importation of sugar is or is not prohibited. And as the local acts of the West India colonies per mit the importation of foreign sugar, ministers con tend that the British Possessions Act renders such local legislation invalid. But this argument, if tenable, places ministers in a still worse position ; inasmuch as it fastens upon them a charge of insincerity in taking credit with the colonies for having passed an act to enable them to emancipate themselves from the local pressure of a restrictive policy. It is sufficient condemi ation of a bill that it requires a complicated legal argument to show that it may possibly effect the intentions of those who introduced it ; and it is a further condemnation of its framers, when they can only prove this by assuming that an earlier measure of their o-rn does not mint what they at first pre tended it did. As the arithmetical blunders are con fessed by ministers, it is unnecessary to enlarge on that head. It is nothing new to hear complaints of the slovenly and inneritrate condition in which bills are passed through the House of Commons. Not a session occurs but some bill passes through the house, which has either to be translated into intelligible English by the clerks of tee House of Lords, or, passing through that house with its errors undetected, requins a supplementary and explanatory act to g.ve it effect. But the most uncalled for, precipitately introduced, and bunglingly framed bill on the records of the House of Commons, is that emanation of the wisdom of the "great arithmetician" the member for West bury, introduced this session under the auspices of the CHANCELLOR OF TILE EXCHEQUER, to alter the Sugar Duties. FRANC. PARIS, SATURDAY, 6 P.M. There exists independently of the regular com mittee of finances, as I have already announced, a secret committee, consisting of MM. Lion Faucher, Berryer, Jules de Leeteyrie, and one or two others, which has been appointed to confer with the Minister of Finances to examine the financial state of the country since February, and its present condition, and to consider, in conjunction with the minister, what measures it may be most prudent to adopt to extricate the government and the country from the present terrible crisis. 1t is understood to be agreed upon all hands that a loan, whatever be the terms on which it can be obtained, is indispensable. The weekly drain upon the treasury will speedily sponge up all the existing resources, including the loan of 150 millions which has been extorted from the bank. Business does not revive, and the indirect contributions fall off more and more tv, ry clay. The dit..ct tuxes arc hot paid from sheer exhaustion on the part of the public, and it is certain that nothing but a loan can enable the gov rnment to be prepared for the September divi dends. In ., accordance with this view the govern ment has presented to the assembly a pr...ject of a loan, preceded by an expose of the financial situation. It appears that the receipts for 1848, instead of show ine, as M. I)uclerc affirmed, an excess of 5 millions, will show a deficit of 135 millions. Under these cir cumstances it was announced that the taxes on salt and liquors will be continued. It was also an nounced that a credit would be demanded for a sum of 175 to 200 millions. It is also proposed that the decree should annul the last loan, and should author ise the inscription of a sum of 13,131,500 francs of Renter', ut 3 per cent., in the " Grand Livre," to be negotiated at a rate for which a blank is left. This project will be discussed on Monday. A project was also introduced by the government to transfer six millions from the grant made for the railways to the ews , ruction of common roads. The spirit of reaction is apparent everywhere in Paris, but still more so in the provinces. The pa triotic cries in favour of the republic, and the hymn of the Marseillaise are now never heard. In the theatres of the capital burlettas are produced and re ceived with shouts of applause, in which the doc trines, symbols, and phrases of democracy are held up to ridicule. In a case of this kind the other evening one individual in the theatre of the Valais Royal ven tured to hiss something of the kind, in a " piece de circonstance" called "La Statue de la Republique," and was unanimously brought to silence by the audience who applauded to the echo. The Bien Public, the acknowledged organ of M. de Lamartine, has the following remarks to-day on M. Ledru-Rollin, which have put a still sharper edge on the curiosity of the public to discover the real solution of that intimate union between these two members of the late government which has produced and still produces so much astonishment. The Sieele desires to know our opinion on M. Ledru Rol lin. The day alter the barricades M. Loins Rollin, still thrilling with the revolutionary tradition of the Montagne, appeared to as a republican a great deal too crimson. M. Ledrn Rollin gravely deceived himself in his calendar. He for an instant dreamed of a government of intimidation. That was tearing France in two—and there was his error. And this error we do not fear to say enormously contributed to disaffect the country ; the 45 centimes especially clench ing the prose of the bulletins. And now, es we are anxious above all things to be just, we think it right to declare that M. Ledru Rollin allored himself to be led away, in those eirciimstanote, by two bad genii who held the pen by his side. His speeches are evidnitly better than his circulars. He is only a tribune on the surfact, and we believe there is in him the stuff of a man of government. The question of the right to employment declared to be inherent in every citizen in the preamble of the project of the constitution was yesterday discussed in the bureau, of which M. Dufaure is a member. There were seventeen votes in favour of retaining that clause, and sixteen against it. The seventeenth vote which turned the scale, being that of M. I)afaure himself. This fact signifies what I announced a day or two since, that a schism has broken out between M. Dufiure and the Rue de Poitiers. The fact, however, would be more precisely expri seed, by saying, that M. Dufaure has indisidually departed from the Rue de Poitiers and now acts aloe•. I un derstand that the party of the ex-deputies and mode rates have determined not again to put forward for any office this representative. The bureaux of the Nation'l Assembly have almost terminated the examination of the constitution. Twelve have nominated their members to confer with the committee on the constitution, and the three re maining bureaux will terminate their labours, it is supposed, this day. The greater part of the bureaux have passed rather slightly over the concluding chapters, being of opinion that the organic laws ought to be elaborated by the present assembly after the conatituti in is voted, which would prolong its powers for several months. It is believed, however, that after the vote of the constitution the Assembly will adjourn for one or two months. It has been definitively determined by the govern ment not to carry into effect the decree of transporta tion adopted by the assembly against the insurgent prisoners, on the grounds of the total impracticability of complying with that part of the decree which allows them to take their families with them at tho expense of the country. The court of Tuscany has acknowledged the re public. The Madrid mails of the 17th have arrived. A council of ministers was to be held at La Gran . * on the 17th. M. Brune the nuncio, was to be presented to the Queen. A eorrespondent of the rnion writes on the 17th from Oinks, on the frontier of Catalonia: " On the 11th. in the environs of Santa Maria de Borreda, • murderous tattle was fought between the Carlists and the troops of Queen Isla , belle. The result was favourable to the Carlists, for they not only remained masters of the field. but took 61 prisoners. among whom was a lieutenant, with 70 muskets, and a coa -1 siderable quantity of ammunition. The Christina forces, under the command of General Enna and Bauder, amount ed to 1,600 men, while the Montemolin.sts were only 800, 1 but Cabrera was at their head. The person who gt s ue me these details, an old military man, who has made all the campaigns of the empire, assures me that he r ,ceer saw • greater inveteracy in so small a number of com batants. After the first volley the two columns g us hed against ea-h other with their bayonets, and in half an hour shed mere blood than usually flows in an action Is sting the whole day. Cabrera, at the head of 40 horse, pert, amie d pro digies of valour, and broke his sword in the melee., This ea trao.dinsry man has been able by himself alor Ae W c h ang e the whole aspect of Catalonia. After the betas, o f d ime 28 and this of July 11, the 40,000 troops of Isal - At e must h o ld themselves upon the defensive, or they wir, be defeated by the Lion of the Matstrago. Acceding to the orders issued by Cabrera there will be no 01,1* in 19. .11 parties. All the columns will amount to 800 men, so thr 4 they may be able to contend without too great a di , advr di t age with c , g u mus of 1000 or 1.500 foot and 60 horse. ITALY. ITiE AUSTRIANS IN FERRARA. LOY&BARDY.—The news from Italy is important. We lave advices from Turin of the 18th, from Milan of Vile 17th, and from Florence of the 15th ; besides a teliegraphic despatch of more recent date still from 'Rome. A corps of 5,000 Austrians had crossed the Po, and marched immediately on Ferrara and Commachio. According to some accounts the number was still greater; 7,000, it is said, had entered Ferrara alone. All the inhabitants seen with the tri-coloured cockade were maltreated, and a contribution was levied on the town : the greatest alarm was spread in the neigh bourhood. At Bologna a committee of public de fense was formed. It was supposed that the move ment of the Austiiens would be directed towards Modena, to make a diversion in favour of Verona, and compel Charles Albert to detach a part of his forces from around that place. Sub equent accounts say that the Austrians, who bad entered Ferrara on the 14th, suddenly received orders to repass the Po on the 15th, in consequence of which in a few minutes the entire brigade under Prime Lich atenstein were seen in precipitate flight ; the cause of this was the appearance of a division of 9,000 Pied montese, that Uharles Albert had sent to Ostiglia. A division which had advanced to Bondino, on the .110- denese frontier, had also retreated. Some reports say that the objeC't of the Austrians in entering Ferrara was to obtain a supply of pro visions, of which they were in urgent need. They exacted 5,000 rations. The following despatch, dated from the Sardinian head-quarters, the 16th inst., at nine in the evening, sus: 'Having been informed that a body of Austrian troops had crossed the Po at Ostiglia, Ficarolo, and Pont. lagoscuro, with the intention either of reinforcing the garrison of Fer rara, or ol invading the duchy 01 Modena, the K,t.g n. Sar dinia has given orders for the departure of a suffitieut hires, to cress the Po, and prevent the realisation o. the enemy's plane. The Piedmontese joarnals of the 18th say that the King of Naples was preparing an expedition of 20,000 men against Sicily. Our own correspondent, how ever, writing on the 14th, and whose lettere will be found below, makes no mention of thie. ROME.—A telegraphic despatch received at Paris from Rome, and which appears in the Mortiteur of the 22nd says that the greatest eccitement was pro- duced there by the announcement of the arrival of the Austrians at Ferrara. The Pope, it says, solemnly protested. and the assembly passed an unanimous vote in favour of a general league of all the Italian states against Austria. Letters from Rome dated the 12th, received at Milan, say that the French ambassador, on being pre sented to his Holiness, offered the aid of a French army in case of any difficulty. The Pope gave the following answer, dated the 10th to the address of the Council of Deputies : We accept the expreesions of gratitude addressed to us by the mural. and w- have r. reit, .1 V., u.srver , o ,Le k!!verch delivered in our name by the cardinal expo ssly de legated by us to open the two councils, decimal tag tat we accept it only in so far as it does not in anywise depart from what is prescribed by the fundamental statute. If the pon tiff puts up prayers, bestows benediction and pardon, it is also his duty to bind .cod to loosen. And if as prince, with the intent of better protecting and strengthening the public good, he has called two councils to co-operate with him, the prince-priest hes need of all the liberty requisite tor pre serving his action from being paralysed when the interests of religion and the state are in question. This liberty he pre serves intact so long as shall remain intact, se they ought to remain, the statute and the law on the council of ministers which we have granted. If wishes for the aggrandisement of the Italian nation become multiplied and great, it is neces sary that it should be again made known to the world, that for us war cannot be a mean. for attainin ! that end. Our name has been blessed throughout she •iielt f d. the words of peace which tint came out of our mouth; it most assuredly will no longer be so if the lengi.see of war should now issue from us. It was, therefore, a great stir. prim to tie when we learned that this question au submitted to the comaideration of the council, in contradiction to oar public declarations, and at the very moment when we had end, rtaken to negoiate for peace. Union be teren the princes, end good harmony between the natichs of , he pen iosula, can alone realise that happiness to which we ,ispire. This need of concord is such, that we ought to embrace equally all the princes of Italy, in order that from this paternal embrace may spring that harmony which will bring about the accomplishment of the public desire. Respect for the rights and laws of the church, and a persuasion which must animate you that the special grandeur of this state de pends upon the independence of the sovereign Pontiff, will BO act upon you that in your deliberations you will always =the limits traced out by us in the statute. In this manifested the gratitude we seek for the ample in stitutions granted by nos. Your resolution to occupy your selves with our internal affairs is a noble one, and we exhort you with all our soul to persevere in this undertaking. COMr merce and industry must be re-established, and it is our most earnest desire, es we ere confident it is also yours, not ts overburthen but to relieve the people. Public order requites great resources, and to obtain them it is indispensa ble that the ministry should Lamm to devote to this its thoughts and its cares. The public administration of the finances demands the greatest and the mast minute precau dose. After these vital elements, the government will pro pose for the municipalities such amelioration, es it shall think most useful, and most in conformity with present wants. To the church, and through it to his apostles, its divine founder hes given the great right, and imposed the great duty, of instruction. B of accord among yourselves with the high council, with us, and with our ministers. Call frequently to mind that Rom - is great, not from her tem poral domain, but chiefly because she is the seat of the catho lic religion. This is a truth which we do not Irish to be engraved on marble, but in the hearts of all who participate in the public administration, in order ilipt, each respecting our universal primacy, no one may give way to certain li mited theories, or even to party opinions. None who enter tain elevated sentiments of religion can think othe . . _, you, as we believe, are penetrated with these f 71 will become, in the hands of 004 , the nobimi pima' ti2,-, 4 insuring to Rome and to the gat* genuinAm - s eg e o, *es, the chief of which will be the extirpatilin At* i• • , these - , ..,, of mimic sad the disaliclais loves IA pule ‘ . . . . d o IL>. ... ' ( ---: 'rfiCl 11 ....i ; kt, ~.,:i..4....,,,,.., :4 -..".. • SAnt P.-