The Express. — London, England, 1853-05-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE. OF COMMONS.—TnrasDAT, NIAY 5. The Seism ww took the ehair a little before 4 o'clock. S.r J. Itamsoce, the newly.aleeted weather furloton, took the oaths and his seat. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time end pawed: Ilultngdru and Rawtenstall Water-works ; Leeds ties (No. 2) ; Price's Patent Candle Company (No. 2); Ststkird eire Potteries Waterworks; Wigan Waterworks and Police ; 11111,. The aladru Railway Company Bill wsa considered cad agreed to. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS PRESENTED. THR BUDGET.-14 Sir H. F. DAVIE, from nodding toes for modification of the present male of booing income tas on burgh rssenues •' Mr. 11. VIVIAN, nusneronsly signed by grocer+, tea and tobacco dealers, resident in Truro, against Um heroes *theme of the Chancellor of the Each:goer; Mr. P. O'BRIEN, from the board of goer disas of the Far , onstown Poorlan Union, against the ex tension of the Meowe tax to Ireland; Sir W. CODRING TON, from the Gloucestershire Medical and Sursieal Ain` elation. eoraplaining of the unjust nature of the Income tag as regards professions; Mr. BELLEW, frins poor-law guards's= of the Bellew Cajun, against the extension of the 100011:111 pax to Ireland ; Mr LIENCIIY, from Kildare, against the extension of the income tas to Ireland; Mr. FREWEN, from a place in Susses, and Sir E. GOOCH, from a place in Suffolk, against the increase of duty on Moult o. OPIININO or Tn. CRYSTAL PALAU! ON SUNDAY,- By Lord GRANBY, from Ilemington and Castle Donnington ; Mr. WIGRAM, from industrial classes of St. James's Clerkenwell, and from several other places; L ord LOVAINE, from the inhabi tants of Loa; Honley ; Mr. BROCKLEIIIIRST, from working men of 31acclistield ; Viscount SEAHAM, from works*/ men of Castle Eden, in the county of Durham ; Mr. DOD, truss Salop; Lord A. PAGET, from Lich fi eld —against. Mr. B. NS ALL, from several places, in favour. CONSOLIDATION OF TRY LONDON AND EDINSUAOII Oassrrits.—By Mr. COWAN, from the Society of Solici tors is the Supremo Courts of Scotland, against. MALT TAS.—By Mr. COBDEN, from Waltham, Far tries, Basting, Basingstoke Oakley, Sharbarse, Nava hos, Wootton, Leasehott ; for repeal of. Arms:yin' CMITSPICATZ Dirrtr.—By Mr. RICE, from solicitors of Dam, to be rdieved from. OCCTUATIOR 1:17 RWIR IST FILAKCI AMA AUSTRIA.— * Colossi BOYLE, from Vrome, summon% a bops that SIMI Maumee of thu country would b• ured to Wog about, tba withdrawal. _ Nowsrartu STAMP Derr.—By Sir F. THESIGER, from a Stasolord_paper, fur abolition of. UOTRIL. . EDUCATION SCHINI.—By Mr. COBDEN, from Yorkshire, against. lama Fissintuoit—By Sir R. G. BOOTH, from the proprietors of fisheries in Mayo, Galway, Donegal, and rshgo, agsinst the bill about to be brought before the house for the improvement Of. BAKNSTAPLI Etncrtoo.—By Mr. W. 0. STANLEY, from • witness named Ireland, examined before the Barn staple Committee, requesting to be examined before a select committee or • commission, and declaring himself prepared to sabstaatiate all he had said. KATIZIAOI WITU A DECZASZD Wtrx's SISTER.—By Mr. COBDEN, from the towns of Sheffield, Haworth, Brother ton, Fairborn Oremington, llammerton , Ilkley, and Keighley, in tie county of York, signed by the mayor, ma gistrates, alarmist, town councillon, surgeons, merchants, solicitors, tradeentea, and o th ers to the numbe r of 3,003, 399 of these being married women ; Sir G. GOODMAN, from the towns of Batley, Hesdingly, Armley, and Dews bury, in the county of Vert, signed by merchants, menu faeturerg, and others, to the number of a4O ; Mr. C. FOILS THU, from the towns of Swansea, Denbigh, and Wrexham, squad by clergymen, dissenting ministers, magistrates, soli eaten, medical - men, Sliki others, to the number of 1,0413, 110 of these being married women ; Mr. RICE. from Dover, Deal, Ramsgate, Margate, Rochester, and Walmer, in fa vour of. Dion Els tw SCOTCH UNITERBIIII6.—By Mr. LOCK HART, from the Senate of the University of Glasgow, somplaining of a duty of ten pounds being imposed on all medical degrees granted by the Scotch Universities. UNIVINAITINS (SCOTLAND) HILL. —By lir. LOCK HART, Irom the Prnbytery of Biggar, against. RETUILNi ORDERED. On the motion of Ilr. R. Fox—Returns of all digoitiee and benefices the retinues of which are Tested in the Ec- for Inland, .p. tying lb. wipes of each, the sat of pailiantest nadir which 'apposition took place, in what diocese situated, the anneal value, vie., rent charge, rent, and fiat, if say, with the madly of land, the assess of the ministers who now have the care of the protestant population in each, their number, es tar as it can be seetrtaitted, and the stiptad ** M mil a= Of all maws received by the sileiters et dis tfal asetentra fur Ireland, for the pegmatite, Ike., of the peepasity deed+ of mamma, the renewal of leases, ststrests fur Much weeks beyond the amid salaries of WMi alknoul to them and their elerks, ea* head of semests under which the dlsbrummest was Mined is the megents of the board submitted Of all aster due and uncollected by the SsslssfeMlasl Osumi shlNVlßO for Irulasd, from any IMMO of pat esaat imams, as the lit day of l'abreary last, disMi Jihias each lielirie and twaellea out of which the same wee mal. sad the yearly balance of the same. Of all sweep et re savers' fen received by the tromuser or any ether is thesesployment of thellesiedentiesl Cemisiedgmes rr a e lesd far 7 years pat, te the lat day of February ism with the asses of the pants., the ems pad le sash. sad the heed of me* snits whisk the disheremest was ash aped is the rival sageols misaiteed M the he.... Of the sown of the mega Mists Wan seder the Eaeieristlaei Commilesers ter laird, in disuses, &Ma tisse whir hive per ia, with as await of rest tint Mk psys i and is the ems of theme set Mani peepeesily surreyesese, the dale if their lest resewals and the seas that woad sow be payable by molt if all were mid* te pay, the ealenlaties se be made to the last pale day, with summaries. Copies of all miss nerel orders, and bye-laws of the Ecologies** Cosmiw aisserm for Ireland, with the names of the ammideners pram when they received the sanction of the bead, sad c say that have not been appreged if by the tre i Lad tenant, as required by the sots real 4 Wm. IV., s 37. And of all orders of the Privy Com& is Ireland for the miss sad division of parishes sines Jeremy, 1818, sad for the die prepriations for bishop's% dithitiesis, asda the CiturghTsesperslities Acts sines Aspea, 1833. On the mass et Mr. Balms returos of the number of day wheels esd Ilanday Mods end of the ember d day Melees and Mina Mei* is Ragland and Wass, with the between pails md pri vate ilay=e nab nail Innis 'chasm secardins Se the mum of Ma. Oa the meths of Mr. Menni—esgy et swanned* addressed by the Fedi* sea nimbus sit Merl Our . *Oka floslay bar 311Metre Inee end pees* ismer meet, essistasse enable thme mei* the *ma of that misty to spread ompeephiesl hameledge meeteffeetuaL Address fee esteem ef the pesseedimp of every county mart in Masi* god Welm sailfish* miler the act 9th sad 10th Vision* drip. 11, foe WS, being in esstlaustioe of Parliameatery tepee Its. MIL WISTMINStER;BRIDGE. We W. MOUWWOII , III moved for leave to beim at bW to trander Weetalsetor-bridge. tad the estate..l "the eeimheilesee of Wistadaeler-bridge," to the Calarsio steams onto M. Wails sad Fedi. Boildiort, sad to aside auk kat-tintsso oteasitaieeere to mane the mama Id*. sal OD bald a sew Midge as or was die lie therm/. Igen was — gives... DOCKYARD COMMITTER.' Lord SEYMOUR moved o whines Os Om Mom of Lords, re perairios to meads" tho Doke of, Northombo goootheg rload before this soamitioo.—Airosi aLscrios comurrizi su tirm tb. M 7 committee of saleedehe c emmilMiag the ememileem to M 7 the election petitions he Tlymemb, Dark, sea Mhos places (for which use preseeeler of committess). NOTICES OF MOTION. INDIA. Mr. °TWAT. otter NiFitrti:uptitle, to submit • •••tio• at the eubjeet of India. LAW OF WILLS. Mr, lIAIWiItLD, so Moony, to ash Lora 3. fawn whether the goverment would lay btdin t`• ken • copy of the communion issued by the Igo promossoll for inquiring tato testamentary jusiedictin. LEOACY DUTIES. Mr. FRESIIFIELD, to pat •• gnestima to the Chimaera a the EaeMguer oa this subjeet, Mr. ft. PALMER, to more as an amendment is the lagecy duty resolutions, • resolution to the (Beet that real property should only be chargeable on the nett value. LIGHTING AND VENTILATION OF THE HOUSE. Sir DE L. EVANS caked whether the present system of lighting the hood was under the management of Mr. Chu mmy, or in the charge of any one recommended by him. Also, whether it was the intention of the Board of Works to slier the system of ventilation of the home to meet the °seditious panted oat by Mr. Gurney in his reports made to the house last session. Nit W. Koziswoßrn add that Mr. Ginn? had bees liessdviee to thileenimiseioners o works on = S treet ln Olen lighting and ventilation. Is coaseinence of the advise he gave, altendlems had Imes made in the lighting of the bog" and seldig meahbng tbsy were under his ehuge. samples" •eee.sd seeeseihdly coin pieted them. ibe dregs tad bees shoe d ander Mr. Mu sa*, she bed bees appointed by John Manners. It was ant the fellathe of the Board of Works to make any alteration in the ventilation of the house. Sir D. NORREYS said, that on Monday night the ther mometer is the gallery had stood at 73 deg., and the hest wu the most oppressive ho had ever expenenced in the house. lie wished to know whether the present arrange ment thc.t had been made in reference to tho ventilation had been approved by the committee that was appointed by the house to superintend the lighting, and ventilation of the hour-, which committee comprised Mr. Locke and Mr. Stephenson. Mr. BRIGHT also wished t, ask whether there was any prospect of the ventilation of the house being so improved that th, y should not be in the condition of Sheffield grinders. (Laughter.) There was so much dust contian lly in suspension, that he wu quite satisfied it must he most pernicious to the hellth of '4 nothing - (Ewe hear) could be dose, it would be better to bold their salting,' in some other building until the evil was rem -414d. (Heir, heir) Sir W. MULESWOR 111 (who ike with his Web to the gallery) was anderitood to say that no altered°p had been made in the ventilation of tie Douse sines last year. ' If these complaints continued, and, Mr. Meese. were not able to ventilate the house to the satisfaction of hen. mem ' hers, Mr. Gurney would be spin applied to. (Hear. bear.) The great heat is the gallery on Moats night might pro !ably be owing to there being nearly 300 members mit He attributed the dust to the continual coming in and going out of members. (Laughter.) NEWSPAPERS IN BARRACKS. Sir J. V. SHELLEY asked whether any new order had been made with reference to the admission of newspapers into barracks, and if so whether there would be any objet lion to state the subatomic* of it, or lay it on the table of the house ? Mr. 3. HERBERT said it bad been stated that a restrie- tion had been imposed on the admission of newspapers to barrack libraries, bat this was not the cue. The fasts were as follow :—When he became Secretary at War he found that no newspapers were allowed to be read in the reading-room attached to the barracks, and the math was, that the soldiers formed separate clubs for the purpose of reading newspapers in public-houses and else where, which had a Nut effect. (Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that there was no objection to their reading them in the barrack libraries, and the order that had been issued had not been a restriction, but an extension of the privilege of reading newspapers in the library. It was to the effect that they might read all newspapers, except those which were of a controversial nature on religious subjects. The house would agree with him that that was a very proper restriction, seeing that the army comprised great diversi tke of religious opinion, and that newspaper articles on those subjects were generally written with gnat acrimony. It bad also been thought right to exclude newspapers in dulging in controversial remarks on matters of military discipline. (Hear. hear ) Sir J. SHELLHY asked if that excluded the United Service Gazette. Mr. S. HERBERT—The United Stroke Griot& dis tinctly comes under tie denomination of one of the classes that I have mentioned. SCOTCH UNIVERSITY DEGREES. Mr. W. LOCK HART embed if the attention of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had been drawn to the stamp duty on every degree of doctor of medicine panted by the Uni versities of Scotland. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, be should be very (Yid le NM enit Slinip ONO at • very raoderate rate ; by bb linaglat Mr ben. sodenan was not accurate in his Opends• r ea the ingodity at the pre sent *tamps. - _ SAYINGS BANKS. Mr. MASSEY eked whether it was the intention of the government to introduce any measure for giving additional security to the depositors in uvings' banks. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, it was his intention, es he bad stated in the early pert of the me sloe, to lay on the table of the house a bill for improving the constitution of savings banks, and patting it in the power of those who so deposited their savings to have better security than they now enjoed. THE LONDON AND EDINBURGH GAZETTES. Mr. COWAN asked whether it was intended to proceed with the bill for consolidating the London and Edinburgh Gazettes, and whether the charge for advertisements would be reduced to the public. Mr. WILSON said, the object of the measure wu to re dnee both the pries of the papers and the coat of the adver. tisementa. The public would have been enabled to possess themselves of both Gazettes for nearly the same price which they now paid fur one. However, there seemed to be very great objection in Scotland to the mode in which he proposed to accomplish this. He would not say that he should abandon this mode ; but whatever mode were adopted, its chef object would be to lessen the cut of the papers, and also of advertising. NEWSPAPER STAMPS. In SlliWer to an hon. GIN/LIMAN. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Gala he should wish to defer for a week or a fortnight laying on the table of the house the government resolution on these stamps, as the matter was in some way connected with their proposal respecting the advertisement duty. - - CUSTOMS AC ES BILL. The house west into committee on this bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved two resolutions of a supplemental character with regard to the increase of the spirit duty. One of them intended to pro• vide for the importation of spirits from the Channel Islands, and the other had reference to the excise on strong liquors analogous to spirits. Mr. MAGUIRE inquired what Instructions had been issued with regard to the demanding of the increased duty in Ireland, because the duty had been demanded there at 12 o'clock at midnight on the 20th, although the resolutions had not passed till the 21st. I;;Ciligail,loliOf the EXCHEQUER said the proceedinp had been perfectly correct. The duty was to be charged on or after the resolutions paned. They passed on the 2lst, and as the 21st began at 12 o'clock at midnight of the 20th, the proeseding was quite correct. The parties would of mares be allowed for the charge of duty if the resolutions bed sot been agreed to by the house. The resolutions were then agreed to. 1311RWICK-ON-T WERD WRIT. —.....--. - On the motion for resuming the adjourned debate on the issuing of the writ for Bernick-on-Tweed, Mr. PHINN said he thought it desirable that the atten tion of the home should be called to the co duct that ought to be adopted with respect to the issuing of new writs for boroughs which had been reported on by committees of the house. It seemed to him that the present was a convenient time for doing this, as the case which was now before the house would illustrate some of the evils of the present sys tem. talon the house adopted some uniform rule on the subject, they would have party debates on tho occasion of the issuing of new writs for every borough. ((fear, hear.) It was said that if they made inquiry into the practice of these boroughs it would pro era.stinate any attempt to reform the representation. But be believed that active and vigorous commissioners could get at the bottom of the system in three or four days. (Bear, hear.) And all they wanted was to get at the sys tem and not at every individual voter who was bribed. If that did not ado t iaquiry in this case he thought it wersU be to the house. All other institutions win ebed to periodical inquiry, and why not have a inquiry likewise into the state of the reprennta am (am, bear.) Be had given notice of an &mad ame. peelpeaing the issue of the writ in this can till the tad et Jmee, and believing that inquiry was absolutely ne mew le arrive at a bewailed(' of the facts, be begged leave te man seanal that the issuing of the writ be Pc 2,itsifttrit ba was anxious to hear from the ben. and lemma gentlemea an what grounds he could justify the nispeusiew et dm writ in this case, in the absence 'lazy special report fres the committee, aa4 in the ab ases likewise of the Wastes of 'videos*. He could now umbeetead why the hes. and learned gentleman had not mend be the production of the evidence', as it was clear he esemiled his motion on an article in the Tinges and letters in the Daily News, and a Berwick paper, and also on the Crnotoriety of the corruption of Berwick. (Hear, .1 81 The hon. and learned gentleman might think it strange, but be could assure him that he was not aware of the great notoriety of the corruption of Berwick. He could not help thinking there was some political motive at the bottom in this modest—perhaps a new ease was wanted for a e 'form bill ; hat no ouch mo• Ivo ought to be allowel to iriter.ere with th • rights of the town. Sir P. THESIOER said that there wen no grounds, as it appeared to him, on which the writ could be suspended with a view to a hirtheri nquiry. The act of parliament said that if the house directed an inquiry, this was to have no effect upon the Wain of the writ, sad, although it might be desirable to appoint a *sleet committee to inquire into the grounds of a charge against a gentleman who had been a member of that house —(hear, hear)—to suspend the writ would in his judgment be unjust towards the constituency of Berwick. Mr. WHITESIDE wished to state, as a member of the committee, that all the attorneys who were examined swore that there wee no compromise. The house then divided— Pm tM oriBtoel motion For the eateadeteut COUNTY RATES AND BILL. • 13;;;; ;Ours to the gallery we foun d Mr. li GIBSON appealing to the government to fix a day for the further eonsiderstion of this bill, supposing it to be displaced ea the present occasion by the committee of ways sad mesas. Lord J. RUSSELL could sot, is the state of the public badness, give a government day. Perhaps the right bon. member might be able to find a Wednesday. (A laugh.) Mr. M. GIBSON would fix it for Wednesday nest, in the hope that this application might be remembered. THE NEW GUNPOWDER PLOT. On the order of the day for the committee on ways and means being read, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, I wish now to put the ques tion of which I have given notice to the noble lord, the Secretary for the Home Department. I wish to ask him— two informations having been lodged against Mr. Hal*, manufacturer of war rockets—whether it is the intention of her Majesty's ministers to advise the Crown to ap pear to the seconl information laid under the provisions of a law of William 111., in the year 1697—(hear, hear)—entitled an act to prevent the firing of squib*, serpents, and other fireworks ? (Loud laughter.) Now in asking this question, I will state shortly, not only my reasons ( or asking it, but Mao how the facts actually stand as regards thidefendant in this case ; and I think I shall be able to prove that never was so absurd or ridicu lous a prosecution instituted us political grounds in this country. (Loud cries of " H. ar, hear.") Now, air, as to its being instituted fur political purposes, and on political grounds, I appeal to the noble lord the Secretary far the Home Department himself, who I think admitted the fact in his place in this house. Kossuth complains of being libelled in the Times, but I think that the noble lord, the Secretary for the Heine Department, might complain with much better reason. (Loud cheers.) It is only two years since this house passed a resolution of approbation of the noble lord's foreign policy. I had the pleasure of voting for that resolution, but en what was it founded ? On the :independent lino adopted by the noble lord in his communications and dealings with foreign countries. (Loud cries of " Hear.") But now the Times praises him, and in this case the eulogy of the Tamer is • libel, for it means that the noble lord is not after all so anti-Austrian in his sympathies as was supposed. (Hear, Lear.) Mr. Halo has had two in formaions laid against him, the first ?Most under what is the Ounpowder Act of Geo. L of 111. ,'der that ar t .. he was se:et:need to pay a penalty of 2s. in th e pound on lbe of a composition which he had maintained, and which the trade generally maintained W 34 not gunpowder. (User, nose ILI short, nobody thought it was gunpowder mill it wee lumghtto Brer•streek - Mr. Male had in his possemion, phon his prtmites were broken into, 241b5.,0ut be was so knotwledged by the magistrate to bo a trader, and as a trader, be was entitled to have in his pommies 200 lbs. Unfortunately, Mr. Hale, who bad, is the Ant in wanes, been aiming on -hie works clued to Woolwich Arsenal, removed 40 ROthilthitiill, whorahe violated the act by being within three miles of the City of London, as it appears that no man can make powder within three miles of my right bon. colleague the Lord Mayor and the e ration, lest by any chance that distinguished and val:a% body might be all blown up. (Load laughter.) Under these circumstances Mr. Hale was condemned, het another ---___, question arose as to whether the imposition produced was really gunpowder or not. Chemical witnesses were exa mined, one for the go vernment and one for Mr. Hale. Dr. Ure, on the part of Mr. Hale, said it was nothing like gun powder. Mr. Hoffman, for the government, said it was but the manufacturers from whom Mr. Hale obtained it,and who, I believe, manufacture also for the government, said that it by the trade. (Haar, hear.) Well, Mr. Henry takes time to consider his judgment. He goes home and rushee to Ma " Encyclopedia Britanoics" to end out what gunpowdes molly Is. After three days he comes down again to court, AIM Mt my a word of the evidence of Dr. Ure or Mr. Hoff% mina, but finds oat that the composition is really gunpowder according to the " Encyclopedia Britanniea," because for moth our ancestors were in the beta of using gunpowder in an ungrsusulated state. (A laugh.) His worship said it was only is these days of progress that gunpowder was granulated, and forthwith he granulated Mr. Hale to the tune of di. 14s. (Loud laughter.) That was the tai of state prosecution number one. (Laughter.) I sew itenle to the proof that these were seats prosecutes.. Mr. Bodkin, the counsel for the crown, said that there was another information to which the attention of the magistrate would by and bye be directed, and with which circumstances were connected which would commu nicate quite a new character to the proceedings. Every one knows that it was intended to identify Y. Kossuth, in some way or other, with these transactions. (Hear, bear.) Mr Clarkson sesgested that it would be better to try the question before the court, although he was satisfied that the mind of the mightrate would not be isithetned by anything that was to Mow. Then came the second information, rare .;ft the vat explosion, wi th which Mr. Hale and Himenth inemoM to subvert all the gweernments is Europe. New, soder whet law was this second information laid ? Under an act paged in the 9th year of William 111., 1697, an act which I will venters to say—except for a few yearn subsequent to its passing—has been a dead letter, and asleep up to this day. (Hem, hear.) And here is what I complain of, and what the people of England complain of, that in the present day a state prosecution should be car ried on under an act entitled "An act against throwing squib", ',vast', and other fireworks." (" Hear, " and • laugh.) Now, under this act there can be no doubt that Mr. Hale Me been guilty of a violation of the law, he admitted it, and every ens will admit it, but so has every one who an make rockets or fireworks for Vauxhall or Cremorne. (Cheers.) Why, there is not a Inciter matelt maker in Lesion who is not liable to prosecution under this act. Bat who ever thought that a political prosecution would be 'agitated under it? (Hear, hear.) Well, the case was gain brought before Mr. Henry, who was most pro bably ashamed of the whole proceedings, and three or four Mamas were examined. Three or four Hungarians—no, net Hungarians, but political exile", who had been merely eldest' of charity in the eyes of M. Komuth—were used as whatnot_ *gnat him. The first of them bad already re Wad Beglialt hospitality on the treadmill at Maidstone Gad. (Lad laughter.) That was one of the hon. and issued er-General's witnesses, and there were two Olt ONO WNW Germans who were not much better. They hat all bee* sent as objects of charity to.hir. Hale, on the understanding that one of them—the Prussian thief.,had Itemerly been employed in the artillery, and knew some thing of rockets and squibs. A great deal was made at the investigation about his being desired not to talk of what we puss on in the rocket factory; but I believe this was messy , as he wee in the habit of associating with riembote vagabonds, who might misrepresent, and who it appear' did misrepresent, and by whom the government was grossly deceived. Mr. Henry said he would not decide summarily in this case, he was again bewildered, but in this , ale he could get no help from his " Encyclopedia Britan nia," and so be sent it over to the Surrey magistrates at cession, who sit close to Vauxhall, and are therefore sup posed to be very good judges of fireworks. (Laughter.) So this state prosecution is now before the magistrates under the act of parliament, of which I have shown the house its teens and original object. I would ask, is this a worthy entree for the government of a great country to take ? If Hr. Hale and Kossuth have been guilty of any conspiracy to levy war against any country with which we are now in amity, I say indict them at once. (Cheers.) But if they have not, don't rake up an old act of parliament which has slept for 160 years even with regard to the making of ordinary fire works. What is all this for? Nothing can be more un palatable than this to the people of this country who look upon the whole of this transaction with unmitigated dis gust. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I believe that no prosecution could be more damaging to • government to which every one on this side of the house wishes to give a fair trial. The impression is that all this is done to please the Austrian government, and there is strong evidenee of that in the foreign papers• and this is a point to which I wish particularly to all th e attention of government. There recently appeared in a Frankfort paper an article on the subject, which was translated into an English paper with the heading " English police the spies of foreign despots." The Frankfurt paper gays "It Is now confirmed' that the Prussian police " (Here the hon. member, who read with some difficulty, was interrupted by a general cry of " Light.") I want to throw light on the whole subject. (Laughter.) " That the Prang= police were most efil- Measly assisted in the late political arrests In Berlin by re peated communications from the police of London, without which many of the discoveries might not have been made." You eosin this " proof of the good faith of the British go vernment who, through Lord Westmoreland, had assured the cabinet of Vienna that for the future the refugees should be watched, and an exact account kept of their movements." What will Europe think of England, and of theed state to which she is reduced, if this 'be not (Loud chew.) It is quite right that the miles of London should communicate to vete sevemments information respecting refugees whohad Bed un sealant of felony, or some other heinous offence, bit May have no right to communicate with foreign go vernments on political subjects, or respecting political MIMS either here or there. Bat to show that Alnelint =mat had something to do with this, tbae sgpg.eJ in the Augsturg Gazette, of the 14th April mad termiliabar that lisle's rockets were seized on the tillb—en ankle headed, " Munich, April 12," to the diet that In Landon revolution was allowed to takecounsel, In prepare desnestin weapon!, rockets, M. Now there met have been mess esemanication between certain par- MOW, and hodon mem, and after all the Times is not Ht mon when it says that this government, urged by the government of Austria, Is deter mined to carry out their views with regard to political . Now, air, I think that the best communication Mr Donk make to Austria or other power', when they make their applications to watch political exiles, would be to give them • little advise, sad to tell them to look at the free institutions of this eenney, aid to say that the mafiscatious of Lombardy ad the ereftee which lately =elMilan and Mantua an net Me best means of as m affections of their eithiane—ibear, lanz)—and that, me to following oat any inetruniem with Impart to spying over the conduct of patient relnpes se ether per sons in this country, sash a scene weak not be submitted to by the people of Insiend. (Lind cries of " liar, hear. We want no Hainekyebra ; and it is for that reason I would ask bar Majesty ' s ministers whether they think it worth while to pluses this prosecution any further against Mr. Hale, under an ant of parliament passed in 1697. The queeties I have to ask the noble vie. want is this—Whether Meng, I may say, failed in the first prosecution, they recovered penalties to the amount of 61. 145., of enlist am-half goes to the crown and the other to the laugh)—they think it worth while to any this peamention any further; and whether it is their 'Meatiest to proceed against any pence s whether native or foreign, ea the matter of the second in formation ; or whether they do not think the law sea. Mostly vindicated by the proceedings which have already r 'aka' PALMERSTON—My boa. friend has Mated this foam/ with his usual mixture of jocularity and argument, and eseleinly if any obsolete set of parliament could be raked up against moral squibs, I am afraid that he would ems under its operation. SChsers.> My boa. !Tien sharps me with being again an instrument of foreign 'powers, for the purpose of watching over political fugitive' In this imatry, end in support of hie view be quotes pas sages nom various foreign as well as from English news reels's. Now I beg, in the first place, to disclaim any rerponsibility on account of anything that may be mid of me either to any papers British or foreign, and if my hon. Mead's attention had been directed as much as mine has happened to be from time to time to passages in foreign newspapers in which my name was mentioned, I th ink he would have found the weight of accusation or calumny in them very different from that which he has quoted. I wee told the other day that in a search made in Italy, • set of daggers were found, of English manufacture, and that the authorities were indignant at the detistable and diabolical conduct of the man who was Foreign Minister in Eng land, for that on these very daggers his name was inscribed. On the blades were the words, " Palmer and Son." (Great laughter.) What • detestable revolutionist must this man be who sends daggers here with his own name inscribed. But my hon. friend has indulged in a great deal of humour with regard to these prosecutions, which he says I am about to proceed with. I beg to inform him that these pro secutions were not connected with a few pounds of gunpowder used for making rockets in an ordinary manner, but I was informed that at the place was a great collection of warlike stores accumu lating, and that under circumstances of seamy. This tended, with other circumstance', to show that there was an object concerned which was beyond the limits of this country and the ordinary and legitimate business of commerce. I felt it to be my duty to inquire whether these proceedings were or were out contrary to law, and I was informed they were. I thought, therefore, I should be neglecting my duty did I not t ake such steps as the law authorised for the purpose of putting a stop to these proceedings. I hold that in doing on I consulted the honour and dignity of the country, as my colleagues had declared both in this and the other house of parliament, that while on the one hand foreigners when taking refuge hers are entitled to every possible protection of the law, on the other hand it is the duty of the government to prevent such foreigners, or British subjects, from commencing pro ceedings aimed at the tranquillity of foreign states. I hope, Omaha., without entering iato proceedings which are stilt pew:us, tLat i have not (acceded my duty THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 6, 1853. in doing what has been done in the ease. Now, sir, my bon. friend has made merry as to the quo ties that arose before the magistrate. whether or not men , powder be gunpowder, and the gustiest having now been decided by competent authority, I may be allowed to say that I never heard such a miserable quibble as that by which it was attempted to be proved that the article seised was not gunpowder, and I think, therefore, the magistrate was quite correct in the decisioa be came to. Then, with regard to the illegal possession of the rockets, my hon. friend asks me whether it is intended by the government to proceed with the prosecution, and in answer to that ques tion, I have no hesitation in saying that we have no desire to press hardly, or in any way whatever, u po n Mr. Hale— (hear, hear)—and I have no hesitation also in saying, in answer to my bon. friend's last question, that the evidence which was taken in the police.court, or any evidence which we have, does not bear out or justify any proceedings being instituted against any other person British or foreign, except Mr. Hale. (Loud cheers.) Then with regard to the case as spinet Mr. Hale, let the house remember that as the matter stands the act under which Mr. Hale was pro ceeded against prohibits any person from making, using, or selling rockets salsa with the consent of the Ordnance, unless such meow belong to the Artillery or any Artil lery company, or others having authority to make rockets for the purposes of war; and the act premed two methods of proceeding for infringing that act: one by summary process and conviction before a magistrate, the other by indictment and trial before a court and jury. The first course being the simplest. shortest, and least troublesome, it was adopted. The case was opened before the magis trate, the evidence against Mr. Hale was stated, but the magistrate stopped the proceedings, saying that he thought the ease was one which ought to be referred to another tri bunal, to be tried by a jury. Now he held as a general rule that it was unbecoming the government, and would be setting a bad precedent, If, having commenced a prosecution against any individual, they were to stop the proceedings before the case came on for trial. Such a system would be liable to great abuse, and it would be easy to imagine un der it that proceedings might be commenced without any justifiable cause, and for the mere purpose of annoying individuals, and by stopping the prosecution before going to trial they would deprive the parties . accused of the means of defending themselves and clearing their charac ters. (Hear, bear.) The person proceeded against in that way would have a case against the government for a ma licious prosecution ; for undoubtedly he had ague for an evil sustained. But if that were the rule generally speak ing, and upon abstract principles, it applied more strongly in the present mos. For what would be said it this prose cution were now abandoned ? It would be said that the government began a proceeding before a magistrate by summary process—that it was stopped when their case was stated, the party accused having no opportunity of saying anything in his defence. The case is sent to a jury, but what do the government do then ? They are afraid to stand on their case, and retire from the prosecu tion—they feel satisfied that the case will not bear sifting before • jury, and so they stop the proceeding in order to deprive the individual of the opportunity of vindicating hie character. I am therefore advised that it would not be an oppression as a general rule, and certainly not in this par ticular case, that after the case has been referred by the magistrate for she decision of a competent tribunal the pro ceedings should be stopped until that decision has been taken. At the same time, I have no hesitation in saying that nothing can be further from the wish or the intention of the government than to press hardly upon Mr. Hale— we shall be perfectly satisfied to have a decision of a compe tent court on the law of the case, and, that obtained, I hope Mr. Hale will not suffer in any degree from the case having been pushed to that extent. (Heal.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE.—I wish to say a word in explana tion. The noble lord seems to think I charged him with being the tool and the instrument of Austria. I did no such thing. I merely quoted the words of the Times. The Times praises the noble lord fur being pro-Austrian. Now, so far from that being my opinion, I always under stood that to the noble lord M. Kossuth was indebted for his life and his liberty, and I believe that understanding is not erroneous. (Cheers.) But, sir, I would ask are we to in fer that this prosecution is conducted for the benefit and gratification of Mr. Hale, for the statement of the noble lord comes to that ? (Hear, hear.) If this be the only ob ject of the noble lord, I believe I am in a position to say that Ur. Hale will not ceosider it to his benefit at all to be put to a considerable expense in defending himself against a preffeution, for the purpose of assisting the noble lord to ascertain what the state of the law is. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Lord D. STUART—I am glad to hear the noble lord admit that there is nothing in the evidence at the Home office or elsewhere to implicate anybody in these proceed ings but Mr. Hale ; and it follows, therefore, that all the statements about M. Kossuth abusing our hospitality b entering into conspiracies to levy war against a country with which we are en terms of amity, have turned out to be baseless and unfounded calumnies. (Hear.) We are told that large stores of ammunition and warlike st gyres were discovered in a house in the occupation of M. Kossuth, and the whole world was called upon to join in execration of the man who, having received our hospitality, end hoeing been de livered from the dangers to which he was exposed, mainly by the interposition of the British government, could so disgrace himself. And now it turns out that all this was a vile calumny, originating in the imagination of some persons animated by rancour against M. Kossuth,. and who had shown themselves always to be in the interest of Austria and Russia, and had persecuted M. Kossuth by all the means in their power for having opposed those govern ments while defending the constitution of his own couatry. Every means were taken by the writers to whom I allude to hold up M. Kossuth to public execration, and in the present instance, instead of waiting to see the result of the judicial proceedings which it might be supposed would be instituted by the government, they, pursuing him in their malignant spite, held him up before the world as a conspirator, and condemned him unheard. For the purpose of holding him up to public detestation, they assumed that he was guilty; and referring to a place where he was but lately welcomed on his release from captivity—that room where the muni ' cipal body of London usually assemble—the y insultingly pointed out " that Guildhall was not far from the Old Bailey." (Hear, hear.) 1 cannot any anything of my own knowledge of what may 'happen. but I should not wonder much, after the statements we have heard so completely exculpatory of M. Kossuth from those vile accusations, if some steps were taken to demonstrate to the writers of such calumnies that if Guildhall is not far from the Old Bailey, there is another place called Priatinghousir square which is still Mr. BRIGHT—It would appear from the noble noble lord's statement that in the very undignified attempt in which he had been engaged to discover a mare's nest, he has signally failed. (Hear, hear.) I agreirwith the hon. member for Finsbury as to the extreme paltriness—l should say shabbiness which has characterised the whole of this prosecution against Mr. Hale—that the cue as regards M. Kossuth is not of the same character, and cannot be so re garded by the house. In the one case It was a mischievous police business, which turns out to be nothing—and though it has occasioned all this temporary annoyance and expense to Mr. Hale, for which I am sorry, it is altogether of a different character to that which has induced me on one or two former occasions to advert to this subject The noble lord now says that be has no evidence on which to found any charge against any person except Mr. Hale, and as to that transaction, he intimates he would be glad to get out of the mess he has been led into, but that he thinks it would not be dignified for the govern ment, after commencing a prosecution, to abandon it. But with regard to the other case, the noble lord knows per fectly well the mischievous effect the statement in the Times newspaper and the statement he himself made in this house on a previous evening was calculated to produce. I do not charge the noble lord with having brought an ac cusation on the statement in the Times, but the noble lord has on each occasion when the subject was brought forward here, studiously avoided saying anything that could be quoted as clearing the character of M. Kossuth, and has left the statements in the Times to have their effect on the world, even when he had the power in this house to have cleared the character of M. Koesuth—if, as I believe he bad, then all the knowledge be has now. (Hear.) The Ti.... has been referred to, as it necessarily must be, in speaking of this transaction, and I will venture to make an obeerva tin on the Tines. The Times newspaper is a great power in a mask—we do not see the person who writes the articles —there is not a man in England calling himself a gentle man who would dare to have mat his signature to the article which has been referred to. (Cheers.) There is a gentleman—a member of this house —he is not present, I dare say, but if he were, would say what I am about to a y now— that he direst not—l am speaking of a gentleman intimately connected with the paper—that he &west not put his sig nature to the article in which these charges were conveyed against M. Kossuth. (Hear, hear.) And I can tell the Timer that it was precisely conduct like this, by which scandalousand lying charges were brought against honour able men that the press of Franco lost all character with ' the French people, and that induced the people of Faris during the republic to look with disregard—almost with , pleasure—when one after the other the newspapers were brought under penalties of the law, and which induced them . to look on without discontent when newspaper writers were . compelled to attach their signatures to every article they I wrote, and when, lastly, almost all the newspapers were suppressed. (Hoar.) Now, in the Times of this morning—l am not particularly thin-skinned, and I refer to the matter only as an illustration of the kind of abuse in which it indulges. The Times newspaper, of this morning, says that 1 had the honesty not to appear with the deputation before Lord Clarendon yesterday, in reference to the proposed introduc tion of the arbitration clause into the treaty with the United States, it being known that the United States' government are anxious for such a clause. They say it is well I had the honesty not to go there, for I had recently been defending the manufacture of war rockets and war like stores. Now it is not necessary for me to clear myself, but if Mr. —, I won't name him, I don't know that I know him, but the person who wrote this article ; I say, if he came before the public, if he be a man calling himself a , gentleman, and walked about the streets, do you think he would ever have dared to write that article ? No.") Then, I say, it is cowardly that such statements should , be made—(hear, hear)—and it is doubly infamous, when they were made for the purpose of undermining an d des troying the character of a man sufficiently under misfor i tune, au cells from his country, trusted by millions of his countrymen, who aro yet buoyed up with the hope that he will be one day able to do something for the deliverauce of his country. (Cheers.) I say, it is infamous , for any organ of the press to attack a man in this way, and , thus to attempt to destroy his character, hi, reputation. and his influence. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord has admitted there is no charge against M. Kossuth. Lord PALMERSTON—Or any other person. Mr. BRIGHT—Or any other person, except Mr. Hale. The noble lord stated the other night, that as long as he had been connected with the Home•office, some four months, the 'emetic* of open* letters had ant beat pesorted to. (Hest, hear.) Bat another point bad been &shorted to, that was the system of espionage. On the 7th of Fe%reary, 1850, the noble iord. in speaking of the detention of the Hungarians in Tukey, said, " The Turkish government undertook to remove them to a distance from the Austrian teritories, and there detain them under that description of observation of which, happily, no English word conveys the meaning—under assreseillance for a certain limited time." (Choate.) What I want to ktow of the noble lord new is this, and if he will give the same answer as ho has given on the other matter I hope never to have occasion to trouble him on this subject spin. What I want to know is—is it true that some policeman, or some person acting as a policeman, had charge to watch M. Kossuth, and report on whatsoever they might observe about M. Kosauth's house ? I want to ask the noble lord whether that be so, and if so, whether this has been done by the authority of the Home office, and whether the expense of this police espionage is defrayed by the state, or out of any metropolitan rate, or by the Austrian government, or by the Austrian embassy? (" Hear," and cheers.) What I desire is, that the noble lord should clear the matter up. I believe these proceedings are entirely without justification, and what has been stated in the papers lately is creating an unpleasant feeling in the public mind in regard to the go. vernment which it would be well to remove. (Hear, hear.) The feeling of the public caused by these proceedings is that the government is not open and above board, as it was supposed they were, and that with all our bosstsof freedom, and the hospitality we profess to afford, we are doing here precisely what, is done in many parts of the Continent of Europe. (Hear, hear ) Mr. OT WAY regretted that the noble lord had not,when the subject was brought under discussion before, taken the same course he had to-night, instead of attempting to jus tify the proceedings of the police in setting spies on the movemeutsof 111. Kossuth, and twitting the hon. member for Manchester for not knowing that it was the duty of the Home Secretary to take the steps complained of in regard to foreign refugees. (" No, no," from Lord Palmoratoe,) He had certainly understood the noble lord to say that if not only any foreigner, but any Englishman, was sus pectedo f being engaged in practices hostile to any foreign country with which we were on terms of amity, the police were justified in dogging his footsteps and setting spies on all his actions. That was not always the opinion of the noble lord, for it was not very long since the noble lord received • deputation from Isling ton, and the answer he gave excited so much ill-feeling on the part of his colleagues, that he was obliged to retire from the imbinet, and for the noble lend now to turn rousd,and speak of B. Kossuth and tho other refugeeein the tone he did the ether day, was what could scarcely have been expected by those whohad been led by the noble lord's previous conduct to respect him and his policy. It might be satisfactory if the Attorney-General would enlighten the house ea to whether such proceedings as had taken place in M. Koesuth's case really were in accordance with the con stitution of the country. Lord PALMERSTON—The hon. member entirely mis understood what I said on the occasion referred to. My ob servations applied to what ! considered to be an endeavour on the part of the hon. member fur Manchester to extract from me my opinion as to the probable or possible result of certain legal proceedings still undecided. (Hear, hear.) I understood the hon. gentleman to ask me what I thought would be the result of those proceedings on the character of M. Kossuth, and the answer I gave was that it would be a very unconstitutional thing for me to give any answer to such a question. With regard to the question whether the expense incurred by the employment of the police was paid by the Austrian government or by this country, my answer is the expellees of maintaining the police, whatever they may be—the burden is entirely borne by this country. What I meant to say on the occasion to which the hon. member has referred in reference to surveillance was that what the French understand by surveillance is a auto of things not known in this country. The state of surveillance, where it exists, is that a person suspected is not allowed to go beyond certain limits, and is constantly watched by the police to see that he does not go beyond them. Here, however, the duty of the police is to see that the law is obeyed, and if they have ;reason to think that any person is engaged in any proceeding contrary to law, as they probably thought they had in this case, it is their duty to take steps to inform the government. And if the police had reason to think that M. Kossuth or anybody else was engaged in proceedings contrary to law it was their duty to take stops to ascertain whether there was any grounds fur their suspicion. Mr. BRIGHT—The noble lord has made a statement which everybody knows ; but I would ask the noble lord this question, whether he, or any person in his office, has given directions to any police magistrate, commissioner of police, or other official, to set policemen to watch the house and the proceeding of M. Kossuth ? Lord PALMERSTON—I have given no special direc tions in regard to M. Kossuth. It is a general duty of the police, if they have reason to think that H. Kossuth, or anybody else—as probably they did in this case, as to the rockets in question—is engaged in proceedings which are punishable by law, to ascertain the fact, in order that the charge may 'be substantiated or abandoned. Mr. COBDEN—I wish to ask the noble lord a ques tion— The SPEAKER—I must remind the hon. member and the house that the noble lord has already spoken twice en the motion before the house, and is not entitled to speak again. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FAGAN inquired when any measure on the subject of ministers money would be brought forward. Sir J. YOUNG said the subject had been for some time under consideration, sad the draft of this bill was in course of preparation. He could not at present fix a day for intro ducing it, as he should have to make a preliminary state ment , but he would avail himself of the first open day for the putout*. Mr. COBDEN—I suppose, sir, you are the authority without appeal on all points of order, but if it be the rule of the house that the Minister for the Home Department an only be allowed to answer one question on such an occa sion and on such a subject as we have been discussing, I think it would be well to consider whether it might not be well to relax it in order to promote the despatch of business. If, however, the noble lord. the Home Secretary, cannot an swer the question I wish to put, probably the noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell) can. I wish to im press upon the house that we are not here dealing with the ordinary case of an ordinary person. We are dealing with a man who was long engaged in maintaining in his own country the legality of the constitution of that country, and ' he was supported by the whole body, not of the poorer classes merely, but of the whole of the aristocracy. I say that when such • man comes to this country, having held that distinguished poet of honour, his case is not that of an ordinary refugee, but it is that of a man placed under the safeguard of this country, the incidents of whose life are minutely watched by the world, and will be as minutely recorded in the history of the times—and as he is treate d by us will honour or dis credit attach to us in reference to him. (Hear, hear ) When I first read of this matter, and when I first read the statement in the MOOS, I thought it my duty to call on M. Kossuth and ask him if then was any foundation for that statement, and he gave me hie word as a man of honour that he had no more concern with the transactions referred to by_ the writer in that paper than had the Speaker of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) It was true, he said, he had recommended a foreign refugee (one who had not done him much credit)—(hear) — to Mr. Hale for employment, but he had no connexion with Mr. Hale, or with the manufacture carried on by him. Ile was invited to call en Mr. Hale to go over his factory as I might have been, and as I have been invited to go over Mr. Colt's factory; and I might as well be charged with being connected with Mr. Colt on that ground, as M. Kossuth was charged with being connected with Mr. Hale. And with regard to recommending a man for employment, M. Kossuth has numerous unfortunate refugees constantly calling upon him to aid them in obtaining employment, and I am speaking within the mark when I say I have had at least a dozen applications from M. Kossuth to assist his countrymen is that way. This is the whole basis of the charge. Some prying individual found that a Hungarian was working at Mr. Hale's, and because M. Kossuth recommended him he connected that gentleman with the rocket manufacture carried on by Mr. Hale. Now, I think it would not have been below the dignity of the Home Secretary, if he had given the oppor tunity to M. Kossuth to clear himself. (Hear, hear.) I'do not think the Ex-Governor of Hungary is so far below the dignity of the Home Secretary of England as to make such a course impossible. (Hear, hear.) And if the noble lord had done so, if instead of sending policemen to watch M. Koesuth's house and dog him about, he had taken means to allow that gentlemen to explain, and if the noble lord had thus obtained, as he would have done, M. Kossuth's word of honour that he had no connexion with anything of the kind charged against him, that would have been sufficient —for he apprehended IL Kossuth was as much entitled to credence as any member of the Orleans family visiting our Court. (Loud cheering.) I make no distinctions, and as regaris M. Keisuth I think he is as much entitled to respect and honour as any mem ber of the Orleans family, who are habitually received at Windsor. (Hear, hear.) I make no complaint of the hos pitality that is shown to the Orleans family ; but I say that it would be disgraceful to any man in this country and more especially to any member of this house, if he did not vindicate the right to hospitality of this country, on behalf of those who carry with them the goodwill of the mass of their own countrymen, which is the case with lit. Kossuth, and if any one is allowed to dog the steps of illustrious refugees, and it is found out, we are bound to visit it with our reprobation, and public opinion will do the same. (Hear, hear.) I have seen M. Kossuth, and have advised with him. 1 told him—" You live under the same law as I du, but if you ask me what the law of England is I cannot tell you, for at any moment some old law may be exhumed for a particular occa sion, as has been done now ; " and I advised him to put himself under the guidance of some shrewd lawyer. Ho said that if he knew what the law was, he would take care not to violate it. I believe he has placed himself under the advice of a shrewd lawyer, and I do not believe he will be caught violating the law of the country, for which he has too much respect. The question I want to put to the noble lord is, whether nay communication has been made to the magistrates, or the police authorities, with reference to any proceedings for watching the house of M. Louis Kossuth. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Before I answer the question which the hon. gentleman has put, I must advert to the former part of his speech, because it is of great importance that we should have some notion as to what is the policy of this country towards these and other refugees; tied I quite agree with the hon. gentleman when he says that we ought to apply the same rule to all refugees, and I care little what mvy be their rank or station. It may be a prince of high lineage who maintains extreme doctrine, with regard to ab solute monarchy, or it may be it person of humble station who holds extreme notions with regard to republican insti tutions; I care not which it may be, the rule ought to be this sum (R ear , bleu.) Then what is it I so mot very °hectare in its general p r i nc i p l e. founded in the first plies on the law of England , and I n 4 second place it is founde2 on that law in its relation to M. great international law which governs the intercourse of nations. The law of England allows refugees, front what ever cause they may have su ff ered, or by whatever pm" they may have been proscribed, to some to this country a w l live undisturbed. This is the general law, and M accord anee with that law many persons of vari ous ran k s have o i late years taken refuge here; and that honourable dem o ,. tion of this country is not owing to any minister of te e present day, but it is the ancient law of this country m ai any one can find refuge here, and I will never deport from that law of just and equal hospitality. But if o e the one hand that is clearly the law, on the other hand a can as little be doubted that refugees who receive our ho e pitality, and who resins in safety under the shadow clour laws, so long as they aro in safety ought not to abuse that hospitality by levying war against any other country, wo e . it be a republic or a monarchy, which is at peace with this country. It has been paid, with respect to the individual in question, that M. Kossuth was a person of illustrious rank, who was governor of Hungary. and who had endeavoured to maintain the ancient constitution of that country. 1 win not enter into any controversy on that subject; but I may say that there are some who assert that there are two opinions on that point. It is thought by some persons that lie fought on behalf of the cause of Hungary, and th a t h e did all that a patriot could to maintain her ancient comb tution. But there are ethers who think that, from wa n t of judgment and imprudence, ho had damaged the clue racter of the constitution of that country, and brought her into collision with Austria, and so was the author of the calamities which had befallen her. There are those two opinion. entertained, and it is not for me to say which is the right one. However, M. Kossuth comes to this country and race' ur hospitality ; he comes not like a perso n who was unknown, but as ono who came with a liberty which he had obtained chiefly through the exertions of my noble friend when secretary for foreign affairs; who, speaking in the name of England, urged on Turkey to per severe in the hospitality which to her honour she had afforded to those exiles, and even offered the support of the arms of this country to Turkey if oho should be attacked while performing the duties of hospitality ; and, finally, he urged on Turkey not to continue the confinement of M. Kossuth, but to allow him to some to this country. I say, then, if any one ought to be bound not only by the general law of this country, which breathes such a spirit of hospitality, but by peculiar ties of g ra ti tu d e to the government, N. Kossuth is bound to obey the laws of this country, and not to do anything which may in. volve her in any cause of quarrel with any =boa. The hon. gentleman says that M. Kossuth has scrupulously obeyed the laws which he found to be in force, and has lived without giving any cause of *theme to those who ad minister them. The hon. gentleman is well acquainted with XL Kossuth, and the fact may be as he has stated it. At the same time I cannot wonder that suspicions should be aroused of a contrary nature; for we cannot Mitre. collect that we have seen in the newspaper to which the hon. gentleman has referred a letter or proclamation ad dressed by M. Kossuth to the subjects of a foreign sovereign, calling on them to rise against that sovereign, and urging his soldiers to leave their colours and engage in hostility of the most deadly kind against that state, and that proclama tion was published in connection with the insurrection at Milan. It has been stated on behelf of K. Kossuth that he bad not authorised its publication, and that changes had been made in it. But it is certain that when he was at Kutayah he gave a paper of this kind to a person, thus pointing out the duty of insurrection to the subjects of Austria. I say that it was an imprudent and unjustihabls act in him, while residing in a foreign country, to give a paper to any one to be used for the purposes of insurrection. Not only this, we have seen it lately avowed by M. Kossuth that it is his purpose to make war on sovereigns against whose tyranny and whose rule he protests, and who are on terms of amity with this country ; and when we add to this that which has been stated by the hon. member for the West Riding—namely, that several Hungarians connected with AL Kossuth were employed in the manufacture of rockets for the purposes of war—l say that when all these circumstances are put together, it is not to be wondered at that the police should suspect that he bad some intention of levying war against a foreign sovereign. With regard to the question asked by the hon. gentleman of my noble friend all that I can state is, that the Commissioners of Police from time to time make reports of circumstances which come to their knowledge, whether affecting DI. Kossuth or any other person, which induce them to believe that any crime is meditated. Ido not think it right for me to say more than this, fur my noble friend has said that there is no evidence on which an indictment could be founded against any person but Mr. Hale. But I shall always maintain, that while on the ono hand we aro bound to extend our hospitality to those persons, on the other hand we are bound by our obligations to foreign states not to allow persons re siding in this country to be guilty of that which my right hon. friend the member for Morpeth, when he was Hems Secretary, declared to be a crime against the law of this country—that is,the levying war against foreigu states. I wish to say a few words more with regard to a statement which has been made, that all these proceedings arose in consequence of communications received from the government of Aus tria. The nature of the communications which have been made te us by the government of Austria I will state in general terms. Nothing in the nature of a demand or spe cific requirement has been made by the government of Aus tria to the government ef this country. On the Contrary, the government of Austria has repeatedly stated that they asked nothing, and wished it to be understood that no de mand was made by them ; but they have stated that they felt aggrieved by proceedings which were carried on here, but that it was for the government of England, on which they placed perfect reliance., to take such measures as they should think fit with regard to them. It was not unnatural, when insurrection was going on, that they should reeresent that their government was disturbed, and liable to attacks from various quarters, and that sometimes attempts at asses siltation were made by men connected with persons who are attempting to overthrow the government of the country; and we know that many of those who are con nected with those proceedings are in England. I do not say that these complaints are justified, but it is the bounden duty of the government, while they say we will not change our law, and we will allow all persons to come to and re ' main in this country undisturbed, to see that the laws of this country, and our international relations, are not violated. (Hear, hear.) Sir .1. WALMSLEY said he rejoiced that the noble lord, the Secretary for the Home Department had stated, and that the noble lord, the member tbr London, had con firmed that statement, that there was no accusation against the illustrious exile in question. But the noble lord had made another statement, blaming M. Kossuth for a proclamation which he had written and issued in this country. So far from that being the ease, that proclamation was written at Kutayab and not in this country, and therefore so far M. Kossuth was free from the accusation of the noble lord. But the most serious part of this matter—and the question u hich had been put with re gard to it had not been answered yet—was the employment of spies as had been said to dog the footsteps not only of this illustrious exile, but of all persons who called on him or inquired after him. The question did not even rest there, for if the statements which had been made were to be believed persons were sent into the house of M. Kossuth to assist in removing his goods and to spy what they could find out. They must have been sent by some one—Who was that person ? If they were not sent by the noble lord they must have been sent 'by the police. This was a matter that ought to be inquired into, and if no one else would do se he (Sir J. Walmsley) would move for a committee of inquiry, in order te ascertain whether it wet the practice of the police to watch the houses of any person without any justification for doing so. The government would have done much better to have abandoned the charge against Mr. Hale, and not have revived en obsolete law against a poor man who had been ruined. The best thing to be . done was to drop all further proceedings ; for he believed awes the duty of the government to abandon the proceedings against Mr, Hale under a law which was paned &hundred years age. The subject then dropped. WAYS AND MEANS COMMITTEE.—THE BUDGET. -- - The house then went into Committee of Ways and Meals, Mr. Boorman in the chair. On the motion for the imposition of the income tax to all property in the United Kingdom, Mr. LAWLESS rosy to move as an amendment that the words " Great Britain" be substituted for " United King dom." He said he need hardly observe that the extension of the income tax to Ireland had caused considerable ex citement in that country, which would not be allayed till the question was finally discussed, and settled in a more advantageous manner to the interests of Ireland than it had yet been. Ile, however, thought the budget a real POOr man's budget, and regarding it as an English question, he votod against the motion of tho member for Hertfordshire. He was quite in the hands of the body of the Irish members ; and would modify his emcee meet if they pleased ISO as to declare that the tax ought at least not to be imposed until two or three more years had passed, in which time the country might have fully recovered from the recent social shocks. Col. DUNNE thought that if the hon. member were sin cere in the views he had expressed he would have take n care to vote for the amendment of the hon. baronet (Sir E. Lytton) on Monday night. The hon. and learned member for Cork (Serjeaut Murphy) had said that the Irish weat hers must either accept the income tax or have a new go vernment, and that, taking that view, the present govern ment was worth the annuity. He . (Col. Dunne) could not agree that the members of the government were worth 22,0001. a head. (Laughter.) Mr. V. SCULLY said the hon. and gallant colonel had formerly voted fur an income tax for Ireland on Mr. Blaekall's motion. Col. DUNNE was understood to deny that he had so voted. Mr. V. SCULLY said he took it from Hansard, hut of course the fun. and gallant member knew best. Ile op posed the income tax principally on account of its inquisitorial character. It that were done away with he should not 50 much mind it; but he did not pledge himself not to com bine with the people in England who were of the same mode of thinking for the purpose of adopting any course of legiti mate agitation that might seem likely to remove thetas. In deed one hon. member had said he should vote for the ex tension of the tax to that country, because ko knew that the Irish were such a troublesome set that it would the sooner lead to its downfall. (Laughter.) Ile believed it was the motion on the subject of the consolidated annuities which had led to the imposition of the income tax. The spectacle of all the Irish members, with hardly an excep tion, voting on the same side must have astonished the mi nister of finance, and led him to the conviction that they (the consolidated annuities) mutt be removed in some way and hence the proposal with reference to the income tax. Well, he was convinced that that tax was inevitable, ;sr,