The Express. — London, England, 1851-11-17 00:00:00

the erpressO. TO CORRISPONDENTS. • iseist lOUs et "TM Espry" . saitilaff . be SWIM MOWS Oesetee. ^ publlrbeit no n Tway sad Vriday eighloa the tot we. ielvesureeestalmeteried ter » The Espros," Leedom Eesabg pew, w ow w e the Miry IleseerlwainetOiy Two Vasil es the dew et abliesties. NIGH WATER AT LONDON ERTDOE v s . ao—singes. 7k. Allesitteses. SM. To...sayw—Mellieg. fa. I fa. 645. LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 17. A CASE has presented itself to the Court of Queen's Beach deserving in every respect of public attention. On the second day of term Sir F. TiII:SIGEL on the part of Dr. ACHILL!, moved for and obtained a rule to show cause why a criminal information should not he filed against Blesses. BURNS and LAMBERT, book sellers, for the publication of a libel on Dr. ACHILL', contained in • pamphlet, "Lectures on the Present Position of Cathol ra is England," purporting to have been preached and printed by Dr. NEWMAN. With the cause that Messrs. BCRNS and LAMBERT may hereafter show, we can have nothing at present to do; but of Dr. NewitaN, who is not affected legally by this application, something must be said. Dr. ACHILL! is a convert from popery to protes tantism. He was successively monk, priest, and doctor of divinity in the Itomish church. Ills doubts, and a free utterance of censures on the lives led in some of the Neapolitan monasteries, led to his arrest by the Inquisition. After three months' confinement for his sours health, he was released ; went to Corfu, and, there renouncing the communion of Rome, has subsequently acquired great notoriety, by ex posing the practices of the church which he quitted, and the system of the Inqiiisition which he suffered from. lie has consequently, made himself obnoxious to Roman catliolics, particularly to the ultra-montane part r. Of the champions which Rome could call upon for help, none pos.-4...t0i more zeal, a keener intellect, or more acute dialectics than the counter-convert Itr. Ni.um.ts. It was natural that he should endea vour to parry Or. ACIIILLI'S assaults. Like NArn- LEoN, the course be took was to invade the enemy's territory; and no inroad of the great captain was ever mote furious than Dr. NEWNAN'S outburst on Dr. Al 1111.1.1'M character. He began thus: - • You are • prie.t, you have hers a friar. Yon are, it is unelviiiahle, the sandal of catholieiant and the calenary ar gunient of protestant, by your ttraordinary deprurity. You hare been, it is tree, a profligate, an unbeliever, and a hypocrite. • •• And this he followed up by charging I tr. Aeittl.ti with fire cases of seduction, some committed in the most sacred places, and on the holiest days; two of adultery, and others too infamous to bear description. So fur, it might seem that this was nothing hut angry recrimination between two contentious priests ; that the matter hail no public interest, and might safely be left to the parties affected, and to their personal friends. But a new feature now made its appearance. Dr. Al fiti.t.t chooses to spinal to the English law for protection ; and lie selects the remedy most congenial to the feelings of an honourable and innocent man. lie demands that his assailant should be treated as a calumniator; and to entitle him to do so, he was prepared to deny specifically on oath the truth of the chargss. 11r. A 411111.1.1 could do no more. Nei ther, considering the enormity of the accusation, and the emins nee of the accuser, could he do less. lie • • . summons his defamer to substoutage his statements he time the highest tribunal in the realm; and instead of throwing on him the hurJen of at first proving his charges, Dr. Arnim volunteers an emphatic de nial of thene on oath. And what does Nswm ot? lie refuses to meet before his country the man whom he leas nut scruples' to charge with the most infa 1110los crimes, and leaves his publishers to sustain the criminal responsibility of his words. This is conduct which society must take notice of; and, if to adequate justification eau be produced, mast visit with its severest reprehension. The law is unable to afford the protection which is required: for it cannot reach an offender without evidence; and l)r. NEWMAN refuses to furnish the merely tech nical and legal proof of utterance which can bring Aim into court. Society alone in such cases can de fend the sanctity of character, and by the stern con demnation of public opinion reprises a license of falsehood and cal yof which all, and especially those most distinguished fur goodness, might become victims. We are not assuming l)r. Aeletitrie innocence of these charges. It is within the bounds of possibility that Dr. NEWMAN Call verify every particular of his statement, and that the interests of his church impe riously demanded the exposure. These arc matters fur tho determination of &ell CAMPBELL and a Bri tish jury. But the most spotless reputation would not be safe, if conduct such sue Dr. Nt;w3ISN'S might be practised with impunity ; if each of us might have his good name dishonoured and his accuser evade responsibility. Dr. New it Yt's accusation was voluntary ; it was made under circumstances of the highest solemnity and sacredness; it was uttered from the pulpit, in the name of reigion, in avowed defence of the Roman catholic church. Dr. Aentiti was assailed, not simply as an individual, as a base and vicious impos tor, practising on the world by a semblance of piety ; but as a recognised champion of Protestantism ; as a man " whose extraordinary depravity " rendered him the " palmary argument" of protestants. The purity of the protestantism of England was im pugned in the person of Dr. ACHILL'. The exposure of his imputed vices was to show that he left the society of catholic', because that of protestants har monised better with his habits and tastes. The accuser is a man of the widest celebrity ; once the fondest hope and the brightest ornament of the English church, now the most illustrious convert won by Home; her most indefatigable champion, one of the greatest masters of language i c li t ai a land. Charges utmost personal t involving the utmost brought forward with minute details of and locality, spoken to a religious assembly, and by a represents- Uvc of that body to which the accuser had belonged, and %Lich might be presumed to be thoroughly ac quainted with his life and character, could not help falling heavily from such lips. Surely, then, respect for his own honour as a clergyman and an English gentleman justice towards a fellow being whom he was wounding so terribly—right feeling of what is due to the meanest of mankind—and regard for public opinion, ought to have deterred Dr. NEWMAN from the discreditable and mean subterfuge of send ing another to verify his allegations if true, or to bear the infamy and the punishment of his statement if false. Whilst standing shivering on the brink of Roma nism, NEWM tN made the non-natural sense in the interpretation of words famous. Perhaps, with audacious reliance on the vast resources of his subtlety, he means to triumphantly demonstrate, to an amazed world, that it is non-natural for him to be accountable for the truth or falsehood of what he says of others; but most natural that so distinguished a catholic doctor should remain unrelated and infal lible; and that Messrs. Butts and LAMBERT should illustrate. fur the instruction of divines, the difficult theory of vicarious suffering' Suppose those two gentlemen should be found guilty and sent to Newgate, the justification of be ing himself at large, in person, and incarcerated by deputy, would be • task too arduous even for Dr. NawtAN's huge abilities; and a convicted calum niator inviting Englishmen, with fervid eloquence, to exchange the selfishness of protestaritism for the aerated morality of popery, whilst her unhappy agents in the propagation of slander were payin g the atonement due to violated law, would indeed be a confounding, if not an edifying, spectacle in the 19th century. Dr. NEWMAN has chosen to connect his attack cm Dr. ACHILLI with the battle between the two reli gious; he has thereby constituted himself the repre sentative of his own. Are we then to accept his retreat from his own volunteered socumtiesa as con formable with the standard of Roman catholic mo rality ? Dr. NEWMAN'S fellow-religionists would do well to recollect that what he does, if unnoticed by his superiors, cannot be set down to tbe peculiarities' of his temper and disposition. He le the accredited expositor of catholic doctrine and • praetiec. The people of F.ogland cannot forget that so recently u'wreguL last year he thus stated the issue between the two greater churches: though Protestants mangler that faith and love are Inseparable. verted Whirs there ls faith, there, they think, is lots sad obe- extent THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 17. 15151. have paid the fine imposed as a punishment for the inferences the Treasury drew from their admission and hare even whilst repudiating their accumey availed themselves of the withdrawal of the 'prose cutions, is one of those disagreeable embarrassments that so ability can.explein away. Good faith has hitherto been the Fire-eminent din-'. tinction of British merchants; hitherto it has been their pride to boast that their word is as good as their bood*• and between each other an imp li ed en gagement h as been held as sacred as an express pro mise. How, in this case, hare the directors of the London Docks kept faith with Mr. MITCHELL, the parliamentary exponent of Customs obstructions on commerce? How with the City committee, appointed to aid in that investigation which this very company prayed the House of Commons to institute? How with the St. Katherine's Dock Company? Granting chat they were under no obligation to consult the public, or to wait until parliament re-assembled; nay, going further, and (immorally) admitting that men embarked with others in a public cause are at liberty clandestinely to withdmw from,o.‘n when their withdrawal amounts to a betrayal of it; conceding all this (which no honourable person would think of doing), the directors of the London Docks had con tracted express, precise, formal obligations as to the conduct to be pursued in these cases—first with Mr. MITCHELL, as chairman of the Commons Com mittee; secondly, with Mr. ToOKE (durum et vent rabile nomen),as representative of the St. Katherine's Dock Company—and those obligations have, we speak it advisedly, been violated. If, in saying so, we are wrong, we are open to correction ; if corrected on just grounds, unlike the Treasury, we will con fess our error. Already rumour speaks of a remark able correspondence on this part of the subject, and it cannot long be withheld from the expectant City. When it does appear, the Treasury will learn what the merchants of London think of this scandal, and what some of them plainly say of it. And when the Printer of the House of Commons chooses to issue a further portion of the evidence taken by the Customs Committee of last session, we shall be able to let the public know what the chairman and secretary once thought of the Customs department to which they . have now succumbed. Meanwhile there is talk in the City of a public meeting and of a subscription to assist . the St. Katherine s Dock Company to defend the interests of trade and commerce in the information P filed by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL against that Com pany, of which, the Treasury-informed Globe states, , notice of trial has already been given for Hilary . Term. Nor, to all appearance, will this be the only , reward which the St. Katherine's Dock Company may look forward to in return for services it has now an opportunity of rendering commerce, by doing , battle against the tyranny and trickery of the Customs. It will reap au ample and more sub . stantial additional recompense, in the increased pa ; tronage and confidence of the mercantile community, L whose feeliegs and spirit have been so deeply wounded by the treachery of its competitor. maintninettehat the government was empowered by the law to send a oommlssary of police to all public meetings, whether electoral or otherwise. He pro tested against the words of M. Lagrange, and affirmed that the government would cause with ene_rgy the law to be obeyed, even the law ,of May 31, if it should be maintained by the Assem bly. This assertion was met with violent exclama tions from the Left. M. Madier de Moir main tained that the government had not the ri t claimed by the Minister of the Interior. He t en entered into a metaphysical disquisition, from which he in ferred that an unjust law is not entitled to obedi • ence. The Presi dent of the Assembly here warned the speaker that if he continued to attack the majesty of the laws, he should call him to order. M. de Montjan maintained that the people had the right to judge thelaw. Having been called to order, he declared that he meant only to say that the people judged the law daring the elections. The call to order was then withdrawn. M. tie Montjaa terminated his speech abruptly by saying that he, in common with 200 other representatives, subscribed to the declarations of M. Charles Lagrange. The Assembly set aside the interpellations by voting the order of the day. M. Vitet then proceeded to read his report on the proposition of the questors. Ho began by stating that the committee disclaimed altogether the motives attributed generally to the authors of this bill, as an aggressive step against the executive power. It was merely intended to regulate and clearly de fine a right which did incontestibly exist. An ob jection had been made that the decree promulgated on this subject by the Constituent Assembly applied only to a constituent and not to a legislative assem bly. But the fact was, that the decree, although proposed in May, had not been adopted until after the 20th of December, when all executive functions had been committed to the President of the Republic, and therefore, at that period, the Constituent was to all intents and purposes only a legislative assembly. Moreover, the house might remember, when the President of the Assembly sent to a general of brigade at the In s-elides to requite troops, and these troops were refused, M. Odilon Barret, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, explained that the troops had been refused by mistake, and that the right of requisition was incontestable, although it should be used with due consideration. He added that in case of necessity the right might be carried out to its extreme con sequences, and that the only judge of its exercise was the President of the Assembly. The Minister of War confirmed these explanations, and pro mised to post up the decree in all the barracks. The committee founds its decisions in favour of the bill on the language of the constitution, which applies the same term, "dispose," to the authority of the executive and the legislative over the armed force, and evidently considers the authority of both co ordinate. Towards the close of his report M. Vitet alluded to the statements of the Minister of War and the Inte rior before the committee, in which they admitted the legality of the decree of the constituent, and which statements they afterwards disavowed in letters writ ten to the committee. After the report was concluded the greatest agitation reigned for some time in the Assembly. The questors and their party wanted to defer the debate until after the debate on the elec toral chapter of the Municipal Bill. fixed for Mon day ; but the coalition of the Elyseans and Mountain procured the appointment of the discussion for Monday. The sitting then broke up in great agitation. PARIS, SUNDAY EVENINO. The Patrie says :—" M. Blondel does not accept the portfolio of finance. This refusal will naturally cause some changes in the composition of the cabinet of the 27th October." The Nlarquis Lisboa, Brazilian minister in London, has been appointed in the same diplomatic capacity at Paris. This being the day fixed for drawing for the prizes of the lottery of the Gold Ingots, from an early hour Franconi's circus, in the Champs Elyskes, whose spacious domed amphitheatre was destined for this operation, was beset with crowds ready to pour into the edifice as soon as the doors were opened. The interior was brilliantly lit with gas, as on a night when Sldlle. Caroline proposes to witch the world with peerless horsemanship. The mob carried the second places in a twinkling ; but the first were reserved. In the arena seven small wheels ranged on one axle enclosed severally the units, tens, and so on up to the 7th figure, representing millions. A little behind sat 21 children gaily attired, through whose hands were to pass the fated numbers. The doyen of the mayors presided at the operation. At about half-past nine o clock about four thousand people were assembled under the dome, two circles of the reserved benches being occupied by the re publican guard. Outside stretched on all hands an immense crowd, thickly dotted with blouses. At ten o'clock the members of the Committee of Surveillance having been assembled round • table in the arena, the mayor read the decree ap pointing the lottery, and proceeded to explain the machinery. " lhe seven wheels," said he, " are set i n motion by the same axle, which imparts to them an even and regular rota tion which shuffles the balls enclosed; then, at a given signal, they all stop at once. A door opening by a spring affords sufficient space to admit the hand of a child placed behind each wheel. The child draws out a ball, places it above his head, and fixes it to a sprig of iron, from which the ball is conspicuous from a long distance. Six wheels contain in each ten balls, numbered 0 to 9; the seventh wheel, containing the balls that are to mark the millions, is furnished with only seven num bered oto 6. The first ball on the left will indicate the unities of millions; the second the unities of hundreds of thousands; the third the unities of tens of thousands; the fourth the unities of thousands; the fifth the unities of hundreds ; the sixth the unities of tens; the 7th the simple unities. So that the seven balls drawn and placed simultaneously upon the iron sprigs show a number in figures which is the num ber to which the lots belong in the order of their value. It is agreed that seven zeros drawn at the same time signify 7,000,000. As the same number can only gain ono lot, in case the same number should be drawn twice, the second drawing is to be annulled. To provide for the case of the children letting the balls fall as they draw them out, sad to revent the numerical order from being deranged, the balls of each wheel are coloured dif ferent ~ so that they may be at once picked up and recognised. Tho public is again warned that there will be no second drawing, and no reduction from the value of the lots." The 21 children who were employed to draw the lots marched past the chair, and drew by lot the order in which they were to take their places. The colour of the balls for each wheel was also decided by lot. The 7 first children placed themselves before the 7 wheels. The wheels were transparent, so that the public might see that the balls contained in them corresponded to the colours assigned by lot. Ihe lot first drawn was the great prize of 400,000 francs. Amidst the deepest silence the number drawn was 2,338,113. A prize of 200,000 francs to 0,320,430. A prize of 100,000 francs to 2,017,288. Two prizes of 50,000 francs to 3,283,374 and 2,898,291. Four prizes of 25,000 francs to 1,338,398;- 1,732,833 ;-8,472,637 ;--and 1,383,754. Five prizes of 10,000 francs to 6,717,264 ;- 3,703,820 ; 3,636,773 ;-6,373,590 ;—and 5,445,786. Prizes of 5,000 francs to 3,636,306;-2,537,871 2,671,870; 4,016,769; 1,710,342; 0,400,267 ;- 3,924,269 —2,808,217 ;-5,757,864;—and 0,337,836. The committee on the Municipal Bill met yesterday, in pursuance of the task imposed upon them of adapting the 2nd chapter of that administrative pro ject to the exigencies of the coming debate upon the great question of the electoral law. The committee propose to create a distinction between the domicile of origin and the domicile of adoption. With to the latter, the provisions of the law of fay are to be retained in their entirety. Not only are three years' residence in one place to be necessary to constitute a new domicile, but the difficult and op pressive kind of proof invented by the law of May is still to be required. M. Monet moved to reduce the term of residence from three years to one, but the majority of tho committee rejected this amendment. With regard to the domicile of origin the final determination of the committee was that every Frenchman of the age of 21 years who shall have continued to reside without interruption in the commune where his name is inscribed in the register of births, shall be an elector. In default of the register of birth, the domicile of origin may be proved by the lists of persons liable to be drawn for the army. In cases whore a person in scribed On the recruiting lists may have abandoned his domicile of origin, and afterwards resumed it, he is to be alloWed to vote upon proof of six months' re newed residence in the place of his original domicile, such proof to be given to the satisfaction of the mayor and two assessors, appointed by the jig° de pain, instead of the certificate of the tax-gatherer, or of his master or landlord being re quired. The six months residence, mentioned in the latter clause, was adopted upon the motion of M. Odilon Barret. This concession was opposed by MM. de Broglie, licurtier, and other members of the committee, who wished to maintain the original clause of the municipal committee, which required a fresh; residence of one year to acquire the benefit of a domicile of origin. A further concession to the prin ciple of facilitating the right to vote was also adopted upon the motion of M. Moulin. Retired soldiers, sailors, and government functionaries entitled to pen sions are to be eligible as electors after six months residence in the commune where their pension is payable. The evident object of these partial conces sions to universal suffrage is to favour as much as possible the agricultural voters, who are supposed to be susceptible of aristocratic influence, and to keep out of the electoral pale large numbers of artisans whose employment depending upon the fluctuations of trade in large manufacturing towns necessarily compels them to change their residence frequently. M. Pierre Leroux has presented the following amendment to the questors' proposition: "I pro pose to put on the order of the day of the army, and to post up in the barracks, not one article of the constitution only, nor a decree alluding to that ar ticle, but the whole constitution." The vote of the Assembly, reported in my letter of yesterday, which fixes the debate on the Questors Bill for Tuesday, necessarily implies the adjournment of the discussion of the electoral question, appointed for the same day. It is also an earnest of victory for the executive, since the parliamentary league strained every effort to put off the Questors' Bill until the electoral battle had been decided. Their object in this manoeuvre was clearly to guard against the vote on the proposition of M. Mize being the contre cwip of the division on Thursday last; while, if the debate on the electoral chapter of the Municipal Bill intervened, the modifications, to be admitted in the law of May 31 by the einservatives would have conciliated the waverers, consolidated the party, and paved the way to a fresh success on the Questors Bill. 'the main argument on which the report of M. Vitet dwells is the contradiction between the statements of General St. Arnaud and M. do 'flso rigny before the committee, and their written dis avowal of the language attributed to them in the minutes. The ministers at first admitted that the decree of the Constituent on May 11, which is sub stantially the same with the proposition of the (Ilkes ton was still in vigour, and afterwards retracted this admission. Now, M. Vitet says that the committee, deeming the ministerial admission of the rights of the Assembly a sufficient guarantee, were prepared, in consideration of the public tran quilit)•, to recommend the withdrawal of the bill. But the written disavowal appeared to them so grave a symptom of aggreasion on the undoubted privileges of the Assembly, that they conceived it to be their duty to reverse their previous decision, and to press the Assembly to adopt the bill without loss of time. For this reason they moved urgency. 'Meinwhile the Minister of War, General Arnaud, has given the first token of that decisive energy of character for which he was probably promoted to his present post. Immediately after denying that the decree of the Constituent was still in vigour, he sent orders to General Magnan to give instructions to the com manders of brigades to tell their colonels to have the decree removed from the barracks, wherever it was posted up. This has been the signal for tremendous excitement among the Changarnier clique, who stig matise the act as an open aggression upon the rights of the Assembly; and if they ever succeed in ar raigning Louis Napoleon at the bar of a high court, this feat no doubt will figure as one of the articles of his impeachment. For by whom was the de cree posted up in those barracks. By the Mi nister of War of Louis Napoleon himself, General Rulhieres, who thus endorsed the right claimed by he Constituent, at a period when the executive functions of that Assembly had been consigned to the elect of December 10; and when, consequently, the Constituent became to all intents and purposes a merely Legislative Assembly. Hence M. Vitet deduces the validity of the decree as applied to the present Legislative Assembly. In answer to all this ingenious reasoning, it is to be observed that when the present legislative first met, and formed their regulations, it was proposed to recent among these the decree in question; but that proposi tion was rejected. The decree was passed at a date when the Constituent exercised the executive as well as legislative functions, and four days before the famous trruption of the mob into the legislative palace. It is now claimed by the legislative power as an arm against the executive. That such an application of the right of the Assembly to dispose of troops for its protection was never con templated is evident from the 68th article of the constitution, which empowers the Assembly to im peach the President,and pronounced him, by the fact of his impeachment,deposeal from his functions. This is the true safeguard of the Assembly against any aggression of the executive power, and it was never intended, by allowing that body to fix the import ance of the troops necessary fur its protection, and to dispose of them, to furnish the legislature with a sword as well as a shield. Such a division of the executive power would be permanent anarchy. Not withstanding the obvious truth of this assertion, it is by no means certain that the Questors' Bill will to-morrow be thrown out. Even the Sleek mom. mends its adoption, although the triumph of the royalists, which is implied in such a conclusion, must inevitably lead to the destruction of the moderate re publicans who compose the party of the Sieele. The National and Ergitement, organs of the Mountain, are silent on the subject. Yesterday, when the vote was taken by amais-et leo for appointing Monday for the debate, a schism was noted in this party, and the trial was doubtful. On the second trial, M. Cremieux contributed greatly to the success of the government by his exertions in rallying the dissentient votes. The ministers La ernase and St. Arnaud challenged the nearest day. When M. Vitet disclaimed all aggressive intentions against the executive, and said that the law was not a law of opportunity, but one of principle, the thin veil of hypocrisy was rent with a roar of laughter. If the urgency should be voted and the bill passed the President will no doubt use his prerogative to challenge a second deliberation. If the house pass it a second time, the measure will be promulgated as law, whether sanctioned by the executive or not. His refusal to promulgate the law would, per haps, be a point on whi•th the powers would join issue. Under such circumstances, so pregnant with vital issues to France, it is to be lamented that the cabinet seems in a parliamentary point of view by far the weakest the President has yet employed, and inferior in capacity even to that provisional one of MM. Weiss and Royer. The arguments drawn by M. Vitet from the ad missions of Odilon Barret and General Rulhieres soon after the 20th Dec., 1848, are rather plausible than sound. It was necessary, alter General Foret had refused troops to the requisition of Armand Marrast, to make some concession to the As sembly to gild the pill, and coax into quiet. But no practical concession was ever in tended. The Assembly was humoured as a child that cries for a knife, but the knife was kept out of its reach. Nothing makes people stare more than the accession of Odilon Barrot, who was regarded as the pattern of moderation, to the parliamentary, or rather the royalist league. Some assert, jocularly, perhaps, that he seems to be playing for the . post of prime minister to the parliament. But Caysagnac, to play into the hands of the same party, mast be fairly de mented. His organ, the Sleek, cries out to-day : " If you do not vote the questors proposition— " L'empire eat fait." Who would have fancied that the victor of the days of June would have con descended to wear the old shoes of M. Thiers. Let ns hope that the ex-chief of the executive is too much engaged with his nuptials with a millionaire of 19 to attend to the doings of the Siecle. Larochejacquelin yesterday stated that he with drew his amendments to the electoral law of May 31, as these amendmedta were referred to the Committee on the Municipal Bill, and were now useless. The following official communication appears in the .Ifonitertr, relative to the expedition again s t Morocco: A journal states that tho expedition directed by the government against the coast of Morocco has been deter mined by the knowledge of a similar expedition ordered by the cabinet of London. This statement is complete! untrue. Tho government is not aware if England intends to attack the territory of Morocco. As to the French naval force sent to Sah h, to support the demand made, hitherto without sneers:, for reparation in conse quence of the pillage of a trading refuel ; this measure had already been long in deliberation, and would probably have been taken sooner but for the ministerial erki. in October. The lics.sayer mentions, as a fact calculated to stir the displeasure of the parliament, and to induct, them to vote the proposition of the rs qucAto, that H. de Cotte, general of one of the divisions of the army of Paris, has ordered the colonels under his com mand to tear down in all barracks where it yet re mains the decree of tho Constituent relative to the Assembly's right of requiring troops, which was posted up by orders of General liulhii.res, Odilon Barrot's Nliiiister of War. The Electoral U,ioo announces as its candidateg for the representation of the Seine M. Devinck. former President of the Tribunal of Commerce of the Seine, and member of the Municipal and Depart mental Committee; General Bougenel ; and M. Marbcan, founder of the ere:Then. These candi dates have declared that they are ready to de fendd with energy the principles of order and conci liation which presided at the formation of the Union; and that they will withdraw if their names should not occupy the first rank in the preparatmy ballot, which is fixed for the 2lst., 22nd., and 23rd. instants. The 3fimiteur states that the council of state adopted the report on the bill for defining the re sponsibility of the I'resident in its sitting of the 12th. ITALY. MILAN, Nov. 10. The military commander has forbidden the pro testants of Milan to meet, as heretofbre, at the house of Mr. Myfins, for the celebration of their worship. Mr. Mylius is a merchant held in general esteem. Several arrests have been effected at Padua. Be. side the Abbe Nardi, a young man, of good family, named de Grand* has been seized and imprisoned. dines; sad, in proportion. to the strength end the degree of the former is the strength and the degree of the latter. The, do not think the inconsistency possible of really be lieving without obeying; and where they no disobedience they cannot imagine the ninon* of tree faith. Catholic", on the other had, that faith and love, faith and obedience, faith and works; are simply separable and ordinarily separated in feet; that faith does not imply lOTA, obedience, or works; that the firmest faith, so as to move mountains, may exist without love; that is, tree faith, as truly Gala, in the strictest sense of the word, as the faith of a martyr or a doctor. Father Nxwsuct is a catholic doctor. His faith then is of the purest quality ; it is "" faith in the strictest sense of the word." Is it then the deliberate wish of the catholics of England that Dr. NEwnAN should, in his own person and conduct, exhibit to protestants a practical example of this refined distinc tion ? Do they intend that Dr. NEWMAN, by pur suing a line of conduct infinitely below what an ordinary sense of honour and natural justice would prescribe, should establish that, in the catholic reli gion itself, " faith and works arc simply separable and ordinarily separated in fact?" Can they expect men by such a spectacle as this not to become Christians, but to become Roman catholics? THERE are, we must repeat, three things, each quite separate and distinct, in the compromise of the London Docks case : the conduct of the Customs and the Treasury to the Dock Company; the conduct of the Dock Company to the mercantile interest; the conduct of one dock company to the other. And by nearly universal consent, all three arc strongly re probated and condemned, both out as well as in the City. The first, as involving an unworthy and now almost admitted intrigue of the Treasury and Customs to escape the consequences of a disastrous and dia. creditable defeat in making the heaviest charge say revenue department ever advanced, and most es gratefully advanced, against a commercial body, by whose agency and efficiency millions sterling ha been saved and paid to the Treasury. The second, as involving a betrayal and an abandonment by the Dock Company of a position voluntarily assumed, of confidence besought by it and obtained from the commercial public, and of correlative obligations imposed and accepted. The third, as involving a ' broach and violation not merely of good faith, but d express engagement with Nir. lIITCHELL and ler.TooKr.. It is in vain for Customs, Treasury, or' Docks to try to escape from, or wriggle out, of the verdict already recorded against them on each of these heads. The Treasury has, however, made a desperate attempt to do so. Let us sec what it amounts to; but be fore commencing the examination, a word on any com wresniae. " I call on you," Sir FITZROY KELLY Was by the London Dock Company instructed to ask the jury, and thus did so : " I call on you to dis countenance by your verdict a nefarious scheme to ruin the reputation of many, many honourable men. I call upon you to acquit the London I Company of the charges of fraud, embezzlement, of felony and of crime which have been so wickedly brought against them." Accusations of this sort scarcely admitted of anv compromise. They might be apo logised fur, witidrawn, or acknowledged to be false and scandalous; but they could hardly in honour be compounded. Yet they were compounded for by the company for a sum of 11101. They were, it may be said, disproved on the trial. No doubt, they broke down in the plaintiffs', and were refuted in the defendants' case. That. was so; and because of that, any possible arrangement, after the verdict, imperatively . required, first and foremost, as a bare act of justice, an expression of regret on the part of the revenue functionaries that imputations so foul and so false had ever been ven tured on. Ilan any such regret been expressed? No. What is almost worse, it has not been nought. The Dock Company, which in its defence com plained of persecution add of slander, has, after an expenditure of 13,00 W., cried l'eratei—has begged pardon for what it never committed, and promised to behave better for the future in respect of what it never behaved badly. And the Treasury has, not withshuidiug this humiliating submission, substan tially reiterated in its letter to the Customs all the offensive charges against the Docks. Nay, more, has, through its newspaper organ, again described them as "frauds," and has estimated the pecuniary profit of those " frauds" at 10,0001. to the docks. If any compromise of such imputations were admis sible, this at all events is not such a compromise as the assent of a body of British merchants, mindful of their own honour and the honour of their order, might have been expected to make. A compromise, argues the Treasury journal, w•as advisable because the ordinary business of both Docks and Customs was obstructed and confused by the unavoidable attendance of their officers in courts of haw. This is simply absurd. The attendance was over; it had only occupied eleven days; and until a new trial had been obtained it was not likely to be required again. Moreover, when a man's character and reputation are attacked, when his honour is as sailed and his honesty . ts impugned—that surely is nut an occasion or a time when trouble is to be grudged, or expense, as the Docks now urge, made an excuse for submission. . The Docks to this hour, in their very last letter, emphatically deny the existence of any irregularities fur which legal proceedings were justifiable; they, in that document at least, still claim the ho nours of unmerited suffering. Yet, before the public, they have been told by the Treasury, in its letter to the Customs, that those irregularities " were at di rect variance with the provisions of the law, and calculated to afford facilities for fraud, and to en danger the revenue." What then have they gained in reputation by their compromise ? Not reputa tion; for the Treasury has repeated the charges. Nut freedom from obstruction to business ; for new and additionally oppressive regulations have to he imposed on them. Their past practices did, the Treasury, in its concluding words, tells them, en danger the revelue and tend to fraud; the prosecu tious, it goes on to say, will put a stop to those prac tices; and the docks must, it adds, submit to further customs' regulations and hindrance and obstruction to business. But that is not all; as if to make the matter plainer, and their degradation deeper, notwith standing their repudiation of the logical inferences drawn by the Treasury. from their surrender, and, with their disclaimer of the justice of those infer- CAM before It, the Treasurys journal has actually revived the most offensive of those imputations which the crown failed to establish before a jury How are the merchants of London interested in respond ing to this appeal to their sympathy ? Does it concern then, that their merchandise should continue exposed to the depredations of the servants of the Dock Companies ? Are they interested in maintaining a system, under which thousands of pounds worth of imported goods may be found in the bonded warehouses of the London Docks, not brought to account with the crown—not brought to account with the owners, though aecumniated by a long course of irregular abstraction from their merchandise, and of the right to property in which the Dock Companies themselves can produce no account? From the technicality of its expreesions, the proba bility is that this extraordinary passage was actually penned in, and, if not, was certainly inspired by the Treasury. Now, what is it but, in the plainest language, a repetition "of the charges ot fraud, embezzlement, of felony, and of crime," which Sir FITZROY KELLY called on the jury to purge the corn , pany from, and of which the jury did in express 1 words acquit the company—not merely its directors, but its officers and servants also! The effect of their submission is, therefore, in the Treasury's judg ment, an overthrow of that verdict, without giving them the advantage of a new trial; it is besides, the Globe adds, an admission that the " merchandise of London has been exposed to the depredations of the 'servants of the dock companies." The revenue de partments have, therefore, renewed these atrocious imputations, and concurrently deprived the comps of the opportunity of again disproving them. That r the compromise the London Docks have, for the make of their " ordinary business," submitted to. A ppeeaorr, miserable, and pitiful return this for the reposed in, and the sympathy bestowed on, them. Very true ; this is the result of a Cadens' intrigue and of Treasury smartness. But it is Iseme► theless the logical sequence of the Docks' weeknem e I infidelity, and want of dignity. When the ihes tors, as the result of " personal commadsatims" , with the Customs, admitted the esdistsmse of larities which might have jaded mime of seizures, their officers ne Gm farther rename, have admitted larger . i and the NNW irregularities were, it is only . reaserabie to infer, mach r than the admitted irresihrhim. And thus, " my lords" of the Tremery may have per. the intentions of the Dock on as to the ot their admission, the fact that the directors FRANCE. SATVEDAT EVENING. To-day . M. Vitet read, at the close of the Assem bly's sitting his report on the Questors' Bill. The committee had adopted unanimously the proposition in the shape which I have already sent. But they altered their resolution as to appending the minutes of the ministerial contradictions. On the motion, however, of M. Jolt', the Assembly decided that these minutes should be also printed and distributed with the report. The committee of internal administration has this morning discussed the modifications to be introduced into the chapter on the electoral law to be detached from the municipal bill fur separate debate on Mon day, according to M. Vatimesnil's motion, which was yesterday carried. The committee has main tained the principle of a three years' domicile, but has admitted several changes in the secondary pro visions of the law of May. It has decided in particu lar that the notoriety affirmed by a commission will suffice for the domicile of origin, so that all citizens who have never quitted their place of birth will be electors de jure. The committee of initiative has referred the mo tions relative to the electoral law which have been laid before it to the committee on the municipal bill. M. Laurent (de l'Archiche) has presented a counter proposition to that of the minister of the interior re specting the state of siege in the Ardechc. He pro poses on the ground of the perfect tranquillity exist ing in that de, artment, that the Assembly shall put an end to the state of siege there. The debate of Thursday exhibited in a striking point of view the impracticability of naturalising in France the American system of clerk-ministries. Not the reddest jacobin of the mountain was ever baited with the same relentless persecution which assailed the former Advocate-General of Paris, and the ex-procureur.general of Rouen. No member of the Assemble would have experienced from his colleagues treatment so crushing and cruel. On the other hand, no minister with the least experience of parlia. mentary warfare, or with the least consciousness of the duties of his position, could have been guilty of the blunders of M. David. The new minister of justice not only offende I all parties by turns, but in flicted the most suicidal wounds upon the govern ment. Every one knows with what scrupulous pains that summary is prepared at the end of the President's message, which reflects his personal policy—how every word is weighed in the nicest balance— every phrase filed with deliberate caution. To charge a rude provincial lawyer, liko M. David, with the task of interpreting such a do cument, is like committing the costliest viands to the coarsest cook. What in the message was left purposely vague, the Minister of Justice defined with the harshest decision ; what was distinct, he blurred and distorted. Thus, M. David had the hardihood to assert that, if the Assembly maintained the law of May 31, the President would enforce its execution; while, on the other hand, he denied that the same law was a violation of the principle of universal self age. So disgusted were the Elyseans with this gross misrepresentation of the Pre , Mimes sataning, that Lucien Murat called to the wiedster regtatedly to tell him that his assertions ware la direct contradiction with the message, and wad* Ida have forced him away from the tribune. The Left, hart by his ill-timed affronts, joined in the jeers of their adversaries against the floundering speaker, who to a natural defect in utterance added the strangest perversion of his part, and marred the policy of the President, while he declared himself ready to die in defence of his prerogative. Such an ! a gate display of unenlightened real drew from the whole house the most outrageous manifestations of ridicule and contempt; and the disgraced tribune became a pillory, from which the keeper of the, seals arse pelted and hooted like a dog. Or of the most notable features of the day is the asamion of Odilon Barret to the league of Mole, Imre, and Thiers. This is the more remarkable, es week of M. Barrot's intimate friends and former sallsegers, as De Tocqueville, Dufanre , Passy, De Tracy, Gustave de Beaumont, Laajuinais, and gene rally the Hera-parti, voted for the second reading of the Electoral Bill. M. Odilon Barret, in his speech yesterday in favour of Vatimesnil's motion, repre sented the vote of Thursday as a necessary vindica tion of parliamentary independence, and resistance to a systematic aggression on the Assembly. The four leading anti-Bonapartist organs, Union, Ordre, Assendkkge, and Opinion PuMique, all combine in lauding this speech as the true explanation of the pure and simple rejection of the Electoral Bill, and the best commentary on the attitude of the old ma jority. The earlier part of the Assembly's sitting was taken up with the interpellatioos of M. Charles Lagrange on the interruptions of electoral meetings by the police. He complained that the presence of the police at such meetings was illegal. M. La grange then proceeded to read articles from several papers, which he was astounded to see Ist pees by the authorities without prosecution, arbor republican journals were accused ef conspiring wee the flimsiest pretences. The government MOW an entente, but would not be grad ed le this respect. M. de Heeckeren accepted this atataisent as a confession that the speaker was privy to seditious machinations. M. Lagrange said, in continuation, that the peole woulvmt till 1832, and then they would per form the duty prescribed to them in the constitution They would vote, not with the message, but with the constitution in their hands. M. de Thorigny, minister of the interior, ROMAN STATES. Ales , andro Calandrelli, the defender of the walls of Rome against the French, has been since his con demnation transferred to the bagnio of Ancona, where he wears the red prison-surge and the chains of the convict. The people crowd see him as ho works in the public places with a hod on his shoulders. GE MANY. RANov En. _ A telegraphic despatdi from Hanover, of tho morning of the 14th, states that his Majesty had passed a tolerable quiet night, but that the diminu tion of strength continued to be perceptible. The Prince of &hits has been summoned to Hanover. THE PENINSULA MAILS. The Peninsula and Oriental Company's steamer Iberia, Capt. Burney, arrived at Southampton yes terday with the Peninsula mails in charge of Lieut. lt.N. Her dates are—Gibraltar, Nov. 3; Cadiz, 4 ; Lisbon, 9; Vigo, 11. There is free com munication between Lisbon and Oporto. The Iberia, however, was ordered when at Vigo MI her outward passage not to touch at Oporto on her homeward route. If she did. the authorities at Vigo threatened that they would not grant her a clean bill of health for England. It was expected, how ever, that the last outward Peninsula mail packet would be allowed to call at Oporto. The Iberia made a splendid passage out from Eng land, in fact her passage was so rapid that she had to remain four days at Lisbon ou her homeward voyage before the contract time had expired for her to leave that pert. She had a very unfavourable passage homeward from Lisbon, having experienced very bad weather while crossing the Bay of Bileay. Front Gibraltar we learn by the Iberia that there is not much prospect of effectually chastising the ras cally pirates on the Riff coast on account of the diffi culty of getting at them. The Emperor of Morocco, it appears, acknowledges his inability to check their depredations, and would be glad if any nation would undertake to do it for him. It was rumoured that the English prisoners of the Melilla pirates had been ransomed for a hundred dollars each prisoner. (Inc of the seamen who was wounded on board of her Majesty's ship Janus, in the late attack on the Moors, had died of his wounds. _ . 'llic lellow•ing ix extracted from the Gitra/tat Chronicle of the 3rd For the but two or three days it has been reported in the garrison that a revolution had broken out in Morocco, at a place near 'haat, headed by a nephew of :hc present Em peror, who has called upon tnc people of the empire to assist him in dethroning Abderalimui, whom he denounces as a usurper of the throne which, as the son of the late Emperor, he claims as belonging to him by right. His party, according to the report, has gathered such strength. that, having laid siege to fatilat, it has succeeded in carry ing off the treasure of the Emperor Alxlerahman which was deposited there. Yesterday morning, shortly before nine, the British screw steamer l'hmbe, P. P. Brennan, cominauder, ran aground off the breakwater under the Orange Bastion, on coming into the bay during high water. Prompt assistance was afforded by the boats of the Bellerophon and Arethum the moment her situation was observed. The screw steamer Nile, which arrived front the East some time afterwards, renuered material assistance by sending a hawser on board the Phmbe ; but unfortunately, the tide going out, the hawser snapped. The men-of war's boats had extended an anchor, and did everything that was possible to get her off, but could not succeed. A portion of the coals and cargo of the PhroSis was then discharged, and, by the joint aunt once of 11. M. steamer Janus and the File, sad the working of an anchor cast from one of 11. M. ships boats, and worked on board the l'hcche, they succeeded in getting her off about eight o'clock last night. On the:llst ult. the English hark O'Ferral, G. de Maria, master, laden with coal anti iron, was wrecked on the coast of Conil. The Master was unfortunately drowned in at tempting to save himself; but the rest of the crew, 18 in number, reached the shore in a boat. The Iberia left Lisbon so soon after the Se vern that she brings no political news of import ance from Portugal. In the 'Tagus wore H.M. ships Prince Regent, Hogue, Leander, Dauntless, and Arothusa. The two latter arrived from Gib raltar on the 7th inst. A seaman on board the Are thusa had had his leg shot otf while exercising the guns. The Dauntless had started her head kneo and had injured her shaft. These accidents originated it was thought from the disproportionate masts. It was believed that the Dauntless would have to come home to be repaired. LATEST FOREIGN EXCH,t,NGES. PARIS BOURSE. PARIS, so?. 15. I For i Money. Opening( For Account. Lowed. MINN. —..—...—• 3 per Cent& 156 50 1 56 20 1 :111 45 56 15 56 43 5 per cents .... .. 9l 80 ' 41 10 ,' 141 75 91 10 91 70 3 per Cents. New Loan ... ... ' ••• ••• .- 4 ace Cent.. :- 1 *.••• ••• ••• 45 per Cent. ' 81 ... ••• Exchange on London: sisisut, 25174; Lie days. 27 st i .. 7 Belgian, 4, DM 1)0. 5, 1843 Do. 4 4 In. 24 . ........ ... 1 Treasury Bonds — ••• Pledinont 5 net. BO 50 .. I liana Anne. PARIS Nov. 15.—Versailles (right bank), • ditto, Haft tuna; Il I 23; Park and Ovisamw, 072 Su ; Paris and Brain, 370; &num and Havre, 910; Marseilles and Avid'on. 200 75; Bass. buurg and Bale, 150; Centre, 455; Boulogne and Amiens, 252 50i Orleans and Bordeeni, 378 75; Northern, 463 75; Pads and Strut, meg, 358 73; Toots and Nantes, 253; D.eppe and Ramp. 19i75. MADRID, Nov. 11.—'fhree per Cents. 36,1; after Boise, 36 3-16. Four per Cents., 131 ; af ter Bohm, —. Fire per Cents., 16 '1 • after Bolsa, 16 ! paper. Coupons, 81; after Bols a, 81. Passives, 6 3-16 ; after Bolsa, 6 3-16. Bank of St. Ferdinand, 99 paper. Exchange on London, 50.50 cash. (By Meerle Telegraph.) AMSTERDAM, Nov. 14.—Five per Cent. Metal liipes, 704. Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Belgians* —• Five per Cent. Ardoins, 15 9-16. Three per Cents., Intenor, 34 13-16. Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 992. Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Integral', 671. —Exchange on London, 11.85. ANTWERP, Nov. 15.—Five per Cent. letalliquese 731 ; do. Ardoins,lsl. Three per Cent. Interior, 351. Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents., —. Exchange on London, 2.5.25. BRUSSELS, Nov. 15.—Belgian Five per Cents., 98k: Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 894 ; Two-and-a-Rau per Cents., 49k. Exchange on London, 25.25.