The Express. — London, England, 1851-11-04 00:00:00

KOSSUTH. vention in the domestic concerns of any country, shall, by England, not be permitted more—(cheers)—by this you ban anticipated all that I, in my humble quality o f • re- i pmentative of the principles of freedom, in the name of my enuntry, and in the interests of all oppressed nations, be,. again and again entreated from the people of England dime I have been here. And here I meet again another anble idea of your address, where you say that the name • of my country is linked in your prayers and in your hopes with the name of other nations. Men you for that word. You ennoble my name and my country's by it. (Cheers.) Yet you speak t uth. The very moment that Russia first in terfered in Hungary our struggles grew to European height ; we struggled no more for our own freedom, our own iude pendenoe, but altogether for the freedom and independence of the European coutinent. Our cause became the ca use o f mankind. My nation became the martyr of the cause of European freedom in the past; of other nation, it will be the faithful champion of that freedom for the future. I, for my own humble part, whom my people and the public opinion of the world took for the personification of my peo ple's sentiments, I know where env place is. I know what duties am entailed upon me. 1 shall ensure the sympathies of England by my devotion to my country's European cause. (Hear.) England will find me faithful to that place and to those duties which my people's confidence having assesned to me, foreign violence could hinder me from exercising, but whose legitimate character no violence could de stroy. Let me also hope, that whilst Hungary and I arc aware of the solidarity of our cause with the causes of European freedom and iudependenee ; and whilst Hungary is resolved to stand manfully in its place, the other nations, arid England itself, will nit forget that the freedom and independence of Hungary arc inaispensalee to the independence of Europe against Russian en croachment and preponderance, and on neither the other European nations nor England will allow Russia again to interfere in, or to uphold that detested house of Hapsburg, with which, eternally alienated, Hungary will never, through time, have any transactions, unless to ban it, expel it, or to hurl it in the du s t (Loud cheers,) Amongst the nations linked to say country in your hopes and prayers, your address especially 1/31110 France, Poland, Germany, and Italy. To be sure there are some of those events which may be scented already in the air. As to France, my sentiments are known; I have declared them openly. I will be true to those sentiments; and can only add, that it is a highly important step in mankind's destiny to see brotherly love 'between nations so substituted for the unhappy rivalries of uld, as to elicit in England also such brotherly welcome to the FriAich as was seen at the late pis Exhibition, and to elicit such sentiments in England. And so certainly it should ever be. The French nation is etenough for the pulsation of its heart to be, and to been always, felt over the greatest part of the European continent. Till now it is true that the expec tations have never liven realised which Europe's oppressed nations had in France—(hear, hear)—but it must be remembered that the French nation has fallen short in the realisation of its own domestic hopes ales. (Hear, hear.) It would, therefore, be unjust to make a reproach of that which was a misfortune, which they themselves deplore must deeply. I attribute their mischance to the unfortunate propensity to centralisation which the French nation during all its trials conserved—centralisation which leads ever to the oppression of liberty—tentralisetion with which the guarantees of liberty rest rather upon personali ties than upon principle.; and when an omnipotence of power is centred, be it in one men or in one assembly, that man must be a Washington, or that assembly be composed of Washington', not to become ambitious, and, through ambition, dangerous to liberty. (Rear, hear.) Now Washington* are not so thickly sown as to be gathered up everywhere for the reaping. (Cheers.) 1 would, however, solemnly protest, should ally nation attempt to meddle in the domestic concerns of my father land ; NO, of course, I cannot have the arrogant pre tension of mixing with the domestic concerns of any other nation, and least of all, of the great French oration, which is powerful enough to come at last triumphantly out of its trials and sufferings. I have only the warn) wish and hope that the glorious k rench nation will soon surveys! in making that which is now but a name—the Republic— a reality, and will succeed soon in urine:ring that work so as to sec upon the basis of common liberty established the car.- tentment of the people, and, secured by that contentment, a lasting social order ; which CAIIIOO fail to be secured when it is founded spun liberty, but whicli, without liberty, is impossible ; and secondly, 1 hope that the great French nation, in case it realest* the name which it hears, will not forget that it is for her, for England, and for the United States tocheck the encroaching spirit of absolutism wherever it should dare to threaten the independence of nations and their right to dispose of themselves. (Hear, hear.? That is what oppressed humanity expects from the French Republic as well as from England and the United States. As fur Poland, that sad martyr to the must sacrilegious of ambitions, it is enough to say time l'oland and Hungary are neighbours, and have a common enemy. Though it is utterly false to call our past struggles a Polish conspiracy, still I can own loudly in the name of my country that there is no people on the earth which could feel more interested in the future of Poland than the Magyars. We feel also gratified to see ourselves united in your prayers and hope with Germany. We are kindred in sufferings, united in hopes, united in your sympathies. Germany and Hungary must feel united in aim and in de sign. Now, as to Italy—ltaly, in els many respects dear to my heart ; I will not dwell upon its terrible woes— they arc known and appreciated through Nile world, and elicited, even in those ;quarters where it was least ex pected, the strongest indignation of geucrous min, prov ing that questions of humanity can, in England, le no party Tsunami. I will nut dwell upon the honors of saplev,out of which even your government publicly foretold that a revolution must arise. 1 a ill not dwell upon the scaffold which Radculey reared 3,712 tintca in three short years in Lombardy. I will not dwell upon the just hatred of Venice, nor upon the intolerable hu miliation auil nameless sufferings of Rome. I will only say that it is not even possible to imagine a stronger iden tity of interests between two nations than that existing between Hungary and Italy. (Hear, hear.) The freedom and independence of these two nations; have the same ene mies. 'they are like two wings of a single army ranged against one enemy—the victory of one wing is 0 victory to the other, the defeat of one a misfortune to the other. One cannot become independent and free without the other also becoming so, else there would be no security W their freedom and independence. (Hear.) So it is not even possible is imagine a stronger lick brother hood than that which between the two nations needs Jima exist. Pconfidently believe that this imperious necessity must Tie equally felt on both sides; and that both nations must be penetrated by the conviction of it as strongly as myself'—the more because there is a happy incident which must further strengthen the har mony, hopes, feelings, and wishes between Ilunpry and Italy. I will tell it to you. There are new doctrines agitated in certain countries, which, by what right it is not mine to investigate, arc considered by many to be incompatible with social order and with the principle of security of property. Now, Iluugary has, and will have, with these doctrines nothing to do, for the most simple and more decisive reasou,—because in Hungary there is no occasion—there is not the slightest opportunity— . • THE WORKLNO CLASS DEMONSTRATION. The following reply of M. Kossuth to the address (given in yesterday's paper) presented by the working those., at Copenhagen-house, appeared in a Second Edition of the Express last evening: Gentlemen, I most warmly thank you for your generous sentiments of active and operative symnathy with the free dom end independence of my native land, so closely con nected—as you have rightly judged—with the freedom and indeptudenee of other nations on the Euro pean Continent. It is to me highly gratifying to know that a large party of the present meeting belongs to the working classes. It is gratifying to me, because, if to belong to the working classes implies a man whose livelihood depends on his own honest and industrious labour, then none amongst you has more right to call himself a working man than I so to call myself. I in herited nothing from my dear father, and I have lived my whole life by my own honest and industrious labour. This, my condition, I consider to have been my first claim to my people's confidence, because well they knew that being in that condition I must intimately know the wants, the sufferings, and the necessities of the people. (Loud cheers) And PO assuredly it was. It is, there fore, that I so practically devoted my life to procure and to secure political and social freedom to my people ; not to a race, not to a class, but to the whole people. Besides, 1 devoted all my life for many years by the practical means of associations to extend the benefit of public instruction to the working elasees, and to forward the mate rial welfare of the agriculturists, of the manufacturers, and of the trading men. (Hear, hear.) Amongst all the enterprises to that effect, at that time of my life, when.) was yet in no public office, but a private man, there is none to which I look back with more satisfaction paid pride than to the association fur the eucouragemeut of ma nufacturing industry —to its free schools, to its exhibi tions, to its press, and to its affiliations. Besides conferring immense material benefits, it proved also poli tically bent ticial, by bringing in closer contact and more friendly eclat ier the different classes of my dear native land, by interesting the working classes in the public poli tical concerns of our nation, and by so developing a strongly united public opinion to support me iu my chief aim, which was conserving the municipal and eenstitutional institutions of my country—to substitute fur the privileges of single climes the political emancipation of the whole people, and substituting freedom to ciao privileges— tu impart to the people the faculty of making the constitution a common benefit to all, fur all—in a surd, to transflorm the closed ball of chess privileges into an open temple of the people's liberty. (Cheers.) This being my early connection with the wurking classes, I had at Southampton already occasion to say, that amongst all the generous testimonials of Englial sympathy which honour me, and my nation's past struggles, which console our present sufferings and assure our future, there is none dearer to my heart than when I bet that thew classes% whose only capital is their honest labour and their time, stop in their work and earritice that valuable time fur the purpose, openly and resolutely, of expreising that the great principles of freedom can reckon upon the gym. ethics, the co-operation, and the support of the people of Englund. In the streets of London, a few days ago, and hi re ou the present occasion, this great phenumenun presents itielt on a still large r teak, in a still higher degree; itis therefore the more gratifying to me, and consoling to my country, the more have I the pleasurable duty to acknowledge the high value of it, and to thank you the more fe eve iitly for it. (Cheers.) I said at Southampton that iu the se demonstrutimn of the operative chases I re cogiiise that natural instinct of the people, before which every individual greatness must bow down with respect. The same acknowledgment I have to make on this occasion, only on a larger stale, cool in a higher degree. .Allow me, firstly, to congratulate you on the attention which you have hereby proved that you devote to public matters, to the glory as well as to the interests of your country, and to the freedom and interests of humanity. May this public spirit never decrease, may every English man fur ever feel that it is the Isms of all constitutional organisation, be it under a republican or a mouarchical form, that it is the public opinion of the people which must give direction to the policy of the country, and that it is therefore not only the right, but also the duty of every honest citixeu to contribute to the development and expreseiuu of that public opinion, of which the legislative, as well as the executive authorities are, and must be, faithful icpmentatirce. (Loud cheers.) Allow me, secondly, to congratulate you on the just and happy instinct with which, bestowing your attention on public concerns, you have seised the very point which really is the mint important amongst all in which the mind and the heart of Englishmen can be interested. T h at point is the free dom of the European Continent. I said it in the Common Cuuneil of the City of London, I repeat it here; there is none amongst your tuternal questions which out weighs iu importance the external. And how may be summed up the external interest of the British empire on the European Continent? (Hear, hear.) It is to be summed up in this question by which principle shall the Continent of Europe be ruled, by the principle of freedom or by the principle of absolutism i Can England, or con it not, remain indifferent to the approaching struggle and tiled decision of chi, question ? And if it cannot remain inelitkrent, without losing its position in the world, endangering its own freedom and hurt i ug its own interests, with which principle shall Ragland elide? With the ~ i ~ eiple of freedom or with lice principle of uggression ? Shall it support the rights, freedom, and happiness of menials, or the oppressive combinatiuns of arbitrary governments ? That is the question ; a question the more urgent and the more important, that no ran of ohalsociver party can dissi mulate, still less deny, that the situation of France, of Italy, of Germany, of Austria, of Hungary, of l'oland, and of Russia is PO unnatural, SO coutr,iry to the human and na- Ronal interests of the respective people ' that it is utterly len • possible it can i ndure. hear.) Yes; no moue= dis simulate the conviction that France, Italy, Germeny, Aus• tria, and Hungary are already on the eve of those days, when the great, and, I hope, final battle of these adverse principles will be fought out. (Hear, hear.) Now, the people of Great Britain, by its loudly proclaimed sympathy with the cause of the freedom and independence ui Ilun pry, has pronounced itself willing nut to remain iudiffereut, and to side not with absolutism but with liberty, by sup porting and protecting against all interference or foreign governments the sovereign right of every nation to dispose °reboil. (loud cheers.) You yourself have pronounced by the demonstration, and by your generous address, in favour of this principle; so thanking you most fervently for it, I beg leave to congratulate you on the sound judgment and on the comprehensive views you give, and that you en tertain, on the duties of England towards Europe, and on the proper interests of England itself. You have rightfully commit red that the freedom of England, and that happy condition which you feel unwed that your institutions, your freedom, and your public spirit, will go on peace fully developing—morally, materially, and politically— that all this is intimately tonne reed with the victory of the pnneiple of freedom on the European Continent. (Cheers.) In a wont, you have pronounced for that truth I, since in England, on no occasion have omitted to expreo, that there is a community in the principle of freedom as there is an identity in the destinies of humanity. Besides, you hare duly considered that the material welfare of Great Britain is also in the highest degree dependent on and con nected with the victory of the principle of freedom in Europe. And truly it is so. On severa l occasions 1 have discussed already this important topic, anal will do so more amply yet on another occasion. Here I beg only leave to state briefly a few plain facts. You live by honest labour. You have your manufactured products to dispose of, for which you want large free markets and free trade. (Hear, hear) Now, it is as obvious as that two and two make four, that without Europe becoming free, England ean have no free trade with Europe. I will show you by facts that the amount of trade with absolutist Russia and Austria is 7d. per head, whereas the amount of the trade of England with a free countr2'—with the republic of the United States of America, is as. per head. 'What a difference! Absolutism gives to your trade and industry a market of 7d. per head, freedom gives a market of 7s. per head. (Loud cheers.) Is nut the freedom of Europe, then, a question of vital interest to you ? Let us look to consequences. Suppose the price of the bread which one of you consumes be three or four pounds ; upon this price you have, by the repeal of the corn laws, probably not gained more than from fifteen shillings to a pond. Certainly • great benefit. But suppose the 120 millions who inhabit Russia, Austria, Italy, and Hungary, to become free, and, being free, to con sume as much of your manufactures as the United States (though in part highly manufacturing themselves) coil sume per heed that would give a market of at least 60 mil liens sterling to England, which would prove a benefit of two or three pounds a year per head to you. (Hear.) I will not with my aching chest dwell farther upon this sub ject now, but will cheerfully acknowledge that you were animated is this noble demonstration by higher mo tives—by such generous sentiments is betoken the noblest helinge, and by that moral dignity of man which is the 'revelation of mankind's divine origin. You say in your kind address, that it is the brotherhood of the people in which rests the hope of civilisation, of our progress mu the peaceful arts, and of the free development of man's noblest faculties. (Hear, hear.) Now, these are noble sentiments, told in noble words. I thank you that you have emote*. d so nobly what I feel so warmly. It is my heartfelt creed. You say that in the tirotherho'od of people la the certainty of success in resisting the encroachment& of despotic power. (Hear, bear.) Truly, it is so ; take the interference of Ilusaia in Hungary, of the French government in Rome, of Austria in Ili/magma and Schleswig Holstein, and of Austria and Russia in Hew Cassel, which made only the most loyal, the most moderate, the most lawful opposition to the absolutist encroachments of its petty tyrant, and yet was crushed by Austro-Ruoi.in arm— like all this together, and the fact is clear that the despotisms are leagued against the freedom of the world, so that there is no hope against them but in the brotherhood of people headed and protected by England and the States of America, uniting in the principle of ac knowledgment of the natural rights of every neon to the re* of itself, and uniting in the principle not to admit any interference of whatever foreign power in the domestic coo lers' of any nation against its own will. (Hear.) By taking melt a view of the brotherhood of people, sou are the interpreters of my most warm desires; and, by essuriug me to hope and to be resolved for the future that hussies' inter for them. We have not the diecase , so we want no medical speculations about the remedy. We want freedom and independence, and we will be rescued from the evil—the Austrian dynasty. But we wont no theoretical speculations about property—we want them as little as the citizens of the United States, whose institutions we wish to have established in our country, with the dif ference that Hungary is and will not be divided ;in states, but will be one country, composed of free muni cipalities. (Hear, hear.) And I am confidently as sured that all this is the very case also with Italy. (Hear, hear.) Italy has also no occasion to share those doctrines, therefore neither its people nor its popular leaders have anything to do with them; and I am therefore glad by my own feelings to know that this happy coincidence of circumstances can only strengthen the harmony, brotherly love, and union which between these two nations must exist, In consequence of the identity of their interests. So in response to your wishes, hopes, and sympathies, I will only my that my restoration to personal freedom I value chiefly on account of seeing myself restored to activity and to my country's service. I have the full conviction of my Mrlf • freedom and independence being intimately with the freedom and independence of Europe, sad even with some very important intere-ts of England in tuit Resolutely I accept in my position all duties as well as all dangers of this persuasion ; and my country, u well as all other peoples who share this identity, will always Illgd me faithful to them. (Hear.) I wish only to see them bating some confidence not only in my frankness but mho in my mind, which, though feeble in faculties, will be ever conserve the merit of unwavering consistency owl of disinterested resignation. I unite with you y in the fraternal sentiments which you Mtics your address towards Turkey, and I deci liedille that I never will join any combination, lowever gremising, which might do that country in jury. (Cheers.) I will rather promote its interests, fully aware that Turkey is not in contradiction with the interests of Europe, as the Czar and the Hapsburgs are, but rather in several respects necessary to Europe, and chiefly to England and to Ilungary. Turkey is a neighbouring country to my fatherland. We have enemies enough. I am no impractical theorist, to make of a neighbour • new enemy, instead of respecting his interests, but would have him, if not an ally, at least a friend for his own interest's sake. As to the glorious republic of the United States, which has thrown its protecting flag around me, let me hope that the commo n s y mpat h y w hi c h these two nations, England and the United States, bear to the cause of my country and to myself, will be the first link of a closer union of the polities of the two countries in re spect to Europe, which union, convenient as it is both to your great, glorious, and free countries, would make a happy turning point in the destinies of humanity. (Load cheers.) I should nut have lived in van should I have lived to be the instrument of such a consummation. And here I would not, were it not my duty to reflect upon certain circum.tances which I consider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail myself of this first opportunity which offers itself to meet openly. The circumstance to that I considered, and consider it still, to be my duty not to mix with any great party question of Eng land, or of any other country. I wish the nun-admission of foreign intervention in my own country, so I must have clean hands myself in respect to other countries. Toot is my position, to which I will conscientiously adhere. I consider, therefore, that my duty, as well as the respect to your laws, honesty as well as prudence, oblige me oat to play here the passionate part of an agitator, not to coquet with the reputation of being a revolutionist. In fact, I came hither not to get this reputation, but rather I declare my conviction to be that England wants no revolution at all; because, firstly, it wishes but • progressive development; and, secondly, because England . has sufficient political freedom to be insured that whatever England may still need it will not only carry out, but will carry it out peaceably. (Cheers.) Now, this being my duty and my Tao lotion, I act consistently—my ground was, is, and will be, in England, this—such and such are the true facts of the past struggles of Hungary. These facts, I confidently hope, are certain to secure the generous sentiments of England to my country's cause. I stated that, in my opinion, the form of government con be different in ditto ' rent countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, and their wants ; England loves her Queen, and has fell motive to do so; England feels great, glorious, and free, and has full motive to feel so; but England being a monarchy, that can be no sufficient reason to her to hate and discredit republican forms of government in other countries, differing in circum stances, in wishes, and in wants. (Cheers.) On thecontrary, the United States of America, being likewise a great, glo- rious, and free country, under republican government, the circumstance of being republicans cannot give them sufficient motive to hate and discredit monarchical govern. ment in England. (Ileac) It must be entirely left to the right of every nation to dispose of its domest c concerns. Therefore, all I claim for my country also is, that England, seeing out of our past that our cause is just, should acknowledge the sovereign right of every nation to disuse of itself, and, by acknowledging this, Erg land should not. only not interfere, hut also not allow any power whatever to interfere with the domestic matters of my country, or of any other nation. The rest should be left to the respective nations themselves, the more because it is worthy of that independence and freedom for which we struggled. I therefore thought that this was not the place for me to speak about the future organisa tion and form of government of my country, be cause that is a helot question of ours, with which nobody ought to interfere. But my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I hoped. I met rather in certain quarters the remarks that I am slip pery, and evade the question. Now, on the question of sincerity, I am Particularly susceptible. I have the sentiment of be De a plain, honest man, and I would not be charged with having entered by stealth into the sympathies of England without displaying my true colours. Therefore, I must state clearly that in our past struggle we made no revolution. We began to transform, in a peaceful, legislative manner, the MG. narchice-aristocratical constitution of Hungary into a monarchico-democratied constitution; we con • served our municipal institutions as our most valuable treasure, but gave to them as well as to the legislative power, fur basis, the common liberty of the people ; instead of the class privileges of old, we established the personal responsibility of miuisters ; instead of the Board of Council of old, which, being a nominal body, was of course a mockery of that responsibility uf the executive, which was our chartered rights on paper, but he reality. However we but conserved that which was due to us by ceinseitution, by treaties, by the coronation oath of every king, to be governed us a sell-onssistent, independent country by our own native institutiune, according to our ' laws. I%e eetablislied tne freedom of thought, of the word and pen, and secured the freedom of conscience. We introduced with the abolition of exemptions equality in duties and rights before the law. We obliged all to contribute to the public necessity, every man according to his faculties ; we emancipated the peeeants, or rather gave them the lend they tilled, to be their free property. We made the sail free, the la bourer free, the industry free, tree's: free ; but we spared all existing material interests of every class, and awarded full indemnification for every nu terial leos. We established trial by jury, pro vided fur the independent administration of justice, cared for cheap government, and took care that the national army should not become a tool of ambition atusinzst our. selves, or an instrument of oppression against foreign nations. (Loud cheering.) All this we slid peacefully by careful legislation, which the king sanctioned and swore to maintain. But this very dynasty iu the most perjurious manner attacked these laws, this freedom, this constitution, and our national existence by arms. We defended ourselves by arms view riously, and after the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of }tussle to beat us down, we resolved to defend our selves against this tyrannical invader also, but of course declared the perjurious Ilapeburgs not to lie more our Sovereigns—deposed them, banished, and declared ourselves a free and independent nation, but fixed no definite forte of government—ueither monar chical nor republican—declaring rather to be willing to follow the advice of the European powers. (Hear.) These are facts which cannot be altered, because they are facts. By this you see that in the iniet we made no resolution at all as to the future. Every just man must ac knowledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted every peaceful means of self preservation ; it is out under the rule of the King, but under the iron oppression of a tyrant who conquered Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously to his aid the arrnies of the Czar. So Hungary is not oinkr government, but under a foreign intruder, who is nut King of Hun gary, hying neither acknowledged by the nation, nor sanctioned by law. Hungary is, in a word, in a state of war against the Hapsburg dynasty. Hungary can in no other way regain its independence and freestone but in that way in which it was deprived of it—by war—as every nation which is free and independent conquered its deliverance from its oppress:ors, like Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, }mace ' Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United Stat e s, and England itself—(cheers)—that is by a revolution, as some would cull it—by a war of legitimate defence, as I call it. I will ever respect the laws of England, and do nothing here contrary to them ; but so much I can state as a matter of fact that my nation will never accept and acknowledge the perjured house of Hapsburg to become again lawful sovereigns of Hungary— never will it enter into any transactions whatever with that penurious family, but will avail it self of every opportunity to shake off its yoke. Secondly, that though the people of Hungary were mo narchical for a thousand years yet the continued perjury of the Hapsburgs during 3(10 years —the sacrilegious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own historical existence with the historical existence of my nation, as also my country's present intolerable oppres sion—have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my nation every faith, belief, and attachment to monarchy, that there is no power on earth to knit the bro ken tie again; and, therefore, Hungary wills and wishes to be a free and independent republic ; but a republic founded on the rule of law, securing social order, security to person and to pro perty, and the mural development as well as the ma terial welfare of the people—(cheers)—in a word, a re public like that uf the United States, founded on institw tions inherited from England itself. This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very heart of my heart. I confidently hope that the people of E ng l an d will appreciate the justice of these remarks, and appreciate the honest convictions of my heart; neither will it falter in its sympathy to that cause which it honoured with its sympathy, which it judged to be righteous and true, and which it consoled by its wishes and hopes. All I entreat is that the people of England may not give a charter to the User to dispose of the world, but rather make reapected, by its powerful position, the right of every nation to dispose of itself. With this hope I thank you once more fur your sympathy. I beg leave, fatigued as I am, to retire, confidently trusting your noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this demonstration of your sympathy into say party dis cussions in which I consequently could not participate but which still could not fail to increase the difficulties,, and do harm to my country's cause, which you honour by your sympathy. (Cheers.) The procession was re-formed after Kossuth had retired, and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-barn, where the occasion was to be celebrated by . a public dinner. M. Kossuth, after a few minutes spent in his apartment, in conversation with the committee, proceeded to his car riage, which drove oil at a very rapid pace, amid the enthu siastic cheering of the crowd, which dispersed soon after in the most tranquil and orderly manner. In the evening a public dinner was given at the High bury Barn Tavern, Mr. THOUNTON Herr inthechair. Pro bably not fewer than 800 persons sat down to the substantial repast which was provided fur them. Must of the banners which had figured in the procession were now displayed on the walls, and a powerful brass band was in attendance, which played a number of popular airs during the evening; of these the " Marseillaise," " The Itarast Beef of Old England," " Yankee Doodle," and "Kossuth** March" appeared to be the favourites, and were received with several rounds of applause.—The tables having been cleared, ' The CHAIRMAN said it was usual to begin the list of toasts with one of a purely formal character, and that ex pressed generally the feeling which animated the whole as sembly. In that sense he would propose the following— " The People "—(vociferous cheering)—the enthusiasm of the meeting had prevented him from finishing even the fiat word. The whole toast was " The l'eople : may they ever be allied in the defence of liberty." (Three times three.) The Marseillaise was again played, and was rapturously applauded. At its conclusion a temporary platform was erected fur the convenience of the ch urinal), and whilst the arrangements were in progress Mr. leargus O'Connor mounted the table. This incident caused some confusion. The hon. member for Nottingham was greeted with hisses and loud cries of "off, off," mingled with some cheers but the hon. gentleman was apparently unconscious that his behaviour was exciting any particular attention. When, however, the platform was finished, Mr. O'Connor shifted his chair on to it, and quiet was restored. Several persons having spoken, Mr. W. CUNNINGHAM, of Brighton, next proposed Italy and Long Life to Joseph Mazzini." (Loud cheers.) Mr. DAVID MASSON, secretary of the Society of the Friends of Italy, in ably replying to the toast, do tit at some length on the merits of Mazzini and his efforts to es tablish a free government in Italy. He believed that the first great thing that should be done for the benefit of the world would be to knock down the Popcdons„ for it was an incarnation of the worst and most reactionary policy in the world. There were great evil. in all countries, but in the Popidom they were concentrated and tied in a knot. He hoped that Maxrini would come forward like Kossuth, and reduce to powder all the calumnies heaped upon his name. Mr. PETTY then proposed " France," coupling with the toast the name of M. Louis Blanc, who replied in an eloquent speech in French. The CILAIIMAN having read letters of excuse from Mr. B. Owen, Mr. Mazzini, and Mr. Debratiano, Mr. Bronterro O'Brien, M. Geg, Mr. Walker, Mr. Ho lyoke, and other gentlemen, addressed the meeting in pro posing and responding to the toast of " Germany," " It aly," the " United States," &c. ; and the meeting was not concluded till a late hour. pimbls rcof of Mr. Xsaingberd, at Eaton- place, at the arrival of Sir James Clark, on Saturday, with the offer of his valuable professional services, should the illustrious exile wish to avail himself thereof. The country will sppreciste the kindness as well as delicacy which suggested this visit, not without its significance. A meeting of gentlemen assembled from West minster, Nlarylebone, and Lambeth, was held lust night at Charing Cross, to co.operate for the purpose of presenting simultaneously the addresses to M. Kossuth from the me tropolitan boroughs. A committee has been appointed for the purpose of communicating with M. Kosnuth and the other boroughs which have already adopted addresses, or are about to hold meetings fur this purpose. The meeting at Lambeth takes place on Friday, at the Horns, Kenning ton, but it is not yet stated when the meetings for the boroughs of Finsbury and the Tower Hamlets are to be held. It now appears that M. Kossuth has refused to accept the general invitation sent to him from Birmingham, and the mayor has declined to invite officially, because his year of office is so near its termination. - The following communication has been received by the American consul at Southampton: 30, E.don-olace, Oct. 30, 113.11. My dear Sir,--I have seen the telegraph desatch ad dressed by you yesterday to Lord Dudley Stuart ; I write to say that I will certainly proceed to New York on board the Washington, if you can make arrangements for that ship to sail from Southampton ou the 14th of November nest, in the afternoon. I tun, my dear air, yours truly, J. It Croskey, Esq. L. KOSSUTII. M. KOSSUTH AND WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.— Winchester, October'.. is with peculiar satisfaction that I accept the address front the citizens of Bath, at the head of whose names I find ono so distinguished, and so long familiar to me, as your own. Be assured that the sentiments you ex press are those which have ever animated me in all my efforts, and in every trust which my countrymen have coo filled to me. " Social order" I believe to be consistent alone with constitutional freedom. I have sought to ensure the one by 'strengthening and enlarging, in peaceful and legal methods, the other. In this I have been consistently I supported by my countrymen ;it has liven all we aimed at. Your allusion to the potentate to whose firm and upright demeanour I owe so m uc h, t ouc h es f ee li ngs of respect and gratitude which can never be effaced. I have the honour to be, sir, with feelings of the highest esteem, your obedient servaid, L. KOSSUTH. Walter Savage Landor, Esq. Bath, Oct. 28. Sir,—Tho chief glory of my life is that I wits the first in sulocribing for the itssiAtance of the Hungarians at the commencement of their struggle ; the next in that I have received the approbation of their illustrious leader. I, who have held the timid of Kosciusko, now kiss with veneration the signature of Kossuth. No other man alive could con fer au honour I would accept. Believe me, sir, ever yours most faithfully, WALTER SAVAGE LA•NDOR. A DEEP SENSE OF GRATITUDE (says the Gkle of lea night) is felt by the bunny now resident under the hos- COUNTY RATES EXPENDITURE MEETING, LANCASHIRE. A respectable meeting of the deputations of boards of guardians from various parts of Lancashire was held at Newton•in-the-Willows, yesterday afternoon, to consider what steps should be further taken to promote the move ment in favour of a better control of coenty rate espendi• tore. A number of members of the legislature had been invited, and amongst those present were Mr. W. Brown, Mr. Jas. Heywood. M.P., Mr. Alex. Henry• and Mr. J. Wilson Patten, members for North and South Lancashire; Mr. Bright, M.P. for Manchester; Mr. Barrow, M.P. for South Nottinghamshire; Mr. Brotherton, M.P. for Salford; and Mr. Jas. Kershaw, M.P. fur Stockport. Mr. H. T. PARKER, magistrate, having taken the chair, kr. J. LIVESEY of Preston, read the report of the committee, which, al ter alluding to the alterations made by the select committee of the House of Commons in tho County Rates and Expenditure Bill, states that the "committee's objections to these alterations are, first, that they will consi lerably diminish the powers originally proposed to be vested in county tinun cial boards, and render the representation of the ratepayers little more than nominal ; secondly, that they will bring the county, financial boards into frequent entanglement or collision with the justices; and thirdly, that by these alterations government officials will acquire a dangerous increase of power in the management of county affairs. Entertaining these objections, your coin mince fear the bill in its present shape would neither con duce to the better management of county business nor to the protection of the ratepayers. lf, notwithstanding this expression of your committee's opinion, this meeting should determine upon accepting the bill, your committee would at least suggest that an attempt be yet made to amend the constitution of the county financial hoards, by reducing the high qualification proposed to be required ut its member*, and, as a counterpoise to the excessive p wers proposed to he retained in the hands of the magistracy, by requiring that county financial boards should be wholly of a represen tative character, the elected members of boards of guardians having the power of electing, from among the magistrates or the ratepayers at large, all the members of such county financial boards, in lieu of one-half us hitherto proposed. While regretting the conduct of government in this matter, your committee would by no means, on that account, advise the abandonment or relaxation of the movement,but "recom mend" a continual and still more vigorous prosecution of the movement. To effect this, however, it will be requisite fur your committee's successors to be supplied with a material increase of funds, the subscriptions of the last year having fallen conederably short of the sum which your committee, in the discharge of the duties entrusted to them, have been compelled to expend. Up to the present time, the amount expended in connexion with this movement has been 1,690/. Rs. ail., and the amount of subscriptions 1,21 U. 1.14. M., leaving a balance clue to the treasurer of 323/. Its. &I. Your contiiiith e cannot but urge the fume diate liquidation of these liabilities, and the raising of such' a further sum as will enable your committee's suceessors to bring the important object.' of this association to a success ful issue." Mr. BARROW, M.P., then moved, "That the pro ceedinga of the committee be approved, and that the report which has been read to this meeting he printed and circu lated under the direction of the committee." —...„ . Mr. J. KERSHAW, M.l'., seconded the resolution, v/MAI was agreed to unanimously. ' Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, M.P., moved—" That the irre sponsible power of the magistrates to raise large sinus of money, by way of county rate, and expend the Mole, uncontrolled by the ratepayer*, is a principle so un just as to require forthwith the interference of the legislature, in order that the ratepayers may obtain some direction of the funds that are ex pended; and this meeting, still sensible of the continued pressure of local taxation—of whieli county expenditure now constitutes one of the most important items—llsis it impera tive that renewed and decided ideas should he taken fur effecting a reduction of such expenditure ; at the same time providing a more economical administration in future." He said he was one of those who had watched with conside rable interest the progress which had been made on this question; but he had nut hero connected with it, either in the House of Commons or out of it, so fur as to have paid very minute attention at all times to its details. But he was not disposed to take a desponding view of the position iu which the matter was which had brought them together. (Hear, bear.) It was a very great point that on the principle of the bill they had no opponents, he believed, whatever. There were those who did not like the principle—(laughter)—and a good many, ton, but it did nut follow that they were outwardly opponents of the measure. He thought a qualification unnecessary, because gentlemen who were rated at less than 1001. a year were not likely to be appointed. But there were counties where a different state of things wuuld arise. 'There were many men in Lancashire, for instance, who were rated under 1001. a year, who were yet fully qualified to serve the public in these situations. But there was another question. Why, the Prime Minister himself had stated that he intended to propose that all members of the Howe of Commons should be elected without any qualification save the requisite number of votes. Therefore it was the greatest absurdity to my that the member of a county financial board, for Rutland or fur Lancashire, as the ease might he, should have 1001. a year qualification. Hu did not like such mischievous provisions to be introduced iuto an set of parliament, because people were apt to think they were absolutely binding, and that they were breaking down the constitution if they were the least infringed. As to the prospects of the question, he urged them by all means to proceed with it. (( beers.) Mr. JAMES W. GARNETT, of Bleasilale Tower, chair man of the Garstang Union, secuuded the motion, and it was carried unanimously. After a few words from Mr. W. Brown, M.P.; Mr. Alex ander Henry, M.P.; and the Chairman, Mr. JAMES HEYWOOD, M.P., moved: "That the Committee of Management, whose report has been this day adopted, be and are hereby reappointed to prosecute, on behalf of this meeting, the furtherance of the objects of this movement, with power to such committee to con vene another general meeting, or meetings, of de putations, when and where they may see fit, and with power to add to their number." He (Mr. Heywood) thought that though the bill as altered would not do, yet that there were many features of it that should be kept before the country and parliament. It would he well if the committee were to draw up a report on this bill, proposing the alterations in it that were desirable. Mr. J. B. JOHNSON, of Wickham Brook, Suffolk, seconded the motion, which was carried. Mr. BENTLEY, of Oldham, moved : " That it be an instruction to the committee to appoint a deputation to wait upon government and urge upon them the introduc tion of a bill early in next session for the establishment of county financial and administrative boards in order to give to the ratepayers control over county funds by the adoption of the representative principle in the formation of such boards." The resolution having been passed, votes of thanks closed the proceedings soon after four o'clock. BRITISII HUSBANDRY.-PRICES AND PROSPECTS. (Concluded from the E.rpreas of Nor. 1.) they look up. In this class there arc no doubt many active and intelligent men, and these are generally land agents in ease or in posse, but the majority of them arc mere servile imitators of another class, and thcyform bud copies of by no means good models. Of such men, with of course sonic exceptions, tho staff of the noisy protectionist societies we area heard so much is made up. They feel the fall of prices severely, for they often want the means, and commonly the steady perseverance and self-denial requisite to overcome the difficulties a farmer who is somewhat short of capital has to surmount at this juncture. Let me not be misunderstood : no one is more anxious than I am to see the farmer taking a better social position, but he must make a sure hied ing—hemust have the firm basis of pecuniary inde pendence only as a rule to be secured by success in business. Such success is only obtained by steady attention, not merely to routine cultivation, but to all the various modifications and improvements the exigencies of modern husbandry demand. Above all, too, the farmer who would improve his own status and that of his family should keep himself up to the current knowledge of the day by reading and inquiry, and should take special care to educate his children highly but usefully. A farmer's family of genteel aspirations is just in the position to be harmed by the evil example of the small squires they see around them : the sons arc easily led to indulge in idle sports, and the daughters in the not less dan gerous luxury of doing nothing; while protectionist politics, which to the country squire—atter hunting is over, and before the shooting season dying of ennui—form a pleasurable excitement, become to the farmer not simply a dissipation of time and atten tion, but a serious misdirection of his hopes and exertions. Let me illustrate this by an example accidentally falling in may way, showing that though farming is commonly reputed to be a business yielding smaller returns for capital than most other businesses, yet many farmers, and chiefly of the class I have last referred to, seem to consider that they should be secured by act of parliament an amount of remuneration more than other traders calculate on obtaining. A fea' weeks since, there was published in the Ottnheielye Independent the bulance-sheet of a farm "of .199 acres of useful light land, farmed on the four-course system," which gave a total expenditure of 2,811/., and a total income of 2,587/. 10s.; showing, therefore, a loss of 253/. 10s. on the year's operations. This of course was published to prove the depressed condition of the farmer, and the wrong which had been done to him by taking his fingers out of his neighbours' pockets. The balance-sheet was to represent the affairs of an agricultural victim to "our present com mercial policy." lam not going to upply the criti cism to this production to which many of its items are open, but I will advert to a few of those placed under the head of expenditure. The first is " losses of every kind, including wear and tear, 100/." Now, a sweeping charge of more than 31. per tent. on the capital employed—stated to be 3,01/0/.—does ACM a full allowance, unless the farmer is very careless or very unfortunate (and the terms are not unfrequently synonyinous), more particularly when I notice that there are ample charges for keeping all the farming implements in repair. The next nein of expenditure I shall notice is " interest on 3,000/. at 5/. per eent.,lso/." I may note, in passing, that the capital is not suffi cient to carry on the farm in the best manner, and 1 may add, that the amount charged for labour seems hardly justified by the produce. but, at all events, here is as high a rate of interest charged as tho owner of the capital could obtain by lending it ; in fact, he could not get so much. Next, there is a charge "keep of two riding horses, 50/." It iwelear that as a farmer, and for business-purposes, two riding horses cannot be required for the management of 400 acres of land, and if the fanner is supposed to keep a young horse, besides his own, to grow into money, that is plainly stock on the farm and should be so treated. But probably a smart occupier of 4110 acres would think himself grievously ill-used if told that two horses kept up in hunting-like style, must be treated as a pleasurcable expenditure of SO/. which must, in any fair account be added to the farmer's profit. Most likely there would be a rough puny besides, for which no charge is made, and by which the actual farming riding-horse work of the farm has been done. This account I observe charges 151. a year for the keep of each fanning horse, and why, let me ask, is a riding-horse used for the farm to cost more? Chaff and hay are not charged, it is obvi ous, as none of those articles are sold, or charged as sold, in the balance sheet. Oats are charged at 2s. per bushel, and us one quarter of oats jar month is an ample allowance for a farm riding horse— much more than nine out of ten humers riding horses used for farming purposes ree.ive—the cost of one horse should be 91. 45.-12. quarters of oats, at 16s. per quarter. Here then there is a pleasure ex penditure of 401. 16s. to be added as pnitit to the interest on capital already charged. Then there is "housekeeping, including two female servants wages, and board, 300/." This is in no way con nected with the expenditure of the farm, fur no cows are kept, except two for the family, and this sum, which amounts to ten per cent, on the capital employed, is in fact wholly profit, or what other persons pay out of their profits. True it is tho farmer must have maintenance for himself and family, but so must other traders, and, like the farmer in bad years, they may be obliged to pay for it out of previous savings, or out of capital, instead of out of profit; and if, instead of entering into farming, or any other business, the farmer had in vested his 3,0001. in the funds, or lent it at interest, he must have paid for his maintenance out of the interest. Besides, 08 occupier of a farm, he has a good house, which is included in the farm rent, and for which he would pay at least 201. a year. Now let me recapitulate the sums, the real profit obtained by this ill-used fanner of Cambridgeshire, by the use of a capital of 3,11(1(11, in certainly the most health giving and agreeable business in the world. Charge fur wear and tear Pleasure hone expenditure iii. per cent. on capital l4O 0 0 House rent 2O 0 0 Iluusekeeping and servants TO THE EDITOR OP THE DAILY NEWS. Other farmers there are who have farmed well, and invested much of their capital in the soil, and these find some difficulty in dealing with their land lords, because they know that if such tenants quit, from the state of their farms there will be no diffi culty in supplying their places. Applications from such farmers for reductions of rent are commonly met, as the Duke of Rutland met similar applications from his own tenants by offers to take their farms off their hands. This of course is no more than coolly asking the tenant to make a present to his landlord of the ten or fifteen hundred pounds sunk in the land, which the tenant on quitting cannot take away with him. I have reason to know that some farmers in this position are quietly taking out of their land as much of their capital as they San, attributing all the alterations in their system to the loss of protection, and when they have reduced their farms to the lowest point, they arc then prepared either to quit, or, by a threat of so doing, to secure from their land lords better terms than they could obtain while the landlords felt they were in their power. All this sort of thing, which may be heard discussed at half the market tables, indicates a sad want of discretion and business talent—not a few farmers bluntly say a want of honesty—on the part of landed proprietors. Your readers will, perhaps, recollect the case of Mr. Bennett, of Lewsey, in Bedfordshire, who having ' taken his landlord, the Duke of Bedford, at his word, when he offered to take his farm off his hands, and pay for all unexhausted improvements, obtained by the award of the valuers, a sum of upwards of six thousand pounds, on a farm of less than four hundred acres. But usually these offers to take Lack the tenants' farms aro unaccompanied by any such offer as that of the Duke of Bedford's, to pay for improve ments, and I refer to the case as illustrating the complete fetter to the farm which such an invest ment by a tenant farmer must create. There is a third class of farmers who find it diffi cult to deal with their kuullords, or to give up their farms, at the present time, and who, nevertheless, do FREEHOLD LAND NlovEmEsr.—A meeting of the not see their way to get on with existing prices ; of friends of thin movement was held last night, at the oces I mean men whose habits and private expenses have 1 1 ;. ) f ui t i hLIV . esjminsler fr, Fchold Land f Soc a t i 7, 04,,r.illecainutrast been adapted to a somewhat larger income than the profits of their farm afford, or, I may add, than the B. Vine in the chair. Mr. James Taylor, jun., of Bir for a conference -n el' for the societies, rur to ' be 3 making ii i i London, g Mr. capital they employ in farming, or their methods of mingham, Mr. Iluggett, and Mr. Heal attended, and several employing it would entitle them to expect. Such I gentlemen from the various societies in London were pre men aim at a sort of rural gentility, and too often sent, including F l lL es l rs ;, olr r t. knancdrasWlL"nigitsenniti of rho t re imitate the squires by their fondness for shooting i,„,b ury ; and Messrs. Shirley, Cox, 'and Barnes,'of the and junkettmg, and in neglect of a close business-like Wextmiuster Societies. It was re,ohid that the conference attention to their own affairs. They are mightily be held at the King's Arms, Pulacc-yard, on the 24th in pleased to hob nob with great men ; and be it in wheat-sowing or hay-making season, or harvest, could always find time to fetch and carry, shout and bellow at the bidding of the lords or squires to whom malifug stout, and that a public meeting shall take place at the i klu i ri s i c e Ball, s Long-acre, on the evening of the same day. uu et d t e N, ta .e il ro having been arranged, 3lessrs. Beal and appointed secretaries to the committee for arrangements for the conference and mooting. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 4, 1851. THE BURGLARY AT RAVELEY. At the bench of magistrates at St. Ives, on Mon ; day (yesterday), John Titman, of Taxley, and James Stokes, or Ramsey, were brought up, charged with parti cipation in the late burglary on the premises of Mr. Fair ley, with shooting at the said Thuimse Fairley, with intent, lc., and carrying off a quantity of plate, two watches, sundry wearing apparel, and other articles, his property. The magistrates present were ; I'. S. Fryer, Esq., chairman; the Earl of Sandwich, Revs. J. Lianas and George John ' son, and IL 11. Ilussey and 0. Ansley, Emit. The court was crowded. Both prisoners arc notoriously had charm , terse Mr. Fairley is a line specimen of the old English yeoman, and gave his evidence with remarkable coolness. It is in contemplation to present him with a piece of plate by subscription. Ile deposed as follows : I am bailiff to Mr. 'Lowy and live in a lone farmhouse at Rowley. On the night of Friday, the 24th October, went to bed,between 9 and 10 o'clock, leaving all fast. I was awakened about 11 o'clock by a noise outside resem bling a clap of thunder; the door was down in a moment. I jumped out of bed and went to the window, looking into the yard ; I could not see the door. I called out, but re ceived no answer. I turned round and got my pistol, and then saw a light at the stair foot. I always sleep with the dour open. I went to the dour and cried "Beware !" The light was then withdrawn but speedily returned, and I saw it man and fired at him. The man said, " Oh, you keep those things, do you ? we've got plenty of thole," and in a minute or two he returned the fire, but missed me. I called out to know what they wanted, as I could hear by the whispering that there were more than one. They said they wanted money, and I said I had none ; I had paid it all away that morning. They said, "Come down ;" and I replied that I would not. Isaiil, " Come up two of you, you cowardly rascals, if one 's afraid." They again desired me to come down, saying there were ten of them; and I said, " I don't care it there were twenty of you, I am pre pared fur you ;" and fired at the man I could see. They returned the fire ; they fired five shots at me in all: the man I could see was under cover in a room below. Alter they had fired three times, they said they would fire the house, but I did not think they would come that. 0110 said, " Bring in the straw," and they lit a fire with wine bean straw, and fed it with the leaves of &large bible, the barome ter, and the clock case. They then fetched the instru ment they broke the door with, and knocked out the window sash of the room below, and broke the dour into the passage. The smoke nearly suffocated me. I went to the window and found a man had command of it with a pistol. Ile threw some stoats in. My wile could stand it no longer, and rushed down stairs; they theu pushed her in a closet and shut her in. I fired once alter she went down, and one of them called out, " If you fire again we will shoot Mrs. Fallacy where she stands." I was then obliged to give up, calling upon them fur God's sake to have mercy upon my wife. They then came up stairs, I had put the revolving pistol I had used away, but it was some time before the reseals would believe that I had no fire arms. They said to me, "Go down stairs, you old —." I can speak positively to the prisoners. lily wife screamed just before I tired the lust shot, and it was then they threatened to shout her. There was a much larger man than Titman there, a great lumbering fellow. They wettest the bean straw to make more smoke. There were five men in all. They all had masks on their faces. They ransacked the drawers and the bed looking for property. When I went down I found one man in the kitchen, ran sacking my desk, and James Stokes keeping guard over the closet dour. Stokes had uo mask on then, he had a gun and a pistol in his hand. I sat clown on a chair, and Stokes said to me, " I reaped a week with you last harvest." Ile did not, however. My pistol was loaded with ball. I was slightly wounded by a shot in the thigh. They remained about half an hour alter I surren dered. While I was on the stairs they said, "Come down, and we will give you a glass of wine." They had got the liquors when I went down. When the men came down that had been upstairs, I and my with were ordered up stairs. They came down with their masks on. Titmsn attack me three times with a poker as I was going upstairs. Ile hit me once across the kidneys, and I have a bruise there yet. I said, " You have got my property ; for God's sake spare my life." I and my wife sat down on the edge of the bedstead when we got upstairs. I asked for a light, but no answer was returned. Titman and Stokes then came upstairs without their masks, and asked where the bread was. I know the smile on Pitman's ugly face. My wile told them to look about for it. Titman and Stokes then went into the next bedroom, and then went down again and returned with • light, and took my gun away. I had hid the revolver. They wanted to know where it was, and I said I had flung it in the garden. Tho men then went down stairs and enjoyed themselves, and I saw no more of them till we sa w th eta l eav i ng t h e house ; that was about 3 o'clock. I asked my wife if she dare sit alone while I went for assistance ? She said yes, and I then saddled my horse and rode to liparood (about a mile), and soon returned with Mr. Wright, the constable, and other parties. The walls at the top of the staircase are marked with shot, as though there bad been a siege. The balls from my pistol lodged at the bottom of the stairs. They drank and carried off about a dozen sod a half of (currant) wine. The waistcoat produced (taken off Titman) is my property. (-Mr. Fairley identified a box and bag of powder found on Titman, some cheese, a bottle and a half of currant wine, and • gun produced by Wright.) There was no wine in the house but currant wine. There was some brandy, and I should have been glad if they bad got hold of that, as perhaps we might then have caught the other men. My wife and I were the only persons in the house. additional evidence against the prisoners having been heard, Police-coiastable Benson, keeper of the St. Ives lock- up, produced a confession made by Stokes on Sunday, Oct. 26, and written down by himself. Stokes said, "This is a rum mess to get into," and witness then told him that if he had anything to say he should take it down in writing, and produce it to the magistrates. The statement to which Stokes had attached his mark was read. It was to the effect that he and Tidman went together to Peterborough to look for work, but could get none, and left to go to Talley and Wood Walton. A man named Hall, and another, joined them at Peterborough, and accompanied them to Ramsey. When they were near Mr. Fairley's Hall proposed to go and rob it, but h e (Stokes) refused, saying he should go home; upon that Hall and the other seized him, and, presenting pistols at his head, swore they would shoot him if he did not go, fur he meant telling. When at Fairley's, they made him hold a pistol, as though he would shoot Fairley, but it was not loaded. They took his gun, and fired it off in the house. The reason he had his gun with him wan, that he expected to go to a pigeon match. They m a d e hint hold up the latch while Hall and his companion burst the door. He did not think they meant to shoot Fairley, but only to frighten him, and make him come dawn, so that they might ' go up in search of some money. The prisoners said nothing in their defence, and were fully committed for trial at the anises. EMIGRATION. , ---The Victory steamer left Water ford on Friday morning at seven o'clock with IGO passen gen en route to America. There were a great many chil dren not included in that number. A ship sailed from Belfast last evening bound for New York, with a large number of emigrants—about 2.so—the majority being appa rently in comfortable circumstances. £6lO 16 0 Now, this is really a very pretty income to bo I gained by the pleasant employment of 3,000 d. and the farmer's time, or so much of it as he can spare front rural sports and protection meetings, and I do say that I am rather afraid that such signals of dis tress held out before the eyes of the number of shrewd men, who are seeking to employ their money profitably, will be more likely to increase the com petition for farms, and bring more men into our business, than to induce the public at large to submit to a reimposition of the corn laws. If we deduct the imaginary loss of the balance sheet, 2.131. 10s. from the above real profit shown, there will still remain a net gain of 3571. 6s.—nut much amiss for a distressed agriculturist in the agonies of a transition from pro tection to free trade, whose capital is barely suffi cient to farm his land well, and who has obviously very topping notions as to private expenditure. But there is another, and, I am happy to say, a very large class of farmers who put their shoulders to the wheel manfully, without culling upon Her cules, and who lay down uo arbitrary rates of in terest, or pleasure or family expenditure, put all tho capital and energy they can muster into their busi ness, and then get as much and spend as little as they can until they . have mastered the cultivation of their farms, and gained a position of complete inde pendence. These men, no doubt protectionists origi nally, have very generally abandoned the futile cry, and are now rather seeking earnestly and urgently that re-adjustineut oicontructs and fair dealing front their land lords the times require than anything else. Of this I shall ou a future occasion give you somo illustrations which have come under my notice. A MIDLAND COUNTIES FARMER.