The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-02 00:00:00

7 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY, JULY 1. The LORD CHANCILLOR took his omit at Hee o'clock. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS.—By Lnrd STANLRY, from the alleged Lunatic' Vrifitas Society, praying for Inquiry Into the present lunacy lawn—Toe Duke of BUOCLIMCIA, two petitions from Glasgow in femur of the 'teeth of Towns BILL SBCOND ItFAßlNO.—Trustcm Relief Bill. REPORT/I.—Qualification of Peers (ticotiand); Police Claims; Bills. THIRD REIDINCIS—Baths and Wash-houses; Passengers Act Amendment; 'mule Offenders: BIM. NOTICES OF MOTlON.—Report of relief commlsaionets for Ire land.—The Earl of Roo= on Thunder y nut to call the attention of ;the hams to the micas sharps connUsd in the third report of the eommliesoams against certain magistrates and resident gentry in Ireland. OUALTFic TRIRRS c . BCOTI "'" -• -`"- ' 0) BILL. ..1 °limns up the rep0,..,........enve Dill, The Duke of BUCCLEUCH approved of that portion of the bill which provided that peers of Scotland absent on the service of the grown should have the privilege of voting by proxy at the election of representative peers, hut would not extend the privilege to noble lords travelling merely for their amusement. The Earl of EGLINTON thought that, as peers of par liament had the privilege of voting by proxy on all questions that Male before that house, there would be no - harm in extending the rule to elections for the representative peerage. Lord DBNMAN saw no harm in the privilege conferred by the bill, but he objected to the clause which obliged noble lords, when on the continent, to R 3 before the consul of any petty place at which they might be stopping to mnko oath previous to sending home their proxy. On the third read ing, he would propose an amendment substituting a decla ration. The report was then brought up and agreed to. POOR-LAW ADMINISTRATION BILL (IRELAND). The Earl of ST. GERMANS wished to know from the noble President of the Council, whet course was intended to be taken with reference to the Poor-law Administration (jrelaad) Bill? Was it intended to assimilate it to the English law ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he would not under take, on the part of the government, to propose any im portant alteration in the bill in committee; but it would be open to the noble earl I. propose any amendment he thought fit. With respect to assimilation, the difference of the law and practice in the two countries would reader it impossible. DIFFERENTIAL DUTIES IN THE COLONIES. Lord ASHBURTON, who was most imperfectly heard, was understood to say that certain extracts of corre spondence between the Secretary of State and the Governor-General of Canada, relative to the abolition of differential duties in that colony, had been ordered on his motion, but that as these papers would most probably be produced at a period of the session which would leave no time for discussion, he would, with their lordships' permission, take that opportunity to make a few observations. He was not going to enter upon the general question of free trade, although he had not at all altered his opinions on that subject. He believed that when , things found their proper level, the public would have reason to regret the steps which the legislature had taken. But the point to which he wished to draw their lordships' attention was the way in which they were about to be brought to bear on the colonies, especially Canada. It would, he believed, be generally conceded that the principle on which colonies were founded, except mere military or naval stations such Si Malta or Gibraltar, wax that they should form so many markets for the manufactures of the mother country. If this were not the case, of what use all the expense and danger with which they were defended and maintained ? Now in the case of Canada it was provided by former legislation that a differential duty of 7 per cent. should be levied on all goods imported into that colony except those of British pro- duce and manufacture. By the free-trade measures of last session, option was given to the colonists to abolish this duty if they thought flt ; but the Secretary of State, instead of leaving the matter to their own judgment, had, in his letter to the governor-general, especially called his attention to the point, with a view I. communication with the local iegiala- titre on the subject. Earl GREY said there could be no possible objection to the production of the papers moved for by his noble friend. On the contrary, the public had a right to know the effect of the changes produced in the colonies by the act of last year. But it was also essential to bear in mind, that when, by the corn-law bill of last year, the colonies were deprived of their protection, it was only conformable to justice to grant them the liberty of resorting in like manner to free markets for the commodities required by them ; and for that purpose they were empowered to annul and remove the differential duties theretofore imposed on all manufactures, not British, consumed by them. With these observations, he begged to say he concurred is the motion of his noble friend. After a few remarks front Lords WMAENCLIFFE and STANLEY, the motion was agreed te. Their lordships adjourned at twenty minutes to 8. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TimRsDAY, JULY 1. The Srsaa ea took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. REPORT.—Edinhurit: and Perth Railway Bill. THIRD READlNGS.—Blackburn Improvement : Market, &c., Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS.—By Mr. W. Parrs's, Pram fustian makers and medi cal roes in Lancashire, against the employment of children In that trade—Mr. ALDAY, tram ; Mr. 11UPSOW, from Leicester; Mr. STANOIOLD, from Hudilenaleld ; against the Health of Town.s My. WAILET ; from the National Association for Promoting the Im provement of the Condition of the People, for including the metro- polis in the bill; Lord Moarrrs, numerous petitions in favour of the MIL-81r H. DOCOLAS ; from Montrose and port of London, in favour of continuing the navigation laws—Mr. Wsairv, from Mr. J. Porter, of Harrow Weald, claiming • priority of discavery of the electric telegraph : from Mr. 0. It. Hutchinson, en the subject of the returns on the subject of the poor-laws presented to the hotter; from workmen of Glasgow, against the Arresgsent of Wages Art; from R. Ward, • soldier in the 00th regiment at Gibraltar, complaining of unjust treatment, and praying to be transferred to another regiment. --Sir J. Koons. from Hull, for an alteration of the rate-prying clauses of the Reform Bill—Mr. T. Di, :smear, from blington, against establishing a fever hospital in a densely-populated part of that parish. Mr. 14soinv, two from Ashton-und,r-Lyne, In favour of the Health of Towns Bill. Mr. Ewsag, from a place in York shire, to the same effect SECOND READINGS.—Rceovery of Public Monies (Ireland); Morsel fisheries (Scotland), Bills. COMMITTEES—RaiIways Ireland (Na. 2) ; Flattery Piers and Harbours ( Ireland) ; Health of Towns ; Post-o Moe, Bills. REPORT.—Holyhead Harbour Bill. _ THIRD READLNGS.—Print Works; House of Commons Cads TamWu, Bills. RETURNS ORDERED.—On the motion of Lord G. Beirrraci,— Ilemra, ezpianatory of return No. 537, he .dcd "Navigation Laws, Corn, P.c.," laid on the table of the house by Mr. Parker, showing the number, tonnage, description, and amount of cargo of the several am hundred and thirty-eight foreign ships, memoriaills,3ss tons, represented under virtae of the suspension of the asation laws to have brought grain, flour, meal, rtoe, potatoes, bread and biscuit, weighing 93,000 tons or more, together with a statement of the lags under which they sailed, and of the countries whence melt corn, &a, was imported into the United Kingdom.—On the motion of Mr. LEDIMLL, return of the average coat of pump of emigrants from England to /loath Australia, In ships chartered by her Majesty's Colonial and Lead Emigration Commierdomvs, from the let day of January, ISO, to the present time. NOTICE OF 910710N.—Pantea EDWAILD'II 1/41.6210.—Mr. flume, to-morrow (this day), to ask the government what answer had been returned to an sd&ess of the assembly, praying for a responsible form of goverment. CONDUCT OF THE MILITARY AT MALTA. Dr. BOWRING inquired of the Secretary at War whe ther he had any information as to the alleged misconduct of the military at Malta in the theatre and elsewhere ? Mr. F. MAULE said he had this morning inquired at the Horse Guards, and no reports had been received there, front the general commanding at Malta, on the subject. No doubt something of the kind must have occurred, or it would not have appeared in the public prints ; but he hoped it was not of such a nature as to require the general to notice it. If he had noticed it Sir Patrick Stuart would have re ported it to the Horse Guards, and the Duke of Wellington would have directed a searching inquiry. Dr. BOWRING hoped the right hon. gentleman would inquire if any report had been made to Sir P. Stuart. Mr. F. MAULE did not know if any report had been made to him, but he had made none to the authorities here. CUSTODY OF OFFENDERS, & PRISONS BILL. . . Visct. MAIION begged to put a 'question to the right hon. gentleman the Home Secretary, to which, as he had not given him notice, he might give an answer on a More day. It related to the Custody of Offenders Bill and the Prisons Bill. In the Rest an amendment had been made which obviated the objections to it, and this, coupled with the promise that a bill would be introduced next year on the whole subject, induced him to give no further trouble on the matter. With regard to the other bill, no amendment had been made, and the objections remained. He begged to sok whether, at this late period of the session,and considering that a bill on the general subject was about to be introduced next year, it would not be better to withdraw the bill, and embody such of its clauses as were thought necessary in the bill of next year ? Sir G. GREY said that with regard to the Custody of Offenders Bill, it was important that it should pain this session, in order that Irish convicts might be sent to Ber muda and Gibraltar—and the first clause, as it now stood, attained that object. An addition had been made to the second clause, be which the expenses, incurred by counties for prisoners under sentence of transportation, who were con fined in county gaols. were provided for, and which removed the objection to that also. He proposed to go into committee on the bill to-night. The Prisons Bill had not been re committed with a view to any alteration in it; and as the only objection which had been made to it wsa that the patronage was not vested in the Secretary of State, but in the commissioners, he still hoped to pass it this session, although it was not of such importance as the other. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL. Mr. HUME said belied made some objections to a bill for the amendment of binkruptcy and insolvency which had come down from the lords, and he wished to know if it was to be token to-night, or when ? Sir O. GREY said it was not intended to postpone this bill till after the present session. It was in the hands of the Attorney-General, and he was not aware when it would be Iwsught on. ADMINISTRATION OF CRIMINAL LAW IN THE as to what measures would be founded on it. With regard to the inquiry into the administration of the civil law, it was thought expedient that the result of the inquiry into the criminal law should be presented to the government and the house before that was entered into. Whether the commis sion would be appointed before parliament bad considered the report of the other commission he could not say; but he should think not. With maul to the Isle of Man, oom munications had been received from there by the govern ment, which he would lay before the house; but it was not in contemplation to appoint a commission of inquiry. Dr. BOWRING inquired when the reports relating to recent grievances in the Isle of Man would be laid before the hoes. ? Sir G. GREY would look into the papers which had been recently received, and lay them on the table. MINUTE'S OF TIIP iIINDLRv • wtruNCIL • ' - ~egged to ask the noble mu n we ..eau of the government, if be would lay the new minutes of the Council on Education before the house ? Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to intimate that they would be laid on the table. LOANS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES. Mr. HUME said that there were reports in which an account of monies lent by English subjects to foreign coun tries was given, but they did not include the United States, and he wished to know from the government if there was any such report of loans to the United States as was made of loans to Portugal, Mexico, Chili, Venezuela, and other countries ? No answer was given to the question, and it was under stood that it would be answered on a future day. PUBLIC PROSECUTOR. Mr. WAKLEY begged to ask the right hon. gentleman the Home Secretary if there wes any law by which a public prosecutor might be appointed in this country, or if the government intended to introduce a law for this purpose? Sr G. GREY said there was no law by which a public prosecutor could be appointed ; but the subject of a change with regard to prosecutions was under the consideration of the government, particularly as a recent law had placed the expenses on the Treasury. He hoped some better plan would be adopted, but he did not say that it would go so far as the appointment of a public prosecutor. Mr. WAKLEY said anything short of a public prosecutor would be iuemcient for the purpose. . • EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Lord J. MANNERS asked if there was any objection to lay on the table the correspondence between the noble lord at the head of the government and the primate of Ireland on the subject of national education, as well as that between the same right rev. prelate and the right hon. gentleman the member for Tamworth, and the supplemental report pre sented by the Committee of National Education? Lord J. RUSSELL said the correspondence in question was not exactly official, but he had no objection to make it Is, and the noble lord might move that it be laid en the table. He was not aware that there was any record of the correspondence with the right lion. gentleman the member for Tamworth. THE RAJAH OF SATTARA. Mr. ESCOTT asked the hon. member for Montrose when he would bring on his motion with regard to the Rajah of Sattara ? Mr. HUME said it stood for to-morrow, on going into committee of supply, and he should bring it on. NAVIGATION BILL (No. 2). Lord J. RUSSELL moved the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, for the purpose of postponing it. Mr. ESCOTT would take this opportunity of asking if it was intended to persist in going on with five bills which were before the house affecting the representation of the people? Lord J. RUSSELL, as regarded his own bill, was ready to give en answer. It was an Important measure, but at this period of the session he should not proceed with it. He hoped the house would consent to read it a second time, and go into committee pro/or/IW, so that it might be put into the shape in which he wished it to stand. He was not an swerable for the other bills; but in his opinion, at this period of the session, it was not desirable to discuss bills which altered the representation of the people. COLLIERY EXPLOSION NEAR WIGAN. CHANNEL ISLANDS. Mr. NEWDEGATE had received information with re• god to great irregulerities in the administration of the gimbal law in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Mae. legged to ask when the report of the commissioners to gaquire into that subject would be laid before the house, and whether the government would be prepared to found any messnuri it ? And also, when the commission to inquire fat* t.6a a mlaiatrattoa of the civil law, which had been pia robed, would be put into action ? 'e 0, OBEY raid that the commissioners for inquiring into criminal law bad completed their inquiry, • yet made their report, which they had the end of May. He had received a letter , of the commissioners, giving. reasons report was in a forward state, and soon be presented. When it was government would give it their hest - was not prepared to give an entrance Mr. T. DUNCOMBE wished to put a question to the right hon. gentleman the Home Secretary. He was no doubt aware of a calamitous explosion which took place in a col liery near Wigan, on Tie day last. It was the wish of the parties interested that a commissioner should be sent down to investigate the matter. For some days past the men had represented to the proprietors that the pit was not in a safe state, and on the morning of the explosion they wens to the man at the bottom of the shaft, and again stated that it was not safe, and wished to leave. lie refused, sad ordered them back, and in a few hours afterwards the explosion wound • seven or eight men were brought up, two of whom did Immediately, and the lives of the ethers were despaired of. It was known that six men had been left in the pit who must be dead. The proprietors were requested to allow persons to go into the pit to see after them ; but they refused and sent down some of their own men, who paid a very mysterious visit to the pit and gave no information. An experienced miner, well-known in the neighbourhood, bad volunteered to go down accompanied by another man to see if he could rescue the persona who were left below, but their request had been refused—and all this was because they would be able to give evidence before the coroner's inquest, which sat to-morrow. There was, of course, great excitement in Wigan and the neighbourhood, when it was known that six persons were immersed in the pit and no one was allowed to go down to their rescue. It was necessary that some step should be taken ti protect the lives of persons in collieries. He hoped that a commissioner would be sent down to make inquiry into the matter. Sir O. GREY was not acquaint d with the facts of the cue beyond the short statement which had appeared in the newspapers. None of the statements the hon. member had made to the house had reached him (Sir 0. Grey), either officially or in any other manner. Of course there would be an inquiry into the circumstances of the accident, and ha trusted that it would then turn out that the conduct of the owner of the mine had not been such as had been described by the hon. member. In former cases two gentlemen of practical experience had been sent down to watch the pro. endings at the inqueets, and, if it was found necessary, the minse coarse would be pursued in the present instance. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE thought it ougnt to be done at toss. It was not to be tolerated that the unfortunate men known to have been left in the mine should be allowed to remain there either dead or in a dying state. If this had been a railway accident, a commissioner would at once, and without delay, have been despatched to the spot by the go vernment. Sir G. GREY remarked that the investigation of this cam did not properly devolve upon the government, and he hoped it would not be thought the magistrates and local authori- ties had not power to act in such a matter. Indeed, the ma gistrates would grossly neglrct their duty, if they had not already taken steps, if the case stood as the hon. member re presented it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. H. BAILLIE wished to know what powers the magi,- trates had to interfere in such a case. The usual course was, that a coroner should hold an inquest on the sufferers, and, if a verdict of accidental death was returned, there the mat ter ended. Scarcely six months elapsed without some serious coal-mine accident, by which vast numbers were killed, and others severely injured, and he thought the subject quite as important for investigation by the government, as any sea way accident that had ever occurred. Sir G. GREY said the hon. member could not have heard the original statement, which was, that the accident had arisen from the grass and wilful neglect of the owner of the mine. Now, if death had been caused by wilful neglect, he apprehended that was a charge which ought to be in vestigated by the magistrates. Mr. HUME remarked that, looking to the number of wrecks and collisions at sea, by which so many lives were lost, especially in recent times, he thought the government ought to institute some sort of inquiry with a view to ascer tain how far such calamities might be avoided. Mr. M. FORSTER inquired from the hon, member for Finsbury upon what authority he had made so serious a charge as that of wilful neglect against the owner of the mine ? Mr. T. DUNCOMBE replied that he bad received a communication that morning from Mr. Roberts, a respect able solicitor at Manchester, who was the legal adviser of the body of colliers, and be had as much reliance upon the accu racy of the statement of Mr. Roberts, as upon that of any statement that could be made by the hon. member himself. COMMUTED PENSIONS. Sir D. L. EVANS asked the right hon. gentleman, the secretary-at-war, what decision had been come to respect leg the restoration of their pensions to the commuted pen sioners, so many of whose petitions had been laid before the house in the course of the present session? Mr. F. MAULE replied that the whole question had been discussed in 1845, and he found a treasury minute of the late government declining any interference in the matter. Ile thought that minute founded upon a right principle, and injustice to the public he could not advise the restoration of pensions commuted 15 years ago. POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS. Mr. FERRAND inquired at what period of the committee of supply it was intended to move the vote far the expenses of the poor law commissioners, and gave notice that he should take that opportunity of refuting the cutrailiction given to his statement respecting the supply of medicines which had been offered on Monday night by the hon. and learned member for Bath. Lord J. RUSSELL Raid that whenever the house got into a committee of supply it was intended to take the vote for the poor law commissioners if not the first certainly one of the earliest votes. JOINT STOCK COMPANIES BILL. Sir R. H. INGLIS inquired whether it was the pleasure of the government to press the discussion on the third read ier of the Joint Stock Companies Bill this evening ? He asked the question because it was virtually a bill to repeal the statute of raortmain in favour of joint-stock companies, and he thought a bill fought with such consequences ought not to be brought forward at an inconvenient period of the night. Mr. M. OIESON said of course it would not be desirable to press on any bill which would require discussion. lie assured the hon. member that the bill did not infringe either the letter or spirit of the mortmain acts ; and he, there fare, hoped to be allowed to bring it on. Lord J. MANNERS begged of the hon. baronet opposite (Sir It. Inglis) not to take fnr granted the right hon. gentle man's law : not only this bill, but also several private acts which bad paned, wholly infringed the statutes of Mort:main. PRIVILEGE. Mr. D. ROSS complained of a misrepresentation in the Times of that day, of what he said in the course of the debate on Wednesday. He was reported in that journal to have said " that there was now an opportunity of doing great good, by exposing the system of jobbing which pre vailed through the whole constitution of Irish society." The language be had used had exactly an opposite bearing, for he said that ho hoped the returns desired by the hon. member for Mallow would be granted, as then the guilty parties would be disclosed , and the opinion, that the whole .-4" . -"thee branch of the legislature or itself. On these grounds, he moved 'as an amendment that the bill be committed that day three months. Col. SIBTHORP seconded the amendment. He com plained of London being lift out of the provisions of the bill, and said that it required unitary measures much more than York. Perhaps the fact that there were 16 metropolitan members—an important number to a government—had something to do with it. lie contended teat the authorities of the city he represented ( Lincoln), had just as clean hands as the Lord Mayor and Common Council of London. No 'less than 21 new clauses were now introduced into this bill, which it would be impossible to dream thoroughly. He regarded local government as a most important institution it was, in fact, the foundation of the constitution. To send down government inspectors and commissioners, would be an insult to the local authorities. The principle of cen tralisation was bad, unnecessary, and dangerous, and would become more so, perhaps incurably so, hereafter. It was said, the metropolis would not be forgotten on a future occa sion ; why not include it now common honesty required this; delays were dangerous, and also auspicious. He was told some parts of the metropolis were not quite so clean as they should be—laughter) ; but then the scavengers, per haps, had votes, and probably they had been canvassed. Such a coupe was unbecoming a high-minded and honour able ministry. Mr. W. BROWN thought the bill one of the most im portant of the session. 0 ring to the deplorable calamity which had visited Ireland, about 2.50,000 Irish had come over to Liverpool ; of theso between 6,000 and 7,000 were ill in fever, and the want of sanitary regulations was moat distressing. The disease was, in consequence, spreading amongst the working classes, and even extending itself to the upper classes. Four medical men had already fallen victims to the disease, and it was most essential that some steps should be taken to stay its ravages. Mr. MACKINNON showed that the objections of the gallant member for Lincoln (Col. Sibthorp), to the appoint ment of commissioners, were unfounded, as the appoint ment lay, in the first instance, with the rate-payers. The commissioners to be appointed by her Majesty would only be analogous to the poor-law commissioners. (Hear.) He regretted mini of the 013/811/0118 of the bill. The government had felt that there was a strong opposition to the measure in London ; they had, therefore, preferred, feeling the neces sity for passing the measure this session, to exclude London, I but making the bill extend to the rest of the country. Such a course was perfectly juitiflable. Mr. SPOONER objected to the bill on account of the principle of centralisation which it involved. Very soon the whole country would be governed by commissioners. While sympathising with the distresses described by the honourable member for South Lancashire (Mr. Brown), it should Li remembered that these evils were local and temporary, and ought not to be met by a general and permanent enactment. Instead of' ' appointing commission. is, it would be preferable to have another under-secretary of state, giving him power to make all the necessary arrangements in the different towns. The' measure was either right or wrong. if right, why exclude London ? if wrong, why should it be pressed on the house ? Ile objected to the appointment of commissioners on the ground of expense, as well as its being unconstitutional. Mr. E. G. BARNAItD was understood to say that the town of Deptford had seen itself unwillingly excluded from the bill, and wished that the measure should be made appli cable to it. Mr. NEWDEOATE said it was understood before that the excluded district comprehended a circle of four miles round St. Paul's. This was the most objectionable part of tkis bill ; and now tho excluded district was suddenly ex tended to a circle of ten miles. Why bad this been done? Some explanation was certainly necessary. Besides, it was almost entirely a now bill; 18 new clauses had been intro duced; and the supporters of the measure had no right now to claim for it the public support. Mr. HUDSON said, there were 18 new clauses in the bill out of 58, and the bill, therefore, ought to be begun afresh. Moreover, he did not think that either house would pass such a bill, excluding, as it did, the metropolis, which required its operation more than any other place in the kingdom. He also objected to the power which the bill gave of fixing an unlimited rate; and, in fact, the bill was of objectionable 'clauses. Moreover, he believed that the appointment of the proposed central commission, and the officers under the bill, would be quite a matter of jobbing, and he objected to the system of centralisation which the bill proposed. The noble lord (Lord Morpeth) only cared to get the commission ap pointed for the sake of patronage. He thought the metro politan members, who had no direct interest in the matter, should not vote for or against the bill. Mr. T. DUNCOM BE thought that it might be better if hon. gentlemen who were directly interested in the bill did not vote for it. (Hear, hear.) His constituents did not wish the metropolis to have been excluded, and he should vote for expunging the 13th clause, which exempted London from the operation of the act. There were some objections to the bill, which, however, might be remedied in committee ; and, amongst other matters, the salaries of these great scavengers of the country should be fixed. After a few words tient Capt. Pechell, Mr. Peter Borth trick, and Mr. 11. Berkeley, The house divided—For going into committee 117 Against it The house then we at into committee. Lord MORPETII said it was his intention to reduce the number of commissioners from live, as originally intended, to four, one of whom only was to receive a salary. On clause 1 being oroposed, Mr. HENLEY objected to the principle of centralisation contained in the bill. He believed it would merely create patronage, and leave sanitary regulations to take care of themselves. He most decidedly objected to the great power invested in the hands of the commissioners. The really effective part of the bill was contained in the Towns Improve ment Clauses Bill. He would, therefore, move that the clause be omitted. Lord W. I'AULETT thought there were objectionable clauses in the bill, but he agreed in its general principles. Mr. BUCKE agreed in the observations of the hon. member for Oxford. Col. SIBTHORP thought that they should know the number of commissioners, and their names. The public had a right to know how much this bill was likely to cost them. If he could help it, the bill should not pass into a law this 141121011. Mr. SPOONER said the objections which be entertained' to this clause he had already urged in speaking against the ' principle of the bill. He should like to knew what was to be the salary of the one paid commissioner. Mr. MACKINNON did not think that the towns would , I act of themselves without the existence of a central commis sion, although he admitted that centralisation was to be avoided. Sir W. CLAY supported the existence of a central board as the only means of diffusing information with respect to sanitary regulations. Mr. HUDSON thought that those who were to bear the expense of the measure ought to know how much it was likely to be. Nothing could be more absurd than to place a town under the operation of the bill, merely because it had a corporation, and without reference to its sanitary condi tion. (Hear, bear,) The effect of the measure would be to paralyse the towns. (Laughter.) In order to be valua ble, the bill must be received everywhere with good feeling, and it must be generally felt that there were no unjust ois tinctione in its application. (Hear, hear.) Corporate and incorporate must equally be included in its provisions. Lord MORPETH said he had been asked what mystery there was in the salary of the single paid commisaionei. The amount would not exceed 1,0001. ayear. It was a popular argument that if this bill were required, the towns would petition for it. He feared that those towns in which it was most needed would be the least likely to petition for it. He centered that to him there was nothing formidable in the word, " centralisation." (Laughter.) They who most feared centralisation moat required that kind of pun ishment. (Laughter.) The business of the central audio. rity would be merely to advirc, guide, and stimulate local sgency ; and be believed that this bill went no further. There was no single provision in it which did not assign all that was to be done to local agescy. If there were any blot in this bill, it was, that there was too little stringency in it as regarded the central authority. (Hear, hear.) The sans. tary commissioners had strongly urged the importance of such authority, on account of the neglect and ignorance of the keel authorities, who had neither the opportunities nor the education requisite for the purpose. On this ground it was recommended that while everything originated with the local agency, the crown should have a power of supervision. It was natural for local bodies to contend for non-interference, as the Englishman's right ; but the statistics of the country showed that the interests of the community required some thing beyond local authority. The principal opposition to the bill that evening had proceeded from York and Lin coln ; but he was happy to gay that he held in his hand a copy of a petition from the commissioners of paving and sewage in the latter city, in favour of the measure, as likely to be conducive to the health and convenience of the inhabitants. As to the city of York, the commissioners stated that the main sewerage was very defective, and the house drainage equally so. It was not fair to leave the working claims to the unassisted efforts of local authorities. He felt sure that eventually the interference of the government, instead of exciting dislike and suspicion, would everywhere be hailed as a boon. One advantage of having a commission would be, that the inven tions for sanitary improvement, many of which were daily submitted to himself, would all undergo a proper examination. Mr. HUDSON denied that the rate of York was any thing like what had been represented is the report of the Sir J. DUCKWORTH agreed with the noble lord (Lord Morpeth) that some central authority was necessary ; but he did not approve of the powers conferred by the bill. fie objected to the immediate introduction of compulsory mea sures, and thought the accusations made against local autho rities were not justified by facts. Col. SIBTUORP said that at the time when the petition referred to by the noble lord was presented, the commis sinners were not aware of the real nature of the bill. Mr. NEWDEGATE thought the bill under consideration afforded a very good illustration of the principle of centrali sation. The authority was to originate with the govern meat, and to influence the town-council, and the town that he could not in March answer it, and the deprivation of his organs of speech had lasted to July, nor was it till the first of that month that he could answer a speech made in March. It must be plain to the committee that the object of the noble lord was not to discuss the clause, but to endeavour, by raising a discussion on what was not before the committee, to obstruct the pro gress of the bill. Among other things he made a frequent repetition of the charge that the City of London was left out of the bill because it was represented by the first minister of the crown, that no one had explained the fact, that a noble lord who lately filled the office of chief commis sioner of the Woods and Forests, who had no connexion with the Metropolis, and was not one of its representatives, introduced a bill which slid not contain any provisions which applied to that City, and that the first bill which was made applicable to it was brought in by his noble friend, and that when the first minister of the crown repre sented the City of London. When this was done the noble lord the late commissioner of Woods and Forests objected to the metropolis being included in the bill, as tending to make it impracticable. These facts completely answered the often repeated accusation with regard to the grounds on which it was excluded. The noble lord (G. Bentinck) could not explain why the late commissioner of Woods and Forests omitted the City of London from his bill. This, however, had reference to another clause, and when they came to the subject his noble friend would give his rea sons for the course he had pursued. The present question was, whether there should be any central body or power put into operation by the hill. What fell from the hon. member for Finsbury, although reflecting on his (Lord J. Russell's) constituents, had • great deal of truth in it ; for he said that if yen left these bodies of persons to themselves, and there was no pressure upon them, it would be a long time before they adopted any measures of reform. He believed this to be the case with corporate towns. The plan of the hon. member for Oxfordshire was to leave the towns to purify themselves or not, as they pleased. If it was left to their option, in many of them there would be no such reforms. What was the severe pressure which was pro posed? Why, that they should be subject to the chief commissioner of the Woods and Forests, associated with a paid commiaioner at a salary of 1,0001. a year, admitted to be moderate, and that inspectors were to visit the towns, and report what they required. Lord G. BENTINCK—An uncertain—an unlimited number. Lord J. RUSSELL—Uncertain if he would ; hut if the noble lord wished them to be limited, let him propose it. When he said there was no limit, he did not perceive that their eateries must be voted in committee of supply. The ' noble lord was mistaken in supposing that tho power was to i be token out of the hands of the towns, because the towns I would appoint their local officers to carry out their own re gulations • and the whole power of the commissioner of Woods and Forests would cantiat in giving his approbation ' to those appointments when made. The power of the bill I was not compulsory to force great expense, but compulsory i only to require reports, and to ascertain the state of the towns. The objection to an increase of the government pa tronage was a perfectly fair one to urge in that house ; but when an important object was to be attained, he thought that, of the two evils, increase of government patronage or ' loss of public benefit, the increase of patronage was the less. CoI.ROLLESTON concurred in the object of the bill; but condemned the machinery as too complicated ; and strongly objected to the centralisation system. Lord J. MANNERS having briefly opposed the clause, The committee divided—For the clause.... lOO Against it 2B-72 Clauses 2 and 3 were agreed to. On clause 4 being put, Mr. SPOONER complained that though the clause pro vided for the appointment of inspectors under the bill, there was no limitation as to their number, and there was no pro vision as to the amount of their salaries. He objected to the clause on account of its being so indefinite. Lord MORPETH said that the duties of the inspectors were defined in subsequent clauses of the bill, and until these were settled he had not thought it expedient to limit the num ber of inspectors. He did not, however, hesitate to say that the government contemplated that it would not be necessary in the first instance to have more than six inspectors, and it was hoped to reduce that number after the law had been brought into operation. As to the salaries, they would be regulated by the amount of work to be done by the inspectors, and those salaries certainly would not exceed that of the commissioner. Mr. ENTWISLE thought that, looking to the objects in Tien., and the efficiency required, the salary of the com missioner was too small. After a few words from Col. &amour and Lord MORPETII in explanation, Lord G. BENTINCK observed that the 17th clause spoke of the salaries of the inspectors " as fixed by this act ;" surely then the salaries ought to be stated. Lord J. RUSSELL said this would be done se soon as the bill received the sanction of the crown. The Treasury would then fix the salaries en a comparison with those of other officers charged with similar duties, and an estimate would be presented to the House of Commons, for that house to de cide whether tba Treasury bad made • correct calculation. By this plan the house would have an annual revision of the vote. Cul. SIBTHORP thought it suspicious that the govern ment refused to state the salaries they intended to give. Mr. COLLETT (Athlone) thought some limit ought to be fixed as to the number of officers to be appointed. He saw that there were to be secretaries, clerks, and *errant', but there was no limitation. Mr. HENLEY observed that a port of the duties of the inspectors was to prepare plans of the towns they surveyed, and that the coats of those surveys were to be defrayed by the retepayern Now, under the Towns Improvements Act, plans had also to be prepared, and he wanted to know on what ground the oast of two plane were to be thrown upon the ratepayers. Lord MORPETH said he apprehended it would not be necessary to have two sets of plans; and as to the expense of surveys, the cost would not bo thrown upon the ratepayers, unites the act was brought into operation in that particular town. It a town introduced improvements, those improve ments should be at the coat of the town and not of the nation. Lord 0. BENTINCK inquired what would be the scale of • the salaries to be paid to the secretaries and clerks? Viscount MORPETII said the salaries of the clerks and secretaries would be apportioned by the treasury, as was done in other departments, according to the duties they bad to perform. Mr. HUDSON said it would be very hard to saddle the towns with the payment of officers over whom they had no control ; be hoped th►t clause would undergo some modifi cation, so as to throw the cost on the Consolidated Fund. Mr. HAYTER observed that clause was not now before the committee. Col. ROLLESTON asked what was the number of corpo rate towns to which the act would apply? Visct. MORPETH said the whole number was about 180. The clause was then agreed to, as was clause 5, with some amendments. On clause 6, Mr. HENLEY snowed the omission of the word hats. Visct MORPETH said there would he no objection to this, were it not that the legal interpretation of the word " town " was not the same as its popular acceptation. Its legal meaning was • township, which in many cases did not embrace the whole of the town, and on this account the word " district" had been employed ; but there was no in tention thereby to extend the act to the rural districts. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that no difficulty could arise front the use of the word " district," as the ex tension of the act to any place not an incorporated borough was dependent on the option of the inhabitants. Mr. HENLEY said it was for that very reason he feared the introduction of the word district." By the interpreta tion clause, " street" was made to mean road ;" and this would facilitate the application of the act to rural districts. Viscount MORPETH said he would agree to strike out the word " district," and substitute some other which might answer the same purpose. Mr. C. BERKELEY feared the noble lord had consented rashly to strike out this word. The alteration would have the effect of excluding those parts of Cheltenham, and many other towns, where the act was most needed. Viscount MORPETH said that some other word should be substituted to include the suburbs of towns. After some further conversation, Viscount MORPETII promised to insert an interpretation clause to distinguish urban from rural districts. The clause was then agreed to. Clause 7, regulating boundaries. After a short discussion, the committee divided on the re tention of this clause, when The numbers were, for the clause Against 59-44 The clause was then agreed to; the chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day. SUPPLY. In answer to a question by LITrilG. BeNriNcx, Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was not his intention to proceed with supply to-morrow (this day). LAW OF COPYRIGHT. Mr. M. GIBSON obtained leave to introduce a bill to amend the law relating to the protection in the colonies of works entitled to copyright in the united kingdom. The house adjourned at 1 until 12 o'clock thin day. ghe WO* MAILS. The mails for British North America, Bermuda, and the United Mates, will he made up on the evening of the 3rd July. The overland nails for Gibraltar, galta,Grtece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Korb, and China, sin Southampton, will be made up on the evening of the aid July. The mails for the Brasilik the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the evening albs gat July. The overland closed mails, via Marseilles, to the :Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong Kong, tic., will be made up on the evening of the 7th July. A mall for the United States, British Nerth America, &c., will be made up on the morningof inth July, for tr.insmission by the steamer Washington, from Southampton. Lettersand papers must be specially marked, "Per Washington." - fhe mails for New south Wales, Van Diemen 's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Slit July. TO CORRESTONDENT2II. Alrertlerr.r.ts INended for The Xsprees. Looa. (119.ing pptr , agar ba at ma O. by Two o'clock ua the day of ►ullkNlw. HIGH WATER. AT LONUON-BRIDGI. Tau Dar —lllontu. 71 nitt. put 4 Win. 51 mt. um 4. To•Nositur—Maralsg, ego. past b; Aftelmon, tottt. put 5. LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 2. TIIE old Whig organ is monstrously and mercilessly severe upon the whigs for spending so much money upon Ireland, without having devised lime profitable mode of expenditure. It reprobates the Labour Rate, which did make this trial, and is quite as angry with eleemosynary relief. It taunts and twits the CnAN CELLOR of the EXCIIEQUI•R with his empty treasury, and almost exults in the financial embarrassments that await the government. We would not allude to this unreasonable ill humour on the part of a jour nal, if Gs° many did not participate in it. We do not, for our part, want to set ourselves up as champions of the government, and of its absolute wisdom, but we do think it exceedingly important, that the failures and short-comings of English govern ment in the management of Ireland should be traced to their true source. For if we go on fancying that these are all owing to the errors of the party which happens to be in power, we may go on changing ministers for ever, without is the least improving or redeeming Ireland. There are four sections in parliament pretty strongly separated in their views of Irish necessities and affairs. There is first the economist, and the exclusively English party, who are for considering all colonies ae in dependent and self-sufficing, and who would treat Ireland as a colony. They imagine that England could do very well without Ireland, as it could without India, or without Canada—nay, that Eng land could dispense with colonies and sister kingdoms altogether, without sinking into a third-rate power, and becoming much such an empire—if empire it could then be called—as Holland is. The English government, according to this party, should only interfere in Ireland to make its landholders divide their substance amongst the population, and that what wealth there is should be swallowed up by the pauperism of the country. The protectionists have other ideas. They would spare the Irish landlord, and save what remains of the upper classes and their influence in Ireland, believing that they form the great link between the countries, and that the old divisions of a population are necessary for order, prosperity, and peace. It would, therefore, pour money into Ireland ; employ it in industrial undertakings—in railroads to begin with ; and, by ensuring a profitable return, make the com mercial enterprise of England act as a cure for the sluggard pauperism of the sister kingdom. There is grandeur in this idea; and were it practicable, was the application of it spread everywhere over Ireland, and not exclusively given to one interest; was the capital of England really overflowing; and was there a power ful and independent government to guide and keep the country in a certain line of policy, the idea of Lord GEORGE BEN TINCIt might prove the best. But what English government could carry this out Sir R. PEEL'S views with respect to Ireland are, in our opinion, the narrowest of those entertained by any party. His panacea for Ireland consists of drainage and charity. Any great auxiliary or permanent mea sure he decidedly sets his face against. He turned his back upon emigration, and reclamation of waste lands, and was not very zealous in favour of the poor-law : gratuitous distribution of food, even to the interruption of regular trade in corn, was his favourite measure. At everything, more or lees, he shook his head. In the face of these parties, each entertaining dif ferent opinions, not to mention the Irish party, which formed another separate and formidable band, the men in power had to frame a certain set of measures for Ireland, not such as their own wisdom might de vise, but such as might run the cross-fire and the gauntlet of these different parties. The ministerial measures were various and numerous enough. But each opposing party seized on a victim, and slew that most obnoxious to it. It was a wonder, that even the Poor-law passed, maimed and doctored as it was. Why, then, blame a government for the result of things in Ireland ? Parliament has been the govern ment for the last six months; and we need not say, that where a government consists, as parliament does, of five contending parties, it cads by being no go vernment at all. Where there is a breach, it stops it; where there is a famine, it brings momentary subsistence. It meets the necessities of the day, but declares " that enough for the day is the evil thereof." As to foresight, delicate and sagacious legislation, a building-up of the ruined materials and supports of a social edifice—a parliament such as we have had, and a government such as it necessitates, are utterly unequal to the task. And yet the pressure of distress, and the employ ment of the most obvious and necessary means of meeting it, have done much good. We have, in deed, still three millions dependent upon daily alms, but more and more of these alms are of Irish finding. The system at present in operation is a modified poor law, and its success in so many districts ensures the ful filment of that law. In many instances it may still prove impracticable ; in others, harsh ; in general, it must amount to a revolution in property, disastrous to the present generation of proprietors ; but future generations will profit by, and will bless, its harsh nese. At the same time, much ought to be done, and must be done, to aid the present generation through its difficulties. If little of the kind has been attempted this session, parliament and its parties are to blame. They have denied it. And they have been warranted in denying it by the crudeness of every scheme, the absurdity o f almost every proposal made by the Irish themselves. We do think, thaflltts the turn and the duty of the Irish to exert at least their imagination, which has ever been fertile, and, in some way more practical and salutary than in devising political change. It will not do for the Irish and their friends, in and out of Ireland, to continue the labour of abusing parliament, abusing ministers, abusing England, for not providing reme dies, which Irish invention and experience are unable to point out. Less vituperation, less anger, less per sonality, less party squabbles and international spite, would be a great improvenrmt. One practical sug gestion would be worth columns and volumes of diatribe. And here we may take occasion to regret the attacks upon Irish landlords made in the last blue book, and in so pointed a ray, as t^ !loco= nem , eerily public and personal. The gentry of Ireland are exceedingly, and with much justice, sore at the business and management of relief being so com pletely taken out of their hands, and given to boys and subalterns. There naturally must have been a great deal of mutual irritation produced between these beardless captains-general of Irish unions, and the gentry of the county, some of whom may be here ditary jobbers, but the majority of whom are high minded, patriotic. and intelligent men. The reality of legislation has been quite harsh enough to the Irish educated classes, without rendering the forms and the execution disparaging and discourteous. SINCE the beginning of Jane nitre has been a com paratively slight but a decidedly continuous increase of cheerful hopefulness noticeable in the business of our two great branches of textile manufac ture. The reports from Manchester at the close of May spoke of " small transactions" and " irregular prices ' during the whole of the month ; but admitted that " the tone of business had improved under the influence of fine weather and greater ease in the money market." Every succeeding week's reports have been characterised by less and less of depressed feeling. Last week it was an increase in the prices of low qualities of cloth, on account of demand from the Greeks; and this week it is simply, " There is much more activity in the market and prices are higher, particularly for printing cloths." So in Yorkshire. The demand for the American markets, which con tinued throughout May, has begun to increase, aow that the preparations for the fall markets are being felt; and the improvement first felt in yarns for Russia has been experienced in the prices of other markets, and extended first to fancy goods, and then to tweeds and coatings. The hour of the greatest pressure is past ; and there is this unprecedented feature in the late crisis to be Doted, that it has been attended with an almost total absence of important failures among the commercial and manufacturing community. This spealm volumes bath for the strength with which difficulties of no ordinary character have been met, and for the caution with which trade must of late have been carried on. If the same caution continues, as we have no doubt it will, to be exercised, the already perceptiblezl= up of the gloom will speedily lead to its entire The sources of difficulty with which the trading community have still to contend are partly artificial enactments, partly the working of natural causes. The former, of which the chief are the arbitrary in terference by statute with the natural value of money and with banking operations, and the unequal inci dence of taxation, are at this moment some of them not more, others of them positively less felt than they have been for many years. And with respect to them there is this ground for cheerful anticipation, that the bad effects of heavy or unequal customs or excise duties are now almost universally acknowledged, and certain to engage the very earliest attention of the next parlia ment; while even the effect of legislative interference with the freedom of exchange and other monetary transactions is not only becoming better understood, but is almost certain to be an influential election ques tion in the manufacturing districts, and throughout the whole of Scotland. The natural difficulties with which our merchants and manufacturers have vet to contend are the certain short crop of cotton in the United States, the possible or probable short clip of wool in this country and the uncertainty respecting imports from abroad, and the general derangement of the ordinary course of com merce that would be attendant on a continued defi ciency in the supplies of food. Respecting our supplies of cotton, there can now be scarcely a doubt that they will be under the average. The estimate of the last crop of the United States continues steady at 1,800,000. The opinions regard ing the growing crops are, as usual at this season, contradictory, and not to be relied upon ; but the operations of dealers will be guided by what is actually known of the present more than by surmises respecting the future. Ve ith regard to English wools, the general opinion seems to be that the next clip will prove an indifferent one; and with regard to the Australian wool, which now constitutes such an important part of our supply, though it is certain that the clip has been large, it is also certain that it will be later than usual of coming to hand, and it has not yet been satis factorily established that a considerable portion of it may not be damaged and weather-stained. The dis advantage resulting from such a state of affairs is principally felt in the necessarily cramped and un certain character of manufacturing operations. Every increased demand and consequent improvement in the prices of manufactured goods is, when the market is underatocked with raw material, accompanied, if not indeed preceded, by an enhancement of its price. Luckily, the stocks on hand are not large either in the cotton or woollen districts, and are being gra dually reduced. The bad effects of a rather short supply of raw material are therefore likely to be limited to the contraction of business, without the introduction of the more dangerous element of uncer- tainty. With respect to the supply of food, every week that passes over our heads tends to diminish appre hensions on that score ; and this was, after all, the great source of danger. It is impossible to exaggerate the maleficent influences of dearth upon commerce, especially when it extends over so wide a portion of the globe as it did last year. It increases the cost e production, and it drives trade violently and by jerks out of its natural channels. It is evident, however, by the stores of grain, the existence of which was in so many instances resolutely and unblushingly denied by the holders, which are now being I thrown upon the market both here and in Ame rica, that, even during the year that is passed, stocks never were so much reduced as they were represented to be. And every where there is promise—if not always from the character of the sea son, yet from the greater breadth of land sown—of a crop decidedly above the average. When we last adverted to this subject we bad to record the fact that a rich harvest had been garnered in Egypt, and that the grain harvests of Spsiu were also abundant and all but secured. We have now to add that the har vest of Italy is nearly concluded and extremely abundant, especially in the south the harvest of Naples alone is said to exceed by about two-fifths the consumption of the country. At Trieste, on the 20th lilt, the favourable reports of the growing crops had canoed a further reduction in prices. The accounts of the growing crops from the Danube and South Russian provinces are most encouraging. The promke of our British crops may fairly be inferred from this increased and increas ing deliveries which have been noted in all the ruling markets during the last few weeks, and which have at last been acknowledged even in Mark lane. We fear there can no longer be any doubt entertained that the potato disease will again dimi nish the returns from the much diminished plant of this year. For this, however, the extraordinary in crease in the yield of Indian corn in North Amenca, henceforth our great food market, will amply com pensate. The well-founded nature of these cheerful views is vouched for by the reluctance with which the heralds of another year of dearth have allowed themselves to be silenced. We do not object to the dis semination of alarmist views, or to mercantile speculations based upon them. These arc the means by which Providence has provided for reduced consumption, so long as there is any ground to lyre bend short supply. But common decency, if not common morality, prescribes some limits to the means employed to disseminate apprehensions: they ought always to stop short of positive, unequivocal lying• And when we take into account the alarming " leaders " of some provincial journals, and the alarmist circulars (printed and in MS.) of certain firms, it is impossible even for that Charity which draws s veil over so many sins to deny that this not re* • exacting precept has been disregarded. I mused, would be put Sir 0. GREY mid t 1 0 ! the state o f the erimb but they ha 3 not yet hoped to do before 1111 from Mr. Ellis, one for the delay. The hoped would • received the wee tonsidere.ion, but be THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 2, 1847. body of hide misty wee corrupted by a spirit of jobbing, would be rem/wed. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. The order of the day for the committee on the Health of Towns Bill having been reed, Lord MORPETH moved that the Speaker do now leave the chair. Mr. G. PALMER complained of the clause in the bill which related to the compulsory surrender, at the will of the commissiecer to be appointed under it, of the property of water companies already established under the authority, and, as they believed, the security of divers acts of parlia ment. He trusted the house would not enter upon the con sideration of a measure which authorised so unconstitutional a proceeding. The powers invested in this commissioner had hither." , of. and exceeded Owes oner by the crown possessed commie siros to absorb within itself ell local jurisdiction. It seamed to him that the noble lord had only sharpened the end of the wedge with which he contemplated breaking up all local authorities. Mr. R. YORKE, as the representative of a city very fre quently alluded to, must say that he thought the state of I York, as regarded cleanliness, susceptible of much improve ment. Upon the whole, he was of opinion that Dr. Lay cock's report was a fair one • though he admitted, with the right hoe. gentleman the Lord Mayor of York, that the doctor was a " sanguine" man. (Laughter.) Mr. G. PALMER thou,ght it would be very difficult to decide upon many of the matters involved in this bill, and that it would be best to leave such derision to residents in the lota lite. They were, for example, much more interested in de what was a be"' „ •- e‘esl or whale. •••••••••D • . smell, of *um was some water, than any body of commiegoners or inspectors amid be. Mr. ENTWISLE objected to the expense involved in ouwasissions, and tothe patronage which bodies so constituted plemel at the disposal of the government. Ile thought local as 'vision would be much more effectual, less costly, and Mrs liable to abuse. Mr. WAKLEY was rather astonished at the new-born zeal of certain members against commissions, especially when he recollected how strongly many of those members had defended the worst commission in the country—that for the administration of the poor-law. He saw no objection to a commission in this instance, and he thanked the govern ment for the bill generally. lie regretted, however, that the bill had not been based upon a broader and more distinct principle. He regretted, especially, that the City of London had been excluded from its operation. It looked extremely unfair to other places that the City of London should be so excluded, for if the measure was good in itself and likely to be beneficial in its operation, it ought to be applied to the City of London. lie could state from his own knowledge that no place in the kingdom more decidedly required sanitary reform. So bad were some of the courts of the City, in such a state of filth and misery did the inhabitants live, that the poor never showed themselves in the day time out of their wretched abodes. Looking at this bill in a moral point of slew, he anticipated the best results from it; and he thought this was a point which had not been sufficiently dwelt upon. With respect to the clause before them, he should certainly vote for a commission. lie saw one of the commissioners only was to be paid, and he supposed that commissioner would be a medical man, because his salary was fixed so low. (Laughter.) Mr. HENLEY thought all unitary measures could have been carried out by the Towns Improvement Clauses Bill, without all the expensive machinery of the prawn. bill. After a few words from Mr. P. HOWARD, Lord O. BENTINCK said that the corporate towns which were included in this bill felt great alarm at the centralisa tion of power in one officer of the crown. They might be put to great and unnecessary expenses, which would all be paid out of the rates. But they bad still further celiac for alarm in the exclusion from the provisions of the bill of the metropolis, which was represented by the first minister of the crown. He hoped his noble friend would give some reason for this ; and as long as he (Lord G. Bentinek) was member for King's Lynn, he should claim for that town the same privileges as were afforded to the City of London. They were told that it had been stated by Dr. Play fair that the want of sanitary regulations in that city caused a loss of 2,900,000/. a year, as well as the deaths of 10,000 persons, and the sickness of 70,000 more. Besides this they were told by his noble friend that out of the human " excreta" of every person a sum of 21. a year was to be gained ; and that to the 5,000,000 of persons to whom this bill applied he could save 10,000,0001. a year. If this were ao, why was the City of London excluded from the bill, unless his noble friend believed all these schemes were visionary ? He thought, therefore, that they who repre sented corporate towns had better endeavour to get rid of the bill, with all its expensive machinery and patronage. He should like to know what were to be the salaries of the officers under the bill ? The power of appointment and the fixing of the salaries remained in the crown. The noble lord concluded by expressing his determination to oppose We bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said the bill, the first clause of which they were now discussing, bad passed a second reading by a large majority, and to-night a proposal, that the house should go into committee upon it, bad been affirmed in a division of 117 to 26 ' and now the noble lord, finding his efforts disappointed by a large majority, got up and made a speech, not referring to the clause before them, hut showing that his object was to throw the bill out. He hail been an swering the speech which was made by his noble friend the Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests in March last. So astounded was he by that speech— " Obstopuit steterunque come vox faucibus Ocoee - -