The Express. — London, England, 1851-11-14 00:00:00

KOSSUTII. KOSSUTH AT THE HANOVER-SQUARE Rooms. A meeting of great interest, the last of a rapid suc cession, was held yesterday at thc Hanover-square Rooms, far the presentation to M. Kossuth of the addresses emanat ing from thc metropolitan borough.. Long before 12 o'clock, the nominal hour for commencing, hundreds of persons who had succeeded in obtaining tickets were peering I eagerly against the door in Hanover -street, and the whole of the vicinity indicated to the most casual passenger that something unusual was expected. Inside the animation was not less striking. Before noon the room was pervaded with an assembly of both sexes, deco-' rated, (or the most part, with the Hungarian co lours. The benches in front of the platform were, or rather should have been, reserved for tho twelve persons constituting the deputation from each borough; another, and a large portion of the room was set apart for ladies but, amidst the pressure to obtain a good position for stewing the coming cereinony, the authority of the committee, and the gallantry due to the ladies, were alike ignored. The platform was fully exposed to ,view for the occasion. Receding a little from the front was a raised dais, on which were placed two chain; and the whole space appropriated to the ceremony of pre sentation was partitioned cdf, so as to form a convenient area. Behind the platform were suspended the Uu.un Jack and the American banner, with the Hungarian flag intervening ; and the Magyar cause was similarly hon• oared at the opposite end of the room. The boroughs re presented were Westminster, work, Marylebone, Lam beth, and Finsbury, to which, without any special locality was added the Ladies' Association. Before the business of the day had commenced, two in cidents occurred to amuse or excite the company. The first was the eo•ranee of Runge Bappogec, formerly the coloured envoy of the ft ijah of Matters; the other was the arrival of Mr. V. O'cunnor, who was greeted with hisses and cheers, the former decidedly predominating, mingled with cries of "Of," heedless of which the hon. gentleman quietly took possession of a chair. The agitation excited by the presence of Mr. O'Connor was calmed by the observa tion of a gentleman who appeared to assume an official character, that the meeting was misruled to honour M, Kossuth, and nut to manifest feeling towards any one else. M. Kossuth, accompanied by Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Wil hams (M.P. for Lsinbeth), and the Mayor of Southampton, ascended the plattirin about 1 o'elut c. lie was receM with great enthusi.iwn, and was immediately conducted to one of the chairs on the dais. On his left were Madame Knuth and Itldme. Pulsky ; and several Hungarian alter. of rem.7kAbly stalwart pmportions and officer-like baring were alm seated near hint. Amongst the general company on the platform was Mr. CulGw, M.P. (or Warwick. It might have been supposed, after the fatigues ho has endured, that M. Kossuth', appearance would at least not hays. improved since his arrival in Eoglanda but he beaked stronger and better yesterday than at any previous meeting. Ile was dressed in a rich velvet frock nut; having in his hand a black felt cap, surmounted with a feather. The reception of Madame Kossuth was exceedingly cordial; and when Mr. Nieholay presented to her a bouquet, the homage was Male common property by the assembly. It having been announced that the committee of arrange ment hail invited Lord Dudley Stuart to take the chair, and his lordship having assumed the pat, the bueineso of the day commenced. The CHAI ItNIAN said—Ladies awl gentlemen, we are met here on one of the moist interesting occasions that can possibly asomble the inhabitants of a free country. (Cheers.) You have been pleased to do me the honour to call me to preside over this glorious meeting ; it will homy duty to athletes to you a very few words, and to explain to the diustriou , man—(gnat cheering)—whom we have the honour and the delight to behold, what are the objects of our meeting, met who are the persons who have come for ward to present to him their humble but cordial greetings. (Loud cheers.) Ladies and gentlemen, we have among us here a man whose life has been pulsed in struggling for the independence and the liberties of his country—(cheers)— sine who fur that reason has been persecuted, as no other man has been persecuted, by those men in power, if moo they can be called (cheers) whose sole airn ap pears to be to oppress their fellow-men, and to grow great and powerful, as they think, upon the tears and blood and misery of nations—(hese, hear) —persecuted as no other man has been by those persons high in power to whom I hate alluded, and who, not satisfied with sending their armed sloven to overrun and destroy his country, nut satisfied with driving him away from the soil of that beloved land in which are centered all his hopes, for which he has dared to live, and is ready to die—(cheers)—have pursued him with a base malignant vengeance into the ter ritory of a great sovereign, who, nut being Christian, as they profess tube, has shown himself more like a Christian—(loud cheers)—have dared to pursue him there, and, with threats and insolent demands, backed by all their power, have de manded undisguiseilly—without any paraphrase—in plain terms—that that brave, noble patriot should be given up to them, that they might inflict upon him an ignominious death. Through the magnauimity of the sultan—(much cheering) —supported, I am glad to my, by the prompt energy of the government of Great Britain—(renewed cheering)—M. Kossuth's life has been saved. Bet through the intrigue., the power, the threats of the great monster which is press ing upon mankind, and his miserable tool the government of Austria, le, was kept through two lung weary years in a fortress in captivity—long weary years to him—lung weary years to us who knew the tact—weary years to all the friends of liberty all over Europe, and all over America. (Cheers.) But, thank God, he is at last rescued from that fate, and we have him here among us. (Cheers.) lie stands on British soil, like us, a free man. Aye, and like us—l say it proudly, and I know it is like us—determined never to relax his energies to promote the in lependenee, the liberty, the welfare, and the prosperity of the people of his country. I say like us, because I know that that is what we have done, and what we are prepared to do, for our own country ; and I trust we are prepared to do something for another country besides our own. (Reiterated cheers.) Yes, ladies and gentlemen, meetings like these, meetings which I have seen and which have taken place all over the country, from the first moment when the illustrious Kossuth stepped upon British shores at Southampton, meetings at Southampton—(cheep)—at Wiuchester, in the City of London, at Manchester, at Birmingham—(great eheering)—such meetings as before I had no conception of; and this meeting here to-day, though last not least in love—(cheers)—not least, I say, in love for Kosauth—(vociferous cheer.)—these meetings are signs of the tiines—(hear, hear)—Ro patent that no one can refuse to read them ; so emphatic that they mat have an influence upon the government of this country—(cheers) --so universal and so deter Milled that the despots of the north cannot put them aside and pretend that they do not know of them. And I trust and believe that the effect will last after they are over—(hear, hear)—that they will not be " empty sounds, signifying nothing," but will have this signification, that when the time comes, as come it will— (cheers)—and pray Gust it may not be long deferred— when ilungsry shall again struggle for freedom, the effect of the voice in which the people of Great Britain have spoken will be that on that occasion our government will not act the part which it did the last time. (Cheers.) I trust the effect will be that governments will not be per mitted unrighteously, and against the law of nations, to in terfere in the affairs of other countries. (Cheers.) It has been said by the cumin of our illustrious guest (and what has not been said by them I should like to know ? every petty calumny, every monstrous accusation has been brought for ward)—it has been said that he is come here to ask this country to take up arms and to go to war. But he hoe dis posed of that calumny himself in many a noble oration. (Hear, hear.) Ile loves peace ;he tells you that ho loves peace, that all he has ever striven for is to have peace—a real, true, and not a sham peace. (Hear, hear.) We all love peace—all the inhabitants of this country—all desire to have peace; and he does nut ask you to send your armies or your fleets to meta his country. (Hear, hear.) No, their own right arms are enough for that. Wbo would be free, Temselves must striae the blow. (Cheers.) No; be wants no foreign aid; but he desires that the people, the government of this country, shall sot WIC that kind of language which is in fret nothing else but an encouragement to the despots of the world to persevere in their course. He says, 'De not declare that on no occasion, under no ezigemoy, for no reason, however much honour and harmony—your own in terests, or the uneven. of the world—may require some thing. different—do not be always saying that apes no memos whetstoner will you consent to draw the sword." (Cheers) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I think that is a moot reasonable appeal. ("Hem, hear," sad cheers.) I sin Mimed to illustrate this by a very familiar instance— to tell yes something which may appear of a very trivial eharaeMor which warred not . Imo ago to myself, and which =I:to MI tea tO the point. I was one day aking , the Orsen-park. As I pared along I toserved two little boys who had got into a dispute and a light. One, I think, wanted to take away the other's cap, and they set to work—(laughter)--as little English boys are apt to do—to have a tussle for it. One of them was getting rather the worst of it; and it happened that just then he saw a fellow whom be knew, who was a good deal bigger than himself, though be was but a boy, and he called out to him, " I say, 8011, no, I don't think that was his name— I think he said. " I say, Nick—(great laughter)—Nick, come and help me." (Renewed laughter.) And Nick was going to help him. I saw that this was very unfair. Yon know that if there be a phrisait in the world that goes have to an Englishman's heart it is the short me " fairiday." I said to this great big bully of a bay—(sho al of lawiditar) —who was going to interfere, " No, well bare alwiday ; you shan't interfere with that boy." boy lookal et ale, but though he woo a good big bully era bowl/ammo he won't a match fur a man —( great laughter and daseriog)—said SO he nook away. (" Ileoir," and renewed laughter.) But sow, do you think that if I had said to that greagarty, cowardly boy—(renewed laughter)—" Don't interfere between those two buys, but, mind, whatever you do I shan't tench you—l shall remain gaiet." Do you think my thus saying " stop " would have hadtheleast effect upon him? (Laughter.) Well, now, make the application. (Cheering) Louis Kossuth calls , upon you not to interfere yourselves, but not to allow that great overgrown power Russia to interfere. (Ilene, hear.) Now, you know that amongst the many things which have ; been said by the detract o rs of this great man, in order, if possible, to deprive him of the public sympathy, an d frighten the timid—those who, whatever they may thiak, oro staid to give utterance to their thoughts unless others & oe brit—(hear, hear)—it has been said, " 0, he ins certainly a man to be supported when he wen defending constitutional government, when he was istiending a constitutional monarchy, but he is not doing Set now. It is not to he denied that he defended these Mugs as long as he could. He claimed the constitution of ISM country, which had endured fur a thousand years, and which was, like our own, a limited monarchy—he claimed that, I say, as long as he could do so. And who prevented him from going on ? The perfidious house of Hapsburg. (hisses and groans.) Ile tells you that by the perfidies, not of one day only, but perfidies carried on through four teen reigns, and lastly, by the crowning act of calling in Russia to put down Illin.arian liberties—(hear, hear) — that house was so completely eradicated from the minds of the Hungarian people, all that attachment to monarchical institutions which they formerly cherished, that now that form of government us, he thinks, no longer adapted to the country; and, therefore, he tells you, his desire is to see a republic. (Hear, herr.) When people say to me, "Oh, you are not going to support eonstitu., tiunal liberty, but a republic;" I reply first, "Well, I am nut frightened at the idea of a republic." (Hear, hear.) Ladies and gentlemen, do not misunderstand me. (Hear, hear.) I am deeply attached to the constitution of my country. (Cheers.) I think there could not be a better constitution for this country; and I should be es ready as any man, if need were—though, by God's blessing, there is no such need, and I trust there never will be—to come forward and shed my blood in defence of that constitution. I admire and I love it ; and one of the great reasons why the British constitution is so admirable is, that it is in elas tic in its nature, that it can expand itself so as to compre hend and meet the requirements of time, and satisfy all the just wishes of the people. (Loud cheers.) But, while I say this with regard to the constitution of my own country, and while I would not tolerate any government, be it what it might, or any individual coming here and telling us that is this country we ought not to have a monarchy, but a republic, by the same rule I sae that no government on earth and no individual has a right to say to the people of Hungary " You must have a mo narchy." (Cheers.) What I claim fur myself, I am always ready to concede to every other man. (Hear, hear.) And I see in this great Magyar statesman, who is now delighting all the friends of liberty by hi. ,resence amongst; us, not only all thee; great virtues and rare qualities which adorn nil recommend him in such a high degree, but I see some thing greater than any personal merit. I see two great principles represented—the independence of nations and liberty. (Cheers.) I do not pretend to say that he is right in holding that there ought to be a republic in Hungary, nor do I pretend to say that he is wrong. (Hear, hear.) I do not profess to know ; it is sufficient for me to know what is good for my country. What I do say, what I do know, is, that there ought to be independence in his country of all other countries : and, reverencing as I du the people, and steadfastly believing that there is no other source of legitimate power than the people—(cheers)—what I wish to see in Hungary is, not a republic nor a monarchy, but I wish to me the coontry completely indepetident, and possessing such a system of government us shall meet the wants and wishes of the people. (Cheers.) Louis Kossuth represents those principles • and, no long as he does that, I care not what others may do; others may do as they think proper—l will stand by him. (Loud cheers.) Ladies and gentlemen, forgive me if for a moment I turn my thoughts upon myself. I cannot help being delighted at these demonstrations; delighted for the sake of the principle—and also, forgive me for adding, person ally delighted. I see you all coming forward now at great meetings like this, in every part of the country, to support and proclaim those principles which I have now explained, and have been endeavouring, with my feeble voice and my humble abilities, to maiutain and to promote for the last 20 years. What I have said now for Hungary I have been saying for 20 years for Poland. (Cheers.) I would say not only for Hungary and Poland but for every country in the world, that there only can you have a durable state of things and lasting peace where the people ' obtain their rights. (Hear, hear.) I will not detain you any longer, because there are others here more worthy of being heard than 1 an, and whom you will have high grad , ficatiou in hearing. B ut there is one small matter which I , wish to speak of. You Know that a great deal has been written and printed against Kossuth, but there is one accu sation which has nut been yet noticed at any public meeting. It has appeared in one of the journals that is paid by foreign gold. (Cries of "The Times, the Tones.") seem to think that some newspapers have been bought I foreign gold. (Renewed cries of " The Times, the s.") Tim seem to think so; it may be so. (Cries of foreign "It is so.") However that may be, I do not now refer to any newspaper in this country, but to a foreign newspaper, bought and paid for by foreign gold—the Augsburg Gazette. The col respondent of that paper writing from this country, before the arrival of the illustrious Kossuth, to the courts of Vienna and elsewhere, says th it " when Kossuth, who had been so shasnefu.ly delivered from captivity by the united exertions of America and England, arrived in this country, the course that he pursued is to go about from town to town to see if they cannot get up a little popular feeling in his favour, and he will be accompanied in his tour by a man not much known in England, the re presentative of a ainall place called Marylebane. (Much laughter.) Lord Dudley Stuart will accompany him wherever he goes, sod the effect will be perfectly ridi culous, far Kossuth dues not know how to speak English, and L ord Dudley Stuart will be obliged to translate as well as he can what he says." (Laughter.) He (Kossuth) looks to us fur sympathy and support, and also to our brethren beyond the Atlantic—(cheers)—with whom I am glad that that union,which should always exist between us, Is about to be cemented more and more, and that we are to became a true and sincere brethren, drawn together by our admiration of Kossuth, and our mutual concurrence in the principles he defends (Au individual here called for three cheers for America, which was most enthusiastically re sponded to.) I have now to explain to our honoured friend the reason of our meeting here to-day. We have all seen the reception given to him by Loudon, the first city in the world ; and every honest man in the country approves of what the City of London has done, and feels that the cor poration never did a nobler act than when they received Idea in the Guildhall. (Hear .) Give me leave to say that it le unnecessary for me to give you, sir, any information about this country. (Rear, hear.) Your speeches during the abort time you have been amongst us must convince emery man that you are familiar with its history and Med iations, and that there are but few amongst ourselves who know so much about them. (Hear, hear.) But still it is ay duty to state to you that the city of London, great, and lemons, and renowned as it is forms but a small part of the great metropolis Of England. (Heer, bear) This metropolis is divided into six other great parliamentary boroughs besides the city of London; and the men, aye, and the women too—(cheers)—of these great district* felt that they would be imperfectly repre sented by the address of the City of London, and, there fore, they would not be satisfied without corning forward in their own persons to offer to you and to the principles you advocate their respect and their .homage. (M. Kossuth made a low bow in acknowledgement of the compliment.) A statement of the respective populations of these division.; has been given to me to read, and though I will not vouch for their complete exactitude, I can say that they sufficiently approximate to correctness. The city of London has onelhundred and eight parishes, ands population of 150,000 persons. The City of Westminster, in which we are now assembled, has nine parishes, and a population of 230,000 persons. The borough of Southwark has six parishes, and a copulation of 170,000 persons. The borough of Marylebone has three parishes, and this paper says a po pulation of 330,000; but I know that it is 400,000. (Hear, hear.) The borough of Lambeth has 230,000 inhabitants, and the borough of Finsbury has 310,000, making together a population of 1,400,000 souls. There is likewise another ho rough,that of the Tower Hamlets,which I lament to say is not represented here. (" Shame.") I am sorry for this, but I believe it is to be ascribed to some peculiar local causes. (Hear, hear.) I know their feelings—l know what they think—and I can therefore say, that though not here pre. sent, they are in heart and soul with you in this great cause. (Cheers.) Although there is no borough address from them, I know that some of the parishes in that bereogh have come to your residence with ad drams, expressive of their kind feelings towards M(Hear, hear.) Some of the representatives of elee peat boroughs I have named are present here to day, end others have been prevented from unavoidable ems ken being present. (Loud cheers.) I shall read a hew whisk I have received from one who is heartily in the nun% aed who proved his sincerity by taking the chair at the pest - meeting in Westminster, at which the edam% will be presently presented, was aril to -1 mean Ilk De Lacy Leans. (Loud cheers.) the noble ' lord he rs nod the letter referred to, which isdated from Parts, ta il ii,, E r ts that the distance and other causes would prevent up with the deputation.) Mr.Williams,mem ber for is present, and the High Bailiff of Southwark le Isere bogi that borough. (Hear, hear.) I am sure that Kr. Dusembe, the member for Finsbury, and Miter repre sentative% vesuhl be here if they were not kept away by lidtases nil saber catkin, for I know that an soul and heart ltheg ONO eilde yea (The noble lord sat down amidst loud ace) The pemoillos of the addresses, which were beautifully written 10 nenaintsitsil vellum, was then proceeded with, the mambas of the &potation being introduced, and cor dially 'Wain hue with Kossuth. The Westminster address was teed WM.. Lewis; the Southwark address was read by Xe. =vans, the high sheriff; the Mary. lebone address was weed by Mr. 'Delman • the Lam beth by lir. Frain& Doukas ; and th e Finsbury hy a gentleman whose name we could not ascertain . . The ladies' deputed's' then came forward to present the address of the womes of England, and were received with lend cheers. They were severally introduced by Mr. Nishelay le X. Kossuth and his lady. The scroll of ammo oatespeoylog the address was unfolded, and 'AMAMI the satire broedth of the plaids. Kr. NICHOLAY said that two or three men deb eit sigaidesee had come in that useiz a esil he Mill Me= is three et four days time there me be hen WOO NNW appended to it. Tho dm wileome Use bees Weedy published in the Expos. The is the address of the women of England, whisk Is= by Db. J. D. Burnt, M.P., and elicited much diseelipi— " Illeserieve Chief of a great nation—We i , Soma of Napireed i bid you heartily weiesma to i. isms. M a = Pm*, ilnurishiss sail dr bineleseet a amelleds nt, vie Imo deeply sympthleed, k amp MOS walk governme the rest of the natio% with you and your noble coadjutors in your gallant efforts to defend and preserve the ancient constitution of your country. We deplore the temporary triumph of selfish despotism over your brave exertions, and with an equally deep feeling we congratulate you on your escape from your long captivity, and your arrival in this free coontry, with the wife and children so worthy of your affection. We rejoice at your presence in England, because it will show the different reception which a free people awards to a Haynsu and a Kossuth. The scourger of women, the barbarous tool of a base tyranny, was chased away with indignity, by the working men of Linden. You, air, are and will he received with universal acclammation sy the many millions on these shores who venerate the champion of right and liberty in every , land. We cannot bat express our gratifi cation that under our free though monarchical government, we are not denied the honour of greeting you in England, an honour, which we are grieved to hear, has been rejected by the President, theugh not by the people, of France. Sir, we welcome you must truly, not merely as the champion of the east, but as the hope of the future ; the day of restitu tion is not far off. You have associated your name with I those of Washington, Gustavus Vasa, and William Tell, it I shall yet be associated in the glory of their success. Believe us, the day is not far distant when with greater joy than we now welcome your arrival, we shall hail your return, to e,tablish in your beloved country the rights of your ancient constitution, and all the blessings of peace, union, and prosperity. Finally, we rejoice, illustri ous chief, that our American brethren have exerted them selves so zealously for your liberation. We rejoice that you will visit them in the great and rapidly increasing republic, because your presence will rouse in their souls that irre sistible impulse of the love of freedom and of justice inhe rent in the British race, and we hail it as a fresh step in tl:c union of heart and opinion between the two great branches of a kindred people, before which, if once united in spirit, tyranny and aggression in every quarter of the world must shrink in impotence and in terror. We pray sincerely, to the Father of all good, that health, long life, and happiness in your own country, freed and made pros perous by the exertion of yourself and of your noble coad jutors, many of whom have so Ling sojourned in England, may, illustrious Hungarian, attend you and yours." M. KOSSUTH then rose in the midst of enthusiastic cheering from all sides, and addressed the meeting as fol lows :—My lord, ladies, and gentlemen, some few weeks ago I myself might perhaps have shared the opinion of the correspondent of the Augsburg Gazette, referred to by your chairman. So mach felt lin heart on approaching the glori ous shore of England—that shore which makes every man free—(cheers)—so much felt I at the idea that I should have to speak publicly in your language, that I myself would have subscribed to the opinion of the correspondent. that I could not speak English at all. (Hear, hear.) I have, I know, but an imperfect knowledge of your lan guage, and if I am able to address you at all, it is because there is a hidden sentiment and a hidden spark in the breast which unites our thoughts. (Cheers.) But I am sure you will have indulgence for the accent and pronunciation of a foreigner. (Hear, hear.) When I came amongst you, all but quite ignorant of your language, the Holy Ghost seemed to be poured out, and liberty came upon me (loud cheers)—that liberty, gentle men, which being the common bond of mankind, consti tutes the union of heart with heart (cheers)—and therefore words of freedom and liberty, though uttered with a falter ing tongue, are always appreciated. (Cheers.) But I confess I was not prepared to see such a glorious meeting as the present, or that I should have the high honour of receiving so many and such warm emmessions of sympathy; fur though I knew that addresses were to be presented to me, I was not prepared to receive them in ;such a place, at such a meeting, and under such circumstances. ( Cheers.) If _ . on other occasion I was not prepared with words, I was not unprepared with ideas, but 1 trust you will excuse use if on the present occasion I am unprepared even with ideas. (Hear, hear.) I shall therefore only endeavour to address to you a few words on the topics which the addresses as they were read brought home to my mind. But iii the first place let me assure you of my deep gratitude and thanks for your kindness to me on this the last occasion I may have of addressing you before my departure to your younger brethren on the other side of the Atlantic, with whom I beseech you to live like brothers, for then most assuredly the freedom of mankind will arrive. (Cheers.) You must allow mu to answer the ladies first, because politeness and the warm sentiments they have expressed require me to do so. (Hear, hear.) Ladies, you have a glorious lot assigned to you by dcstioy—(hear, hear)—for the Author of Nature has decreed that every man, whom soever he may be, whatever his condition, whatever his fate, should bear throughout his life the seal which the angelic band of a mother has impressed upon him. (Loud cheers.) The ladies of a country mirror its character. (Cheers.) They are our refuge from the cares of life ; and when we fall into adversity, where do we withdraw for consolation, but to you and to your sympa thies? I speak as I found them. (Vehement cheering.) And if the struggle for a noble cause is unhappily sur rounded with difficulties unforeseen, where is the source from which man draws new strutted) ? Your approbation, ladies, your smile. (Cheers.) God bless you, ladies, for having given me this approbation. Here, I swear before you and the Almighty God that you have added strength to my strength, and that I will go on in my work, to the last moment of my life, truly, honestly, and energetically. You mention in your address the difference of reception be tween llaynau and myself. (Laughter.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have such a strong feeling of duty that the word merit is almost unknown to mo. I cannot quite un derstand what it is to have merit, because I consider every good which a man can do to be a duty. (Cheers.) Therefore, having this idea of duty, I can say that I feel no pride in any comparison whatever; but so much of a noble , self-esteem I have as to believe that I cannot be pat in comp parison with such a man as Ilaynati. (Cheers.) I esteem it an honour to be thus received by a meeting that cheered the allusion to what was done by the noble fellows wins acted towards that man in the way yoa know. (Laughter.) High functionaries may feel scandalised when they hear Pre thundering voice of a sound-thinking people speaking ma in the tone of an Eolian harp. (Much laughter.) What I know is, that the instinct out of which that deed arose so spontaneously is a noble instinct, an honour to humanity— (checrs)—it se a revelation of man's divine origin, iu the form of hatred against cruelty and despotism, and of respect for human rights. (Much cheering.) Ladies and gentlemen, I quite feel the importance of this day. I have not seen the fiftieth part of the great people of England, and but very few of the million and a half inhabitants of London who are represented on this occa sion. 1 know, too, that it is not my presence which elicits these sentiments. I came to receive, and not to create them. (Cheers.) In every case it is not my pride that is to be shown, but the respect due to the people of Eng land. (Hear, hear.) I say that the public opinion of England has pronounced (loud cries of " Yes ") and so surely as England is a constituent country, so surely , this public opinion must and will be obeyed. (Great cheering.) In what this public opinion should and will be obeyed, of course I, au unpre tending stranger, cannot even slightly touch upou ; but semuch I know, that this public opinion has pronounced is favour of freedom, in favour of the sovereign right of nations to dispose of their domestic concerns ; and, this being done, I confidently hope that the same public opiniun will find out practical means of arriving at a practical se suit. (Hear, hear.) It is but desultory ideas that I can utter; and therefore you must kindly estate me. (Cheers.) 1 feel that there is no counexion in these ideas. (Cheers.) In one of the addteues which I have had the honour to re ceive, I was told that we in Hungary have fought for those institutions whets you possess. Without entering further into the matter, I must beg your generous pardon for making a single remark. When I beard the names men tioned, I wondered that these five places, with one million and a half of inhabitants, have not yet the full enjoyment of municipal institutions. (Cheers, and a shout We mean to have them.") Of course it is not competent to me to speak on this matter. I would only say that I believe that that sympathy for freedom which the generous English people have been so kind as to manifest since I have had the honour to be on English soil 'is very strongly united with municipal institutions. (Hear, hear.) lam of course very anxious to see in some way secured the continuation and further development of that public opinion which is, and promises to be, so higbly he- , neficial ; and, with this anxiety, I believe I can do nothing better tan remind you that the principle of freedom is ideatical, is synonymous with the principle of self-govern ment. (Hear, hear.) This word " self-government" brings home, I believe, to the mind of every man practically what is meant by freedom ; and so highly interested is every man who would not be either a bondman or a tyrant in self-government, that if the people of Eng land are entirely penetrated with the sentiment, then the public opinion of England will not fall asleep after these demonstrations, but will go on, and on, and on, and yet on, upon every fitting occasion, until we shall see arising out of this constitutional pronunciation of the public opinion of the English people, those cousequences which you, my lord, have put forward by the very expressive illustration of the boys quarrel. (" Hear, hear, " and cheers) I have only one thing to mention with reg ard to the past. Have the struggles of Hungary met with the sympathy of the people of England? (Cheers.) I believe they have. (Cries of " Yes, yes.") What benefit has Hungary de rived from this sympathy i (Hear, hear.) Why has she bad cone ; Because to the big boy was not spoken the sentence, " Thou shalt not do it." (Cheers.) Had Nick—(laughter)—been told that in time; the sympathy of England in time thus bestirred itself, I confi- 1 dently state, and Watery will approve my words, that it wouldnot have cost England a single shilling or a single drop of blood, and Hungary would now be independent and free. (Cheers.) We want help; sympathy alone can produce no effect. What I want is, not to see England take up arms and to go and tight for Hungary—we will ; fight for ourselves if it be our destiny. (Cheers.) To fight I consider not as a glory, but as a misfortune—(hear, hear]—but still there are duties in the lite of a man, and duties in the life of Wiese wader, which the misfortune is far, far less them e•peelina (Cheers.) There are eases in which it beemmee isteedierees to the law of God, in which it boner Obedience to the law of nations, in which it beams. • dot, Se fight. (Hear, a v ow hear.) Before bravlis Ragland Mk mil be my last public opportunity of Meu*. li Ingfased, of whom you represent est • t Ink dereellese, I wish to ' speak Plt4nly. I pew altuallsa, wet to myself, but to my principles. b milt aide one which is not connected with the vietem or She low • .. lof the principle of liberty in the world. When dr public opinion of Eng land pnxieds to put in action time levers of the °maims• tenc7of public spirit which WINN mermaltosemune aid reform, when you are d=wl t , gisesfeet, I homhly entreat you to re serboremee anew 1 neeted with the freedom of the wadi. If thembe going imam agitation for reform, whatever ref tem it my be, remember that reform will never and nendiers ham • free course if , the power of eLsolutieat teatime esatembleg. (Heir. THE EiPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 14, 1851. hear.) If meetings assemble to pass resolutions on reform questions—ana it is not for me to say what those questions may be—l only ask for my country the right which I concede to Englishmen of managing their internal affairs. I speak generally. Remember what I say. Because we are convinced that it is only a fair course of reform and progress which can secure the world against concussions dangerous to social order and to the great and holy principles of security to person and property, and because we feel that reform and progress nowhere can have a fair course while the principle of absolutism is permitted to encroach upon mankind's des tinies; therefore we humbly petition the parliament and the government of this country that the rights of every na tion may be respected by England, and respected by every power in the world. Take, for instance. trade questions. Many of you gentlemen meet, perhaps, it may be in your council, it may be in your chamber of commerce—l don't know by what names may be called those places where men meet to discuss and to consider interests highly important not only to the country, bat also to humanity— ' I speak now chiefly of matters of trade. I humbly consider that on such occasions you cannot forget that the question of free trade is in intimate connexion with the question of the freedom of the world. I ask that when, fur example, on such occasions men take into their hands the statistical cal lculations of English commerce in Europe, and when they I see that English commerce is from year to year in Europe lessening and lessening, and when they see that English in ' dustry loses in the markets of Europe every year, every day, again and again I humbly as k th a ttho se who meet would consider, not my words, but consult their own under standings, and put to themselves the question," What is the reason, what is the motive of these unhappy circumstances:" and I am centident they will come to the conclusion that absolutism cannot admit of free trade with a free people, because it would then very soon ensue to be absolutism. I (Hear.) Having perceived that the commerce of England is decreasing every year on the continent of Europe, because absolutism is gaining ground there every year, I ask that men who meet on the basis of their commercial interest would remember not myself, but the coincidence which there is between their own interest and the Hungarian interest; and when they have passed I don't know what resolution in respect to their own interest, let them add some such words ' as these—" %e, bankers, merchants, and manufacturers, are alarmed at the circumstance that the markets for the industry and trade of England arc decreasing every year in Europe; and having looked into the cause of this, and having discovered it to be that the European continent is not free, see have come to the conclusion that cheap bread alone is riot free trade, and that free trade it prevented by absolutism ; and we will therefore petition the parliament and the government to act so that no foreign power may hinder the nations from becoming free, and from opening their markets to free trade with England." (Cheers.) And then there is the Peace Association, inspired, no doubt, with the most noble and philanthropic motives. But now let us look at the moral meaning of the terms "murder" and " robbery." It is no smaller imputation before God and before mankind that murder goes on by thousands than that it is committed upon one person. (Hear, hear.) I believe those great robbers and murderers to whom I allude are not less criminal than those who rob and murder in the streets. There are some quarters of the world where men low with respect before such robbers and murderers— (laughter) —persons who would hang a poor man for having stolen a loaf of bread. Well, now, the Peace Association, animated by the most noble and philanthropic principles, meets, I will suppose, and looks around. hose dose' it fi nd human life secured ? One of the sacred principles of that association is the inviolability of human life. It takes into its hands the statistics of the world, and finds that in Russia the average of human life is only 2.1 years, whereas in England it is 46 years ; while in the United States, though a great part of the country being new, is as yet unhealthy, the average is 3.1 years. When this comes before their eyes they will see that in Russia, in consequence of the condition of the people, which is not happy because not free, and not being free, cannot develop even its material resources for its own benefit, they will see that there two-and-a-MU millions of persons die annually, whereas if the average of human life were as great in Russia as in England, the deaths would not amount to above a million and a half. And, therefor-, when the Peace Association sees that yearly in Reside, in cense • silence of the absolutist principle, one million of human lives ere sacrificed to the Moloch of despotism, I believe that that association also, from a logical consideration of the inviolability of human life, will pass a resolution and say, "Because we love peace, and because we consider human life inviolable, therefore we humbly petition the parliament and the government that the nations may not be hindered by any foreign interference from becoming free, and when they have become free, we shall have the high philanthropic gratification of knowing that the ave rage of human life even in those countries is not what it is new in the present terrible peace—a peace more terrible than the most cruel war. (Cheers.) How the Peace Society could agree to such a principle Ido not know; for I have yet to learn that any despot would give up his absolutist power except when he is forced to it. And therefore, for the sake of peace itself, and the inviolability of life, we must force them to abandon their despotism ? (Cheers.) The infernal fiend will never become an angel. (Hear.) And therefore Hungary, when the hour comes, must take ad vice from her own strength and her own right arm. (Cheers.) But Russia must not be allowed to interfere. (Hear.) As with regard to peace and the security of life so again with regard to municipal rights, reform, cheap food, free dom of industry, freedom of education, and religious liberty, these can only be secured when despotism is over thrown. (Hear, hear.) Some of the addresses which have been read have reminded me of the martyrs who fell in the cause of Hungary. I thank you for your warm and gene rous sentiments towards them. I have knowa those martyrs, they were my friends, and I, who knew their sentiments, tell you gentlemen, that if there be a tic between those regions where angels dwell and this earth, and if they know what is passing here below —these martyrs in the cause of Hungary will in spirit re joice that out of their blood has sprung up already an accident—no, not an accident but a blessing—which will secure the freedom of the world—(cheers)—and if, in con sequence, there has sprung up a brotherhood amongst nations they will be consoled, because that time will be the future of my native land. (Loud cheerieg.) With great gratitude I see that you and the United States do not look upon each other, as you did some time ago, with sentiments of revenge, hut with a feeling of brotherhood. (Cheers.) And what is brotherhood? is it not that which is laid down in the eternal word of God, which teaches " that you should love your neighbour as yourself." (Cheers.) Out of this single fact I prophecy that the high principle of individual morals will in future be the morals of nations. dLoud cheers .) I took notes of other points in the ad resses which you have read, but the paper was so thin that I cannot read the ideas I put down. But as I have addressed you so much already, I hope you will excuse me, the more particularly as I have been just addressing the people of Manchester, and Birmingham at great length, and have not had time to col. lent my ideas. (Hear, hear. ) I can only say that I have devoted my life to the cause of Hungary and to the freedom of the world, and I am sure it will be a higher pleasure to you to know that I intend to employ all my time in pro moting those objects than if I were to go on speaking to you with a bad pronunciation. But though my words and pronunciation be bad, my soul is true— (cheers) ; and thank God, my heart Is true to the principle of 'freedom and liberty—the freedom of all, for all, and through all—(cheers) ; and while inspired by these sentiments my head and m y . heart will be ready at all times to give effect to those principles which are the very root of my life. Kossuth sat down amidst long-continued cheering and waving of hats. At the conclusion of the meeting three hearty cheers were given for Mr. Andrews, the mayor of Southampton, and Madame Kossuth ; and three as hearty groans for the Timm Lord DUDLEY STUART reminded the meeting that the Polish and Ilungaria' n ball was to be held that night, and called on the ladies to show their sympathy for the exiles by thronging to the Guildhall. (Cheers.) The meeting then separated. THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MR. SALOMONS.—Tho action by which penalties to a large amount are sought to be recovered against Mr. Salomon', for voting after his refusal to take the oaths at tke table of the house, will be tried in a few days. The record is duly passed, and a spe cial jury obtained. Sir F. Kelly and Mr. Peacock, Q.C., will conduct Mr. Salmons' defence, and Mr. Edwin James Q.C., and Mr. Bramwell, Q.C., will appear for the plaintiff. The Speaker of the house and the tellers at the division will be the chief witnesses MONMOUTHSHIRE RAILWAY AND CANAL COM PANY.—The committee of management, in their report which is to be read at the general meeting, to be held in Gloucester, on the 19th inst., state that in pursuance of the recommendation contained in the report presented to the special general meeting on the 23rd July last, the payment of the dividend declared at the previous half-yearly meet ing was postponed in consequence of the absence of the ne cessary funds, and they also express regret that they cannot recommend the declaration of any dividend at the ensuing general meeting, excepting a dividend at the rate of b per cent. per annum on the preferential shares created under the act of 1848. FATAL ACCIDENT IN THE STRAND.—Last night an inquest was hell by Mr. Bedford, at the Charing-craw Hos pital, on the body of Mr. Henry Palmer Parry, aged 61. The deceased was town traveller to a wine merchant in Tower-street, and on last Friday was crossing the Strand, opposite Hungerford street, when an omnibus came up and the driver called out to him to get out of the way. A lady who was with him reached the pavement. but he unfortu nately turned back and was knocked down by the _pole of the carriage, the wheels over his stomach. lie was taken to the Charing eras Hospital and seen by Mr. Dalton, the house sur geo n, who suspected the rupture of the bladder had taken place, and he died on Tuesday. The jury returned a verdict of "Accidental death." the A party RE w e' lli o n cl the e L a g t of i b l e m w d ul wll Tun a ret at ur t n he of time of of accident, but it appeared the money bad been paid to Mr. Parry's brother. The coroner said he could offer no advice for he might have made a will. MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCE AT ABERDEEN.—A distressing accident occurred at the harbour mouth on Friday, by which five out of a crew of six fishermen lost their lives. While crossing the bar a sea struck and par tially filled their boat, and before her head could be trot round to the sea, a second wave struck and capsized her. She soon righted, but all the men had been thrown out of her into the tide and drowned, except the oldest, William Smith, who is 68 years of age. The boat which had been in advance, picked the survivor, Smith, off the boat, which was drifti ng rapidly seaward, as this superstitions of the $h prevent them from using her maim—Aberdeen ersa Raw intelttgence. EQUITY COURTS.—YEBTERDAL Suva' 1118 Loans JUSTICI6I or Arroot. EUDOSON r. EARL Powis.—lxtuscrioN. This was an apiald — fro7nan order grantiug V ea injunction made by Lord Langdale in April, 18.50. 'the dehmdants were the directors of the Shropshire Union Railways and Canal Company, and the company, by three several acts of parliament, which received the royal assent in August, 1846, were empowered to make three distinct railways—the first from Shrewsbury to Stafford, tho second from Newtown to Crewe, and the third from Calveley to Wolverhampton. A fourth act was also passed in the subsequent session enabling the defendants to grant, and the London and North Western Railway company to accept, a lease of these railways when completed on certain terms. It was declared in this last act that the Shropshire Union Railways and Canal Company referred to in the prior acts were and ever had been one and the same company and nut separate and distinct conipauies. By the first act the directors were empowered to rum by shares, ti 09,000/. ; by the second, 1,500,0J0/. ; and by the third, 1,000,000/. 'the directors proceeded to raise these sums by the issue of 165,000 shares of 20/. each, on which they had made certain calls. The third call was made in Jule, 1840, and thu plaintiff, a shareholder, nut having paid the call, an action was brought against him for the amount. The bill, which was tiled by the plaintiff and all other holders of 201. shares issued under the powers of the acts of parliament, alleged that the only part of the three lines which had been constructed was the line be tween Shrewsbury and Stafford, which had been opened, and it stated in substance that the other two lines had been abandoned by the directors, and that the directors intended to apply the moneys in their hands and the calls for the purpose of the completion of the railway from Shrewsbury to Stafford, and of a branch thereto, and not with a view to the completion of the entire undertaking of the Shropshire Union Railways and Canal Company. the bill sought to restrain the company and directors from applying any monies of the company, except for the purposes and with a view to the construction of the whole of the railways and works authorised by the three acts,and from making and enforcing calls, except for that purpose. U pen motions made in April, 1850, Lord Langdale, the,then Master of the Rolls, granted an injunction restraining the company Irons ex pending the corporate funds ' except in paying the debts of the company contracted before the date of the notice of motion, and the current expenses of maintaining and work ing the line. Mr. Rolt and Mr. Speed, in support of the appeal motion, contended, first, that the plaintiff and those whom he re presented had acquiesced in the abandonment of the nuo, for at least a twelvemonth before the tiling of the bill, and that they were bound by sucn acquiescence ; secondly, that the injunction had been granted upon the authority of " Cohen v. Wilkinson" (I Rale and Twell's Reports, 4430,1 by which it had been determined that directors were not justified in applying funds raised fur making a complete line in the construction of a mere trac tion of the line ; but that the principle of tli a de cision did nut apply to the case of three distinct un dertakings authonsed by distinct acts of parliament, one of which only was to be carried out : and, thirdly, that the difficulty hail been caused by the plaintiff' and other share holders not having paid up their calls. Mr. Roundell Palmer, in support of the injunction, con tended that acquiescence on the part of the plaintiff' had nut been established; that " Cohen V. Wilkiiisoll" applied to the case, fur the companies created by the three acts had been declared by the fourth act to constitute but one company ; that the fund raised was a general fund, applicable to the three undertakings, and exceeded the amount which could be properly raised for the first railway alone—viz., 800,0001. ; and that it could not be exclusively applied in the completion of one line of railway. lie also contended that, as the payment of calls was resisted by the plaintiff on the ground of the abandonment of part of the undertaking, and an action for the recovery thereof was still pending, the plaintiff could not be said to be in default for non-payment thereof. Lord J astice Knight Bruce said the effect of the injunc tion which had been granted was to prevent the expendi ture by the directors of a single shilling of the corporate funds, except for the payment of debts and liabilities owing by the company at the date of the notice of motion at the Rolls, and of the current expenses of maintaining and working the railway which had been constructed, and the canals. They were prevented from applying one shilling either for improving or adding to the works or conVe niences upon the railway, or connected with it. The in junction, moreover, had been applied for in the absence of the London and North-Western Railway Cumpany,who had an important interest inits subject, and who were, in fact, in possession under a contract in the nature of a lease of the working of the railway. The concernsof the railway were in fact represented by a committee appointed partly by the defendant, and partly by the London and North-Western Company. The railway from Stafford to Shrewsbury was, moreover, in active operation, and that operation was not attempted to be stopped. It was admitted, indeed, by the plaintiffs, that as things now stood, the working of the railway must go on. A different contention would, in deed, be monstrous; for it successful, the effect would be that the large amount of property which the shareholders had embarked in the undertaking must go to mere waste and destruction. In a case in winch it was admitted that the railway must go on, mid is which ab sent parties had an important interest, an injunc tion had been applied for and obtained, having the effect of preventing the outlay of a single shilling of the corporate fund in alterations, additions, and improvements of the railway. It had also been assumed that the case was identical with that of " Cohen v. Wilkinson ; " inas much as the three acts of parliament in effect harmed but one, and related to one subject matter. It did nut follow necessarily, however, from that decision, that in a case in which three separate lines were authorised to be con structed, one only of those lines could nut be made. In the case before him, however, it had been made and was in operation ; though, even it it had not been made, lie would not have been satisfied that " Cohen v. Wilkinson " would have been applicable to the case. from the facts before the court, moreover, the inference was unavoidable that the plaintiff had liceu for inure than twelve months before the filing of the bill cognisant of and acquiescing in the abandonment of the two lineal. In this state of things the plaintiff had sought an injunction. The injunction which he had obtained was an interlocutory one, and in granting such an injunction the court always need a discretion according to the circumstances ut the case, and the balance of mischief which might be occasioned by the granting or refusing the injunction. The plaintiff's equity was very doubtful, and even if it were greater the injury occasioned to his own property as well as that of his co-shareholders by granting the injunction would be much greater than by refusing it. Ho thought, therefore, under all the circumstances, that the order made by the court below should be discharged, and the injunction dissolved, without prejudice to any other application that might hereafter be made, and without pre judice to any question. The costs of the proceedings at the Rolls would be reserved. Lord Justice Lord Cranworth concurred in the order which had just been made. As that conclusion had been arrived at upon grounds differing slightly from those which had just been given, ho was bound to give the reasons of his conclusion to the parties. The Shrewsbury and Stafford line, it appeared, had, prac tically speaking, been completed, though not perhaps absolutely, because it was considered that a certain amount of expenuiture might be incurred in making the line more profitable to the shareholders. This had been felt by Lord Langdale, who therefore had guarded the injunction by • qualification ; not meaning to restrain eapenditure for ordinary repain. The necessity of introducing such a qualification had induced him to think that the order for en injunction was wrong ; for, on consideration of what might be included in the qualification, he found the sub jects so extensive that the effect might be to nullify the in junction. It was impossible, in fact, to say what expenditure might become necessary. He concurred also with Lord Jus tice Bruce in what he had said as to the acquiemencc of the plaintiff. Finally, although so much had been done in the °Destruction of the railway, yet there might still remain so much to be done, before what had already been done could be rendered perfectly useful, that he thought it would be an unwise exercise of the discretion usually exercised by the court upon applications for interlocutory injunctions to interfere in the present instance with the discretion of the directors as to what was proper to be done for the interests of the shareholders. Those ware the grounds upon which - - he concurred therefore in the order Which had'heen pro nounced. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.—YESTERDAY. finToso Ir BANClA—Brroaz Lomat Cwmpseu, Na. JCen mg PArroco, Mt Jusucs Cutzkiron. aiD Jrencs WIOIMIAS. REGINA C. THE COUPOILLTION OP LUNDUS.—ST. THOMAb'S HOSPITAL. In this case a rule had been obtained calling on the Cor poration of London to show cause why a mandamus should not issue, commanding them, as governors of St. Thomas's Hospital, to antis the seal belonging to the said hospital to two several leases of lands belonging to the said hospital. Sir F. Thcsiger now moved to make the rule absolute. Mr. Crowder, Q.C., showed cause. St. Thomas's was one of the four royal hospitals founded in the reign of Ed ward VI., of which the corporation were originally the sole governors. In subsequent years regulations were made by which each of the hospitals (St. Thomas's, St. Bartholomew, Christ's, and Bcthlem) were regulated by rules and bye laws, and were governed chiefly by committees. The seal of St. Thomas's Hospital was in the custody of the Chamberlain of the City of London, and should be affixed to all documents connected with the hospital. The present mandamus was applied for to cause that seal to be affixed to two leases, alleging that they had been signed by the treasurer and two of the governors of the hospital ; and the corporation objected to &Mx the sal, because they said it was necessary that the documents in question should also be signed by two of the aldermen of the City of London. In 1828 a resolution was entered into in the City of London, with which all the hospitals concurred, and which had been acted upon now for 23 years, to the effect, that in all cases where leases and other documents were presented for the seal of the corporation, there must be the signature of two of the aldermen. In the case of St. Thomas's Hospital, subscri bets of 601. were eligible to be elected governors of the institution, but 16 aldermen must also be governors of that hospital. It appeared that in 1771 disputes had arisen between the governors of the hospitals and the corporation of London as to the right of the latter to interfere. It did not appear what the disputes were, but an agreement was subsequently entered into which was embodied in an act of parliament in 1782. Tho learned counsel was pro ceeding to explain the nature of this net, when Lord Campbell inquired if both parties would agree to abide the decision of the court ? If so, they would hear the arguments, and solemnly decide the questions raised ; but if the ease was to be argued again on tho return to the mandamus, and there was a grave question of law to bet dv. cided, the court were of opinion that it was better that the mandamus should go. Mr. Crowder said it had been the usage for 23 years for two aldermen to sign the ducuments in question, aad he did not see, therefore, how a mandamus would he. Sir F. Thesiger saint there were 46 years of usage the other way prior to 188. Mr. Wortley, Q.C. (the Recorder of the City of London), said it was must desirable to have a solemn decision on this question; and, as the court thought it had better be taken at a subsequent stage of the proceedings, he would not object, on the part of his clients, to the mandamus being issued.—ltule absolute. CORD tlr D. BEATLY.—CIICRCII RATES VT Ii:LIGH lON.. Mr. Peacock, Q.C., moved for a rul to s how cause why a writ of prohibition should not issue to the Arches Court to restrain them from proceeding iu a suit now pending in that court for the recovery of a church rate. It appeared from the articles set out in the libel, and the statement of he learned counsel, that a meeting waa convened upon notice by the churchwardens, on the 9th of December last, for the purpose of tasking a church rate, to effect certai n repairs in the church of St. Nicholas and the new church or chapel of ease called St. Peter's, at Brighton. The mectiug was held in the Town-hall, and the vier tool: tho chair. The churchwardens produced a survey or specifica tion and estimate which hod been made of the repairs necessary to be done, which were computed to amount to gifil. A motion woe then made that a rate of one peony in the pound should be levied on the present assessment of the poor rate. Upon this an amend ment was moved and seconded to the effect " that the repa ration of the churches should lie done by voluntary contri butions, in accordaiiee with the statute law." LordCaiiipbell—Aceording to the statute law? Mr. Peacock admitted that to be an error; the chairman, however, refused to put the amendment, declaring it to ho illegal. This case dilfered from that of .• Gosling r. Paley" (the Braintreo case), inasmuch as the ;intendment in that case, not to make a church rate at all, was put to the meet ing and carried by a niajority. It had been held by three of the learned juilgt, in the Court of Each( ituvr Chamber (the preset Lord Chancellor, Mr. Baron Parke, and Mr. Baron Rolfe, now Lord Cranworth) that the rate which had been subsequently made was ; whilst four of the learned judges were of a contrary opinion ; and that ciao was now before the House of Lords. Lord Cumpbell—And will come on as soon us parliament meets. Mr. Peacock thought there was a great distinction be tween this rase and the case to which lie had referred. In that case, it was held that the persons who voted against the rate had thrown away their votes; whilst in the present ease the amendment was Hotpot to the meeting, and therefore it did not appear that there Weft: mare than the two persona who moved and seconded the amendment, who could be said to have been opposed to the making of a rate. But another amendment was afterwards proposed by a Mr. Cunningham and seconded by a Mr. Pass to the effect " that the consideration of this church rote lee adjourned to this day six months," This amendment was also declared by the chairman to be illegal. and he refused to put it to the meeting. Now, he would take it that the mover mid seconder of that amendment were also opposed to the making of a rate altogether, and that would make four persons who objected to any rate. Immediately after the question was put by the chairman wit( titer any person wished to move any thing else, and no answer having been given, the chairman put the original motion, a lien forty seven hands were held up for it, and ninety hands against it, upon which the chairman declared that the votes against the motion were illegal and thrown away, and declared the motion to have been carried. Now, the original motion was not whether there should be a church rate, but whe ther there should be " a church rate of one penny in the pound on the poor rate for the necessary repairs of the church." If the votes of the majority were thrown away, where was the necessity of putting the motion ? If when negatived by a majority, it was declared to have bean car ried, where was the necessity of putting it at all ? Lord Campbell said it was difficult to distinguish this case from " Gosling r. Veley," because, substantially, thu meeting had refused to inake a church rate ; but as that case was now pending before this tribunal of last resort the court could net be bound by it, and they would, there fore, grant a rule to show cause. Mr. Peacock also wished to move, on the ground that the estimate upon which the rate was made was nut merely for the support of the fabric but for ornamental work, which it had been held a rate could not be made for. If it was ultimately decided that the minority could bind the ma jority, it could only be for repairing the fabric of the church, and not for repairs which were not absolutely Ilt- CCSSary. Rule granted. COrtPI.7S. • _ . On the application of Mrs. tobbett a writ of habeas corpus was granted, upon some new frets, to bring up her husband to this court, iu order that he nVght make au application tar his disehargo from eatady. The writ was made returnable on Thursday next. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.—YESTERDAY. &WINOS IN 114NCO.—BILYINCE JVATICK MALL; MIL ,IV 4 tlrk WILLIAMS, an !to. ltrice TALSOI2kII. REGISTRATION Al .PEALS. This monting the court, pursuant to notice, heard appeals from decisions of revising barristers, and in the course of the day the under mentioned appeals were disposed of. PILACTIce COV THE COURT. Upon the first case being called on it appeared that no body was in attendance to support the respondent, and it was proposed that under these circumstances the court should in accordance with the previous practice hear the appellant and decide the case. The Chief Justice thought this course a very improper one, for it was hard that they should give a decision bind ing upon the public after hearing only one side. Mr. Serwant Kinglako said that their lordships' decision was by the act binding, as to the general question decided, upon WI future committees of the House of Commons. 'The Chief Justice referred to the authorities, and ex pressed his opinion that they must hear the case, although he still thought the practice a very bad one. The appeal was then heard. roWNALL (APPELLANT) C. HEAD (RESPONDENT.) — CLAIM HY AN EXTItA TIaIt•WAITEIL The case sent up by the revising barrister for Harwich stated that the respondent was, iu November last, appointed an extra or glut tide-waiter ut Harwich, a class of men who were appointed by the Customs, and who were liable to be called upon at any time to do the duties of a tide-waiter; They also made the usual declaration upon being appointed, and they remained permanently upon the list, and were discharged only fur misconduct. The vote was objected to under 22 Gee. 111., cap. 11, sec. 1, which enacted that any person "in any way concerned in charging, collecting, levying, or managing the customs," should he disqualified from voting. The question was whether the respondent was within this provision, and the revising barrister held that he was not. The objection was therefore overruled, and the name was retained upon the list. Mr. Serjeant Kioglake, for the appellant, now submitted that the respondent was clearly not entitled to vote, but was disqualified by the act of parliament. The Chief Justice thought that the decision was wrong, and should be reversed ; for there was no doubt whatever that the respondent fell within the meaning, and the mischief that the act of parliament provided against, inasmuch as he was appointed by the government, sad might be influenced by them. The finding in this case showed that the respondent was employed in the collection or management of the Customs, and therefore fell within the act of parliament. A tide-waiter was not always emnloyeil, although he was clearly within the act, and the respondent was liable to do the duties when called on. In what way then did this differ from that? for the extra tide-waiters were bound to be ready, and were liable to be taken front other work when required to act as tide-waiters. The only difference between the two classes was that one was regularly employed and regularly paid, whilst the other was employed only some times and paid by the job. It was clear that the respondent was within the act of parliament4the voter was disqualified, and the decision was wrung. Appeal allowed. . _ BON - NALL (APPP.LIANT) T. DAW6ON (RHSPONDENT).- MEANING) OF THE WIHIDE 4.0111E1t BUILDING . ' IN TILE REPOHIt ACT. The appeal in this case also was from Harwich, and in volved the right to vote of Daniel Dawson, who claimed in respect of a stable and workshops, but it was objected that the property was not so joined as to form a qualification. The property in question consisted of two brick and one wooden erection, between which there was no internal com munication, and the whole was surrounded by a wall. The question turned upon the construction to be placed upon the 27th section of the Reform Act, and store particularly upon the worth "other building" in that section. The property in question was worth 101. a year, was rented of one landlord, and W 'IS used by the respondent in the way . of his trade of a wheelwright and coachbuilder. The revising barrister held that the whole formed one "building," and he therefore disallowed the objection, and retained the name upon the list of voters. Serjeant Kinglidie appeared for the appellant, but the respondent was unrepresented. The learned Serjeant submitted to the court that the question raised was an im portant one, and he contended that the building was not all one within the act of parliament, inasmuch as there was no internal communication from one part to the other, and as it did not appear to be all under the same or a continuous roof. The Chief Justice said that there seemed to be no ques tion whatever as to the law in this case. As the respondent did not appear, his brother Kinglake had very properly cited all the cases, some of which were much against psim. The building was under one roof, that was, it was not se parated by any intervening building or space. The pro.. perty was one building and the respondent was entitled to vote. _ _ _ Appeal dismissed. RADER (APPELLANT) O. COOPER (RESPONDENT.) — RIGHT OF THE REVISING BARRISTER TO AMEND TIIR DESCRIPTION OF VOTER'S QUALIFICATION. This case stated that at the court hold for Cambridge the name of John R. Mann was objected to under the follow ing circumstances. The borough of Cambridge contained fourteen parishes, and the claimant described his qualifica tion as the successive occupation of two houses in St. Andrew's-hill and Hills-row, in the parish of St. Andrew the Great. The fact was that the house in Hills-place was in the parish of St. Andrew the Less, and the revising bar rister held that the claim as it stood was bad upon this allowed the second heelaiman p arish. In pursuancetoamend f iaclnim by o gonoaround,jicbtuht nameheo al of th ' this ruling the claim was amended, and then the vote was allowed. The questions now submitted to their lordships were whether the revising barrister had power to amend the claim, and whether he bad power to receive evidence L i