The Express. — London, England, 1851-11-12 00:00:00

KOSSUTH MANCHESTER. (11.01 01:1 OWN RZPORTIIII3.) Yesterday Kossuth, accompanied by M. Pulaity and 11. Hajalek, started from Birmingham at half-past 8 in the morning, and proceeded to Manchester, to meet in the metropolis of the north a welcome if possible more maths'- sixstie and general than that which he had just received in Birmingham. The news of his progress had evidently spread throughout the whole of the district, as at each station vast crowds were assembled to see him and give him a poising cheer. At Whitmore, at Ilarington, at Crewe, and at Warrington, it appeared as if all chases of the inha bitant% had turned out. as the stations were surrounded by private carriage., and every wall and elevated situation was crowded with the operatives. The anxiety to see the Hungarian leader was so great that all the activity of the railway officials was eilled into requisition to prevent acci dents, as numbers of both lath.:a and gentlemen clung to the carriages while actually in motion. The train, which was a slow one, arrived in M inchester at 20 minutes to I, in the middle of the petrels*. diner hour, notwithstanding which the whole neighbourhood of the station was densely crowded. The committee, not having the aid of the authorities, had made no preparation for any public reception. They went up with six or eight carri.epes, to accommodate Kossuth, and left the rest to the chapter of 'tridents. The immense crowd of people collected together is the streets, and the enthusiasm they displayed, therefore, was a spontaneous outburst of sentiment, which everybody joined in, but which everylerely was unprepared for. Tho railway cont• pan y was very liberal in allowing respectable people to go on the platform of the station to witness the arrival, and the crowd upon it was very great. As the train entered the siding the cheering was immense, and M. Kossuth was almost carried from it to the private carriage awaiting his reception. From the railway station the cortege took the way to Piccadilly and Market-street, hot the crowds of people were so immense, that it was difficuls, with all the aid the police could give, to make way theeige them. Many people wer e of opinion that the masses w tech mine out to greet the pre sence of the Queen were not greeter upon this part of her route. Balconies and window. were filled with people. The immense pile of warehousing belonging to the Messrs. West head, opposite the loyal Infirmary, presented a lively 'spec tacle ; every one of it. many windows was crowded; and the other large warehouses and hotels pmented similar scenes of animation. In such a desultory aesemblage, stretching through so many streets, it would he difficult to form a notion of the number of people, but gentlemen who had witnessed the reception at Birmingham declared their belief that the preeent exceeded even in numbers the crowds there. Some of the people had applied for a holiday from the factories, and being refused, had taken what is termed French leave," and many . were so anxious to see Koesuth that they ran with his carnage all the way from Manchester to Woodlands, a distance of clout three miles. GREAT MEETING AT THE FItEE-TRADE HALL. The greatest gathering. at the Free-Trade Ball during the excitement of the anti.eorn law agitation were quite equalled in numbers by the essemblage of last evening, whik, from the fact of the admissions being all by ticket, it may he assumed that the persons present comprised a great majority of the wealth and respectability of tie town and neighbourhood. It would he impossible to exag gerate the intensity and extent of the public interest, of which • tolerably suffietent proof is afforded iu the extraordinary fact that the application for tickets ex ceed.' 1011,000. Letters praired in, not only from the sur rounding district., but from the ntiad distant parts of Eng land and Scotland. Thu committee, which consisted of upwards of 1,109) of the first names in the locality, were literally besieged with letters, not only in their collective but individual capacities, and it was remarked that the applications came from persona of all shades in pehties. as if the great event of the day had by its extraordinary later( st and importance com pletely annihilated all party distinctions. The general enthusiasms was fully participated in by the fair sex, who might be seen struggling for places in thu very middlu of the throng. Precisely at seven o'clock M. Kossuth entered the hall, accompanied by George Wilson, Esq.,'lhoinas Muhl, Esq., Megan. Janus Kershaw. and Alexander Henry, 11.1'., and lastly Mr. Bright. His appearance was the signal for a scene of the most extraordinary enthusiasm and excitement we ever witnessed. To use au expressive thea trical phrase the whole hall " rage at him," and cheer upon cheer was sustained for several minutes._ Mr. O. WILSON tools the chair, and said they had met to present 11411.1M11. to Louis Kossuth, late a prisoner in -tees, now a reeideut in En„ lead, and .hulto become the honoured and respected guest of America. Cheers.) Not withstanding their numerous meeting to.nig t, he doubted not that there were those in the town who viewed it with jealousy, and with no feelings of admiration. (Cheers and Frames.) lie was curs there were few, (or he could appeal to all percent, and ask whether they ever rethelected an occasion when men of all treed. and all shades of opinion had united as they had now done to do honour to their illustrious guest. (Cheers.) If it was implied, because the head of the curporution had, perhaps prudently, perhaps diecrettly, determined not to invite the intentions stranger to an entertainment in the town, that Id. Kossuth was not the welcome guest of Manchester, he would appeal to all present whether unwire. thinking so were not deceived. (Cheers, and groans for the mayor.) No man could better afford to smile at such impotent attempts to depreciate him than the it illustrious guest. (Hear, and cheers.) The hen. gentleman having explained what was to be the order of the business of the evening, introduced Mr. lIIHUHT, M.P., who rose amid loud choen, and in a lengthy and elaborate speech proposed the adoption of the address. Ile felt the utmost confidence he should have the illl4lllllootl/ and ceithusiastic support of the meeting. ((cheers.) Whines. r any meson without the walls of this meeting might say, he had no doubt the guiding sentiment which had collected that meeting together was the true and sincere love of liberty of every nation, of every name, of every colour. (Cheers.) They were there to acknowledge the justice of those principles which, in this c .untry luckily, for ages they had not had to contend for. (Cheers.) Ile linked upon their illustrous guest as the greaten champion of liberty of this or any age. (Cheers.) Ile hail excited in this and other countries an admiration greater than that tilt fur any crowned head of ton t...neat Europe. (Cheers.) By his speeches since he keg tome to this country ho had excited universal &d -aintier. (Cheers.) But even this great man, he re gretted to ay, had been assailed day by day by the breath ut slander. (Bru ow ns fur the r.) Ile had escaped the mi.on—he had escaped the executioner—yet morning after awning columns id slander had been published to order— (clown)—paid fur, he suppord, at about 51. ss. a column. (Cheers and laughter.) The last attack of that journal accused M. Kossuth of being a republican and an advo cate of universal suffrage. (Cheers nod laughter). Now, imperfect as the government of this country was, they still expired liberty ; and across the Atlantic, under another form of government, they also enjoyed liberty. (Cheers). They were not there to acknowledge M. Kossuth as a mon archist or republican, but as the friend of liberty—(cheers) —and the attacks of malevolence would have no effect upon him. (Cheers.) But other persons were also slandered for taking part in theme demonstrations; the friends of peace, of non-intervention were accused of inconsistency. (Cheers.) We yet hope to see the cause of 'thorny free, but he would be the last to take part in any movement fur fanning the spark of war into a flume. (Cheers.) But was there no force in opinion. Let them recollect whet hail been done th-ough that hall, for what it had been built, and that the result had been the making a lauded aristocracy greater than in any other country, succumb, and o giant felony broken down. ( Cheers ) If war was inevitable, and the good pro b:cmatical, the evil was always certain. The principle of liberty was advancing fast, and Mr. Cobden had done more good by calling the meeting in London &gluiest foreign beans than ever was done by armies or navies. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman concluded by expressing his sympathy with Hungary, and wishing that she might yet recover from bet ashes, and become one of the greatest and moat glorious nations on the face of the earth. (Cheers.) The Secretary, Mr. S. P. Komesoo, next read the ad dress, which wee as follows: It is with no common feelings of congratulation that the people of Manchester hail your presence amongst them on ton occasion. We tender you a hearty welcome, in earnest thankfulness that you have survived the perils of a long am prisunineut, and are now beyond the reach of that despo- tam which, in the inveteracy of ita hatred to your person, wily testifies how deeply it has been made to feel the terror of your name. That name is now historically identified with the most memorable struggle which modern times have witnessed, to vindicate the cuustitutional rights and free dom of u great and brave people. With the cause of Hun gary we have sympathised through every phase of her for tunes. We watched with intense interest the commencement, and saw with profound grief the sad termination of her heroic conflict with her oppressors. To you, sir, as the champion of your country s independence —u the states man who, through long years of self-devotion, sustained, , with unrivalled energy sail eloquence, a patriotic and con-' atitutionel resistance to the encroachments of despotism, we tender the expression of oar wannest admiration. The present state of the continent of Europe, where the brute force combination of military armaments threatens to over whelm every vestige of liteaty, renders it the imperative duty of the people of every free state to manifest their ab horrence of the tyranny that would usurp all rights and ignore all duties, in blind defiance of the sacred obligations that reason and justice proclaim as the first conditions of civilised governments. In your person we recognise a living protest against those priuciples of despotism which have eser been moat abhorrent to the national sense and traditional aspirations of the people of this country. We would, through you, make known to Europe and the world our inextinguishable hatred of eppreesion ; and uniting our voices with the great verdict which history will hereafter pronounce on the momentous events in which you have played so distinguished a part, we would invoke for Hun gry. as we now pray heave& to word to yourself, a fu ture worthy of the lofty aims which have been the guiding Oleo( your great sanser." JAMk:e KNESHAW, Esq., simpl ch y oceonded the ad dress, and it was carried with great eering. There was not a single voice against it. The CliAllielAN then called upon M. Kossuth, who rose to receive the address. His rising was the signal for en extraordinary burst of cheering, and fors roe momenta the necomelings had to wait the end of this burst of eaten"- THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1851. slam before they could be remised. The Chairman re read the address aloud to M. Kossuth, and then formally presented it. M. Koseoth placed his hand to his heart, and bowed profoundly in receiving it. The gentlemen from surrounding towns were then called upon and introduced to Y. Kossuth as their addresses were presented. They were as follow : The Ashton address, by Hr. °onside, town clerk. The Liverpool addrew, by Mr. W. ltathbone, Mr. Chas. Holland, Mr. C. E. Rawlins, and others. The Bury address, by Mr. John Grundy. An address from a public meeting of the town of Burnley. An address from Denton, Houghton and Hooley 13W, by Mr. Maliaday and others. An address from Halifax, by Mr. Holt and Mr. Crossley. An address-front Heywood, by Mr. Schofield and another gentleman. contented, with having been driven to butchery, and after having been deceived, plundered, and oppressed, laughed at as fools? Poland contented with being murdered? (Cries of indignation.) Hungary, my poor Hungary, con tented with being more than murdered—buried alive— (loud cheers)—for it is alive. What I feel is but a weak pulsation of that feeling which pervades the breasts of the people of my country (Cheers.) Russia contented with slavery ! (Hear.) Vienna contented ! Lombardy, resth, Milan, Venice, contented ! Contented with having been ignominiously branded, burned, plundered, sacked, and its population butchered, and half of the Euro pean continent contented with the scaffold, with the hangman, with the prison, with having no political rights at all, but having to pay innumerable millions for the highly beneficial purpose of being kept in serfdom! (Cheers.) That is the condition of the continent of Europe —(hear, hear)—and is it not ridiculous and absurd n men to prate about individuals disturbing the peace and tranquillity of Europe ? (Hear.) How is it that there are no revolutionising movements in England? Why no attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of England ? Because you want no revolution. (Hear, hear.) Because you are ensured by your constitution, and by your public spirit, that whatever you request to be duns— because no human things are perfect—(hear)—it will be done, and done peaceably. (Loud cheers.) I would like to see the man who would stand up here in England for the purpose of making a revolution. (Hear.) But there, on the continent of Europe, in its An address from the Liverpool Hungarian Refugees' Association. An address from the :Manchester working classes. An address from the Msuchester Temperance Associa tion. An address from Rueful de, presented by Mr. Tweeds& aml Mr. Limey. An address tram the Staffordshire Potteries. An address from Stockport, presented by Mews. Esk rigge, Coppoek, and J. G. Johnson. An address from the students of the Independent College of Manchester. An address from the German inhabitants of Manchester. grentr4t part •t least, the world, you hey° dia. An address from the people of Wrexham. teem' peace and tranquillity, you have checked the 11. KOSSUTH now retie to address the meeting, and the growth of freedom on the continent, and it cannot be re elbsering was immense. The audience again rose from their stored until the lovers of freedom contend successfully Mate and waved hats and handkerchieti and cheered for against Yon, the sworn enemies of mankind, freedom, several moments. M. Kossuth said—lf you expected peace, and tranquillity. (Cheers.) Let us look back, to hear from me an eloquent speech I very much fear you and see what has been done in the past. The will lie disappointed. Disappointed, because since my ar. gigantic contest against Napoleon was fought under the rit . .l e God, the mighty protector of mankind's destinies, has promise of freedom—the promise of freedom was the bait caused me to be so much occupied with the aympatbies of which lirnaght the nations to fight. Then came the Con. the people of Englund I could rat find time to prepare an gress of Vienna, which was attended by some of the most eloquent speech—(thecrs)—at all events not couched in words ambitious men of the world; but even there the interference which in England, where every word is caught by the of England in the settlement then to be made was press (that mother and guardian of all progress), you • guarantee to mankind for some constitutional life would expect from me. You would be disappointed in the at least. (Cheers.) And even your Castli reaghs Mond place, breauee I have to answer an eloquent speech, were unable to bind Europe in oppression—(hear)— ON because when I would be eloquent in my own lan- to Poland, Sicily, and many other nations, liberty was and when I want to give inspiration to those who guaranteed ; but where is Poland now, where it its cowl. page, ne, I feel at a lens to utter my sentiments in a len. tution ? (Hear, hear.) And here I would appeal to the gnaws to which I am a stranger. I have therefore public opinion of the world—and I would appeal to those to wave your indulgence, while I attempt to address you. very statesmen of England who belong to the very retro- Mr . Chairman, there was once a king of Epirus who sent grade school—to them I would appeal as to those who had •men, though Ido not remember hi, name, to Home. On made terms without the sanction or consent of nations. Me return it was reported by him to his master that he (Hear, hear.) And I would put to them the question, had seen a city of kings, wh re every man had as much "is the present condition of Europe, that for bappinesas as the king himself holde. I have seen more which the people of England shed their blood be - England, under your government. 1 have seen the in torrents—is it that for which England vent its public opinion of the English people pronounced in inch innumerable millions, the interest of which you have to • voice as that of which Lord Brougham once said : that Poe now, and will have to pay hereafter—(hear)—l ask the new and then the voice of the people as the thunder of q . ic.tion, is the condition of Europe that which the people I the Almighty is heard. (Cheers.) I saw the crowding of England were willing to guarantee, and which God pur of the people, which went to my heart ; and 1 posed should be the cane ? (Hear.) Let oppression go on, have received addresses from all parts of Great and the spread of freedom will be the result.(ficar.) 1 ranee Britain, equally as numerous as generous; and I have had had aroused herself, and the devote trembled. (Hear.) some idea of the public opinion of England. But I saw Despots had always tried to crush the nations of the world. that public opinion incarnated in the great demonstrations But oh, how trembling despots are in these days! I have of London, Birmingham, and Manchester; and after I have seen some of them—l have weighed them in the very I seen those demonstrations, I loudly proclaim, Ye oppressed bands of mine. Formerly they broke only their words, now uationsof Europe, be of g ood cheer and courage! (Cheers.) we aro subjected to the consequences of a breach I have experienced enough in my public life to know that pub- of their sworn oaths—and every tie is broken, every lie opinion, as that pronounced by the people of England on seatiment revolted, every interest hurt. (Hear, hear.) that class of which lam one of the humble representatives, the praises of Gal are mingled with curses may be dissimulated for awhile ; it may be perhaps jeered at against despots, and oppressed European nations shake hardily ; hut at last obeyed it must be—(cheer.)—because t"ains, and bleeding nations feel their degradation. England is a constitutional country, and in a eon- (Cheers.) 'fhb is the prevent state of the European con stitutional country the public opinion is by r i g h t uncut, at least for the greatest part. And still there are sod by the constitution to give direction to go- men who have regard for despots, but who are silent in re vernment and to the parliament. (Loud Cheers.) geed to the duties due towards humanity. (Hear.) They I know what power public opinion has a l aw f u l speak of regard to tyrants, but they are silent about the eight to claim in this glorious land ; and because I know danger. of mankind. (Hear.) In regard to the condition that it must be very much, I say that I thank the people of of maukind the people of England have instinctively felt England, I thank the people of Manchester for their great that we arc on the eve of the day when liberty or despotism old to the cause of humanity, not in my name, but in the must be crushed down. (Cheers.) The people or England mow of the oppreseed nations. (Cheers.) Since my arri- felt that their freedom was in intimate connexion with vol on England'. happy shores, I have seen n continual op- the principle of freedom on the European continent. gertunity for the pronunciation of the public opinion on I feel most anxious to have this view shared by you, that that question the solution of which is ostensibly (alma. Hungary is not so much an object of commisseration as it is featly) looked to by Provideuee to be the task tit our an European question, and in this view lam supported by limes the question which will decide the fate a gectleinan whose opinion is as disinterested as it is impor d mankind fur centuries. This question is none taut. He is a candidate for the high office of president of of scanty or partial interests. It is none of a noble cothe United State., and therefore his opinion may be taken eon- as that of the great democratic party to which ho belongs; anieweation for the misfortunes of an individual, or of one weentry. It is a question of universal interest. in which I quote some line from the speeches made by Mr. Walker, =Southampton. (Cheers.) He says that an alliance of every country, every people are equally interested—l say despotic powers to submit to free governments less powerful family interested. There may he a difference as to the enstession of times, in which one or other nation will be than themselves can have no aim but to sweep all eiketed by the unavoidable consequences of this question ; tree governments from the face of the earth. but affected they really see—one a day sooner, or one a day Poland was thus swept away by despotic powers, beer than another—it is a mere question of time. No and Hungary, which bad secured its f ree do m , ofrontry, heweser proud its position, but chiefly, non- and overthrown the forces of Austria was overwhelmed by within the boundary of the Christian family, and Russia, the very incanation of despotism. (Hear, hear.) Now, when this was dune, England meld not expect long id European civilisation, can avoid that share d the ,consequences of this all comprehensive question, to enjoy her own institutions. Would free government and width will decide the approximate fate of humnnity. e a free (louse of Commons be permitted with trial by jury, searely want to say that this comprehensive question is, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, if despotism whether Europe shall be ruled by the principle of freedom ruled on the contiuent ? Despotism could not long flourish or by the principle of despotism—(" freedom, freedom !") there while there was freedom of speech and of the pre= in or to bring more home in a practical way to your generous England. Such a moral artillery would overwhelm the despots, and therefore, they would ultimately conspire to heart that idea of freedom—the question is whether Euroe ruin the free institutions of England. This is not the shall be ruled by the priuripte of centralisation or b t h e principle of self-government —( cheers ) — because se lf-go- humble opinion of a pour individual like my se lf, th e repre vernment is freedom, and eentrslisation ii absolutism. mutative of an oppressed country, but of a man part and , eers.) Shall freedom die away for centuries, and mankind become who is the representative of a largo par nothing more than the blind instrument of ambition, of some • candidate for the government of a free people. (Ch few, °rattail the print of servitude be wiped nut from the I will only add, that this alliance of despots is a fast; brow of humanity, and mankind become noble in itself, the ease of Hungary shows it, and as I have faith la the and a no bl e i osuootoot to its own forward progress, rights of nations, I can with all coutidence ask what (Cheers.) Woe, a hundrefold woe, to every nation which, is, and what will be, the practical issue of the thing that is esnident in its proud position of to-day, would carelessly here to be seen beginning? I have every reason to look regard the comprehensive atruggleof those great principles! with particular hope, in respect to the solution of this quee nis the mythical struggle between heaven and hell. To tion, to Manchester. Firstly, because Manchester is a ls blessed use to be damned is the fate of all—this may young city. In 1720 it was a village of 24,000 men, and Oath us one day, sooner or later ; but to be blessed or to now it is the first manufacturing city of the world, with he damned is the fate of all ; there is no transaction between nearly half a million. It is a glory to a city t o h ave heaven and hell. Woe, a thousandfold woe to every nation e.dured to old age, to have lived th roug h th e vicissitudes of centuries, but it i s no sma ll g l ory which would not embrace within its sorrows and its cares **future, but only the pawing moment of the present to have grown up to a giant in a short lbw. In the flashing of a moment, the future becomes pre- period. That people which has grown up in a short time the objects of our prevent Ishourshavepasead away. is a practical people, and therefore I look for • practical Ts t ad sun throws a mist before the sun rises, so the spirit result from it. (Cheert.) I, secondly, have much faith in of the future is seen in the events of the present day. this, because Manchester, with Liverpool, is the most There are some, who endeavour to contract the demonstria• powerful link between Europe and the United States. tic= of sympathy which I have had the honour to meet, to Commerce is the locomotive of principles. (Cheers.) Your the narrow scale of personality. They would fain make glorious destiny is to offer by your hand the supptirt of believe, that there is nothing more in these demonstrations the public opinion of England to the United States, (or the than a matter of fashion, a transitory ebullition of public purpose of union in the policy of both countries in respect feeling, passing without a trace like the momentary to Europe. That union, I say with a perfect conviction, bubble ; or, at the utmost, a tribute of approbation would be the turning point in the destinies of Europe and to the bravery of a gallant people in a just mankind; it would be the victory of the principle of cause, and of consolation to their unmerited misfortunes. freedom, because the United States and England united, But I say, it is not so. I say, may no nation on earth have they will not, sad they cannot aide but with freedom. reason once to repenter having contemptuously disregarded That is to beione point, gentlemen, for which I must these my words, only because it was but I who said them. humbly ask the support of Manchester, in the counsels of .1 ay that the very source of these demonstrations is, the this city, which is in all respects in the most intimate con instinctive feeling of the people—(hear, hear)—that the flexion with the United States. When I go to the United destiny of mankind has come to the turning point of wen- States in some few days,it will be-,I will consider it to be— tutees; it is the cry of alarm upon the ostensible approach one of my duties to try if there I cannot be a humble oppor. of universal danger; it is the manifestation of the instinct tunity for this union, as I was a humble opportunity for of self preservation, roused by the instinctive knowledge of the promulgation of the solidarity sentiment of the fact, that the decisive struggle, the destiny of Europe, nations fur the principles of liberty ; and I have was near, and that no people, no country, can remain utile. sumo hope, with your generous aid, to succeed, (=tee' by the issue of this great struggle of principles. firstly, because there i's in the United States already a great (Applause.) The despotic governments of Europe feel party which professes an inclination and a propensity to their approaching death, and therefore they will come unite with England in its policy towards the world. Se to the death-struggle. (Hear, hear.) And I hope this madly, because the fate of Hungary has already somewhat struggle is unavoidable, and b ecause it is called forth by contributed to change the old rivalries between the two them, it will be the last in mankind's history. That is the brothers into the most brotherly feeling. Both countries state of the case, as I conceive i., gentlemen. It is not my have united in rescuing me from captivity. (Cheers.) I individuality—it is not my presence, which has aroused any say—l may state as • matter of fact—that tho first link to feeling or sentiment' I sin nothing, but the opportunity this union in policy is already made. Thirdly, be which elicited the hidden spark—the opportunity at which cause all depends oil a true and exact defini the existing inatiuctivo appreci ' of approaching danger tion, how it is thought that in the United caused in every nation the cry to burst forth— the loud cry States there is a ruling principle of non-inter of horror. Or else, how could even the most skilftil sophist vention in European matters. I say very wise were explain the fact of the universality of these demonstrations, those men that established that principle, and very wise not restricted to where lam present—not restricted to any were those who followed it. But neither those who =tee climate—not restricted to the peculiar character of a Wished that principle nor those who followed it, were of the people—not restricted to a state organisation but meaning that the United States should have nothing to do spreading through the world like the pulsation of one and nothing to regard, whatever fate attends humanity. heart—like the spark of heaven's lightning. (Loud cheers.) The principle of non-intervention is the recognition and the The addresses, full of the most generous sentiments, which acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to lam honoured with in England, are the effects of my pre- dispose of its own domestic concerns; and so I take it as a mom; but I am but the spark which kindles a feeling principle, that though we have not the right to interfere which has long existed, from the people of the metropolis, with the domestic affairs of another country, whether it down to the solitary hamlets hidden by neighbouring chooses to be a republic or a moaarehy, or chooses to be mountains from the business of public life. (Applause) even a despotism, so as it depends on its own will, that is And I humbly entreat you to consider that this feeling is what I assume to be the principle of non-intervention—the not restricted even to England: there is the public of the acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to United States—(avlause)—ltaly, France, the noble Eng- dispose of themselves. (Cheers.) But that is not 'tal lish garrison in Gibraltar, the warm-hearted Portuguese, intervention which would be manifested if I use have all joined in these views ; and on the very day when the words " that I don't are whatever be the fate of a deputation mime over to England to honour me with humanity—l don't care whatever the despots of the world the greeting of Belgium—tkat lofty monument of the may do with Europe, with mankind, and with liberty " love of freedom, and of its indoinitable ‘ force,—even on that Because that is not non-intervention, but it is an encourage. very day I got the knowledge of a similar demonstration in ment even to despotism, to carry their victory of abeolut- Sweden—the future left wing of the forces of freedom. ism, which has gone so much too far already, I suppose (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, is this an accident? Is this there is no doubt that the policy of England and the im? (Applause and laughter.) Is this personal .. United States to unite. And I look with peculiar hope to What have lin my person, in my present, in my future, I Manchester, because—and I bow with deep respect to it— not to justify, but even to explain this universality of de- ! Manchester carried the principle of free trade. (Hear, monstration ? Nothing—entirely nothing; only the know- ' hear.) What Manehesterundertakes it will carry. (Cheers.) ' ledge that I am a friend of freedom—(applause)—though I . Now, excuse me, ladies and gentlemen, it may perhaps am nothing but the opportunity for the manifestation of ' appear strange w hat I say, but Ism deeply convinced of it. the instinctive feeling of so many nations, and at which I say that free-trade is not carried. Cheaper bread is car. ' the St. George of England is ready to ware the red ried, but free trade is not carried. (Hear.) Free trade' flag. Row can I say that this struggle is so will be carried when the produce of England's industry 1 near ? Why, ladies and gentlemen, I state it ' will have • free accessisu to the markets of Europe, from because it is. (Lead cheers.) Every man knows it ; every ' which by the absolutist principle they are now excluded. man feels, every man sees it. A philosopher was once (Hear, hear.) What I earns to England I took it for the questioned, bow he could prove the existence of God? rule of my behaviour use to mix with the internal affairs " Why," he =plied, "by opening my eyes. God is seen of England, because I wished to show that very respect for everywhere; in the growth of the grass, and in the move - a nation'sdamestie Weirs which I asked for my own coon ment of the stars ;in the warbling of the lark, and in the try. Bet I Iss enenserl when I find in England a feet thunder of heaven." (Loud cheers.) Even so I prove that largely atablYhsd es the law of the land which has a eta , the derisive struggle in mankind's destiny draws near. I nexion with the laws of my own country, if I mention it. appeal to the sight of your eyes ; I appeal to the pulsations And still eve& in thatreepiet I say that the freedom of Es -1 of your hearts, and to the judgments of _your minds. You rope is asonected sot oily with the tree trade —it 1 know, yo u see, you :feel that _ the judgment is:drawing • else esemented wide tie interest of the party near. Loud cheers) Row blind are those men who have in demob et I osseider that the the prin. ' the affectation to assert that it is only mallets Web eI tesedas is Image Is Seib • whirl, if duly men who push to revolution the continent at sonsidered, rot be we_ pony in England itself. ' Europe, which, but for their revolutionary plots, would he , bossism , if I take the pulosigis et free trade, it u carded a I quiet and contented ? (Laughter.) Contented! (Renewed nips* Is the inepertnien dens. Now, if I were a pro laughter.) With what ? (Loud and long shouts of laughter.) - teethed*. would I esdoavour le overthrow that law? No; With oppression and servitude? France contented, with its that were to try what is mondly and materially impend. constitution subverted ? Germany contented—with being : Me. It would scarcely be done witho u t many misfortunes. but a fold of sheep, pent up to be shorn by mine thirty ,to the country. It lust would Ido ? I would any petty tyrants ? (Loud cheers and laughter.) Switzerland ,on se a protectionist—if the delaitios of Issilislieb• contented, with the threatening ambition of encroaching I ist is to take guard of the agricultural a Id. r ou ? Italy contented, with the King of Naples ? or I to this country I would carry on the ete Imellelle with the prieetly government of Rome — the worst of human free exportation to other countries, that by dui MOW inventions ? (Cheers.) Austria, Rome, Prussia, Dalmatia , partition the Industry of England should have a penes 1 market, more employment, better wages, surer and more cadent labour for the industrialist or the manufecturer ; and by this they would, and in the best manner, promote the juiciest of agriculture. Because, where is better trade, where so more money, where is money hard to buy back that is bought by a country's produce? That would be the way to carry on, to protect the interests of agriculture— which of course are very important in every country—but that carrying on of the free trade principle to free exportation to other countries, is strongly connected with the • great principle of freedom. Without that it is entirely impossible. Let me especially honour th e people of Manchester, fur having so far carried out the principle. My poor nation, Hungary, even now, when groaning under the weight of despotism, consumes cotton manufactures of the value of two millions and a half pounds sterling yearly. In that consumption, which is a very great one, not a single yard of Manchester industry appears. Why ? Because the governments of every people are the greatest locomotives of principles. (Cheers.) An alliance between the absolutist principle and free govern ments and free opinions is impossible and unheard of. (Hear, hear.) And what would be the con sequence in the future, if Iluegary had a free government on the basis of liberty. Of course the Hun garians would undertake—will undertake—new develop ment& of industry themselves. But the cotton manufacture they could never think of, because it would nut be natural tothem. British exports during the last three years—that is to say, from the beginning of 1817 up to the end of 1849, that is the last year for which the returns have been made up by your Board of Trade—give an average of a fraction under 61d. for each individual of the Russian population. To Austria British exports are still lower, averaging for every individual a fraction over 40. per bead during the same period. Yet during these three years British exports to the United States have amounted on the average to more than 104. for each individual. Great as is this difference, the difference is daily increasing. The despotically governed countries are taking gradually lens, and the United Steno gradually more of your progress. In the three preceding years, 1814, 1445, and 1816, your ex ports to Russia averaged 714. They have fallen off, as I have had the honour to state, to 61d. During the same three years your caroms to the United States averaged 7s. 6d. They have increased by one quarter—that is to sae, up to 10s ; so that not only is your market increased with the increase of the United States' population, but every individual of the United States' population con sumes inure of your products, while in Austria and Russia the reverse has taken place. Yon will remark that though you ought proportionately to their reepectivepopulations to have five times more commerce with Russia and Austria than the United States, you have in fact wisely the times more commerce with the United States than with Russia and Austria; whence it may be inferred that under a free go vernment, your commerce with those countries would be at least five and twenty times its amount at present. If 12.5 or 130 millions of Russia, Austria, and Italy were in the name condition as the highly mani:tacturing United Staten, those millions would consume as much at least as 50 or 64 millions more than the amount of the whole taxation of England and Ireland, who wish naturally to reduce taxa tion by cutting down those articles whose very existence tends to the disturbance of peace. But how can you reduce your armaments whilst France has got her armaments on foot ready to the hand of Changaruier ; and how can you expect France disarmed whilst the armed despotisms are existing ? Therefore, I venture to say, that in entreating your aid for the slowy of tho principle of liberty of Europe's continent it is mo r e th an a di s p e ns a ble compliment to your free trade school, of which I see the most able leaders and most energetic promoters around me. I look to the protection of the Reform Society, to the Free Trade Society, to the Association of the Friends of Italy, as, of course ' the cause of Hungary and Italy must be identical. I openly declare that to none of these associations I look with more hope for a generous support than pre.asely to the Peace Association. (Cheers.) And should I not have entertained this expectation, the generous speech of one of your most eloquent and kind-hearted men, one of your most decided artisans, upholders and champions of freedom, would have convinced me I did not plead in vain for the support of that association of peace. (Cheers.) Too truly other associations can perhaps oppose the cause of Hungary. The Peace Society is morally obliged,to support it. If it is logical, certainly it is. If it as willing to fulfil the necessary conditions of its success, cer tainly it is. Everything depends on a good definition, and ' none of the Continent of Europe represents the true meaning of the word "peace.' Let us take first, in a private aspect, the word " peace." A man, for instance, is kicked out of his house. What. shall he do ? Shall he act according to the principles of the ' Peace Association—try to convince by reasoning ? Shall I ho require the protection of the law ? But what shall he do where there is no law ?—where he is out of the law ? I believe that to surrender so much, then, wculd be to sur render the principle of the security of property, on which a certain one pillar or two, of social order repose. It would be contrary to the instinct of self-preservation, which God him self has given us. Though I must consider the principle of peace whi,:h is taken up to be agit tied, carried out by the Peace Association, • principle for legislative adoption, the principle of non-resistance is a different principle to that of peace. That is precisely the case in Europe now. The nations are oppressed by the armed force of military go vernments. Despots will not give way—at least they will not without a struggle. Now what should do the aggressed nation ? Should they rely upon the principle of capitula tion to the Cur, or the other military Owen? Capitula tion is no ground that they sho u ld rely upon—that they will themselves abandon their power, never. If we look to history, where is there a single free country which was not forced to win its institutions ? In the first progression and development of opinion where is a single nation which was not forced to win these institutions by a legitimate defence of arms mainst arms? There is not a single case in his tory. Of course, when a nation is in the happy condition', of the people of England, it is an example of freedom to the world, which has its parliament, its free institutions, its responsibility of ministers, its public spiritand its position in the world. Such a country, of course, will never need to have recourse to arms as material forces. But how in England are these materials acquired ? If you had not had the revolution of 1665, what then would become of your parliaments? Therefore I confidently know that R is not possible for the glorious association of peace to have the intention to condemn the nations of Europe to • weak and artificial feeling of despotism. I ammo that every member of whatever society —Peace Society, or whatever else—temembers the great rule, "Thou shalt do to thy neighbour as thou wilt that thy neighbour shall do unto thee." I find in the Christian religion there is given to the emperor what be longs to him, but it is not taught by the Christian rele gion to give him what does not belong to him. The free dom of opinion is not the property of emperors. (Cheers.) The second principle of this glorious society is the princi ple of non-intervention in foreign matters. That is r a rleisely what I ask for : I am not come to Eng to sit your armed interference—to entreat England to take part in an armed restoration of Hungary. I only entreat England to respect, and make respected, the principle of the sacred right of every nation to dispose of its own affairs. (Loud cheers.) That glorious association I consider not an English society alone, but an association of the world. I am entitled to say I feel with confidence the identity of my principles with the principles of the association, and the identity of their prin ciples with my wishes and my wants; and it is, therefore, that I was confident that Manchester, being one of the most glorious workshops of the Peace Asso ciation, would prove to be a supporter of the cause of liberty ; and this my presentiment and expectation is closely fulfilled here. So, gentlemen, let me now, in • few words, say what is the pr a ctical results which Lin the name of my good country and in the interest of humanity, would entreat the practical and glorious people of Man chester to give a generous sympathy towards my cause. It may be that in these principles substantial aid may enter. I feel, gentlemen, that never in my life, from no one, would I accept anything. My life is a proof of it. I would rather starve. it may be my fault; I feel it is my nature ; but fur the triumph of liberty—for my dearest country, I would not be ashamed to go begging from door to door like a poor mendicant. (Cheers.) But there are yet other things to which I look for a practical result. Firstly, public opi nion has declared itself freely; but, to have force, this public opinion must go on pronouncing itself. Only I hope that the words of loistiar, "I would it were bedtime, and all were well," may never be taken for a motto by the people of England; but that public opinion may go on to pronounce itself. Therefore these are my wishes— meetings, petitions—a press to throw out the secrecy of diplomacy, and pronounce the will of the people of Eng land, that all may be considered a right when the great day of decision comes, I humbly ask this pronunciation of the public opinion of the people of England for a full acknow ledgment of the several rights of every nation to dispose of its domestic affairs. And by the principle of non-interfer ence I understand not to permit the interference of one nation with another. Here I take the opportunity to declare that it is true I for my own country and for myself have convictions, I consider that after what has happened in Hungary, if it were the most monarchical country in Europe, still the mare establishment of it is impossible, because the treachery of the House of Hamburg has blotted out every hope of it. But it never came to my mind to have the pretension to go round through the world to preach government principles. Wherever I go, I ac knowledge the right of every nation to govern itself as it pleases, and I will say that I believe freedom can dwell under different forms of government. This I say, because gentlemen whom I have had the honour to answer upon an address presented to me —of course, not having quite well understood my words— have given such a report as that I should have said, I could dered in Europe there was no other form of government possible—no other really constitutional form of government than a republic. That was • misunderstanding. I never said so. (Loud cheers.) I consider that a form of govern meet may be different, according to the peculiar circum stances of • nation. Freedom exists in England under monarchical government as under republican government. There social order is established. Combine my republican convictions with the principle of respect for the security of persons and property. (Applause.) Here, gentlemen, I will cud. The generous attention I meet with in England makes me believe you expected to fiad in me something worthy of your attention; now the spell is broken which distance had imparted to my name. (Loud cheers and " No, no.") The halo of expectation has died away, and here I sit, as a plain common man, as thousands and thousands are in your own country ; but ladies and gentlemen, however deep I may have fallen in your estimation as to myself, let me most certainly believe that the present day will not vanish without soma benefit to this cause of my unhappy land, and without some benefit to the cause of humanity. And, therefore, I cod with these words: People of Manchester, let nut the world, let not history say that on the eve of the last struggle between despotism and liberty, you had nothing better to give to the principle of freedom than the compassion of tender hearts. (Cheers.) People of England, shout out with manly resolution to the despots of the world, like the people of old, that the world shall be free—and you have given freedom to the world. (Immense cheering.) Dr. VAUGHAN moved the thanks of the meeting to the government and people of the United States. Mr. BAGLEY proposed a vote of thanks to the Sultan • after which, M. KOSSUTH proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman, and the proceedings terminated. After the meeting, last night, M. Kossuth and suite were to return to Woodlands, the seat of Mr. Henry, M.P., but no strangers were to accompany him, the reception being simply from Mr. Henry's family. This morning, et nine o'clock, there wu to be a reception at Mr. Henry's house, of about 200 persons, who had re ceived invitations to meet M. Kossuth. It was expected that M. Kossuth would leave Wood lands, en route for Birmingham, at about half-put eleven this morning. At a meeting of the town council of Shrewsbury, on Friday last, besides the regular business of the day, a letter was read from the committee of the " Kossuth Ban quet" at Birmingham, stating that "As it is intended that the banquet to be given in the Town-hall of Birmingham on Wednesday, the 12th inst., should assume, as far as pus sible, the general character of a midland counties' reception, arrangements would he made for accommodating the mayor and town councillors of Shrewsbury at the banquet." When this letter had been read, Mr. Councillor Taylor, who had not distinctly heard it, asked what it wns about, and the town clerk having informed him, Mr. Taylor expressed his disapprobation of the scheme in very energetic terms. Mr. Councillor Bastey said, he thought that corporations were instituted to attend to their own business, and not to meddle with Hungarian politics. The following answer from the Mayor of Shrewsbury to the incitation was then unanimously agreed to :—" Shrewsbury, Nov. 7, 1851. Sir,—ln reply to your communication, which I took this opportunity of laying before ■ meeting of the council of this borough this morning, I beg to say thnt the members unanimously decline haling anything to do with the mat ter; and I further have to state that collectively they do not consider it any part of their duty to mix themselves up directly or indirectly with the political differences of any foreign state whatever; and individually they one and all utterly disclaim any participation of feeling in the Kossuth movement, and in those sentiments I most fully concur.— EDWARD lluoues, Mayon—To Mr. Robert Wright, Bir mingham." Last evening a public meeting, to prepare an ad dress to M. Kossuth, was held at the British and Foreign School Room, Denmark-street, Islington. Th. attendance was very large, and Mr. TIMM. WAKLEY, one of the mem bers of the borough, was called upon to preside. The CHAIRMAN and several other gentlemen having ad dressed the nteetintr, a form of address for presentation to Kossuth, expressing admiration of his high personal cha racter and hope in his future career as a patriot, was agreed to. THE JUDGE OF TILE LIVERPOOL COUNTY COURT.-LORD CARLISLE'S INQUIRY AT PRESTON. PRESTON, Nov. 11. This inquiry recommenced this morning. The Earl of Carlisle took his seat at 25 minutes p net 10, and Mr. Serjeant Wilkins proceeded to address his lordship on behalf of Mr. Ramshay. Ile trusted that the adjourn-' meets which had taken place would not be attributed to any want of confidence in the intrinsic merits of Mr. Haim shay's case, for he should be prepared to show that the only real delinquents in the business which his lord ship sat there to inquire into, were those who had signed the memorial to his lordship, many of whom were justly . subject to the greatest censure, if not to the severest punishment. Ile went on to denounce the conduct of the memorialists, of Mr. Whitty, and others, in ' criticising unfairly, as be maintained, the conduct of Mr. ltamshay. Sir Robert Peel had culled the press the fl mirth estate," but was that a reason why that fourth estate should domineer over the other three ? Judges of the laud had had their motives arraigned by this so-called fourth estate, and though he loved liberty, let it be uniform, and let not a man who hides himself behind a printing press degenerate from liberty into licentiousness. The learned serjeaut then contended that the case of the memorialists had crumbled to pieces, that their object was to rob his lord ship of the patronage of the office of county court judge, by wounding him through the sides of Mr. Ramshay. Having commented at considerable length on the evidence adduced in supportof the memorial, he cited several autho rities to show that the courts have freely exercised the right of committal for contempt, or of inflicting a heavy tine for disobedience of merely verbal orders or admonitions. In the case of Clement the tine was 500 f., and Chief-Justice Abbot and the whole bench concurred in its propriety. Ile next brought before his lordship's notice the specific words of the act of parliament under which Mr. liarashay had been ap pointed, maintained that he had strictly and properly ap blied its provisions, and vindicated the powers which had een vested in him. The speech of the learned Serjcant was still proceeding at a late hour last evening. The number of witnesses to be brought forward is said to be considerable, and the investigation is not now expected to terminate before Friday next, at the earliest. THE KAFFIR WAR. Last evening a public meeting, called by the Peace and Aborigines' Protection Societies. was held at the London Tavern, Bishopegate-street. to investizate the causes and to consider a remedy fur the deplorable war now prevailing in South Africa, and the best means of obviating the recur rence of such a calamity. Me. SAMUEL GURNEY occupied the chair, and, in opening the proceedings, said the meeting had been called at the instance of the Peace and Aborigine's' Protection Societies', to take into consideration the disastrous war now going on in the Cape colony a war, which was an awful iufringement of the principles which they held to be sacred and true. Ile also thought that the promoters of this meeting had acted wisely iu thus procuring an occasion in which their scull meets could be publicly stated. He did not profess to say that the Kaffirs might nut in many instances have violated obligations, and done that which, according to the views of many, might have required great care to prevent its recur rence or continuance. lie did not profess to know very in timately the history of the colony from its origin; but there had been from time to time a SUOCCARiOII of wars between the British colonists and the Kahn : and perhaps he might say that as long ago as 1835 the late William Allea had stated publicly that if the system of coercion continued to be exercised which was exercised at that period it would cud in a Kaffir war, the consequences of which would be most disas trous. lie regretted that that system had been persevered in, resulting in a succession of wars, to the injury of our own people, the destruction of Kahn, and the retarding the prosperity of that part of the world. In the year 1836 the then governor of the colony took possession of a large tract of country east of the River Key, and to the honour of his late Majesty William the Fourth, it should be stated, that he would not accept thin accession of territory, which had been named Adelaide, and which was the desecration of a name to be always honoured in this country. He regretted that in the year 1816 a different course of policy had been pursued, and that ever since that period a constant resort to the sword had been practised, and hence irritations had arisen. It had been stated that the governor of the colony had put his foot on the neck of a chief who had attended a council. What other effect could such a proceeding have but that of irritating the people, who were attached to their chief ? There was another fact which had been stated in a pamphlet, and which he sincerely hoped was not true—that the governor bad used these words—" that he would expel for ever these treacherous scoundrels, whom he would destroy and exter minate." Was that the language which ought to be used by a representative of the people of England ? After al luding in terms of praise to a despatch of Lord Glenelg, in which he had expressed his intention to give up the then newly-acquired territory, the chairman concluded by ob serving that he thought they should strengthen their cause by net over-stating the facts they wished to bring forward on this occasion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. John Hodgkin, Mr. Richard'', Mr. O.W. Alexander, and the Rev. J. Burnett, then severally proposed and sup ported resolutions condemnatory of the war, and expressing a belief that, .t the present critical juncture, an intimation on our part of a desire for peace, conjointly with the eats blishment of an open inquiry on the spot, under the presi dency of impartial and independent civil commissioners, would tend to allay animosity and probably cause an im mediate suspension of hostilities. These having been carried, the meeting separated. THE GREAT EXHIBITION. —ller Majesty and Prince Albert paid • short and somewhat unexpected visit to the Exhibition yesterday; having, we believe, come up from Windsor expressly for the purpose. The royal party arrived at the Crystal Palace shortly after 12 o'clock, and were received by Ddr. Dilke and Mr. Cole, of the eirentive committee, who accompanied her Majesty and the Prince through the building. Her Majesty passed down the foreign nave, where the dispersed workmen of Babel would seem to have reassembled. In this once brilliant prome nade there remains but little to engage the attention, and her Majesty gave but a cursory glance at the relies las she passed by. Her Majesty then ascended the southern gallery, and returned towards the British side, where still less remains than in the foreign section. What seemed to engage mad of her Majesty's notice, was the building itself, which she had now a better oppor tunity of observing than on the occasion of former visits. when her attention must have been unavoidably dis tracted by the gorgeous accessories displayed on every side, and the living panorama moving within. We mentioned some time since, that as the hoarding which shut in the full view of the interior was being removed, the building was revealing itself as a marvel of beauty. Her Majesty was evidently much struck with the view which the interior of the building even now presents, and was heard to express herself in warm terms of approbation at the prospect. When it is completely free of the rubbish which now par tally disfigures it, it will present one of the finest architect tura] scenes of its kind in the world. The royal party re tired before one o'clock. The sappers and miners have been withdrawn from farther duty in the Exhibition, with the exception of some twenty or thirty who still remsia to assist in the removal of the packages. The Tuscan goods have been removed, and the American are to follow in a few days. Kati) intelligence. EQUITY COURTS.-YESTERDAY. Loot. nu Lours lcsnc■e co. Arm's- BUSINESS OP THE COURT. Upon their lo;;l4iips --- tiiling their ecato, Lord Justice Knight Bruce, addressing the Solicitor- General, said he had a communication to make as to the business of the court. A warrant bad lately been issued by the crown, by which jurisdiction in matters of hinscy was conferred upon the court, analogous to the jurisdiction hitherto solely exercised by the great ,rel. The COMO. quence was ' that it became necessary to fix upon one day in each week, during the sittings in Chancery, for the Lancing of petitions in lunacy. His lordship then n.tmed Wednesday la each week as the day on which the coin t would hsar pe titions of that description. ATTOONEY-OZNERAL V. )11:1:1•0( f This was a petition of appeal from dare,. made by Viee- Chancellor Wigram in November 1519. The suit arose out of the late secession of the Free church of Scotland, and the question was the right of possession, and use fin the purpose of public worship of a meeting hou-o toad premises at Ber wick-upon-Tweed, known by the name of the Low Meeting-house." The information was filed at the relation of some of the trustees of the meeting-house against Alexander Murdoch, the officiating mi neva r and those trustees who were not plaintiff.. The case made by the information was that though there was no deed of trust contemporaneous with the devotion of the premises to religious worship, or within a reasonable time atter, yet that the nature of the trusts were evidenced by certain deeds afterwerda cumin d upon the occasion of changes in the hotly of trustees ; that the trusts so evidenced were for the appropriation of the pre mises as a plac, of religious worship on the model 01 the church of Scotland, and in as strict connexion with thu same as was practicable ; that such trust was fur , her evi denced by the fact that from the fem.:l:dim of the charity in 1719, the miuisters appointed to officiate at the meeting house had been naiformly licentiates of the kirk, mist in strict communion therewith. It was then ailq.:-cd I.) the Atter ney-General and relators that Murdoch, w ho, at the time of his election as officiating minister in lo2n, a Hems tiate and ordained minister of the church of Scoland, had since adhered to that body which, after the decision of the Auehterarder caw, seceded from the eetablieh , d church of Scotland and constitutes what is now called the tree church ; and it was contended that by thus adhering to that body Murdoch hail become disqualified for sad was incom petent to exercise the Wilco of minister or pcstur of the Low Meeting-house. The information there ' tore sought a declaration that the L , w Mi (ding-holm and premises were subject to trusts for the appropri ation of the same as a place of public religious worship on the model of the church of .Scotland, unit in as strict con nexion therewith ns was practicable; and that no person was qualified for or competent to exercise the office of mi nister or pastor of the Low Meeting house without being a licentiate and a recognised minister of the church of Scot land, and in full communion therewith ; that the defendant Murdoch might be restrained from oectipy:ng and using the pulpit, and from preaching and teaching in, and in any manner officiating so the minister or pastor of the Low Meeting-house ; and that the defendants, the trustees, might be restrained from allowing the use of the pulpit to any person and Irons permitting any person to ;mach or tenets in the Low Meeting-house, not being such licentiate and recognised minister, and prom allowing or permitting the premises to be otherwise used than as LI place of public religious wor ship ou the model and in the strict connexion alumna The defendants by their answers contended that the trusts were for protestant dissenters gene rally, and that under that description any Christian protestant dissenter was admissible to the use or the meet ing-house as a place of worship, or to the office or minister thereof ; in fact that any Christian was admissible, except an episcopalian, who coedit not be said to be a dissenter ; a Roman catholic, who was not a pro testant or a puseyite, who was a composition of both. 'rho court below had made a deems to the t tfeet asked for by the information; and had directed the casts of the suit to beP;idbTictim-G the erdefeennedrat defendants. 'f he So (with whom were Mr. Little ant Mr. T. Deere Salmon) was heard fur the plaintiffs, in sup port of the Vice-Chancellor's decree. Ills address occupied the entire day, and was nut concluded at the rising of the court. Mr. Itolt, Mr. Malin!, Mr. Selwyn, and Mr. Lewin, ap penr fur the different derentlanto. In the course of the argument Lord Justice Knight Bruce referred to the bulky character of the pleadings and evidence iu the cause, and observed that the amount of costs already occasioned by the proceedings, was more than suflicieut to have enabled the opposing parties to devote the present building to au indifferent purpose, and to have built each a meeting house to be used .li-cording to their own peculiar view,. grrit,Gs to I apcorii's-ory. mum me LoaziCaaweas.con! HAWRISII V. THE EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY Cot. 1•A71Y.-NON-FULFILVEVT OF AGREEMENT TO PURI:HARM LAND.-QUESTION OP TITLE. This was au appeal from an order of the Vice-Chan cellor, referring to the Master to ascertain how the matter of title in dispute stood. The plaintiff was the owner of a small estate in the neighbourhood of Spalding. In the years 1846-7 the Eastern Counties Railway Company pro jected is branch line from Wiffseach to Spalding, and the line of deviation included a portion of the plaintiffs pro perty. lie offered the. schema much oppo,ition ' and atter some negotiation an agreement was mot: to to the effect that the plaintiff should forego his uppo,iti ct in consideration that the cempauy undertook to make au absolute purchase for the sum of 8,11001. for the property, 4,001 f. by way of compensation for the removal and some other expenses in curred by the plaintiff; and that within eighteen months of the bill passing into a law. This agreement between the parties was duly executed. The company went to pasha merit, and the bill was passed in July, 1817. 'The plaintiff possessed a portion of the estate iu fee simple, of the re maindcr he was only tenant for life ; but a clause was in serted in the act to purchase land fur extraordinary pin poses not exceeding a quantity speciff.ll. Immediately after the act passed the plaintif f prepared to remove, and gave notice to the company that they might take possuasiou of his house. Circumstances, however, occurred which in duced the company not to construct the line, and the eighteen months elapsed without carrying into effect the agreement fur the purchase. Proceedings 'sore thereupon instituted to compel performance, and the Vice-Chancellor made a reference to the Master to ascertain hew the title stood. Sir k array Kelly (with him Mr. Loftus Wigrarn and Mr. Follett) supported the appeal. The first objection raised by the ilefendanta was to the effect that the act of parliament obtained by the company did nut come within the meaning of the agreement, inasmuch us a short branch at Spalding, originally contemplated, had IN. , llahrindoned. To this it was answered that thus had nothing to do with the agreement, nor had the branch line anything to do with the plaintiff's property. It was ti.e projected main line, and nut the branch, which proposed to encroach uu the land. The second objection was, that the plaintiff, being only tenant for life of a portion of the property, was not in a condition to give a title. The learned counsel contended that the clause in their act empowering tho company to take land for extraordinary purposes, taken in connexion with the provisions of the Linda Clauses Conso lidation Act (8 Vic., c. 19, 116, c. 8) enabling all corporations, tenants in tail, tenants for litc, &c., to dispose of land, placed the plaintiff in a position to give a valid title ; and it was contended that the agreement was a good agree ment in point of law, and ought to be enforced. Mr. Bethel! (with him Mr. Groves) was proceeding with his argument on the other side, when the court rose. Bast[ TIM MAMA or nit RoLLIII. POVE O. POPE. This case came on for hearing uiuu a special case, arising out of the construction of a will. It appeared that the testator, John Field, of Oxford-street, veterinary surgeon, by his will, dated the 30th of January, 1833, devised a sum of 10,0001. Consols to trustee* in trust, to pay the interest to his daughter Mary, and after her death to any husband she might marry, and after the death of the survivor to divide the fund amongst such of her issue as should survive her and her husband, and in case any ouch issue dying in her life time then that the issue of such issue should take among-t them the share of his, her, or their parent. Mary, the daughter, married a Mr. ohn Gould, having issue, a daughter, named Mary, who married a Mr. John Robinson Pope. Of this marrows there are two children, John Gould Pope and Ernest Pope. On the death of Mrs. Gould the trustees under the marriage settlement of Mr. and Mrs. Pope claimed the transfer of the 10,0001. to theist as the ab solute propeity of Mrs. Pope, which the tru.tecs under the will declined to do. The question now before the court was whether Mrs. Pope was entitled to the whole of the fund, or whether het two children were entitled to two thirds of it. The Master of the Halls said there was no doubt that the word "issue" was used for " child ;" but the word " issue " in its primary and ordinary signification, m e a n t all the de scendants, and in that case it was not incessary to specify anything beyond the word " issue." la this case, how ever, the testator went en to say, " the issue of such issue." He might have used the word " descendants," but he used the word " issue ;" and the explanation in the second clause, " the issue of such issue," restricted the meaning of it to " child." The testator meant to say' "In ease any child of my daughter should die in her lifetime, the chil dren of that child shall take the parent's share." There was no doubt the testator meant by the word " issue" the children of his daughter. Ile therefore decreed that on the death of Mary Gould Mrs. lope became absolutely entitled to the sum in question, and that it be trauaferred to the trustees under her marriage settlement. Hama THE-Ciu•czia.qi. Sni B. liswzmuLET. BITSINT.J.4 OF THE COL:RT.—PETITION& The Vice an -Chcellor upon taking his seat, stated he wished it to be understo od . that all unopposed petitions were to be lett with his secretary one clear day, at least, before they were put in the paper for hearing. This course ho bad adopted in order that he might bare the time of the court, by looking through all the petitions himself. Thus, if a petition.were placed in Tuesday's list, it must have been left with his secretary by three o'clock on Saturday. THE ATTulltiti-ORNERAL O. LORD AliKAN.—Selislla FOR A CHARITY &MATZ. An information had been tiled iu this case by the At torney-General, at the instance of certain inhabitants of Oxford, for the regulation of a charity left by a testator named Edmund Boultsr, in the year 1736, for the esta blishment of almshouse*, and for the support of two apo thecaties to supply the poor of the county of Oxford walls physic and medical advice, and also fur the establishment of a scholarship at Pembroke College, Oxford. A scheme had been approved of by the Master, but an objection was raised as to the application of a surplus fund of 500 f. or about 161. per annum. The Master had reported that it would be desirable to accumulate this fund milli I`.i. r,t".l. • it , t(2% VAS .‘"\q- ~~ea~xX~