The Express. — London, England, 1852-11-09 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LOltDS.—Moxo‘T, Nov. S. The LOUD CRANICRLLOIItOOk his seat on the woolsack at two a clock, and resumed the swearing in of peers. Viscount Stratford and Lord Raglan took the oaths and their seats on then elevation to the peerage. The former noble lord was introduced by Viscount Canning and , Viscount Hardinge ; and the latter by the Earl of Eglin bsti and Lord Colville. The eeramosies on them occasions admit of brief description. The sew peer is brought into the house by the Uentleman Usher of the Black Rod, psarieg kis wand of cam, and Garter limg.al•Arms wear beg his tabard ; and is kd to the Lord Chancellor followed by the noble 1 .rds who officiate as introducers. The new peer bacilli: tiresentid his writ of summons, the little pro ossmon returns to the table, where the patent is handcd by Outer to the clerk, who reads it at length. The oaths are then administered, and the new peer having signed the roll is conducted to the proper bench, upon which the three tends (who all wear their crimson robes) take their mats and put on their cocked hats. After a moment's pause the new peer then rims and boss to tbo Lord Chancellor; after which the whole party leave the holm. A con... disable Lumber of noble lords took the oaths and their seats, and the house adjourned soon after 4 o'clock until this day. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAT, Nov. 8. The 5er..11.5x took the chair at a quarter after one, and the swearing-In of members was proceeded with. The whole of the constiturncica haling been gone through in alphabetical order on Saturday, the members were swim thu worming .• promiscuously "as they made their appearance. Among the first batch, 22 in number, wise Mm. Walpole, Sir J. l'akit.Fron, Mr. M. Russell, Mr. L. Iferkert, Lord E Bruce, Sir W. Clay, Lord Cioderich, Mr. Ilayter, Mr. Mangles, Mr. M. Forster, and Captain Townshend: The neat group, consisting mils - of ten, included—Mr. 0. A. ILiUlfitOn, Mr. F. French, Mt. Clowning Bruce, and Mr. James Wilson. The nest group consisted also of tea, and included—Sir T{ illiam Jollitle, Sir H. Maddock, Ms. Lockhart, Mr. J. Clay, and Mr. Fuller. Amongst other members who were stibeequently sworn were—Sir A Cockburn, Mr. Fiends Scott, Mr. Macgregor, CoWen, the Earl of Urosecuor, Mr. Bend Cabbell, Ser leant Murphy, Mr. Bestir" and Mr. B. Berkeley. The house adjourned at I till 12 o' clock this day. Zhu TO COILKSBPONDIII/4TB. • kePw. t tolitact of " The Estpros." eottiatarg tb• mane evening's +wacu.,"t. p6btibed wery Tarim, mil nido melt. t time br wet. ihdrert..esest- :ambled ter "The Fzprres,"Lablon Evenkre paper. •-• be at the (mike, Bourrele-ehbet. by T. o'sbelt co ths ay at puteitatialli. MOB WATF; A AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tv, —Momei.-. Ph. Os .Afternoos, IS. I. T or —MO 11 .13 00. Afternsay OIL Oa. LONDON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 9. DtNIEL WEDSTER surpassed all his contempora ries among American statesmen in a certain sinewy knitness of mental constitution. Ile was to the rest what the gnarled oak of the forest is to the softer wooded trees that surround it. To use a hackneyed figure of speech, he was a man of iron. The out ward countenance expressed the inner mind. A capacious forehead, • palo complexion, relieved by the tinge of a closely shaven blue-black beard, an inflexible intentness of purpose imparting tensity to every feature, no interchange of smiles or softer ex pression. Quick and indefatigable in acquiring knowledge, endowed with a tenacious memory, , clear-sighted, gifted more with the logio of the will than the intellect, his eloquence was commanding rather than winning. There was a want of elevation and refinement in his 'sentiments, but his burly strength supplied the defi ciency. No man deficient in generosity and geniality of temperament ever rose to the first honours of a state. Thus it MIS with DANIEL Welisren. He adopted, he cherished all the favourite aims and opinions of the New Englanders; ho brought un surpassed information and unequalled vigour and endurance to champion the policy of tho New Eng land States. lie was " the Beaton pet" But even the New Englanders rated him no higher than a first rate advocate; they had unconscious misgivings that his heart was not in the cause. Having taken his line, knowing that loyalty and consistency alone could ensure the prize his ambition aimed at, there was no fear of Winerliel ratting. His party could rely upon him. But it relied upon him only be. cause it believed him to be too shrewd not to see that honesty was the best policy, not from confidence in his sentiment of loyalty. He was more trusted than beloved. His supporters were not animated by that enthusiasm which alone can enable • party to carry its man in triumph over every obstacle. DANIEL WEBSTER came next to the highest office of the State, but he never reached the highest. And had he lived to the age of Mernesattx he never could have reached it. He was doomed to be one of the first of second rate men. But though incapable of standing highest, he was a check upon those who did. lie was the natural organ of a neutral, of a recusant, or hesitating minority. There was no getting DANILL WERsTLIS out of the field, and it was never sato to have him for an opponent. Though he could not have his own way he could prevent others from having theirs in every thing. " I can't rise to your sphere, but I can keep you down to mine," he more than once said—by deeds not words—to more buoyant natures. No doubt when his countrymen were going wrong, Mr. WEBSTER. at times, and on great occasions, offered a resolute oratorical resistance. He lifted up his voice, and warned his fellow-citizens as to whither General JACIEsON was leading and directing them. Ho opposed in its origin the spirit of ambition which annexed Texas, and assailed Mexico. lie preached peace with England when the two countries were going to quarrel about " • bit of bunting." And he lost no opportunity, in 'power or out, of consolidating the Union. These were great merits, for which let Mr. WEBSrEa's memory have all the praise and renown it deserves. But had his moral attributes been as highly cultivated as his intellectual capacity, more—far more—would have been within his power ; and he might have produced, what he certainly has not, a powerful impression for good on the national character of his countrymen. And, am much is re quired from those to whom much is given, it is by the highest standard Mr. WEBSTEIL is to be im partially and finally judged. So far, indeed, from having had any beneficial effect on public opinion in America, there is not wanting evidence to suggest that Mr. WEBSTER had in his latter days yielded to its deteriorating influ ences, and was content to encourage that spirit of braggadocio and aggees 'on which, at an earlier period, he had failed to arrest. It is, we think, total found equally in his manner of repelling the con duct of our Government on the fisheries question, and in the encouragement he gave to lawlessness when it fixed its selfish eyes on the Lobos Islands. In the one caw, be began by fanning a flame which might have .pread to • general conflagration had not the people of England compelled the DLitify Cabinet to retreat from their original position; in the other he issued a state paper, unwarrantable in its facts, unsupportable in its law, and immoral to the last degree in its purpose. In both affairs he must have suffered heavy mortification ; and it may have deproewd his spirits and rendered his frame more accessible to the inroads of the disease, which has carried him off. It is as the director of the external relations of America that Europe knows moat of Mr. WEesrza; and during the two periods when ho conducted those relations, he certainly performed some services scarcely lees important to America than to Europe. Under General Hsaitisost, he successfully removed all those difficulties which threatened to bring on a rapture with England; and now that time ham abated opposition and prejudices on either side the Atlantic, it must beldmitted on all hands that tho Slave Trndc, the Boundary, and the Extradition Conventions were all measures of great and re ciprocal usefulness. Mr. Wane-R . Bsecond tenure of office under President FILLMORE has scarcely been so highly characterised; but in his conduct in the affair of Cubs, ho saved his country from the reproach and shame of a great crime; and in supporting and carrying out the Compromise Act, he at least anted in postponing the great question of internal separation. Perhaps he also opposed as well as he ooald those skfignsagslnst Mexico, Nicaragua, and the assiwisi kinds, which seem still stored for future Aimises eutipsks. Both ss t Isaias amber of the Whig party, and as connoted with the elate of Massachuasets, which has plaid nest by the policy, Des. Weserte was a supporter of Protection principles. Bat hen, also, more fortunately, his great abilities were thrown away. In spite of his oratory, freedom of trade pre. vaikxl; and in the ill success of the Whig party lance it became thoroughly protective there is something like retributive justice. In the approaching elec tion of OPROPII PIERCE to the Presidency, the financial prosperity of the general treasury at Wash ington will, in all probability, lead to further reduc tions in the tariff ;—all the more easily now that Mr. WEBSTER will not be in Congress to resist the great policy which unites nations in the bonds of amity and concord, and makes them re-act on each other's prosperity. It is characteristic of American institutions that the removal of this robust and inflexible soul will not even for a mumcnt be felt in the progress of political events. His place will be filled—more or less ably— and things will go on u if ho had never been or had never been removed. This is the consequence of popular institutions—of self-government—that states men arc the agents, not the masters, of popular opinion and wishes, and that there is always a re dundant supply of competent public servants. Hence steadiness and consisteucy in the policy of popular governments. Individuals may be tickle and change able ; but masses are ever drearily monotonous in their aims and efforts. As children like to hear the same talc told over again, so the multitude like to see their rulers go incessantly through the same rou tine. The watchwords of popular party change slowly. This reflection places in a strong light the fatuous fully of those who dream they see in the resuscitation of the Empire a guarantee to France for the sur creme of revolutionary changes. By vesting all power in the hands of an autocrat, the French ren der their national policy liable to shift and change with all his freaks and whims. Nay, they render that order and tranquillity fur which they yearn dependent upon the continuance of his life, certain to be inter rupted with the interruption of its frail and preca rious tenure. In the democratic republic of America the survival or extinction of a master mind like WEesrui does not for a moment shako public tran quillity—does not perceptibly affect the steady course either of domestic or foreign politics. In the French Empire now in process of inauguration, the death even of a Louts NAPOLEON would restore anarchy. Everything would be interrupted till the rival 1 1 for his inheritance of power had fought it oat. This is the inevitable consequence of the people leaving 1 the management of their affairs to one or a few in stead of keeping it mainly in their own hands. Popular governments amongst civilised people are more truly conservative than despotisms or oligarchies. TIIE despondent Derbyites seek their last conso lation in the supposed difficulty of naming their successors. They feel they aro not strong, and know they aro not popular; bat still they cling with tenacity to life, and doubtingly ask, if they are put out, who are ready to come in ? They seem to forget how often a similar question has been put by feeble administrations, and how invariably it has been answered, to the circumstantial discomfiture of the questioners, whenever it has been categorically and seriously put. Successors—half-a-dozen sets of suc cessor—might be named in as many sentences, any of whom would present a more im posing ensemble of talent, experience, and I property . than the present Cabinet affords. In vain the existing imbeciles hugged the delusion that tho rival pretensions of prominent men of ability on the Liberal side cannot easily be adjusted. It may be so,—but what after all does this forlorn attempt at a cavil amount to, save that the number of eminent men on the popular side is so large that we have three or four spare sets on hands; while they cannot eke out one. If the coming struggle were only to be ono between two oligarchic cliques, it would hardly be worth the trouble of writing a line on the matter ; and we suspect that the mass of the nation would care as little as ourselves whether Lord CLINRICARDE or Lord HARDWICK)! sat in the Post master-General's chair, or whether Lord ItsoLsw or Lord ANGLESF-1 filled the supernumerary post of Muter-General of the Ordnance. But what is of _ importance,—and what is alone of importance,—is whether the Administration shall be in accordance with the calm and steadfast spirit of progress which is bound up in the heart of the nation, or whether it shall consist of men whose only celebrity is derived from their unprincipled resistance to every measure the people desire,—whether of finance, foreign policy, or reform ? It is the very impertinence of imposture to ask whether the present lory Ministers may not earn the popular confidence by acquiescing at the eleventh hour in tho stability of Free Trade. Of course they will acquiesce —and no thanks to them— in what they have done their best for six years to disturb, and found at last to be impregnable. We must be a nation of idiots if we could be persuaded that a moment's gratitude was due for each an exploit of expediency. Gratitude has, indeed, been said to bo a vivid anticipation of favours to come. Are Ministers and their advocates prepared to claim that of the community:lo grounds of this kind? Are they prepared to outbid Lord Jolts Re SMELL in electoral reform or Sir lung GRAHAM in official retrenchment? Will they carry out the principle of the Sugar Bill of 1848, or that of University Reform of 1851 ? Will they perfect the policy of religious freedom by emancipating the Jews? Will they maintain the foreign policy founded in 1830 by the late Lord OILY, and undeviatingly adhered to ever since by his successors of the Liberal party ? Tho weakness of the present government is not mainly or chiefly the weakness of the men who compose it--although in that they are stifficietgly conspicuous; their weak nese lies in their principles and their want of prin ciples, in the repugnance of the nation to all they have ever advocated, and the attachment of the nation to those things they have most vehemently opposed. And the strength of the Liberal chiefs lies not in their individual dex terity in debate or pre-eminent skill as administra tors, but rather in the coincidence of their opinions and professions with the hopes and wishes of the people. Mr. COBDEN and his friends are pledged to seek the attainment of the Ballot by eve r y legitimate means; Lord Joan RusseLL and his colleagues of the late Cabinet are pledged to a large extension of the franchise; and Sir Jules ChlUital and those who think with him are pledged to an efficient transfer of representative power from small nomina tion boroughs to populous districts. All are alike committed to Free Trade and the fullest and speediest development of fiscal and financial reform —to the principle that the voice of the laitgjdiould be paramount in matters of education—OM that equality, rather than ascendancy, should be the aim, in all legislation regarding creed. These are not vague or impractical theories, irreducible to form, or unattempted in detail. 'fhey constitute the life giving purpose of the Liberal party, in and out of parliament, and whoever may be the individual called upon to form • future Liberal Ministry, its policy may be regarded as already defined, and the conditions of its being may be looked upon as already laid down. Which question should be dealt with first, and which shall be allowed to wait for its turn, must of course depend non various circumstances. But the principle of a liberal ministry must essen tially be Pr3gress;—not a puffin.: down of the lofty, but en upraising of the humble and tho toiling many. Thus it is for the sake of further good to be achieved by bold and fearless administration, that the Liberal majority in parliament are bound to evict the present wrongful possessors from office, and to place in their stead not this or that knot of peculiar politicians, but an effective and suitable selection of men from the foremost rank of each section—Whig, Radical, and l'eelite. Of clique and exclusiveness in tie composition of cabinets we bevelled more t han enough. No administration is worth supporting that does not command support, and this it cannot do unless public opinion be convinced it is composed of earnest and able men—capable of a purpose, and incapehle of abandoning it. A Government that succeeds to power in a l'arliament called by its opponents can rarely reckon with the same confidence on possessing a decisive majority; but, with the power of dissolu tion in its hands, and appealing by its measures to the feelings and the interests of the nation at large, it may nevertheless be strong enough for all practical ends. The party whom it has ousted from office rarely has the courage to drive it speedily to extremities, and the threat of an appeal to the hustings is seldom in vain, when coming from those who manfully put to the people questions in which the best interests of the nation are really involved. We repeat, what we have akiady mid ea morel than one °cession, that we will not consent to buy Free Irade over again, either by compensation to landlords or by toleration of the present incapable and illiberal Cabinet in power. We have reduced Frye Trade into possession.—lt is ours—the Derby item must endorse it—and then we shall know what next to do. When the people are in earnest there is no lack of Ministers to do their work. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 9, 1852. FRANCE. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMP IRE. PARIS, MONDAY MOUNING. The Moniteur publishes the senatus eonsultum, re-establishing the imperial dignity, the text of which was given in our whole impression yesterday. Its principal provisions are these: The imperial dimity is re-established ; Louis Napoleon is declared to be Emperor, under the name of Napoleon 111. ; the imperial dignity is hereditary in the descent of the Emperor; legitimate issuo wanting of the legitimate heirs of Napoleon I. may be adopted, but adoption is inter dicted to Louis Napoleon's succession; Louis Napoleon re. ciliates the order of succession to the throne in the Dona parts family ; his heirs wanting, • &magus Comultun to appoint the Emperor. A Senatus Cotmettins regulates the position of the members of Louis Napoleon's family; they cannot marry without the authorisation of the Em peror. The constitution 0(18452 is maintained in all that is not ' contrary to the present Sensatus Consuition. The President accepts the proposition for re-esta blishing the empire, and, in consequence, the French people are convoked on the' Ist and 22nd of Novem ber, in their electoral colleges, to accept or reject the following plebiscite: The nation wishes the re-establishment of the imperial dignity in the person of Louis Napoleon, with hereditary succession in his direct legitimate or adoptive line, and gives him the right to regul►te the order of succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family. Tho Corps Legislatif is convoked to verify the votes, on the 25th of this month. The following is Jerome Bonapartes speech deli• vexed to the Bongo on Thursday last: Memlean le Penatean,—The President of the Republic bee called we together to deliberate on that enthusiastic movement, that grand impulse which bears on the popula tion towards the re-establishment of the empire. For the French people the empire is. the souvenir of an immortal glory. It is the assurance of preserving ietact tho fundamental conquests of 'B9. Within, it is order ; without, it is dignity. To all interests it is an unfailing guarantee. It is the protection and develop ment of the great discoveries of the age applied to public works and industry. Lastly, it is a bulwark against the return of the unites n'giones and against the attempts of men of disorder. The wishes of elective bodies everywhere uniting themselves to the acclamations of the people, call for the Napoleon dynasty, because the advent of this dynasty is for France the pledge of a stable and pros. porous future ; because placing a limit to our civil dissensions it will open an era of reconciliation. Franco feels that after the grand act which you are about to propose she will have done with incomplete surrenders of herself, and with provisional adhesions. Every loyal man who accepts a part in the government commits himself to it in honour, and is bound to break for ever with its enemies. That which the French people did In 1801 it does again in 1852, thus proving how constant is its gratitude, how just are its judgments. How can we do otherwise than confess the finger of divine Providence, which in the worst days has n ceased to watch over our country, in this phenomenon of events almost identical repro ducing tbersalves at an interval of fifty years ? The popular instinct which acclaimed Napoleon I. reveals itself again taday is acclaiming the name of Napoleon 111., the PEWS aloha bur yeses has governed France with so muck wisdom and ability. It belongs to us, Mesa/tun les Sesatiturs, to give a regular consecration to the national will, and to frame &sonatas consultant, which shall establish the foundation of the Empire. West and noble task ! You will fulfil it with that independence which consults only the happiness and glory of our country. As for me obeying pereonalseruples, which your consciences will have already suggested, sealoualy avoiding even the appearance of • par ticipation which should not have exclusively in view the great interests of the state, I leave to another the honour of directing the discussion. PARIS, MONDAY EVENING. An extraordinary supplement toyesterday's teur, published at 11 o clock last night, contains the folliwing highly important document, containing an account of the proceedings concerning the re establishment of the Empire : PROCESS VERBAL OF TILE SITTINGS OF THE SENATE OF NOV. 4,8, AND 7. SITTING OP TH■ 4TH. The Senate, comfornably to the decree of his Highness the Prince President of the Repub lic, dated Oct. 19 lut, met at noon os the 4th of November, in the hall of its sittings, under the pre sidence of hie Highness the Prince Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte. [Then follows the speech of the " Prince President of the Senate," so given above.] • Numerous marks of approbation followed this speech. The Minister of State, M. Achille Fould, was then introduced, preceded by the messengers of state, and conducted by the chief usher. The minister took his place on the bench appropriated to the speakers of the government, and,in the name of the Prince President, of the Republic, presented the message which has been already published. After the message had been read, the Minister of State withdrew; and imme diately ' a proposition to modify the constitution, signed by ten senators, was handed to the President of the Senate. The bureaux, ac,mrding to the terms of Art. 17 of the organic decree of the 22nd of March, immediately met to decide if the proposi tion should be read at the general sitting. The barman having been unanimous in favour of au thorising that the proposition should be taken into consideration, Baron do Lacrosse, the secre tary of the Senate, read it aloud. This proposition was signed by MM. Meenard, Troploog, General Baraguay d'Hilliers, Cardinal Dupont, General d'Hautpoul, Baron do Lacrosse, Marshal Valliant. General Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angely, Count Simeon, and General d'Ornano. In conformitT with Art. 17 of the organic decree of March 22, this pro position was during the sitting transmitted to tho Minister of State. The President of the Senate next called on Hui First President Misused to replace him in the chair. After a suspension of the proceedings for half an hour, the messenger of state having brought back the reply of the government, the se cretary of the Senate sus called on by the President to read it. This reply is thus worded : Monseigneur,—You have laid before me tho draft of • senates consultive, having for object the re-establishment of the empire. I have the honour of thanking yea for that communication, and I hasten to inform you that the govern ment does not oppose the taking into consideration of that proposition, and that, according to the subjoined decree, MM. Itaroche, vice.prestdent of the Council of State ,• Roultcr, president of the Mil= of legislation, and Delangle, councillor of state, are charged to represent the government in the discussion which that antetus romulsma will lead to. Accept, soneeigneur, the assurance of my respectful consideration. ACHILLI Foonn, Minister of State. This reply having been read, the senators withdrew to their bureaux to proceed to the election of the members of the committee, when the following were named :—First Bureau : President Troplong and Cardinal Dupont ; Second Bureau : Count d'Argout and Count de la Riboissislre ; Third Bureau: The Duke de Cambaceres and General Ileginaud de St. Jean d'Angely; Fourth Bureau: General d'Haut pml and M. Leverrier ; and Fifth Bureau : Cardina I Monet and the Duke de Mortemart. The public sitting was then declared at an end, and the commit tee at once met and chose as its reporter M. Troplong. &mica or Nov. 6. The Senate met, with Vice-President Mesnard in the chair, to hear the report of the committee charged to examine the proposition for modifying the consti tution. MM. tareche, Vice-President of the Council of State, Rouher, President of the Section of Legis lation, and J)elaoglc, Councillor of St a t e , having been introduced, M. ' roplong read the report given in another column. The reading of the report was interrupted by very decided marks of approbation. The reporter then read the imams eonsullum, given in yestenlay's Daily News. SITTIING or THE Trrt. The Senate assembled at noon under the presidency of M. Meanard, and in the presence of the commis. series of the government, deliberated upon each of the articles of the R•natue corasulturn. The articles were successively adopted, sod the ballot being taken, the seriatim consultum was adopted by 641 votes out of 87. General Itarispe, Admiral Itoussin, and Count Lezay-Maruesia, were absent on account of their health. The Prince de la Moskowa was absent, being on military duty in Algeria. The senatia consulluni was signed by all the members present. Immediately after the sitting, all the Senators in WI costume, and their eminences the Cardinals in red robes, preceded by an escort of cavalry, went in a body to the palace of St. Cloud. They assembled in the great gallery. Some moments afterwards the Prince President entered the room surrounded by his Ministers, and the Commissaries designated by tho Council of State, and accompanied by his military household. On his entry the Prince was saluted with cries of Vivo l'Empereur." M. /desnard, the first vice president, on presenting to his Highness the serustus consultant [above referred to], addressed him as follows : "Monseigneur—When a great country like France makes its voice heard, the first duty of the political body to which she addresses herself is to listen and to reply. Such were the ideas of your Highness in calling for the medita lotions of the Senate on this vast movement of public opinion which bas manifested itself with so much ensemble and energy. The Senate ha understood that this striking manifestation is justified at the same time by the immense 'ees which you have rendered, by the name you bear, and by the guarantees which are given to the future by the I greatness of your character, and by the wisdom and firmness your mind. It has understood that after so many revolu tions, Franco feels the want of putting her destinies under the shelter of a powerful and national government, which only holding to the put by the souvenirs of her glory and the legitimacy of her origin, now again finds in popular sanction the clement, of its twee and of its duration. 'the Senate glories, Munseignenr, in being the faithful inter preters of the wishes and sentiments of the country, in placing in your hands the sonattu-consultuns which calls you to the Empire." Fresh cries of " Vivo l'Empercur" followed the conclusion of the speech. The Prince replied : Messieurs les Senateure—l thank the Senate for the readi ness with which it has responded to the wishes of the country, in deliberating on the re-establishment of the Empire, and in drawing up the senatua-consultum which is to be submitted to the acceptance of the people. Whin, forty-eight years since, in this same palace, in this same room, and under analogous circumstances, the Senate came to offer the crown to the chief of my family, the Emperor replied by these memorable words: "My spirit will no longer be with my posterity from the day when it shall cease to merit the love and the confidence of the great nation." what now moat affects m heart is the thought that the spirit of the Emperor is wit h me, that his ideas guide me, that his shade protects me, since by a solemn proceeding you come in the name of the French people to prove to me that I have merited the cling. dence of the country. It is not necessary for me to tell you that my constant anxiety will be to labour with you to promote the grandeur and prosperity of Franco. Renewed cries of " Vive l'Empereur !" here bunt forth. Tho Prince afterwards approached the sena tors, and entered into conversation with each of them, after which they left and returned to the Luxem bourg. The above account of the proceedings of the Senate is followed by the following official announce ment of the resignation of Prince Jerome Bonaparte as President of that body. In the new organisation of the government the presi thmcy of the Senate will:belong to the Emperor himself. This circumstance has determined Prince Jerome to resign his functions u President of the Senate into the bands of Prince Louis Napoleon. Next follow the undermentioned decrees. IN THE NAME OP THE FRENCH PEOPLE, Louis Napoleon, l'resideut of the French Republic. t pon the report of the Minister Secretary of State of the Interior. Seeing the sentslui eons:alum of this day decrees: Art. 1. 'rho French people is convoked in its cornices on the 21st and 22nd of this present month of November, to accept or reject the following proposed " plebiscite :" " The French people wills the re-eatahlishment of the im perial dignity in the person of Louie Napoleon Bonaparte with .heredicity in his direct legitimate or adoptive descendants, and gives to him the right to regulate the order of succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family, u mentioned in the senalass consultuns of this day. Art. 2. All Frenchmen of the ago of 21 years, in the en joyment of their civil and political rights, are called upon to vote._ Art. 3. They must prove their qualification either by their inscription upon the existing electoral lists, or by showing that they have on the 22nd of November accent. plisbed the conditions with respect to age, fixed by the de crees of Feb. 2, 18.52. Art. 4. Electors temporarily absent from their domicilo by reason of their functions or their business, will be ad mitted to vote in the place of their actual residence, by showing that they are inscribed upon the electoral list of their commune. Art. 5. The names of individuals deceased or ettainted by judgments involving incapacity according to the decree of Feb. 2, 18.52, will be struck off the electoral lists. Art. 6. The revised electoral lists will be published and posted in every commune on the 16th November. Claims and objections may be made directly to the jugs de pair, and will be heard and decided up to the 21st inclusively ; citizens producing a decision of the juge de pair, ordering the insertion of their names in the electoral lists, will be admitted to vote up to Nov. 22. Art. 7. The ballot will be open in every commune during the 21st and 22nd of Nov., from eight to the morning to six in the evening. The vote will take place by secret ballot, by " Yes " or "No," by means of a man uscr ipt or printed bulletin. Art. 8. The electors of the land and sea armies will vote under the presidency of the officer of the highest rank in the place of their residence at the moment of voting. The staff and crew of ships about to leave France may vote be fore their departure. Art. 9. The census of the votes of each department shall be made by three members of the Council-C./erten', desig nated by the prefect. Art. 10. The general census of votes will take place in the Corps Legislatif. Art. 11. Thu :indite'. Secretary of State for the depart ment of the Interior is charged with the execution of the present decree. Done at the Palace of St. Cloud, Nov. 7, 18.53, Loris NAPOLEON, Prince President. The Minister Secretary of State for the Department of the Interior, F. ox PEESIONT. Louis Napoleon, President of the French Republic, De crees : _ _ _ Art. 1. The Corps Legislatif is convoked for Nov. 25, in order to certify the regularity of the votes, to cast them up, and to declare tko result. Art. 2. The Minister of State is charged with the execu tion of this decree. Done at the raise* of St. Cloud, the 7th Nor. 1852. Loy is NAPOLEON. The Minister of Seats, Actium" FOULD. The name of the single senator who voted against the senatus consultum is M. Viellard. I understand that the baceres refused to be ono of the ten to sign the original proposition, but ho ultimately voted for it. I call your attention to the extraordinary provision in Art. 6 of the senalus comultion, which plaws every member of the Bonaparte family out of the pale of the law, and subjects his life, liberty, and property to the mere will and pleasure of the new Emperor. The Preue in its weekly commercial bulletin, My*; Bo mach activity now prevails in all the manufactories of the fancy articles which are principally sold on the approach of New Year's day, that it looks u though the last fortnight In December had already arrived ; the manufacturers! have great difficulty in furnishing the supply demanded from them, both for the Paris trade and that of the departmental I towns. A glut of goods is nowhere to be found. It may be remembered that before 1848 the over-stock of goods was so great that it was found necessary to put the men on short work, in order to bring the stocks down, whereas at present their situation is completely different. - - Wo read in tho l'resse: The question of the transatlantic packets, which has for some time past occupied general attention at the principal seaports, appears at leigth to be in the woy of coming to a solution. The Minisffr of Finance appointed a conference of nine competent persons to examine and dis cuss the different questions connected with the transatlan- tio services. Several sittings have already been been devoted to the examination of the claims which each port considers itself to ►ave to be the starting point for the different pro jected lines between France, the United States, the Brazils, the West. India Islands, and Mexico. Nothing hiui yet transpired as to the view which the conference has adopted on the subject which is so warmly disputed by the different localities interested In it. It is merely conjectured that the conference will soon call before it the heads of the compa nies which propose to come forward, or rather the authors of the propositions which up to this time appear to the most admissible. The following important railway intelligence appears in two provincial papers: The Concorde of Reims says : We learn that, thanks to the continued efforts and power ful influence of the Mayor of Rheims ' the line from Rheims to Oivet has just been decided upon by the Strasburg com pany. Out city, then, is about to become the central point of three branches, that of Epernay to Rheims, that of Rheims to Douai, and that from Rheims to the Belgian frontier. Thus, we shall communicate directly with Eng land, Belgium, and Germany. What a prospect for us! In less than twenty years Rheims will have a population of a hundred thousand souls. The Echo of Mont Blanc says: We have received intelligence of • very serious nature with regard to the interests of Savoy. As we foresaw, France will keep her railway. to herself, and will not borrow any foreign territory. The conces,iou of the railway from Lyons to Geneva by L'Ecluse Seyssel, Culloz, and Saint 'lambert is granted to MM. Bartoloni and Co. Saint-Rant bort will be the pint of junction of the line from Paris to Geneva by Macon. A line will be made from Marseilles to Mont Genevre by Briancon. It will only regain a tunnel of 3,000 mans. REPORT TO THE SENATE ON THE EMPIRE. The following is the Report of the Committee appointed by the Senate to consider the changes to be made in the Constitution. It is stated to be from the pen of M. Troplong, President of tho Court of Appeal _ _ Gentlemen Senators,—France, attentive and moved, de mands of you to-day a great political act. The question is to put an end to her anxieties, and to ensure her future wel fare. But that act, however grave it may be, dots not bring you in contact with any of those capital di ffi culties which hold in suspense the wisdom of legislators. You know the wishes expressed by the councils general, the councils of the arrondissements, and by the addresses of the communes of France—wishes fur stability in the government of Louis Napoleon, end of • return to a political form which has struck the whole world by tho majesty of itopower and the wisdom of its laws. You have heard that immense petition of a whole nation hastening on the footsteps of its liberator, and the enthusiastic trim, which we can almost call an anticipated plabisede, and which proceeded from the heartsof thousands of husbandmen and workpeople, of manufacturers and mercial people. Such manifestations simplify the tusk of statesmen. There are circumstances in which fatal mem silica prevent the firmest legislator placing himself in accord. ance with public opinion and with hisowu reason ; there are others which require long meditation to resolve questions upon which the country has not yet decided. You are ex posed ,gentlemen,neither to that constraint nor to that ember. easement. The national feeling presses and supplicates you, and your high experience tells youth'', in yielding to its in. stances, you will contribute in replacing France in the ways which suit her interests, her grandeur, and the imperious necessities of her situation. Everything is explained, in fact, by the events which unfold themselves before us. After great political commotions, it happens always that nations throw themselves with joy into the arms of the vigorous man whom Providence sends to them. It was the fatigue of civil wars that made the monarchy of the victor of Actium; it was the honor of revolutionary excesses as much as the glory of Marengo that cievated the imperial throne. In the midst of the recent dangers of the country, that vigorous man (eel homme furl) showed himself on the 10thlof December, 18414, and on the 2nd of December, and 'France has confided to him lier:fiag, which was on the eve of perishing. If she hat declared her wish to confide it to him for ever in that memorable journey which was nothing but a succession of triumphs, it is because by his courage and his prudence the man showed himself at the height of his mandate; it is because when a nation feels itself for mented by . the agitations of a "tinny government, a nem- I Nary reaction conducts it towards him who will best insure order, stability, and repose. Now, Louis Napoleon is in that marvellous situation that alone he holds in his hands those inestimable benefits. Ile' has, in the eyes of France, his immense services, the magic of his popularity, the recollections of his race, imperishable memorials of order, of organisation, and of heroism, which make the hearts of Frenchmen be at. lle revives, in the eyes of Europe, the greatest name of modern times not for the purpose of military triumphs, in which his history is sufficiently rich, but for the purpose of enchaining political and social tempests, of endowing France with the conquests of peace, of strengthening and rendering fruitful the har mony amnions. At home and abroad it is to him that is attached a long futurity of labour and pacific civilisation. That fatally must not be givers up to the hazard of events, and to the surprises of factions. It is on this account that France demands the hierarchy of the Emperor, that is to say, order in revolution, ant rule in democracy. She wished for it on the 10th of Dec., at the time when an inimical constitution prevented the people from expressing their utmost wish ; she wished it again on the 20th of Dec., when the moderation of a noble character prevents d its being inked of her. But to-day the public feeling breaks its bonds like a torrent: there arc mo ments when even enthusiasm has a right to resolve questions. , For a long time past risible signs announced what must be the misaion of Louis Napoleon, and the provident reason of I statesmen agreed with the popular instinct in fixing the cha -1 racter of it. After the bitter sarcasm which had placed the heir to a throne at the head of a republic, it was evident that France, always democratic in her manners, had not ceased to be monarchical in her habits and instincts, and that she wished the re-establishment of the monarchy in the I person of the Prince, who revealed himself to her as the reconciler of two ages and of two minds, the connecting link between the government and the people, the monarchical symbol of organised democracy. At the end of the last century the preponderance of the democratic principle had persuaded speculative or ardent minds that France ought to mark the new era into which she was entering by a divorce between her government and the menarehical form. The republic was borrowed from the recollections of antiquity. But in France political imitations have rarely succeeded. Our country, though taxed with levity, is invincibly attached to certain national ideas, and to certain traditional habits, by which it preserves the originality of which it is proud. The republic could not naturalise itself on our soil; it perished by its own excesses, and it gave itself up to those excesses only because it was not in the instincts of the nation. It was only an iuterval, brilliant abroad, terrible at home, between two monarchies. At that period glory elevated to power one of those men who found dynasties and who traverse ages. It was on that now stem that Franco saw flourishing a monarchy appro priated to modern times, and which yields to no other by its ' grandeur and power. Is it not a great lesson tone a similar fortune reserved fifty yearn later for a second essay of the republican form ? Is it not a striking example of the per severance of the French mind in things which are as it were the sal:Wane° of its political life ? Is not the proof com plete and decisive ? It will be the more so. Defame the imperial monarchy has all the advantages of the republic, without having its dangers. The other monarchical tYgimes (of which, how ever, we do not wish to diminish the illustrious services) have been accused of having placed the throne at too great a distance from the people ; and the republic, boasting of its popular origin, ably entrenched itself in opposition to them, among the masses which believed themselves for gotten and despised. But the empire, stronger than the republic on the ground of democracy, takes away from it that objection. It was the government the most energeti cally supported, and the most keenly regretted by the people. It is the people, above all, that have found it again in their recollections, to oppose it to the dreams of idealogues and to the experiments of perturbators. On the one hand, it is ' the only one that can glorify itself on the right recognised by the ancient monarchy, "that it is to the French nation that belongs the right to choose a King." On the other, it is the only one that has not had quarrels to settle with the people ! When it disappeared in 1814, it was not by the shock of the nation against the government. The hazards of a foreign and unequal war operated thin violent divorce. But the people had not ceased to see in the empire its ema nation and its work; and it places it in in affection, far, in deed, above the republic, which is an anonymous and tumul tuous government, which is kept in recollection more on account of the violence of its pro-consuls than on account of victories, which were the price of French valour. This is the reason why the Napoleonian monarchy has absorbed the republic a first time, and will absorb it a second time. The republic is virtually in the empire, on account of the con tractual character of the institution, and of the communica tion and the express delegation of the power by the people. But the empire surpasses the republic, because it is also the monarchy, that is to say, the government of all con fided to the moderating action of one with heredity as a condition, and stability an a consequence. The monarchy his this excellency inherent in it, chat it yields admirably to the progress of civilisation ; in its turn feudal, absolute, and mighty, always ancient and always modern, it only remains for it to re-open the era of its democratic trans formation, inaugurated by the Emperor. This is what France wishes for at the present flay—Rio what is demanded of you by a country fatigued by Utopias, incredulous as to political abstractions, and of which the genius, a mixture of good sense and poetry, is so made that it does not believe in government but under the figure of a hero or a Prince. Even if this love of Frenchmen for the monarchy were only a prejudice, it ought to be respected ; a people is only to be governed by the government being placed in accord ance with its ideas. But it must be respected above all, be cause it is inspired by the most essential necessities of the country, and by its most legitimate interests. France is a great state which wishes to preserve at home and abroad the force which a vast territory and thirty five millions of inhabitants can afford. It is at the same time agricultural and commercial. Notwithstanding the richness of in soil, it would be poor if industry did not add immense additional value to its original immovable capital, and if a taste for polite enjoyments and for moderate luxu ries did not give to labour an always fresh aliment. But labour in order to arrive at the object of its enterprises, must be seconded by so many advances of capital, and such a per severing continuity of efforts, that all success would escape from it if it were interrupted or troubled by the storms of a restless and subversive policy. It demands, therefore, for our institutions stability, as the source of confidence and the mower of credit. _ _ The monarchy procure. for France all there conditions of a regular and prosperous life ; any other form can only comprise them. The monarchy is the government of great states, to whose iustitutions, formed to last, it anewers admirably, in the saw way that solid foundations are necessary for a great edifice. The republic, on the contrary, is only the govern. ment of petty state*. If you set aside the United States of America, which by their geographical position arc an excep tion to all rules, and which, besides, are only a confederation, the republic has never been able to implant itself anywhere but among small nations, where the embarrassments of go vernment, difficult and complicated u they are, are corrected by the small extent of the territory, an d the smallness of tho population. Ancient Rome, instead of contradicting that 'rule, fully confirms it. The republic was only in the city, and for the city. Beyond it there was nothing but grasping masters and oppressed subject'. If it ever could have had a sort of approach to the republic, it was in the middle ages, when the republican spirit, extinct since the period of the Ciesars, was revived in some parts of Europe, at that time when France was nothing but a chess-board o almost independent provinces, when the feudal princi palities were on all sides threatened by the communal movement. But since that moment all the internal work ings of France have removed it further and further from the republican form. She separated herself from it cape. Melly when she gave herself a homogeneous territory, and 3, millions of inhabitants living under the same laws in one single country, and united by one infinite chain of interests dependent on each other, and which the same movement of circulation brings to a common centre. Such s nation as that is not to be moved like the citizens of one single town, whether it be called Athens or Rome. A country Which lives by its labour, and not by the labour of its slaves, and by the gratificati ons o f th e State, does not ali ment itself with speeches from the Forum, with the per- • Mica of July, 1717. Declaration of April 26, 1723. =anent agitations of Comities, of a policy always in a state of ebullition. That fever to which the democratic republics give the name et puiri cal life is not to be communicated with impunity to ' nation of which the splendour consists particularly a is the pacific development of its riches, and in the regular o i l mtelligent activity of its private resources. Our fathers bad learned these truths in the rude ...hoot of public and private misfortunes which filled the who'. of the internal politics of the commoncemeut of the pe out age.* Why was it necessary that in these hitt er t e nni in corrigible innovators should inflict upon us the too palpaie a demonstration of that fact? We have Kee, in fact, raised to instability and to periodical comusoti nin e t?„, scourges of the body social ; we have seen laws made to re duce to solemn precepts the febrile and terrible which might destroy a nation ; we have seen MU Yew*, ti t the state launched on an unknown sea without a p.,ist la direct by, without an anchor to hold by, on approwdoieg a beach ; and no one knows what might have happ..ned to ' fortunes of France if Providence, watela aa over l e r, had e„,e stirred up thy intrepid heart of biro who hiss com e to tier aid France, therefore, with full knewledge it alias j; doing intends to return to her natural state. She !env( to again find her real position, and to re eume her. eeilihrona 1 he French people, in its admirable cumin% infatuated with its superior qualities, that its i,41 its weak sides. It feels itself variable ill its 144 prompt to be worked on, and easy to b e led away. e„.l' because it distrusts the rapidity of a first 0144411 m tit, ;t ~ Lt a fixed point in its institutions and desires to 1,. • stable and solid basis. The French demure., ) lee ..e.*. times been compared to that of Athens. We leavc Sion to the comparison, ea far as pelin moo cod, V.V. , mind are concerued, but we in all other req, et. out, i, ) claim the similitude. The Greek democrat„ s a • n ;,.,4;,,. but a perpetual Hex and reline, never accepting 11, c - e.. ties of their levity. They were, besides, idle cool , living on the civic obeli and dietribution, of teed. . other hand, the French democracy, of a more in ie ,„ ,„ inure haughty character, does not look to the . ; care of its well-being; it depends on its ewe o t , e•• support, and must joyfully submits to the ~e,„ God—daily labour. Its speculatioes comprise to:, eo world; it cultivates the earth with its free howl. ; .t rows tho mighty deep with its veswls , it inultip., ‘ .t, industrial creations, engenders capita's, sad r. nests tf., future tributary to its able and mown.: c.os „„,ti„,,, When a nation thus founds its antes prim• durability, when sometimes not hese than Lid 4 necessary to it, to reap the ben, lit of Ito op, ratios., ii.t the iustitutions of a day that can give at ary hop, of •4..4 cess. It would be senseless it it did nut tissue to e.o moving sphere of its interests turn tumid t h e axis of s monarchy. It is true that in France equality is an object of &heel e'..3 worship, and a monarchy has, as its very tin; con.:izien, the privileged existence of these grand and res.. in . i.‘ l, l44iri• 4 which God raises above their fellows to form dynr , ti,F, cad which are less humaii beings than the, pereen.eaei of a people, and the concentrated radiation o t But equality, such as we conceive it in Freer-, alines without jealousy those providential gram:cure reieheed legitimate by state reasons, below which it tool it: v. I. At Rome and Athens, equality consisted in citizen :admissible to the supreme authority; and it a, therefore, that men considered all equality at an cod elan Augustus had converted the republic into a men achy t In France, we considered it as peesed and coniirmed tor vaer under the reign of the Emperor. The te awe is that, in tea country of (quality, th ere is nothing th a t i s less lune* I than the government of one's equals ; because Neel:4 a there fully satisfied in keldiret a very thing is its grasp, credit, wealth, and renown, and in !levier( a Net: end 0; La road before It, to arrive at everything except that estr.ma point of power, that inaccessible summit, which the eon of the public tranquillity has paced high above all pee competition. By that the democracy wonderfully tier ot with the monarchy, and that onion is so much the mee solid that common sense unites with the habits of *..e people in cementing it. But should cavilling minds, believing themselves more wise than the whole country, object to the desire expressed fur the hereditary empire, the inconvenimices white raarri ties and bad princes may, at certain interval-, produce in monarchical states, we would reply that all human in(heo tions contain within themselves certain defects and weak nesses. The monarchy has not the piked." of perfechon; it has simply, for Franco., the merit of au incontestable !ape riority over the system of perpetual election, which on: y offers an eternal series of struggles and hazards, and solves one difficulty only for the purpose of immediately leaving another in suspense. Some ancient states, believing that they were improving on the monarchical system, had placed in sere reign and en moveable assemblies that element of stability 'shah dynes. ties represent.; Bat have not such assemblies also had their moments of weakness ? lines not the err history exhibit me lancholy instances of venality and t) rainy ? has cot their baseness given them insolent and 'Maine, guanlitas h And in the point of view of moral responsibility, which is ono of the great checks on the conscience, there is not the slightest comparison between a man and an assembly. la assecahlies, the responsibility of the corps Ctr4CCI that of the iuoliri duals ; and as a collective responsibility is very nearly illu sory, it conies to pass that that irresponsibility which some times constitutes the force and independelicu acamb:es is also the cause of their excesses. In • rtince, on the con trary, the responsibility is undivided and inevitable, and presses with all its force on the Fide , 4 duty. In fine, whin evil creeps into a sovereign political body, It continues there as a precedent, increases as a tradition, and the thing ,t,tlt can only be kept up by keeping up the evil. On tee eons trary, if evil glides to the throne, it causes slam only by temporary and intermittent perils, which are besides ex tenuated by the institutions and the ntodificatiom winch are more easily effected in the case of a man than in that of an assembly. The feeble Louis XIII. was followed by the Grand Louis XIV.; and besides, Louis XLII. is, in the eyes of posterity, covered by his minister, Richelieu. These general considerations appear to us to prone !effi ciently that the national sentiment, which addressee 'belt to you, gentlemen, as to sage mediator, between the people an the Prince, is not a frivolous caprice nor a fleeting infatuation. Behind the nucleation of a great name, ad above the gratitude which is felt for the acts of a noble and patriotic courage, there are grand thoughts, powertill interests, and an admirable intuitive perception of the pub tic wants. France, gentlemen, desires to have the life of a great nation, and not that precarious and sickly existence which wastes away the social loody. During the last four years, whilst subjected to perilous ex perimeuts, she has known how to correct, by her good sense, the evils of a deplorable situation. Bet it is necessary that such a situation should be brought to a close. I.:p to the present time, she Ind been able to find, in the midst of the tempests which assailed her, only transi tory gleams of safety on which no future prosperity could possibly be based. At present she is about to enter the port, to found by means of the fortunate pilot whom she greets with joy, the edifice of her prosperity on the solid grewel of the monarchy. Let us now look to the details of the drat of the Salami Consultum. Louis Napoleon will take the name of Napoleon 111. It is that name which was received in the acclamations of the people; it is the name which was inscribed on the triumphal erches and trophies. We do not speedily select it ; we merely accept it from a naive and spontaneous elec tion. It has, besides, that profound rood see,e which is always to be met with in the wonuerful instincts of the people. It is a homage to Napoleon 1., whom the people never (erects; and it is a pious remembrance for his you;b• (ul son, who was constitutionally proclaimed Empent of the French, and whose reign, short as it was, has net boa effaced by the obscure existence of the exile. It selves for the futare the question of succession, and signifies that the Empire will be heredityry after Louis Napoleon, as it has been for himself. In fine, it connects the political phase tO which we owe our safety with the glorious name which was also the safety of past times. And yet, by the side of traditional cleanest, contempara acme events preserve their proper value and that mei/list signification. If Louis Napoleon is called on at present to resume the work of his uncle, it is not merely because Le al the heir of the Emperor, hut because he deserves to he so; it is on account of his devotedness to France, and of that spontaneous and personal actieu which has reseucd the country from the horrors of anarchy. It is not sufficeeit for him to be the heir of the Emperor; he met be etch elected, for the third time, by the pele. Thus the sac cession and the election will lie macro n to double h'e Prot, the modern fact rendering the old one young and siemens by the puissance of a reiterated consent and a second con tract. The Senatus Consultum next invests Louis Napolien with the right to adopt an heir iu clef mho( an indirect su Adoption which is • common right in private c moot be au exception in dynastic families; for when no newel heir exists, it is a principle in public law that the cl,oec of the monarch belongs to the people. But that rule that of ordinary times, and cannot suit in an absolute menace end order of things which again resumes a new course .dirt long interruption, and in the midst of the most ers.wrdi nary circumstances. Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the confidence of the people, charged by it to draw up a constitution, can ea infinitely stronger grounds receive the member to pre- vide for certain eventualities, and to prevent *Main ' lle/ in which that constitution might petish. The strokes of na ture have been often terrible in injuring families, and have set at nought the counsels of wisdom. The French peeple will not imagine that it makes ton great a sacrifice ef tb right', in abandoning itself once more to the prudenc! 01 the pram, whom it has made the arbiter of its disunite. This provision, besides, is borrowed from the imperial constitution. The empire which revives ought not to be less powerful in its meaes than was the , nTirli at its commencement. And in order to remain with= the letter of the spirit of that precedent, the Sews' tux Consultum proposes to you not to admit of suck adoption except for the male descendant., nature( and legitimate, of the brothers of Napoleon. The feign?' unlimited adoption would be in manifest contradiction With the popular wish for the re-estahlishment of the empires which is the guiding star of our deliberations. In fitet, the cannot t e bo is iconeencpeainevebdlewiftriezttabomenmambeefooft the finely which the nest form of the monarchy was stipulated it France. Everything ought to remain consistent in the work which we are considering. But above this combination, wkly of a poliiicad chose ter, Fromm places a hope which more than anything cone stitutes her faith in the future ; Siiti that is that, at se distant period, a wife will take her place on the . throne which is about to be raised, and a ill give to the Idaperot scions worthy of his great name and ut his great couutl• • See the oratnre of the Tribunal on the restoration Of the Monarchy, 1804. 1 Tacitue, 01:111101, exert:, rqualitate, Jona PrinciP il adspertare." (Anna! i., 4.) j The Roman Senate, for instance,