The Express. — London, England, 1848-01-15 00:00:00

Eht vproisi. MAILS The malls for IRMA North America, Rereads, and the Unite States, will be mode up no the 'veiling of the ithlt January. TM Weet India Mai* excluding Bermuda, Kamm, Havanna, Honduras, New Oilman., Vera Crux, Tampico, And Porto Rico, and including thine for Madeira, interne', Cartilages* santa Martha, Chutes Panama, West roast of Muth America', and St. Juan-de. Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the 17th January. The omits tor Vigo, thiorio, Lisbon, Madeira, Cedar, and tdbraltei will be made up on the morning of the 17th January. The overland mails for Liitiraltio, Malts, (Mecca, the lonlanl.land.. Aden, Ceylon. India, I long-Kerns, and China, vie Southampton will be made up on the morning of the 20th January. The overland 60.4,1 mills. rie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean 14ypt, Aden, Ceylon, India , Hong Kong, sic., will be made up on the liming oldie 24th January. The mails for New south Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand will he mode up on the evening of the Slat January. The malls for the West Coot of Africa and Abukir& will be made up on the evening of the 31st Mat. The mails for the Brazils the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam Kea, Bahia, Madeira. end Silence Ayres will be made up on th Raft of the 4th Febnou7. TO CORRESPONDINTS. •Agmettoommta Immkel TM Imam mmtM e0p0r....• be at Ito oat% bomeMmmM.M Tmeetmlmt J. of poopootio.. 111011 WATER k? LONDON DRUMS. TM. DAT— YUMA*, • 4 W.. pot * After•oca. 21 Wu. we 9. Teal* —Numb& n Ways** 9 Allerpooo.34 Okla. peel •G. LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 15. Dr. ARNOLD, in one of his letters, compares the church of England, as built up by the statutes of HENRY VIII. and EDWARD VI., to the tower of Cologne cathedral, which was interrupted when only two-thirds of the structure was finished, and which was surmounted, in lieu of its due completion, by a wooden crane for hauling up materials. The un finished tower and its crane have now stood for se veral centuries in the inchoate state, and when the 1 wooden crane was mouldering, the worthy citizens of Cologne erected another, a perfect fix sinille,—what had been merely intended for temporary use, having grown to be regarded with veneration, as an adjunct and an ornament. The English church has stood pretty much in the same way, surmounted by the old lumbering Roman machinery, which HENRY VIII. put up as the only known and current machinery of his time, and which has served to haul up bishops and archbishops to eminence, without a soul questioning the fitness or unfitness of the machinery. Fate has decreed, that in the self-same year folks should set about the actual completion of the towers of Cologne, the first step of which is, of course, the getting rid of the old crane ; and that English folks, nay, English church men, should get so ashamed of their own old Anglican machinery, that, by common consent, the forms of bishop-making have been declared, faulty, absurd, erroneous, and illegal. Church men having just gone to work with their pens, lawyers have been employed with levers and crow bars, and we have no doubt that the public itself will soon set to work with pickaxes (for the public desires no better fun), to restore the antiquated front and fashion of the old Anglican church tower to the com mon sense and common justice views of the age. A reform of the church is, in fact, in every one's mouth ; not that mock reform operated by bishops upon prebends, which SYDNEY SMITH made so merry with; but a reform in the fundamental matter of ecclesiastical nominations altogether, which hitherto has been but a system of po litical jobbery, and which it is evident cannot be much longer so. The friends of religious freedom must be equally surprised and delighted to find the high churchmen themselves take the lead in pioneering this reform by drawing the veil from the abuses, by exposing the absurdities, and even by proving the illegality of high ecclesiastical appoint ments. We have heard of the schoolmaster being abroad, and the light of public opinion following him. But we must own, we never saw him so boldly pene trate the darkness of high episcopal establishments, and invite the people and the press, and opinion and discussion, to enter also into the hitherto forbidden saw-turn. People talk of the HAMPDEN controversy being over. Why, the lIANtrnEN controversy is but the great gate, which has been flung open for the public to enter into the great question of church go vernment, church rights, and church propriety. The folding doers of this gate have been flung open by seven right reverend prelates. The public has been invited in, and has rushed in, and is exploring all from garret to cellar with an eagerness and with in tentions of which the prelates who invited them are, perhaps, not yet aware. It is an often very small occasion and impulse which set great ideas and reforms in motion. Father Tenet- and his box of indulgencies raised protest and inquiry, arid drove the Papal religion out of half of continental Europe. The higgling of a Pope about the form of a divorce set HENRY THE Eterrm at the work of reformation. The high church men of the present day will not allow whig statesmen to make liberal bishops, and with this view question the right of the state to in terfere with the church. The movement is evi dently a signal for the church to walk away from the state, to repudiate its dictation, and cease to undergo its influence. This excites the further question, whe ther, if the church be allowed to walk away, it should also be allowed to carry lay property-along with it? A great proportion of the present revenues and endow ments of the church is lay property, in lay gift, ori ginally given for lay views, and for keeping ecclesias tics in lay dependence. If the intention of HENRY VIII. and the spirit of his statutes be examined, and if the disposition of the property be s'ill to be regu lated by the intention of the donor, we fear that the church in repudiating the state would be allowed to carry away not more than a dowry or an allow ance. The high church mooters ot divorce should therefore look to consequences. Archbishop WHATELY, in his admirable letter on the HAMPDEN controversy, publish, d by us yester day, and which completely exhausts the question, clearly points out to what the present agitation is leading c I cannot but think," says his grace," therefore, that the ill effects of the late movement, the disturbance of the peace of the church, and the contempt and odium thereby excited against it, and which, in fairness, most be imputed to the authors of the movement, would have been incalculably increased had the movement proved successful. Already our bitterest opponents, amongst those wbo stigmatise us as heretics, and three who decry episcopacy, are exult ing over our dins nsions ; while many members of our own church have evidently bad their confidence in its rulers and in its constitution greatly shaken. But if the movement had proved successful every man of good sense would have foreseen, what the rest would have soon learned by expe rience, that a total change must ensue in the constitution of Our church, and that the offices of it were to he henceforth disposed of by a most irregular and turbulent kind of election. Any man whose superior learning or ability might have exposed him to the jealousy of some of his brethren, or who might have become an object of dread to a party, by his firm opposition to their attempts to introduce strange doe. trines or practices, would find a cabal formed against him, which, calling itself ' the church,' would overawe and in duce to join with them many well-moaning, but ill.advised, persons, who ere alw eye ready to make unlimited concessions for the sake of avoiding a disturbance ; and remonstrances and protests, continually more and more loud and peremp tory, would be interposed to prevent this and that person's appointment to a bishopric or to a living, for fear of dis pleasing ' the church ; and ultimately, no doubt, to die tateto the nominal patron what person he must appoint, in order to gratify ' the church.' " Better, by far, would it be, that the constitution of our church should be changed avowedly and reeularly, and placed upon a democratic for than that such irregular encroachments should be encouraged—that the power nomi nally vested in the constituted authorities should be, vir tually, and in practice, exercised by any who should com bine to overawe them. " I have long and earnestly advocated a church-go vernment; not a government independent of the state, or el/timing control over temporal causes and properties, but in due subordination to the state, and in its own legitimate pro- vince ; not (what some seem to understand by church go vernment) a government by the clergy, but, as in the Ame rican Episcopal Church, by the clergy and laity conjointly ; only, by those, exclusively, who are members of the church." Perhaps this is what the impugners of the minis terial nomination are aiming at. They would fling off the supremacy of the crown. If so, they must submit to the suffrages of the people. Englishmen will never bow spiritually or politically to a self-elect ing, self-perpetuating corporation. The English church is sufficiently that already, and to that it owes the greater portion of its weakness. The true friend of the church must wish to see it tempered by lay influence or lay control. And if it fling off the royal, and the aristocratic, it will infallibly be obliged to submit to democratic influ ence. The appeal is now from the crown to the judges, and from the judges, if they decide for the crown, the appeal must be to the people. This is an immense stride made by the dignitaries and the high Party in the church towards voluntaryism. Tu state of affairs in almost all the countries of Europe, although not such as to menace a disturb- anne of the general peace, is still so fraught with in ternal straggle and disquiet, that one scarcely knows to which attention should first be paid. There is one country, however, in which not only the in terests of its own freedom and prosperity are at stake, but our own honour is also deeply concerned. This is Portugal, in which the tyrant CA/MAU have, through British aid, succeeded in completely crushing every remnant of national or constitutional freedom. We are now called upon to acquiesce in this tyranny. The limes, which has once more become the organ of the CABRALB, received from that party a copy of the Queen's speech to her most faithful Cori es two days before it was spoken. Of course the Times, in grati tude, declares the speech and the ministry excellent. It declares that the protocol is cloned, and that the British fleet, having come to Lisbon to put down the liberals, under the cloak of protecting them, has completed its task, and that it may now sail away, and leave Lisbon safe in the hands of its exe- cutioncrs. We will not here recapitulate the too notorious cir cumstances of the Portuguese revolution, all but com pleted, when we interfered to put it down. We did so 1 to save the Queen's authority intact. The excuse with which we covered our violent proceedings was, that we stipulated for four things. First, an amnesty, and the restoration of the liberals to the enjoyment of their rights. How have we caused this to be executed? The liberals have indeed returned, but all have been obliged, as a measure of personal safety, to waive political and electoral rights. Most of them are obliged to remain within their houses, as their stirring out would be the signal for violence and assassination. With the presence of the British fleet muet disappear too this rag of an amnesty, and every liberal who would preserve his freedom and life, must seek these blessings either in insurrection on Portuguese soil, or exile from it. This is the alternative which the Por tuguese liberals have now to meditate. Which they would choose, is evident enough to them and every one, were it not that the British government and British army are there, as the ever-ready auxiliaries of a despotic, corrupt, and cut-throat administration. The next article of the protocol was the repeal of the CABRAL laws for abrogating the constitution and creating a dictatorship. The CABRALS are now as much dictators as ever. There is not a member of either chamber, or of the administration, that is not their creature, and the Times tells us that English and Portuguese are called to acquiesce in this—and why ? And. why! because the "electoral system in Por tugal is essentially a nullity ; because any government can cause, by intimidation, any Cartes to be chosen ; and because in Portugal any effective opposition must assume the form of an armed pronunciaments." here the admission is made that the liberals and the people of Oporto took the only effective means of op position and of securing a liberal government. And yet we interfered to put them dawn, pretending to make them amends by a protocol in favour of flee elections and constitutional government, which the Times now tells us were, and must ever be, mere moonshine. What a description of, what a comment upon, British faireess and wisdom! Having thus proved and recorded the nefa rious folly and itjustice of an intervention in Portugal, ending, as it has, necessarily, in the en slavement of that people, the Times proceeds to make its reflections and to draw its moral. There is in it no compunction, no sorrow, for the crushed liberals of Portugal—no blush for the equally foolish as infamous conduct of England. No—the Times winds up with congratulating both countries that the government in Portugal has fallen into the hands of the C'ABRAL.% who have " talent and strength." Why so has NICHOLAS " talent and strength" to rale Poland, Louis PHILIPPE "talent and strength" to rule Spain. NIETTERNICH has sufficient of both to give him full claim, in the view of the Times, to lord it over Italy. If talent and strength be the only re quisites of government, better abolish constitutional government altogether, better avow ourselves Jesuits at once, and re-establish the inquisition wherever we can ; for the monks had all these qualities, which, in the opinion of the Times, constitutes the claim of the CABRALS to tyrannise over Portugal. The Portu uese liberals, however, Count Domeier , I) As ANT AS, SA DA BANDEIRA, may plead that they too had talent and strength, that they too made themselves thereby masters of Portugal, and could have ruled and rege nerated it, if an English minister had not come to deceive, betray, and, under the guise of friendship, destroy them ; and if an Esglish fleet had not come to override their strength, to discomfit their fleets and armies. To talk of a party having "talents and strength," when it has acquired the upper hand solely by British armed intervention, is too insolent as well as too false to be tolerated. It is too much for England at once to knock the Portu guese liberals on the head and deprive the country of its freedom, and to insult these same unfortunate Portuguese liberals with wanting " strength." We have discussed two of Lord PALsteriseote's solemn stipulations to Portugal. The third article off the protocol was, that the election for the Cartes should take place without delay, at least in June. This was never executed. The Cortes have not met till its regular time of sitting, and the election did not take place till the corps of Cabralist volunteers and employes were organised so as to overpower the liberals in the districts where they had the decided majority. As to the remaining stipulation of the protocol, that a non-Cabralist ministry should be appointed, that, we know, was never complied with. Ever since British interference CABRAL or his creatures have ruled, and even the ministry appointed to please us, consisted of men whom SALDANHA called " his boys." Since England has been a monarchy, never was its honoured name made so vile a use of as in these said affairs of Lisbon. Netsox's treatment of the Neapo litan liberals and CABACCIOLJ, was the act of an avowed partisan, and enemy of liberals and revolu tionists. But our fleet and our negotiators in 1847 went to Lisbon under the pretence of securing free dom, protecting the liberals, and cherishing that constitution which we dethroned a prince to found. The result turns out to be, that our admiral and envoy were made the mere cat's-paws of • court to betray and ruin the liberals and their cause; whilst the partisans of the interference now turn round and say, that the constitution is a farce, freedom in Portugal an absurdity, and that the sole requisites to govern the country are "talent and strength." If so, let us do justice, and at once restore DON 'MIGUEL. We have not the least doubt that the result of our policy—if it deserves the name—in Portugal, will be either the restoration of MIGUEL, or the annexation of Portugal to Spain. Either would be better than what Lord PALMERSTON'S pro tocol has produced. IN their parliamentary visit to this country the Irish members have demonstrated one thing clearly—viz., that the Irish repeal party was totally broken into pieces. Their speeches and conduct in the House of Commons were enougk to show this fact, but even from more authentic sources we know that the idea of keeping up a party for repeal is beginning to be rapidly abandoned. Several Irish members are now seeking how to back ou' of repeal with as much decency as possible, and so convinced are we of the ruinous result of the repeal agitation, that we would be very glad to help them in turning to better ways. The history of the decline and fall of repeal may be stated very briefly. The word has at times had various significatious put upon it by different lexicographers of politics, but it had only one ge nuine meaning, popular faith in O'CONNELL. It was he who raised the cry, controlled, and might at any time have stopped it. In 1832 it meant anti-tithe agitation, parliamentary reform, down with Se cretary STANLEY, and up with DAN O'CON NELL, and an Irish party in parliament. This last consideration gave some extrinsic importance to the joints of the tail, who, judged separately, were little calculated to shine in par liament. But the idea of keeping up an Irish party was soon abandoned by O'CONNELL. He contented himself with his sway over his obedient followers, and marshalled his political band in support of the liberal party. In 1843 he raised repeal again, and blundered into a false position. He declined in strength, and the decay of repeal progressed with the decline of the great agitator, who had called it into existence. O'CONNELL died, and now repeal is only the empty echo over his tomb. The Irish members in the popular interest have no vigorous leader in whom they confide. They laugh at the pretensions of Mr. JOLIN O'CONNELL and Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN. They see no man amongst them with eloquence to excite, argument to convince, or great character to dignify. Their party has not been recruited with any able acquisitions at the last THZ EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1848. election. None of their new recruits gave promise of talent during the recent Irish debates. Mr. FAGAN, of Cork, one of their supposed great guns, blew nothing to pieces but himself. The discharge of his very heavy artillery affected his hearers with a violent influenza. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN refused to vote against the Out rage Bill. Mr. DILLON BROWSE has openly revolted from Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL'S leadership. There is amongst their party nothing but confusion, insin cerity, and abortive plans. And yet these very mem bers have an important function to discharge. The repeal members are the representatives of the popular interests in Ireland. They owe their Deets to the popular distrust of the high tory gentry, and the prevailing hostility to the great landlord-class. It would be easy for the Irish constituencies to obtain more dignified and intellectual representatives, but the electors in Munster and parts of Connaught prefer that their members should be closely connected with them by ties of prejudice and party. Nor is this to be wondered at. Even if repeal be laid on the shelf for ever, it is likely that there will always be an ex treme popular party in Irish politics requiring to be represented in the House of Commons. At present this party has some thirty Irish members, who are really elected not so much because they are repealers as because they are not of the aristocracy, or connected 1 with the nobility. The people have some confidence in them because they are not remote front them by rice or lofty rank. The real mission of this popular Irish party is not to repeal the union, or to regenerate Ireland, but to represent the interests of the Irish masses, to expose local grievances, and to act as mediators between the ministers of the crown and the Irish population. We may not think highly of the legislative capacity of those popular Irish members, but surely it is well that the Irish people, both their priests and electors, should know that there is an influence in parliament which they can feel to be their own. This in fluenco is perfectly impotent for the repeal of the union, or any similar measure, but it may be most influential in modifying legis lation on Irish subjects, and in sugcesting useful measures to the government. Many of the present Irish members are novices in parlia ment, but when they have given up the anxiety to become debaters, and when they observe how much a man of business can effect in parliament as contrasted with a maker of empty speeches, we have some hopes that the members even now most decried will become useful working members of parliament. The coestion which stands for discussion on the 15th of February is one which opens up the economic state of Ireland. Mr. MONSELI., the member for Limerick, has given notice for moving an inquiry into the relations between capital and unemployed labour in Ireland. The whole question of the real resources of Ireland will be intro duced in the discussion, and we trust the Irish members will acquit themselves more cre ditably in the debate on Mr. MONSELCI motion than they did on FItARGUS OT.ONNOK'S nonsensical re peal discussion, or in the hostility to the Coercion Act. There are surely amongst them some members who could elucidate the relations between capital and unemployed labour in Ireland, by reference to their own personal experience. Mr. JAMES FAGAN, the member for Wexford, and a Dublin merchant, might possibly give the house some remarkable facts, which he has good reason to recollect, of the evils re sulting to Ireland from the combination of working men. In illustrating the decline of ship building in Dublin, the position of the ca pitalist throughout many pelts of the sister island would be painfully exemplified. The lawless habits, the turbulent spirit, and the vindictive ignorance of the masses of the population, weigh down the energies of the capitalist, chill his spirit of enterprise, and Eight his progress where he has most hopefully begun. 'rho difficulty of introducing machinery into Ireland has in many instances been horribly shown. And until a spit it to uphold the laws be widely diffused amongst the Irish, and until their public men and chosen leaders set their facts reso lutely against the combinators in towns, as well as the agrarian desperadoes of the rural districts, the state of the sister country must continue to dishearten and disgust those who are meet inclined to serve her. We urge upon the Irish members to become prac tical in their views, and to he even decently painstaking in trying to gain such a use ful knowledge of their country, as may qualify them in addressing a deliberative assembly. Let them reserve their rant and repeal nonsense for their own localities. If some of them cannot find their way into parliament without going through the farce of repeal, let them drop the character of political pantomimiste when they appear in the theatre of real power, the House of Commons. We do not want to hear again and again the old story of the union, and CA•4TLERLAGII, and the invectives of GILATT.AN, Besne, and PLUNKET. All reasonable men got quite enough of that theme from the late Mr. O'Coxeeti.. There are still some Irish members who have not yet " come out." They have judiciously taken warn ing by the headlong precipitancy with which some of their colleagues have rushed into debate, and covered themselves with ridicule. Amongst these more judicious representatives, there are three or four who have in them the materials of becoming useful legislators. There is a great deal expected from Nlr. K EGO it, the member for Athlone. Influential persona in England, it is said, were anxious to introduce him into parliament for the advocacy of their particular views on the cure ncy question. It seems rather odd to look for a currency doctor in an Irish barrister. Mr. KEOGH is undoubtedly a man of vigorous abili ties, strong common sense, and no ordinary power as a popular speaker. His rapid success at the Irish bar is a sufficient proof of his abilities. In Irish politics his opinions appear to be those of a conservative I catholic. This gentleman's (Mbut is yet to come. i 7 Our letters from Athens are to the 30th, and in clude a despatch of Lord Palmerston to Sir Edmund Lyons, with the reply of M. Glarakis. Our letters from Constantinople come down to the 27th. The Turkish ministers professed themselves satisfied by the concessions of the court and cabinet of Athens. The coercive measures adopted against Greece had been withdrawn. M. Mussurus was to have left Constantinople in a day or two, to resume his post as minister of the Porte at Athens. According to Madrid accounts of the 7th instant, great discordance has been manifested between the government and the maderado majority in the chamber, on the question of the impeachment of M. Salamanca. It is the wish of the government that the affair should be dropped. The majority, however, opposed this course. At the meeting of the chamber on the 7th a great number of persons were assembled in expectation at hearing the defence of M. Sala manca and the speech of M. Gonzales Bravo. Much disappointment was therefore produced when the President read a letter from M. Salamanca, excusing himself from appearing on account of indisposition. M. Gonzales Bravo declared, that yielding to high political considerations, he must decline speaking. The president then put the question as to the prise en consirk'ration of the impeachment against M. Sala manca ; when there appeared 128 votes in favour of it, and 39 against it. rhe impeachment was there fore sent before the bureaux, to report upon it. The government has determined to take no share on either side in this proceeding, and M. Gonzales Bravo has also withdrawn from it. Oar Paris despatches of yesterday noon bring us a report of the animated debate on the paragraphs of the address relating to Italy and Switzerland in the Chamber of Peers, which were signalised by speeches of great eloquence from two men whose names have become illustrious throughout the world by their lite rary productions—Cousin and Victor Hugo. . The debate on the paragraph on Italy was followed by the commencement of the discussion of that on Switzerland, on which the Duke de Broglie delivered a speech, in which all the arguments developed in the negociations with Lord Palmerston are re-pro duced. A report was generally circulated on Thursday at the Bourse that the King lied been the preceding day attacked with some indisposition, which rendered bleeding necessary, and that he was unable to join the royal family at dinner. In consequence of this, an immediate fall took place in the funds. The Threes fell from 74.80 to 74.10. The alarm be came so great that the commissary of the Bourse sent an agent to the prefecture of police to obtain official news, who brought back word that Louis Philippe, though suffering limn a slight cold, was not in a state to create any uneasiness, and that he bad, as nsual, in the day transacted business with the mi nisters, and personally presided at the council. The funds recovered but partially, the Throes awing at 74.50. The jou rn als of Toulon confirm the intelligent* we received from our correspondent, relative to the dis positions taken for the transferring of Abd-el.Kader from the Lazaretto to Fort Lamalque. La Sentirrolle, after having reported the opinion given by sonic persons, that it was only a temporary measure adopted till government came to a decision relative to the premiers made to the ex-emir to have him conveyed to Alexandria or to Jean d'Acre, adds : The transferring of Abd el-Kader to the Fort Lamalque, does not appear to us to be a temporary measure. We do not think the council of ministers intend the liberation of the emir after a temporary confinement. We prefer thinking they do not intend to ratify the promise given to Abd.el-Kader by our generals. - - - - - Letters from Turin to the 9.h announce that the deputation which had brought from Genoa a petition to the King for the expulsion of the Jesuits, and the organisation of a civic guard, was received by the Minister of the Interior, who explained to them that their mission being illegal, and the peti tion itself being illegally produced, the King could not receive them. The deputation left for Genoa the next day, the Bth. Nevertheless, the government is meanwhile proceeding steadily with the practical exe cution of the great projects of reform which it has announced. Another popular manifestation took place at Leghorn on the oth, the apparent object of which was to express the discontent of the people at the slowness of the government in organising and arm ing the civic guard. PRUSSIA.—BERLTN, JAN. 10.—No alight sensa tion sou excited a few days ago in Potsdam by the an nouncement that nearly all the inhabitants of the neigh bouring village of Nodawest, a colony of weavers, were ap roaching the former place en mane in order to present a 'p p etition to the King and the government demanding em ployment. The Potsdam director of police immediately set out to meet the advancing crowd, and by dint of promo. en gaged them to return to their ho.t.es. The sum of 200 titulars was soon afterwards provisionally sent for their re lief. " Let it. have work" (Mangebe urn arbeit) wee their rallying cry. KONIGISOE6O.—Letterg received at Konigsberg from Russia announce that the Emperor has prohibited the consumption of potatoes, and ordered all persons possessing any to keep them for sowing or planting. AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, JAN. 3.—The misery of the working classes of Vienna is so great that the cash of the Monte de Pike is expended, and that this establishment, in order to satisfy the demands of loans, has determined to con tract a loan of one million of florins (2,600,0001), in obliga tions of 2.5 florins, at the rats of 4 per cent. interest. FRENCH CHAMBER OF PEERS. WEDNESDAY, JAN. 12. DEBATE ON 'ME POLICY OF VIE FitENCII GOVERN MENT IN liiitv.—The President took the chair at two o'clock. The order of the day was the adjourned discussion on the address (paragraph 6, referriag to the continuance of peace in Europe). Count Sr. Autatar,who spoke in answer to a speech made by M. Montalembert on the previous day, after alluding to that speech, said, that in 1830, when Id. Montalembert was commencing his career, and he had just ended his, be (M. de St. Aulaire) was ambassador at Rome. Ito had I been a close spectator of the events which then took place is Italy ; and in order to appreciate the present slate ot affairs I mid parties in Italy, it was 1831 that was to be ex. I unlined. It was in 18.31 that the Roman embassy had been offered to him. Italy was then on fire and revolutionary liberalism was then the rage. Cries of war were frequent in the streets of Paris, and found an echo in the chamber ; and Austrian inti rvention was imminent. Ile (M. de St. Aulaire) when asked to take that embassy was desirous of having the most positive instructions upon all points, and he asked what he should do in Italy ? The answer made to him was " that he had to defend the spiritual and temporal authority of the Pope against the violence ot faction." On the question of war M. Latfitte said Whim, " Do net be affected by anything you hear, and hold this as certain, that as long as I, Laffitte, ro main minister of the king, France shall not make war in Lily." Austrian intervention was the delicate point, and it was the question which occupied the minds of all. The principle of non-intervention was written on every Nag of liberalism, and his instructions on that point were these : "If the Austrians enter into Modena, Parma, or Placentia, we have nothing to say. Treaties of reversion give to Austria particular rights over these countries ; and family ties give it a particular position which it is impossible to gainsay. If Austria should pass the Rubicon and enter the pontifical states, the situation would become much more serious, and peace might be bro ken. Thin, would not, however, be of necessity a case of war ; the inevitable cue of war would only exist if the inter vention should appear nearer to our frontiers." Ido not think that if the Minister of Foreign Affairs had to give in structions to his ambassador he would show himself more accommodating than the minister of that department in 1831. Honourable members would see that by those instruc tions he was authorised to oppose the Italian revolu lotions by all the means in his power. It was, therefore, in those intentions that when he arrived in Italy he treated the movers of Italian revolution as factious people and rebels, and he threatened them with the anger of France in case they persisted in their criminal and senseless enterprise. When he thus attacked the Italian revolution, be did not think the pontifical government a good one. On the contrary he confessed he thought that it was vicious and bad, and that it would be impossible to continue it such as it was with out incurring inevitable catastrophes. Such was his opinion and that of those who had sent him into Italy ; and, what is more remarkable, such was the opinion of Austria and all the foreign governments. The representative of Austria showed at that time that he was convinced of the necessity of reforms in the pontifical government. All the other represen tatives of the great powers were of that opinion. It was not true therefore, as was said, that it was always necessary to be -tare ot Austria and its influence. Count Lutzow was full of zeal, and animated by the most honest and enlightened in tentions, and he (M. de St. Aulaire) could not give a greater share to any than to him of the memorandum of May, 1831. T hat memorandum, signed by each of the repents- tatives, and presented to the l'ope, was favourably received,l and several reforms urged in it were immediately put in practice. Laymen were sent into the legations instead of cardinal legates. The national guard, formed during the re volt, received the sanction of the Pope, and the maintenance of public order was entrusted to it. Many reforms in the judicial and administrative departments also took place, but the Pope refused to unite all these conces sions in a nsotu proptio, which would have been, as it were, giving them the nature of a kind of constitutional charter. This concession Austria also joined in demanding. The Pope, however, obstinately re fused. It must not be said that a promise was made, and not kept. It was not so. Gregory XVI. never made a promise to his allies which it was not his intention to keep. " Let the administration, such as it is now constituted," said Gregory to M. de St. Aulaire, " act well ; let the taxes be levied, and reach our coffers, in order to pay the expenses of government, and I shall be satisfied. I would not ask better than, at a future time, to give a legal and immutable sanc tion to the innovations lam now trying." He (M. de St. Aulaire) could not see that the Pope was wrong in this. What he had said seemed to him, not merely then but since, perfectly reasonable. But what happened then? The Austrians bad no sooner evacuated the legations in 1831 than a revolt broke out afresh, and the authority of the Pope was again trampled on. It was impossible to persuade the inha bitants of the legation to raise the pontifical colours. During six months he negotiated with them, butin vain. A kind of na tional convention met somewhere, and his letters were publicly read. Deliberation took place upon them, and a resolution was come to in which an answer was given to him that it was contrary to the honour of Italy to resume the pontifical colours. Alter this it may be easily understood that memo randums and concessions were put out of the question. Thus ended the Italian revolution, and thus the hopes of causing a reasonable liberalism to triumph were rendered delusive. The noble peer concluded his recital of the events which hail then taken place as follows : " If now any one should ask me my opinion, I would say that the I. rench government ought to distrust Italian liberali. in, the excesses of which may compromise it, and that it ought not systema tically to hold itself apart from Austria, whom I found in 1831 wi II inclined to favour the progress of reform and most ready to demand ameliorations from the It alian princes." After some observations by M. PELET DE LA LOZERE, The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL rose and said—Gentle men, in this discussion, noble peers appear desirous of plac ing on our shoulders burdens which, for my part, I must re lose to accept. The words of counter-revolution, of abso lutism, and of holy alliance have been uttered. I reject these phantoms, and I fling off those shackles with which it is attempted to enchain us. I felicitate myself on living in a free and constitutional country; but constitutional states, like others, have need that their policy should be free, and that they may approach or withdraw from such or such a combination—to isolate themselves from, or combine with, such or such a power —to choose and act accord ing to their sole interest in particular questions, and to fix on the precise moment for acting. (Marks of approval.) The government of July professes with just reason this liberty, for it achieved it with the sweat of its brow. Born from a grand effort made for na tional independence and public liberty, it has lived, and still lives, in a long exertion in favour of order and peace ; it has afforded strong proofs of the rectitude of its intentions for every good cause, and has given ample pledges of its wish to co operate in the furtherance of the great interests of France and of Europe. Consequently it has a right to choose its own policy, without incurring any danger of being suspected of deserting any of the great interests which it has so nobly de fended. I claim that liberty of which I speak for the government which I have the honour to represent; and I be lieve that, in doing so, I am better serving the revolution of July, and showing more confidence in her destinies, than they who wish to fix it in a fatal immobility, and enclose it in a narrow circle from which it is never to depart. I have thought it my duty to take these few general re- Nections before entering on the question now before the chamber. Ido not intend taking any' notice of certain out breaks which have been witnessed in this tribune during the previous days' debates. Ido not think that I ought to complain of what the chamber has thought proper to tolerate. Yet I conceive that freedom of discussion would not in any way suffer, if more deference were shown to sovereigns who have parsed through a long career. I protest against such scandals, and I demand for social propriety a little of that respect which I profess for the liberty of the tribune. (Hear, hear.) When the movement in Italy burst forth , it ins p ired the government with much sympathy, and at the same tines with much solicitude. We felt much sympathy, because we are convinced that the states of Ita l y , a nd the Roman states in particular, have need of numerous reforms. The people have a right to such changes, and good governments ought to endeavour to satisfy their people ; arid, as I remarked in one of the last sittings of the preceding session, whatever be the form of government, men will no longer hear to see their affairs badly conducted. But this desire, this want of reform, is not the only thing to be taken into consideration; there is something more in the disposition of a great portion of the Italian populations, and of the men who powerfully in fluence them—there is a sentiment which goes beyond mere domestic improvements—there is a longing after a general remodelling, such as cannot take place in the world without war. Well, then, that tendency we cannot accept. We re fuse to do so, because we respect the rights of Italy and ex isting treaties ; we refuse, because we also respect European rights and order. We cannot permit these rights to be placed in jeopardy ; and European order is the starting-point of our policy in Italy as well aselsewere. Count D'Avroot.Sit c—And Cracow ! The PftEBIDENT of the CIA: N L—l would willingly re ply to that point at once, but it is unnecessary, since another opportunity will preseut itself. I shall therefore proceed with my former line of remark. We believe that there is something chimerical and impossible in the hopes entertained by the Italians ; we believe, moreover, that these hopes fa your certain points, the preponderance of anarchical and dangerous ideas. Such is the state of Italy, and for that rea son our policy is clearly pointed out. We are disposed to fa vour, to encourage, those internal reforms which sovereigns wish to effect in their states. The noble peer who has just spoken has reproached us with not having sufficiently ex plained in our despatches the support which we give to these reforms. It is not proper policy to publish the advice given to a foreign sovereign, hut I can as-ure the noble peer that encouragement and advice have not been wanting on the mire of France to those princes who show themselves disposed to effect these reforms. Independently of advice, we have en deavoured to rally round these sovereigns who evince liberal tendencies, men of moderate and enlarged opinions, and who are sincerely attached to their country. What is mo-t im portant is, to form in Italy a moderate and governmental party to support these princes. Such is our object. It is true that we have abstained from any expressions which might give rise to disastrous i lusions. Certainly, amongst those illusions, amongst those sentiments, there were some very noble and very grand ones; but our duty orders us to condemn them, and we do it with regret. The Hon. Count Montsdembert has said, that we are becoming unpopular in Italy. I regret it—l am anxious about the sympathy of the masses, but I cannot sacrifice to them good faith and a good cause. I have sacrificed popularity in France for my opinions—l will sacrifice it in Italy. I may regret the loss of it, but I will never seek it, And, let it be remarked, our policy in Italy has not been unsuccessful ; reforms have been effected without foreign intervention and without in ternal perturbation. Grave incidents have marred those reforms—those of Ferrara, Fivizzano, and Pontremoli • but they have been pacifically accomplished. With rega rd to the subject of Ferrara, Count de hlontelembert has re proached as with having used gracious words towards M. I de Metternich, and words not sufficiently so towards the I l'ope: but the noble peer will allow n.e to say that the principal object I had in view was the result. I was anxious that the spark of Ferrara should not be fanned into a flame; I wished that the question should he arranged without dis order and without war. We have succeeded; and if, to ac complish that object, we have caused appearances to be against us, we shall not regret it. I will say as much of the incident of Fivizzano, which has been arranged without difficulty, and yet many were convinced that it would cause a war in Italy. I will not attribute those results, obtained in the space of one year, exclusively to the in fluence of the policy of France; they must be attributed to the wisdom of the sovereigns who have been concerned in them, but there is reason to believe that French policy has not been a stranger to them (marks of ad hesion). lam far from thinking that everything is finished in Italy. and the development of her institutions secured. I admit that I feel serious uneasiness with regard to that country, and the caul of the popular tendency to which I just now alluded; Soil that is a reason for me to persist in the policy which we have followed, and which is the only one which can aid the modi rate Italians to found their go vernment and their institutious. But if, on account of those popular feelings, 1 feel a deep uneasiness for Italy, I have also a great reason fur hope ; and that reason, more powerful in my eyes than all that can be said, and in spite of all that has beim said, is the Pope. Count Montalembert yesterday accused me of coldness and almost indifference towards the sovereign pontiff. The noble peer has devoted his life to a sentiment which is with him, I will not say a fixed, but an always predominant idea—the interest of the faith and of religion. I have, like bim, r deep sympathy for that noble cause, but lam bliged to think of other things. Faith and religious liberty cannot prosper, cannot completely develop themselves, but on certain conditions of good policy, which the government must secure to them. (Hear, hear.) De livered up to those manifestations of popular enthusiasm, which the hon. member so very much applauds, they would not prosper—they would require something more—seme thing much more difficult than the manifestations of a sin cere enthusiasm. (Bear, hear.) But, as I have said, my great source of hope is the Pope. He has done a thing which has never occurred spontaneously to the mind of any i'spal sovereign—be has undertaken the internal reform of his states. That is a considerable thing, and for that reason great confidence is due to the Pontiff. The Italians would be unpardonable if they were to fail in confidence to a sovereign who has undertaken such a grand work. Bot what has then been wanting hitherto to great reformers? A point at which to stop. They are carried away by the movement, and they cannot again seize on the rudder which has fora moment escaped from their grasp. (Hear.) In the situation and in the character of the Pope, there was together with the principle of reform one of resistance. It has been said that the Pope is a sovereign essentially spiritual Count d'Alton-Shee has said that catholicism is incompatible with liberty. The head of Young Italy holds ne other language, and it is because those ideas are pre valent in Italy that papacy will be attacked and disturbed ; it is for that reason that the Pope will require to watch over his spiritual sovereignty sad over the conditions attached to it—conditions which constitute its force and it, essence. There is, I repeat, in the character of the Pope a halting point beyond which he is deter mined not to go. I am well aware that revolutionists are arrogant, but the power which has been able to recover from the state to which it was reduced by Napoleon, will be able to overcome the efforts of Young Italy. (Marks of adhesion.) Hence arises our confidence; but it also fur nishes us with a reason for persisting in our policy. We are convinced that the other powers will in their turn enter on the paths of reform, and we shall throw no obstacle in their way. Count de Sainte-Aulaire said just now that Austria is menaced in her Italian existence. We have no right to prevent her from watching over her interests, and taking precautions against the loss of that part of hi r empire. What we have • right to demand is, that she throws no obstacle in the way of the independence of the Italian sovereigns, and the work which is being effected in the peninsula. Ido not hesitate ho declare that if this work continues under the guidance of the principles of an enlightened liberalism, and without the intervention of revolutionary passions, Austria will throw no obstacle in their way. Allow me now to lay be fore you the language which I used to our ambassador at Rome; you will see that it is more for the purpose of utility than, it I may be allowed the expression, to adorn the dis cussion. This is what I wrote to Count Rossi under date of the 27th September. Otis policy towards Rome and Italy, whatever efforts may be made by our enemies of all hands, and in every place, to represent it falsely, is so dimple so plain, that it is impossible long to misunderstand it. What does the Pope wish ! To effect in his states those reforms which I he considers necessary. He wishes, for the well-being of hut subjects, to put an end, by legitimate concessions, to the fermentation which exists amongst them; he wishes to again give to the church, to reli gion, in our malern society, and in the world in its present condition, that plow, that importance, and that influence which are due to them. We approve of than designs. We consider both one and the other good fur France as for Italy, for the King at Paris as for the Pope at Rome. We wish to support and second the Pope in the ac complishment of his design. What are the dangers, the obstacles which he meets with'. Stationary danger, and revolutionary danger. There is with him, as everywhere m Europe, people, who wish nothing to be done—that things should be absolutely left as they are. There are with him, as in Europe, people who are desirous that he should over. throw everything, that he should rip up all things anew, at the risk of putting himself in a position that those who impel him to such a course wish in their begs ts to we. We desire to assist the Pope to defend himself, and in ease of need to defend him ourselves, in this twofold danger. We are in no way stationary or revolutionary. no more for Rome than lot France. We know by our own experience that there are *octal wants that must be satisfied, progreu that moat be accomplished, and that the paramount interest oh governments is to live in harmony and good intelligence with their people and their times. We know, from our own experience, that a revolutionary spirit id inimical to all governments, moderate as well as ab solute, of those who affect progress as well as of those who re hut it, and that the that interest of an enlightened gavernment, and oneanxious to exist, Its to resist that revolutionary spirit. That is the policy of thejuate mile., the policy of good sense which we practise for ourselves, and which we reoommend to the Pope, who needs It as much as we do. And not only do we give him this advice, but we are ready to waist him in it without hesitation as well as without noire, as it suits both him and ourselves, that is to say, as it suits regular governments, who with to attain their end, and not run after adventures. So much for the general fact. I now come to par ticular ones and to proper names. It has been said that we have cams to an understanding with Austria—that the Pope cannot count on us In his relations with that power. This is a falsehood,—an Interested and calculated falsehood of the statieuary party, who wish to dairy us because we in no way belong to it, and of the revolutionary party, who everywhere attack us because we effie.aciously resist it. We are in peace and good relations with Austria, and we desire to remain no, because bad relations and war with Austria is general war and revolution in Europe. We believe that the Pope has also a great interest in living in peace and good relations with that power, because she is a great catholic power In Europe, and a great power in Italy. A war with Austria would cause the weakness of catholicism, and the overthrow of Italy. The Pope cannot wish that. We know that probably what the Pope wishes o acoomplish—reforms is his states, and analogous reforms in the other Italian states-ran be little 'deafens to Austria, not more than she was pleated at our revolution of July, however legitimate it might be, or our constitutional government, however conservative it may he. But we also know that enlightened governments do not regulate their conduct by their likes or dislikes. We have admitted by ourselves that the Austrian government is en en lightened one, capable of conductiug itself with moderation, gad of reconciling itself to necessity. We believe that it may respell the independence of the Italian sovereigns even when they alba reforms which are not agreeable to it, and set aside all Idea of intervention in their states. It is in that sense that we set at MIMI. If we succeed, it must be as suitable to the Pope as to oraieden. If we fail, if the madness of the stationary or of the revolatkrair mes 4sett or of them both together, lead to an Austrian inter what I can say : Do not allow the Pope to entertain an 7 dada then la such a case we should Da usefully support him, his avergssSat. his sovereignty, his independence, and his eignity. One masa reigolansr arse CAZIDOL proclaim beforehand, what would be dons In an hypothesis which cannot be completely and pre. isely known beforehand. But let the Pope be perfectly toured that, if he appeals tow, our firmest and most active support will not be wanting. The Lion. Count de Montalembert will not, I think, find this devout' lukewarm and indifferent. This is the Wi le which the government punaed. (Marks of adhesion.) -• Prince DE LA MOSKOWA proposed and develop. d at ear length another amendment in favour of reform in I ta l y, het differing from that already before the Chamber in th e d i ._ cumstaaces of its being stronger, and of its including m approbation such other princes as Should follow in the pag, pointed out by the Pope. Bunn C. DUNN supported the amendment proposed the preceding day by Count Tischer and himself, and on whim Count ?dontalembert had spoken. M. COUSIN proposed that all the amendments should be referred to the committee, in order that a phrase should be inserted in the paragraph in favour of the admirable enter, prim of Pius IX. (Applause.) The PRESIDENT OF Till. COI NEIL : I also demand to ham the matter sent to the committee. (Cries of " yes, ye o, from all parts.) The reference to the committee was then ordered.—T4 Chamber rue at five o'clock. ATHENS, DEC. X. I)ESPATCII OP LORD PALMERsTON ON TIIE Gam QUESTION.—A despatch of Lord Paanerston to the Britleis minister at Athens, Sir Edmund Lyons, has by some SA* sleight of hand bec ome public. It is a severe critique tam the Greek government, and merits to be recorded in the his. tory of Greece. The following is a translation from eke Greek: "Foreign-office, Oct. 30.—Sir.— I have received you despatch of the 4.h October, No. Iret, containing a s a p. of the letter front the Minister for Foreign Affea , in which M. 'Glarakis renews the enmplaints sf the Greek government, which reproaches Mr. Saunders, the consul of her Britannic Majesty at Pretties, with Sew' done wrong in protecting General Grivas. I desire pores; inform M. Glarakis, that according to the information no ceived by her Britannic Majesty's government, the Greek government has no right to complain of the conduct of Mr, Saunders in that affair ; and that there is not the lee* foundation for the assertien of M. Glarakis, that Gamed Grivas, whilst at Preemie, prepared for a fresh attack ageism the Greek King and government. The fact is, GOMEL Grivas took no such measures during his stay at Preri tti and no part of his conduct inuicated that sue), wen his intention. On the contrary, the motives which proloest . ed stay in that city were the negotiations he had with the Turkish authorities to decide in what city of the interior of the Ottoman empire be and his companions would retire to; when this was decided he left tar Janina. M. Glaraltie would do well to ebstela from secu•stions without fousdaliuU against the government of her Britannic Majesty and its agents. He ought to be aware that by such means it is ins. possible to reader the relations between the English end Greek governments more satisfactory for the cabinet of Athens. As to General Grine, his preceding conduct and his political opinions are far from recommending him to the favour of the government of her Majesty the Queen; and if the British governs. rat has shown him any spark of rya. pithy it is solely because he has been the victim of tyranny and injustice. In speaking of the unfortunate mut of Greece and its revolts, M. Glarakis says, thee the Hellenic government has acted rightly, sail intends to pursue precisely the same course. Hee found Majesty's regret. governmenthesy s h" tem he w ard hich tbi t s he dce G la r r e a t t k i°n government wipr has for some time pursued, and which he asserts it intends to follow out, is a system of illegality, violence, and corrup. tion, of injustice and tyranny, which disgusts and irritates the Greek nation, and wherever its agents have caused it to be Glt, its natural consequences have been to produce a re. volt. It is remarkable that these revolts have been effected by men, who were not of the opposition party, but wholes" till yes, lately the supporters and the favourites of minis ters, and employed by them es the instruments of an taus misgovernment. But when these men began to spueerr once the bitterness of the oppressive system by virtue of wlsisk the government,with their aid, oppressed their fellow-eitiems, they took up arms to oppose a tyranny which was ussap. portable. His Majesty's government hoped that this is pious system would have ceased with the life of the milliliter, Who, 614 the chief actor, was generally considered es the author. • But as M. Glarakis now declares that he shall not deviate from it, it is clear that this system has its source and is actually preserved by other influences, equally hos tile to the welfare of Greece, and contrary to the real in terest of the King; it is, therefore, evident that M. Glans kis is but a voluntary instrument employed by those influ ences to set their disastrous polities in motion to ob tain their end. If the Greek government wishes to prevent insurrection, maintain order and tranquillity, and encourage industry in the kingdom, it ci rtainly cannot be done by arbitrary imprisonments, by the pillage and de fellation of entire provinces, such as recently occurred in Buttes. To maintain tranquillity in Greece, the development and prosperity of the country can only be secured by a cliffs. rent method than that pursued latterly by the Greek govern ment. The law should be honestly and impartially applied; the judges ought to be independent of the caprices and the corropt partiality of the ministers of the crown. Justice should be promptly and equally dispensed between citizen and citizen, and between the sovereign arid hissubjects. The • taxes should be equitably levied and honestly expended. • The "albite revenues should be administered with integrity and economy for the public service', and for the public servite only. The press should not be share kled by illegal prosecutions ; the elections for the municipalities, and the members of parliament, ought to he free : the Chembi r of Deputies ought not to call upon itself the ridicule of the legislative assembly, by expelling all men who are not disposed to blindly obey the orders of the ministers of the crown. If the Greek government admitted that the constitution was a reality, if it respected the laws and compelled others to do the same, if it guaranteed the safety of persons and property, if it also encouraged indwary, and secured to every one the fruit of his labours and the pro- duce of his in a word, it administered the affairs of Greece in the same manner in which the ministers of a constitutional king ought to fulfil their high and important functions, free from foreign and disastrous influences, and acting only for the good of the country—the Greek government would soon see that there was no need to suppress insurrections in the interior, nor to follow, by diplomatic communications with foreign powers. the Greek fugitives who have sought in another country an asylum against the injustice and oppressive which they had suffered in their own, You will present M. Glarakis officially with a cony of this. PALMERSTON. To Sir Edm. Lyons, Athens. This letter wss delivered to M. Glarakis on the 16th Nov.; the following day Sir Edmund Lyons received the following: ATHENS, Nov. 17, 18i7.—Sir,—I have laid before his Majesty and the government the letter of the Chief Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty, in reply to the three representations you have done me the honour to communicate. By that letter Lord Palmerston is not jus tified in refusing a complaint and a request. His lord ship brings against the Greek government most /*TIMIS um rations. as hard in form as unjust in fact. It is not by one only of these accusations which has its answer in the facts, in the actual conditions of the works followed by the govern ment of his Majesty, but by numerous efforts, sincere and unfruitful, which have only proved the discussion was at least useless. In this sad conviction his Majesty the King has resolved to appeal, by an official communication, to the evidence of governments who are not less exactly, nor faithfully informed than that of her Britannic Majesty. In respect to the sympathy which Lord Palmerston believes due to men whose evil designs have forced them to seek a refuge in a foreign country, it is an encouragement which the rebels will not lose sight of, when giving reasons for their revo:t, as to the protectiou that they enjoy. It will serve as a hope—as a promise to their accomplices ; and no one can see it in any other light than as dangerous for the government of his Hellenic Majesty. —I have the honour, de, GLARAKIS. — Sir Ed. Lyons, Athens." True to his word, Glarakis wrote the same day a circular to all the great powers calling upon them to boar whams to the honest, incerrupt, and merciful measures of the late and present Greek governments and requesting an answer officially to his request, that he: may transmit it to the British government. Thus the affair stands at present. At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on the 15th, the 35 new senators were voted at the King's nomination, by a majority of 70 against 3. Athens has been very gay—lots of balls, dinners, and soirees. There will be a ball at the palace on Now Year's Day. Nero fiddled and Rome bunted. Otho dances, and Greece is ruined. The chief topic of conversation here has been the recent revolt at Patras. By the last advice from that city it had recovered its usual tranquillity, THE LOSS OF THE AVENGER. At length, by the arrival of the Levant mail, fall particulars of the wreck of the Avenger have arrived. The worst tears have been realised ; there is no ground to hops that more than four persons have t acaptd. Our Malta me respond-nt, dating the sth inst., gives us the following in. formation : " H.M. steam sloop Hecate arrived on the 2nd from Tunis. Previously to entering the harbour, she signalised. ' Have four of Avenger's crew on board—reet all perished.' These four proved to be the persons mentioned in my pre' vious letter, Lieut. Hooke, the gunner, a man, nnda boy. The Hecate cruised about the Sorelli, visited the Island of Gatos the mainland of Africa, but not a vestige of any survivors could be found, nor any particle of the ill-fated ship. She must have gone literally to pieces and every soul have perished. This loss has created a strong sensation here. Some have lost relatives, many have lost friends. A Mr. Speed, a merchant here, was daily in expectation of embrac ing a younger brother, a cadet on board, whom he had not seen for ten years. The total number lost iv computed at about 250. 'f here were a number of officers, principally as sistant-surgeons, seamen, and boys on board, as supernume raries for the fleet." We have been favoured by the Admiralty with copies of the following despatches, received yesterday from Malta Her Majesty's ship Ceylon, Malta, Jan 4, 1848.—Siz,— With reference to my letter (No. 532) of the 30th of December last, forwarding, for the information of the Lnds Commissioners of the Admiralty, a copy of one addressed to Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, with enclosures relating to the loss of her Majesty's steam-vessel Avenger. Captain C. E. Napier, on the 20th of that month, on a reef near the Island of Gahm, and acquainting their lordships of my having sent the Hecate, Commander Moorman, to render , every assistance, I have now the honour to enclose a copy of • subsequent letter to the Vice-Admiral, of thi s day's date, acquainting him of the return of that vessel to this port on the 2nd inst., and forwarding copies of the reports, as per margin,* relative to the total loss of the Avenger and ea sew, with the exception of those mentioned in the first let ter of Lieutenant Hooke, as under-named : Lieutenant , Francis Hooke, Mr. Larkham, gunner; W illiam Hill, stew ard ; James Morley, boy. It is with great regret that I for- • Commander Moorman, dated 2nd Jan., 1848; Sir Thomas Meade, dated 28th and 29th Dec., 1848; Lieutenant Mooke, dated 28th Dec. ward these report yours of three wt 01-fated Avenger r eports, as w, 11 a vestige of th is wreck, excipt tht were met with by of Galita, Zembr Admiral. -11. G. ser Majesty's —ln compliance proceed with her the island of Gali =Adieu relative the honour to red in chief, my pros d a y, the 30th, at stood in for the east end of it. two of them hi Bizerte, sent this his son, to glean save such portioi these beats, as a titan fisherman. Englioh previously, and they also inform the wreck on t Aguglia and Ga spot indicated, a boat, with a lies whilst I proceed boat to the caw be discovered o boat or from the (wits, and Pen where the boat I sent a boat on sacertain the small pieces of which I bee a limber.boz a 12-pounder c I now, at I p.IT steering a W. I and distance of down in the A rot perceive tb water; ht. t as which are, I I think that %hell ripple or break MAILS TC regular mail tr General Post-' month. This the Postmaru by one of het Madeira on h Madeira tetter packet poston , of Africa Is Majesty's ship The Posttum full packet p., and when th 'sent on tette letters for ths ships free frco happened. .! and Ascen-o her Majesty's rate to the Ci be conveyed Lord Joh forenoon Iror The Doc Sophia oo TI Mr. \Vie and Mr. Pn• with the Chi eial residenci Mr. Bon terday, at th The &el a general rite place. Sir Ram with the Chl FORETGD pleased to Trinidad, fo Algarves. 22nd F.-1.1 vice Hunt, all 41st F.-I.W limn, who vx 15th F..-En dee.; Gent.-Ca vice Moon. promoted. tercel. - 1.31 - infieft neat, to be iii the 96th F., ht 9109 g Nessfin Tbe 11Pda the dear the Bari of Adm. of the Adm. of the blue; Rear -A of the red; White; Capt. The folloul upon the de.4l the Blue Si of the white ; The followi the deal Slue Sir 11. I the Red sir the White si Vice-Adm. uf 'bite; Beer. Rear-Adm. u Beer-Adm. R. Reynolds, In pars lagliff, a pu held y ester log the pro of the rein Jewish per the chair I Pleuded: MLA. That this r erelutiou frc l.hare to several. loco 4 zed, lad tl %Burntdle`q TL di. w r, smut, a +rou t , mix . that that eta ' a tial - ra Mk% to w i t at 11 17mimic. Tu on or • la on ?hi tea : 7.Lth •.r. Ia( hu r ift r