The Express. — London, England, 1848-06-10 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 10, 1848. in documents and speeches, had passed law a which had affected elm great interests of the country. (Hear.) Owiog to an „li m ited confidence in thew documents and elates:tents, sad is tee statistical genius of the age, they hail been hurried i n t o acts which - had already troubled the country to its emtre and tilled it with dismay and consternation. He th gutred sot the source of the hon. gentleman's information ; he tasted the waters before, and greatly suspected that he geed his goblets from the tainted fountains of the /loud of va c (Hear, hear.) There had been already some die • A sian on the authorities of that department, and an ample vindication was promised ; he therefore made no attack on s ay one. Since Mes h. Porter had been examiaed before the Rouse of Lords, he ad been again summoned, and crus e:awned on time points relating to these documents; and that examinttion was u follows theetivo In • previous answer you give a atatement of the pm of Brithh ,htppinitt; you show as increase of 10th to er 1,121 of tom you were lid to the inference that there was a much urger increar4 m Windt tonnage than In American: hut, if the cons. mince understand your statementkiow, the inereaw In the one loa n twitter u pon the whole of the 11 rIti sh tonnage, end the increas upon the ether is an Mercier only upon part of the American ton me, l-Anower It is eon (Ilear.l-tletatin: Consequently, these two are sot to betaken as compared, as showing in uny degree the nanperatlre Wrest* of 'Minato over American tonnage t-A•awer c ee p o nly not. (Ileaq -Lineation : Have you any means of making she couT glieMicernct y -Answer : I am not sure that I have. It was n it he who tutroduced these elemeets into the de bate. lie did not think that the oost of a ship in Sunder land had anything to do with the quedinn. Still less did ke care for those returns, except that they were part and parcel of the system.. (Neu, hear.) He had seen that mighty tribunal, the poor law commisoion, sink before a defence sustained by such returns. Ile thought that no Man could deey that there was a bias in the officials of the Board of 'froth, and that they were always prepared with a eOneenient return for any minister, no matter bow preposter • oils the ,clietne, which he wished to propound. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman the President of the Boast of Trade bad not only made a speech, which was always a dangerous laugh)-but what was still more perilous, he pub lished it-(loud laughter)-and in that speech be divided the quesi ion into tour heads. He called fur vela change in the first place on account of the colonies, and upon that point he is mainly was not rich in evidence-consistieg an it did of a memerial, of a suspicious character, from Jamaica, an sxtract nom the despatch of the governor of another island, and a document addressed to the Assembly of Canada. Such was the evidence, the whole printed cc idence, of the government to make out the colohisl case, and considering that the sun never set upon the British empire, he felt justified is saying that it wee decidedly meagre. (A laugh.) The island of Antigua was said to demand a rept al et the navigation laws ; but when asked why, the reply, according to the evidence, was, that every thiug bee. nary ter the mother country had been changed, and they did not see why they should not have a trial at the same game. Their opinion, therefore, was, it may ruin the shipping intense, ano may not benefit us ; but what of that, let us hove a trial. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman then Q uoted some returns, and argued that it was impossible t o show that the colonies were suffering from these laws. It was said by some hon. gentlemen that the navigation laws had been changed a hundred time, and they made that fact the hasis of the argument that we ought to do away with them altogether ; but he drew from it exactly the reverse conclusion, namely, th those laws, in te course of two hundred years, at baying been grad ually and frequently improve 1, instead of being priudicsd against them, we ought to assume that they were in a state adopted to the necessities of the times. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer said that they were even suspended last year-so had been the Bank Charter Act. (Cheers.) If be was &eked if those laws were just in principle anus advan tageous in their results, he would point to the effects of the long e..yege which employed our sailors, thus benefiting our maritime interests, and which so much added to the com mercial character of the nation. The only cases opposed to the principle of long voyages were purely exceptional. The secretary of the Landon Docks, on being examined a few days since on the subject of those laws, was asked if he as a merchant was desirous of repealing or modifying them, and he said he was tot ; and in reply to a further que stion, he observed that there existed no desire of change amongst the City people. (Hear, hear.) Having dispoeed of two points, he would now allude to the third and remaining one-the indirect carrying trade. The argumeut used against them on that point was a practical one-namely, that it was impossible for them to monopolist the indirect carrying trade. The right hon. gentleman, although he spoke very like a person who had been menaced, did not exactly say that a menus had been made ny Prussia; but the late Vtax-President of the Beard of Trade, who was in the secrets of the government, let the cat out of the bag, and admitted that the Board of Trade was ill the habit of receiving threatening notices. (Laughter.) Let them see what Prussia could do in that respect. The hon. gentleman here read at some length the evidence given before the Lords' committee by Mr. W. Tynaall, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. ?owlet, to the effect that it wee completely out of the pewee of Prussia to retaliate on England. (Hear, hear.) Then the right hon ourable gentleman said that Au.erica would give us a little if we gave them a little, and that she would give us much if we gave her much. Why that language of the United States involved the very principle of reciprocity which the government &bander ed. (Cheers) It was a rich treat to tee the President of the Board of Trade asking the House of Commons to assist the government in passing a law because it would It ad to reciprocity with the United States, when the government keel* acknowledged that they could not enter into any reciprocal arrangements ; but it would be still richer to see a minister who gave up the principle of reciprocity coming down at some future time to advocate tae principle of retaliation. (Hear, hear.) That would be one of the most extraordinary specimens of official logic ever presented to a wondering House of Commons. (Laughter.) But it would seem that both the late govern- ' ment and the present one were in favour of the system of reciprocity, and at the same time ignorant of the existence of treaties which marred all their intentions. Now, if both the government which was and the government which existed were in favour of reciprocity, and both ignorant of the difficulties they had to contend with in that respect, did they not think that it would be more prudcnt to keep the present system till her Majesty's government bad made themselves a little better acquainted with the facts and matured their position a little more ? (Lend cheers and laughter.) Tae whole thing proved that the measure was crude sin its conception, and that it was tampering and mi. fling with the national interests; because there was nothing more fatal than the recklessness of ignorance. (Loud cheers ) Everything else might be endured-even the tyranny of men who had a system. (Laughter.) They might establish despotism and yet preserve order ; but a cabinet who called on them to legislate without a knowledge of the circum stances could only produce legislative anarchy which must eventually plunge the commercial and political interests of the country intro inextricable confusion. (Loud cheers.) He could easily conceive the state of blank surprise in which the new Vice-President of the Bard of Trade found him self with the bland smiles of Mr. Bancroft on one side, and the bowl and dagger of the Chevalier Bunsen on the other. (Laughter.) They were not opposed to going into committee quit committee ; but when they were told by the minister that they were going into committee for the purpose of abrogating the navigation laws, it was a mockery to tell them that it was for the purpose of consider ing them. (Hear.) They did not object to go into commivee to improve the navigation laws, but they objected to go into committee to abrogate them. (Hear, hear.) Now, one word with regard to the question of the national defence' ; be cause he did not mean to enter at that time of the night into the evidence et that very ingenious person Sir J. Stirling , who had a plan for manning the fleet withoutaman. (Much Laughte-.) Nor was he going to sing, " Rule Britannia," for fear of distressing the bon. member for the West Riding. (Loud cheers) lie would merely read a communication front Jamaica, which appeared is the New liork Sun, dated the 12th of April. It stated that even in Jamaica symptoms of discontent showed themselves ; that while" Rule Britannia" was received with solemn silence in the theatres, " Yankee Doodle" was loudly called for. (Laughter.) To-night, they had again heard " Yankee Doodle" loudly called for, but be hoped, though loudly celled for, that it would never be encored in that twine. (Laughter.) The late vice-president of the board of trade, in a glowing peroration, dwelt with his usual ability on the bleseings of peace, and called the pre sent age the age of commerce, of peace, and of internal improvement. It was surprising how men differed, but his idea was that these were not the characteristics of the age in which they lived. (" Hear, hear." and laughter.) If instead of commerce he said it was the age of no trade, if instead of pence he said it was the age of intended war, and if instead of internal peace he said it was the age of communist bands puling up railways, he would be near the truth. (Hear, hear,) Notwithstanding the announce ment of the millennium and the reign of universal peace which they had been promised Tet short time ago, the could not help thinking, after all that had occurred, with Naples in a state of siege, Paris is insurrection, Vienna in revolt, and Berlin barricaded, with four pitched battles fought in eight weeks, and the Baltic and Adriatic alike blockaded-that the hon. gentleman, the member for the West Riding, was not now so devoted a believer in thequies genfium sine armies. (Hear.) He did not pretend to lay any blame to the present power which distingutshed the hon. gentleman and his school, yet, sometimes in reading the past, one may find some instructive monitor for the conduct of the present and the luture and in doing so-in reading the his tory of this country-he found no reason to withdraw his allegiance from that military power in England which had at the same time created empire and cherished liberty. (Cheers.) And amidst the fall of thrones and the crush of empires, he knew of no circumstance mere remarkable than the strange an archy and demoralisation of those vast armies which ones were considered the best security and the mainstay of those in stitntions-when they saw the great military powers of France and Austria deserting their masters in thew need, what Englishman could regard with other feelings than pride and satisfaction that our legions reposed upon the deep. (Cheers.) lie at least would not incur the responsibility, even by his humble vote, of endangering that empire which had been gained by so much valour, and guarded with so m uch vi g i. l an ce-that empire which ' was broader than both the Ame ricas, and extended farther than the farthest Ind-that em pire which had been foreshadowed by the genius of a Blake, and consecrated by the blood of a Nelson-the empiee of the seas. (Much cheering.) Mr. WILSON explained that the returns he had quoted of tonasge in 1824 and in 1846, we re, in both cases, the ton uge inwards end outwards. Sir R. PEEL, who rose amidst loud cries of " Divide," said, that if he could acquiesce in the opinion of the noble lord and those who agreed with him, that the experience of the last two years had been sufficient to demonstrate the impoliry of those principles on which, in the years 1842 and 1846, the commercial tariff of this country was revised and regulated, he should not be surprised at their coachtsion ' not to apply those principles to o u r commercial marine; but, notw t thstanding the experience of the last two years, his opinion remained unshaken (laughter from the protectionist party, and cheers from the ministerial benches) as to the principles by which our commercial intercourse with other nations should be regulated. (Hear.) If they would reject from consideration the peculiar combination of circumstances which had prevented a fair trial of the print[- pies established in the years he referred to—it they ' would entirely omit from their consideration that, in addition to any other causes of commercial derange ment, all operating simultaneously not only in our own country but an every other country in Europe with which we had maure's' dealings, they had bean visited by famine—if they would omit from toeir considera tion that that surplus capital which was heretofore applicable to the procuring of luxuries or conveniences was now necessarily applied in averting the sufferings which famine engendered—tf they would reject all these considerations, it was easy to draw that conclusion. (Hear.) But it was in cumbent on them in that case to show in what respect there was a connexion is the present sufferings of this country, which he admitted and deplored, and the principles on which, in the tariffs of 1842 and 1846, they had proceeded. (Hear.) It was not because we bad admitted rho raw material for our maaufacturea without duty. (Oh, oh.) His opinion might be erroneous, but surely those who thought so showed no confident» in the strength of theirs if they had no better answer to give than boisterous clamour. (Cheers and cri aof " Oh.") The p rinciples on which they had acted in 1842 and 1846, an the first place, re moved restrictions from commerce, sad, by diminishing the duty on the raw material, enabled our manufacturers to enter into competition with their foreign rivals with great comparative advantage; they simplified the commercial code as to the entry of all articles of food and manufacture. No one could say that the tariffs of 1812 and 1846 injuriously affected the country in these respects. (Hear.) It might be answered en far tney were wise, but they were wrong in a :mitting foreign manufactures in corn oetition with our own in this country. (Cheers from the protectionists.) That was the ground of objection. Every article of foreign manufacture, introduced under those tariff:, it was said, had thrown out of employment thousands of our own countrymen, who would else I. en gaged in manufactures of the same kind. (Hear, hear.) Why, what a doctrine was that fur this great manufactur ing nation? (Ministerial cheers ) A country exporting 58,000,0001. a year in declared value of its own manufac ture., and which, by the export of those masufactures, was interfering with tne employment of every country in the world. If every molar, were to adopt that view, they would look upon us, instead of as the benefactors of mankind, es the greatest impediment to human happiness. (Hear.) We imported perhaps to tho extent of &million a year of silk gloves, woollen, end cotton manufactures; and were the countries which sent those articles here to bo denounced because they threw out of employment a certain number of artisans here, who might else be employed ? But in esti mating the quantity of foreign goods admitted under the tariffs of 1842 and 1846, they must not forget the quantities which previously came in in an illegitimate manner. The increase in the imports of those articles was only apparent. We exported 1,5!00,0001. of brass and copper menu factures, 1,000,0001. of earthenware, 17,000,0001 of cotton good., 6,000,0001. of cotton yarn, betides large quantities of woollen, linen, silk, and other manufac ture, interfering with the industry of other coun tries in every direction ; and yet we were now to condemn other countries because they asked to be allowed to supply us in some subordinate and inferior degree in come of those few articles which they could produce cheaper than our selves. It was impossible to assign the distress under which some of our operatives were undoubtedly labouring to these imports. Let them look to the progressive increase in our exports under free trade, and let them not suppose we were ruined because, from a combination of ex traordinary circumstance., distress existed in this country. Teeing the first five years from 1827 our average export. were 37,000,0001., during the next five years they were 43,000,0001., in the following five years they were49.ooo,oool.,and in the last five years they had increased to 55,000,0001. (Cheery.) And in the last year, 1847, • year of severe depression, they were 58,971,0001. And yet it was said that the principles of free trade bad failed, that we did nothing but import, and that we had to purchase our imports with gold. (Cheers, and tie. of " Question.") The expe rience of the last two yearn had served to convince him that it was in a diminished price of food, and the gua routes for its continuance, that we must rest our hopes of increasing prosperity. (Cheers.) The government now 'roused that the house should listen to • proposal for considering the navigation laws with a view to extensive and important improvement. lie thought they had arrived at a period when it was desirable to consider this motion seriously. When he looked to the positioe of our colonies, in the abrogation of the principles of free trade from their pro duce, the state of many European countries which claimed from us the lame advantages in navigation we insisted on with them—to our reciprocity treaties and the multitude of conflicting claims ariong out of them—and to the muti lated and than, red state of the navigation law as it ex fisted, he found many reasons for taking that law into consideration. The speech of the hon. member for Bucks had scarcely touched the question. If he could have shown that the relaxation of the navigation laws would diminish our means of national defence, and endanger the national security, he thought, differ', g in this respect from the hon. member for the West Riding, that a powerful, perhaps a fatal objection, might be urged against sacrificing the national mem ity tesny interest. (Hear.) But it wae neces sary for those who maintained that view to show that these laws did conduce to that end. The amendment called upon them to maintain the fundamental principles of the navigation laws. Now what were those principles? The navigation laws were established to destroy the maritime power of the Dutch; but what was their effect ? To give the Dutch a direct advantage over us in the intercourse with the United States. (Hsu.) Therefore they gave these formidable competitors the whole trade of the United States. (Hear) Now, the principles of the navigation laws, as laid dawn by Adam Smith, applied to the coasting trade, the fisheries, the carrying trade, and colonial intemmrse. The coasting trade and haberies were to be preserved by government. At present the carrying trade was reserved for British vessel., or for foreign vessels carrying the produce of their respective countries. The right hon. gentleman said that he bad conferred with Mr. Huskisson ; and that he was ready to carry reciprocity further than it was carried now. Why, there was no !treater breach of the fundamental principles of the naviga tion laws than that very system of recipe city ; and bow could the right hon. gentleman ask them to preserve the fundamental principles of the navigation laws, when he him self admitted that he had laboured day and night with Mr. liuskisson, and was even now prepared still further, to un dermine the very principles he was so anxious to uphold ? (Cheers.) lie observed the right hon. gentleman shake his head ; but be would convince him at once by, the arguments of thou on whom he himself relied, that reciprocity treaties were breaches of the fundamental principles of the navigation laws. Mr. Young was asked before the committee if he thought the British shipowners sufficiently protected? lie replied, " No ; Lis protection was invaded by the reci procity treaties." Mr. Richmond, another very able wit ness, said that " lie could not consider the navigation laws afforded the shipowners much protection. They were com pletely mutilated by the reciprocity treaties. Every treaty took something away. He could not have conceived that teose treaties left eta little of the navigation laws as he found remaining. In fact those laws were virtually repealed." And yet in the face of this the right hon. gen tleman came do e n there and exhibitea his " fundamental principles"—(loud laughter)—and asked them to pass an instruction to the committee that those principles should be observed. (Cheers.) Well, then, as to the colonial inter course. When Adam Smith wrote on that point, about 1775, he did not foresee the reparation of America and the circumstances which had since occurred. From that period scarcely a year had passed without an infringement of their " fundamental principles." And he must here observe, that on the occasion of every such infringement there was pre cisely the same Port of outcry of " ruin to the shipowner." (H , ar.) In 1782, when they wished to admit Ireland to participation in the colonial trade, the shipowners loudly complained ; and those of Liverpool, in a petition which they addressed to that house, declared that, if any such thing were permitted, Liverpool must inevitably be reduced to its original insignificance." (" Hear," and laughter.) So it was in 1825, when the house not acting on theories, but driven by the necessity of the case—for the question mu reciprocity or retaliation—adopted the principle of reciprocity treaties. So it was on every other occasion when relaxations were adopted. In 18.33 the Shipowners' Society absolutely declared that "the declining quality and extent of British tonnage, the embarrassment, decay, and ruin of the British shipowner was now an incontrovertible position." (" Hear," and laughter.) Be it to: that was proof that they ran no risk in modifying these laws. But the fact was, the Shipowners' Society was wrong. In 1833, when " the decay and ruin of the British ehipowner was an incontrovertible position," the British tonnage on the register was 2,634,000 tone, whilst in 1846, under the appli cation of free trade principles, it was 3,817,000 tons. (Hear, hear.) What, too, did Mr. Richmond lay? "I am sure," he said, " that I do not exaggerate when I de clare that half the capital embarked in shipping during the last 25 years has been lost, and that the other half is to • very great extent totally unproductive of profit." He was certain Mr. Richmond would not say a word he did not be lieve. He took his statement as a great authority ; and if that was the .moat of what protection had done for the shipowner, surely there was nothing in the statement to show that it would not he for his benefit that there should be a change. Could that change be made for the benefit of the merchant, the capitalist, and the manufacturer, without injury to the shipowner, or to the naval superiority of the country ? If it could not, he dropped the whole question ; but he thought it capable of proof that it could. 141836, the tonnage of this country was 2,792,000 ; in 1842, 3,81,9,000; in 1847, when free trade ought to have been fatal, 3,952,000. Our seamen numbered in 1814, 117,000; in 1827, 151,000 ; in 1842, 214,000 ; in 1847, 232,000. It was in the extent of our commercial marine and the number of our seamen that our main re liance was placed in war. As to impressment that system applied equally, whet her the navi g ation laws were maintained or not. But had not the time arrived when it was incumbent on them to consider atio whether it would be possible ever again to put that system into opern. (Hear, hear.) Let them consider the changes which had taken place in our naval as well as our C7mmercial marine. After a long peace it might be expected that the men serving in our commercial marine would be much less qualified to perform the duties of a man-of-war than the men who served in merchant vessels only during the short inter vals of peace. Then consider the progress steam navigation had made--how little reliance could be placed on their tieing able to work steam-vessels by men taken by chance from our merchant -ships. The value of impressment, therefore, was much reduced • but in either case, as he said before, the value of that s y stem would depend upon the strength of our com mercial mama. Now what would be the fears?effet of a change upon that branch ? What did we The member for Buckinghamshire, said of the Baltic ports, that they were closed by the ice during tour months of every year. they our highly-favoured position with that of thou cluntriee ? (Hear, bear.) Take France, France had a strict nrieratioa law. Had it improved her commer cial marine ? (Hear, hear.) Did it no', on the contrary, suggest a doubt whether naval superiority did not depen d on the habits, pursuits, inclinations, and associations of a people rather than ot. any code r f laws whatever. (Much cheering) Then, as to the United States : new there was examined before the committee upon this subject a Captain Briggs, " hailing," as they c di it, from Baltimore, hat who mu employed as the master of a liner between the United States and this country. Captain Briggs was as good a witness as he ever saw. He was examined as to any. cir cumstances which could entitle our shipowners to any protection as ageing the shipowners of the U cited States. Ile was esker! what were the wages of shipwrights in the United Slates. He answered 10.. a day. Our wages were only 6.. a day. If they relied, therefore, on the argument that the Norweigan ves•els could be built at a much lees price than our own on account of the lower wages of the shipwrights, they had at least no cause to fear the United States. Capt. Briggs was then ermined as to wages. He was asked how much he paid American seamen f He replied 64.. a mcnth. ile was baked it he always em ployed American seamen. He re pled no; that he came to Liverpool and engaged British seamen to whom he paid 50s. a month. W.ll, then, there was at once a difference be tween English and Americas vessels to the extent of 14s. in favour of our awn country. Then as to ship.building : let them see whether there eras a chance of our being able to compete with the Unit , d States. The evidence of Capt. Briggs was to the effect that, for shipbuilding pur poses, the Americans obtained canvas and copper from England and cordage from Russia, but paid 10 per cent. more for it than the English. Shipwrights' wages and those of seamen were hither, and timber was nearly on an equality. Under all these circumstances. what fear wan there of competition with America / (Hear, hear.) Capt. Briggs also Mae d as his opinion that we could build a twelve year ship se cheaply iii England as they could a ten years' ship in America. But the Ames icans had tome ad vantages. They ha , advantages in the greater intelligence and activity of the masters, and in the temperance and morality of their examen,—but in none of these points had we any sight to claim protec tive laws. (Hear.) Take, then, the can of our colonies. If freight could he had cheaper at New York than at Mon treal how much longer could we resist she claim of Canada fur the removal of the present rest, ictions (lieu., hear.) On the grounds he had rat , d ha had come to the conclusion that the time had come for the consideration of the navigation lows with a view to their extensive alteration. With respect to the policy of • repting our emoting •rade, and also that of obliging our ship owners to h +ye their vessels threeeeurtha mann , d with British eubjects, he should ri serve himself for a future menden. On the question of reciprocity treaties, he thought it was deserviog of consideration, whether they were not r themselves often causes of great ernharressmint. They appeared perfectly fair and easily managed in theory. but when they came to be reduced to practice, they often gave rise to questions of very great difficulty. In his opinion, the great advantage lay in independent legislation on these matters. He feared that the power proposed to be Riven to thecrown of re-estetilehing restrictions atter a trade hod 0111 , e been opened would lie must difficult in operation. It looked very like inverting the usual ord. r of theconstitution. The House of Commons would r. lax while the crown would restrain, and he I. red that that was a position which the crown wont: find difficult and unpleasant. (Hear, hear.) He thought it would be much better to give a temporary force to the act. Suppose it were sent back to the Howie of Commons at the end of five years, would not that he better than a continual multiplication of treaties ? Ile should advise those gentlemen who were anxious to exclude all improvement to consider the great truth, that the prosperity of a commercial marine di pended, not ~n a navigation law, but on the proseerity of our m inufacturec Whatever tended to promote the prosperity of your commerce and manufac tures could not fail to he beneficial to your shipping interest. Great reliance had been placed on the authority of Mr. Has. kiseon, but instead of r, lying on any particular dictum of Mr. Huskisaon they should look to the great principles he had laid down, and which were of universal application. Having quoted at some length Mr. Iluskisson's opinion asto the advantages of Gradually removing all restrictions from our colonies, and citing the advantage which relaxation had proved to India, the right hon. baronet concluded by saying that our duty to our colonies was, to bring them as much r possible into contact with the nations of Europe. and to abandon that principle which had heretofore regulated the conduct of all countries with rep ct to their colonies—that of making their interests subservient to those of the mother country. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that the necessity of going into detail was obviated by the excellent speech of the right hon. baronet. (Hear, hear.) lie was also relieved from the necessity of replying in detail by the fact that in several speeches on the opposite aide, of two hours duration, while there was much of sarcasm and investigation, there was very little which had any reference to the navigation laws. (hear, hear.) The noble lord who had opened that evening's discussion had argued as if we dealt with other countries merely for the purpose of serving those countries. (Hear, hear-) He had spoken of our taking ice from the American people as if we did it solely to oblige them. (A gentlemen on the opposite side said " Rice.") Well, ice or rice, we took either to •übserve our own in terests, and for no other reason whatever. In fact, it seemed to him that the necessity of removing these restric tions was so obvious as not to require that he should detain the house any time in discussing it. The whole question turned upon whether these laws were essential to our naval supremacy. They were designed by Oliver Cromwell as a means of injuring a rival power; but it was doubtful whether the Prot. ctor, if he were present to night, would vote for an amendment which went to pro hibit the descendants of the puritans in America from trading with the sons of their common ancestors in this country. The noble lord denied that, taking into consideration the re lative Nair of the work done, the coat of shipbuilding in this country was materially higher than it was elsewhere; and certain it was that, despite every disadvantage, imposed upon it by our present system, British shipping com peted, and successfully, with foreign chipping in the carrying trade. He contended that already the reciprocity treaties which we had formed with various nations had virtually abrogated our navigation laws, as far as those nations were concerned. He considered that the removal of the restrictions imposed by what practically remained of our navigation laws would, so far from injuring our commer cial marine, early benefit it. He regarded the attack made by Mr. Disraeli upon Mr. Potter and other ornate of the Board of Trade as altogether unworthy of the honour able member, reflecting that all those gentlemen had done was in obedience to tittle public duty, and in pur suance, at the lame time, of their conscientious private judgment; and, moreover, that they were not able to attend there to answer their assailants. (Hear, hear.) Re felt that it was the high mission of the house to act up to the knowledge of the times, to draw closer the amity of nations, and to give proof that England was equal to the destinies that awaited her. (Cheers.) The house divided—For the amendment 177 Against The house then went into committee, the resolutions were agreed to and reported to the house, and the bills were brought in. The house then, at a quarter to three o'clock, on the motion of Lord J. Roscoe, adjourned to Thursday, the 15th instant. ELECTION COMMITTEE —YESTERDAY. DuaLuc—Thecommitteegavetheirdecision respect ing the rate collector. They declined committing him, but desired him to be more cautious in future. The scrutiny was proceeded with, and one sots was struck off. mita the chief grievance on which that movement is founded. But no; the middle class of this country are too selfish, too divided, too fond, each of them, of hugging his own grievance, to lend any efficient support to the general one. Look at the Corn-Law League, ssith the Times, would that have ever prospered if it had not been a wealthy class, who saw material profit in the agitation, and who had " a per sonal interest in this particular concession ?' " The wealthy mercantile class of the country have, however, as is pretended, no interest in reform, and none whatever in economy, in a rescue of the repre sentation from the hereditary aristocracy, and of the high government ii.fluence from the House of Lords. That house is about to reject the repeal of the navi gation laws, and is determined to prohibit the RoTns- CHILDS and GOLDSMIDTS from ever sitting in the Commons. There is no wealthy class of Englishmen who have an interest in its reform. But if the Times has no sentiments save those of contempt and despair for the middle class and their theories, it has a very great respect for the political demands of the lower class. Chartism is formidable! and respectable in the eyes of the Times. It aims, forsooth, at a " prac'lest amelioration," towards which, it seems, the reformers do not strive. There is common sense and feasibility in chartism, none whatever in re form. Therefore, if the government is to choose which it should listen to, the middle or the lower classes, or to which agitation it should make concessions, de cidedly these concessions should be made (or promised) to the chartists. Such is the political philosophy of the Times, that safe journal, in the year 1848. Now it appears to us, that in all this tine spinning out of words and twisting of ideas, there is not a grain of either truth, sense, or fairness. There is no set of men in the world, past or present, who are more open to the sacrifice of even their practical in terests, to what they consider conscience, than the middle class of Englishmen. There is no nation, that has ever been so ready to sacrifice material wealth and enjoyment to religious scruples, for ex ample, as the English, and not merely to religi ous screples, but to homane ones. Let any one peas in review the principles and the questions which have most agitated and interested the English public during the last half or whole cen tury, to begin with negro emancipation, and to en with the parlamentet} , reform of 1831 ; and he will find that "private and personal interest" had no in fluence whatever. On the contrary, it was a public, a humane, a religious, a sentimental interest, if you will, which animated all clever' in this country. Take especially the reform cry of 1831. Who had so very personal an interest in the carrying of that bill, for which, nevertheless, the country was wild ? Indeed, as to the interests in it, we have but to look at its consequences. Has the reform parliament practised more economy than the non-reform parliaments ? Quite the contrary. has it de stroyed the monopoly and the paramount influence of the aristocracy ? It has not. Has it advanced the men, the talents, or the ideas of the middle and mercantile classes to power? In no perceptible degree. Where, then, were the "pri• vats anclpensonal interests" which carried the Iteform Bill? Far from such motives having been influen tial, the agitation for the Reform Bill was for an abstract principle, from a pure love of fairness and justice rather than from any calculation of what was to be gained. And thus it is with the new reform. No one sup porter of it contemplates what he shall gain. But all are so disgusted with the monopoly and corruption and imbecility, which reign, and which a genuine reform would remove, that the outcry is raised, not in. selfishness, but in common shame. If a demos in human shape were sent down at ' this moment to present to Englishmen a doctrine most likely to prove their ruin, that demon could not choose a theme more in his infernal character than to allege that chartism should be looked to and re- spected, whilst the reform proposed by the middle class party should be scoffed. Yet suck is the preaching of the Times. It coincides completely with the theories of the most dangerous French rev,lutionists, the bur den of whose declamations is, contempt of the bour geoisie as a selfish, a mutually jealous, and incapable class, whilst everything generous, and efficient, and great, is represented as likely to emanate solely from the working class. France of 1848 has split upon that rock ; and the first character 61 the epoch, IIE LAMARTINE, has gone to wreck upon that rock also. There never was a more dangerous or more atrocious error. For our own parts, we feel confident that tbie coun try cannot go on long without reform or revolution. The Times, and the parties which it supports, prefer running the risk of the latter to even considering the former. We consider ourselves the true conservatives in holdieg the very contrary opinion, and recommend ing the very opposite poles.. THE carelessness and insuffic'eney of the report of Lord GEORGE BENTINCK'S committee will be seen at once on reference to the inquiries it wu appointed to make. The terms of its appointment run thus : " Resolved, that a select committee be appointed to in quire into the present condition and prospects of the interests connected with and dependent on sugar and coffee planting in her Majesty's East and West India possessions and the Mauritius, and to consider whether any and what measures can be adopted by parliament far their relief." The terms of this reference are almost entirely dirt regarded by the report; the duties thus specifically assigned the committee have been left nearly alto gether unfulfilled. In the first place, it will be observed, that in the report there is no notice taken of coffee, its whole burthen is monopolised by sugar. This is suspicious—nay,it is more than suspicious ; it is s uggestive that the committee was originally intended to be a mere sugar-planter's committee. If so, the intention has been completely realised—thanks very much to Mr. CARDWELL, the free-trade member for Liverpool, who, with Mr. GOULBURN, absented himself when the report was finally considered. We are not informed whether the interests dependent on coffee planting in her Majesty's possessions are pros perous or not; and this omission is important: for the actual condition of these dependencies cannot be known without information on this material item of their production and we are called upon to submit to a heavy burthen because another item of their pro duction is at present unprofitable. On this ground alone it would, we submit, be dangerous to act on the committee's recommindation. The whole case re ferred to them has not had their consideration. In the next place the most careless reader of the report must have noticed a still greater omission. It refers entirely to those tropical colonies in which slavery formerly prevailed ; the planters of the West Indies and the Mauritius have again a monopoly of its contents; not a word is given—not a thought is bestowed—on the subjects of either sugar or coffee planting in her MAJESTY'S" East Indian possessions,' which were equally referred to the committee's con sideration. India, as a sugar and coffee exporting country, is ignored by this report. Yet, witness after witness assured the committee that India can supply the whole world with sugar; and the chairman of the East India Company himself was examined as to l the effects of the act of 1846 on the sugar trade of India. A large section of the anti-slavery party look to India for the means of suppressing, by its facility of sugar production; the slave trade and slavery ; and to the whole of England the problem why India, with its fine sugar eoil, and its teeming population, does not furnish us with larger and cheaper supplies of sugar is not only most interesting but important. Is the obstacle, the largeness of the demand for internal consumption, the higher prices obtained by exporta tion to Central Asia, the want of capital, or the ab sence of those great works of internal improvement which a government only can execute in India ? These are all points on which we require the mod precise and definite information before we can listen to a recommendation to lay a differential duty on foreign sugar. The case of India for protection moat, if it exist at all, be essentially different from that of the West Indies and the Mauritius. There was neither slavery nor slave -emancipation in India — neither scarcity of labour nor high wages there—neither vagrancy nor sqluitting L am b e suppressed there. Food presses against r there ; an industrious, hard, and continuous working people inhabit the sugar districts of India. Why, then, having all that the West Indies and the Mauritius want, does India re quire a prolongation of protection for other six years? These colonies are said to need protection for six years that they may intermediately obtain labour and sup pressvagrricy. India has labour to excess, and o nothing of vagrancy. On what ground then is the sugar of India to be protected ? You search the report in vain for an answer. In their anxiety to protect the planters of the West Indies the committee conveniently forgot India—just as they overlooked the people of England. Vie elpre 'so. MAILS. The malls for British North America, and the United States, will be made up en the evening of the leg, June. The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda. Nassau, liavan Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Cria, Tampico, and Porto Biro. and including those for Madeira, Jacmel, Carthagena, Santa Martha, Chasms, Panama, Weet Coast of South America, and St. Juan.do. Nicaragua, will be made up on the awning of the 17th June. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira. Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 17th June. The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Chi na, lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, th in,lnd Hong-Kong, na, via Southamp ton, will be made up on emorning ail the 20th June. The overland eloped niails, era ;Vermin" to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, Ste., will be made up on the evening of the 24th June. The mails far New tionth Wales, Van Diernan's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 30th June. The mails for the West Coast of Africa and Madeira will be made sego on the evening of the 90th June. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia, Mnieirs, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up o n the evening of the 4th July. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stamp-office. during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3.447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. ot ths number tented to the Morning Rerald, Morning Chronicle, and MOTI4iAIj Post, ALL PUT TOOETHIft. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, THE EXPRESS 778,714 Which wen more, we believe, than were hated either to the Globe or Standard. Evening ripen. MOH WATIR AT LONDON IBIDOIL Tan Int—Noralas. 47 W. p II; Aft•maNL I .1..p0t L. Sh vr—Nleral.i. II Ws. put t: After••••• mla. pmt 10. LONDON, SAT URDA Y, JUNEIO. Wa are truly sorry to see that the leading journal of England, as the Times calls itself, has so very beggarly an opinion of the middle classes of England, and, indeed, it might be added, of all classes of Englishmen. None of these, according to the rimes, care for anything, or will struggle for anything, except they have "a private and personal interest " to serve. Public spirit, disinterestedness, patriotism, love of justice, respect of fairness—all these senti ments are mere gammon. The French may entertain them, or the German, or any other nation you please ; but such things are quite misplaced in an English vocabulary. Such is the profound and courteous reason given , by the Times for the failure which it confidently prognosticates of the new reform movement. It has ne hope whatever of that movemen t, although it ad- The omission is significant; it is demons..__ _ the badness of the cause of protection, of the unscru pulousness of the protectionists. Had the committee ventured to discuss the condition and prospects of India they would have shown the rottenness of the system of protection in all its deformity. For if India having soil, labour, and capital cannot compete with Cuba or Brazil without protection, how vain is it to hope that the West Indies ever can! And how de lusive to take a six years protective duty ! A third omission is equally remarkable. The com mittee was appointed " to consider whether any and what measures can be adopted by parliament for their relief." Now, the single recommendation it has made —a 10s. protective duty for six years—is not put for ward by the report as a measure of relief, but as a means of " securing time for bringing into operation the intended measures of relief." But what these in tended measures of relief are the committee has not considered, and the report does not announce. It refers, indeed, to the labour and vagrancy questions, but it 'eaves them exactly where it found them ; it develops no plans, Buggers no measures—nay, does not even press these subjects on the attention of parliament : it is helpless to benefit the colonies ; it is powerful only to injure the mother country. The report is, therefore, like an award which has not decided on the matters referred to it—void ; it has only so partially fulfilled the terms of the refer ence to the committee that no reliance can or ought to be placed on its solitary recommendation. It was upon a full and comprehensive consideration of the whole sugar question, in all its various and varying parts, that the legislature resolved that protection to our tropical possessions should be abandoned. It is not, therefore, on a partial, halting, and inconsistent consideration of that protection, that protection will be revived. The report of the committee is worthless —useless for all practical purposes ; its recommenda tion can only serve the purposes of faction and encou rage the clamours of prejudice. The majority of the committee appear, indeed, to have been conscious of the defects of the report ; for, failing in all other arguments, they attempt to create feelings of alarm. They are, forsooth, apprehensive that free trade in sugar will produce dear sugar by diminishing production in our own possessions. Ths fear is an idle and a selfish one ; it mums that under the influence of free trade, production in the colonies must diminish, and that production in foreign coun tries will not increase with an augmenting demand; but for these two monstrous assumptions there is tot the shadow of a reason assigned. All experience eon- I tradicts the probability of such a result. Has the abandonment of cotton cultivation in the West Indies led to dear cotton ? Rather, was not that aban donment the commencement of the era of cheap cotton, and of the cotton manufacture in Europe? We rely on the United States for supplies of cotton. Why should we fear to rely on Brazil, Cuba, Java, Siam, Manilla, China, and India for sugar, even if the West Indies ceased to raise a ton ? But will free trade ruin sugar culture in the West Indies ? No; what will ruin it, if ruin have to come, are the fears and sense less apprehensions of those interested in the islands— their fond and foolish reliance on extraneous support —their want of that indomitable spirit of Saxon perseverance which succeeds everywhere save where the former prevalence of slavery has paralysed it. This is a truth which ought at the present moment to be proclaimed everywhere and on all occasions. Since the movement towards the emancipation of 1 English commerce commenced there has not been a time when it was more necessary to keep this truth influentially in the public mind. We are in danger of a retrograde step. The solemn decision of parlia ment that the sugar trade shall be thrown free by degrees in a few years is threatened to be reversed. An influential public man, who has hitherto been the most resolute promoter of this reform in our com mercial policy, has all at once " turned his back upon himself," and is now labouriog to undo his own handi work—at the risk of breaking up his own party — with as much stubborn dogmatism as he formerly refused even to listen to arguments tor delay. Unless the frcetraders in and out of parliament assume an urgent and uncompromising attitude the burden of pro tected sugar will again be laid upon our backs—faith will be broken with those who have entered into specu lations and contracted large engagements in reliance on an act of parliament—every tambour-frame-worker ' and washerwoman in the three kingdoms will be taxed, because the West India planters can neither persuade their mortgagees in this country to take more moderate interest nor learn how to induce their free labourers to work on reasonable terms. Nor will the evil s'ep here. The re-imposition of a high pro tective duty on West Indian sugar for six years will be made a pretext at the end of that period for making it perpetual.• The relapse into protection in the case of sugar will be the signal for a rally to the protectionists in corn and every other commodity. And all that we shall have in return will be addi tional evidence, in the case of the statesman alluded to, that obstinate dogmatism is not incompatible with the most pitiable infirmity of purpose. GERMANY. PRUSSIA.— BERLIN, JUNE 7.—The King of Prussia was meant by nature to be a protestant pope, or at all events a kind of archbishop of Canterbury for the dominions of which, by some cross-influence. be was born to be the king. While the whole of Prudsia's institutions have their very existence in sus pense—while the position of Prussia in the Germanic nation is doubtful—his mind is taken up with his crotchet of patching up a Prussian church, somewhat like the church of England, out of the incompatible materials of the Lutheran and reformed (Calvinistic) churches. The creed is to be the orthodoxy expressed in the language of German mystical metaphysics ; the Prussian minister at the court of London is to com pose the litanies; and the King himself undertakes the dressing of the clergy. The Preussischer Stoats Arnieger, of this morning, contains a ministerial re script relating to the convocation of an " Evangelical National Synod." COLOGNE.—Our correspondent writes as follows COLOGNE, June 7. It is generally reported in this city that the salaries of all state employe's exceeding 500 thalers (about 751.) will be re duced 25 per cent. Much distress prevails in this place, and employment of the most laborious and of the humt.lest kind is sought for by men who in better times gave constant work to several individuals. I have had quietly pointed out to me two or dace labourers engaged in repairing the Rhine dykes, who had even " sate down at good men's feasts." At Aix la-Chapelle, too, it is not uncommon to see still respectably clad men drawing carts filled with sand. All this is sad dening in the extreme, and unfortunately there does not appear any better prospect for the present. A want of con fidence is at the bottom of nearly all the distress which pre vails, and confidence can only be restored by the various governments adopting an honest and straightforward course of policy, with an unshaken resolution to abide by. and develop, the popular concessions wrung front them or volun tardy made. A contrary course of policy will keep the con tinent in excitement sad in agitation for years to come—and then the grand crisis ! Since the withdrawal of the prohibition on the export of corn from Russia, great quantities of rye and wheat have ar rived at Konigsberg, and have caused a further depression of prices. The typhus fever is still raging with intensity in many parts of Silesia. In the Pleas district alone thousandstog of child orphans. Many rich and noble families have fallen victims to that terrible disease, which was chiefly, if not solely, en gendered by the melancholy destitution of the poorer classes, ' another warning to the wealthy, far and near, to bestir themselves in time in aid of their necessitous fellow-creatures AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, JUNE 4.—The official journal of this morning contains a ministerial proclamation announcing that the constituent assembly for the empire (consisting of one chamber only) is to meet in Vienna on the 26th of June ; and giving instructions respecting the mode of conducting the elections. The members are to be chosen one for each district of 50,000 inhabitants or thereabouts, by electors appointed by the voters in each district. Every Austrian citizen (not labouring under any legal disability) of 24 years of age is entitled to vote, except labourers for daily or weekly wages, menial servants, and paupers. The Danish government has officially declared that shi sailing under the Austrian flag will not be molested This declaration has given much satisfac- tion in Trieste. Strange to say, the amnesty or rather the great extension of the amnesty . for the individuals im plicated in the insurrection in Gallicia, is blamed by the liberals for its extreme latitude. In fact, not only political offenders, but many persons imprisoned for real crimes, have been liberated by virtue of its pro visions ; for example, an officer and two accomplices in a murder have been amnestied. The Emperor, it will be seen therefore, has rather overshot the mark, and passed from one extreme to another. HAMBURG, JUNE 6.—There have been no further hostilities between the Germans and the Danes since the Duppel affair • the Danes are on their islands of Alsau and Fulln;n, and Um v.ue %;1 war and steamers range along the Schleswig coast, and enter the very hub nue of towns in possession of the con federate troops without resistance, and thus keep the Germans ever on the watch, and render their daty most harassinfp At Sundewitt the Prussians have now relieved the Hanoverians, and the outposts of the Danes and Gen. Wrangel's troops are not far apart. The inhabitants of Rendsburg have been greatly alarm d by the fears of a bombardment of their city by the Danes. Two officers, bearers of flags of truce, have given notice that, in case the Danish vessels should bombard the town, the safety of those lying in the hospitals could not be guaranteed. It was ob served that soon after these communications arrange ments were made to convey away the sick, which leads the Flensburghers to fear the worst; but it was understood that an hour's notice should be given before the Danes would betin to throw in shells. The accounts from Norway are favourable to the Danish cause. A committee has been appointed by the Storthing or Diet to consider the question of Denmark and the German Confederation. A motion was submitted to the Storthing by this committee to the effect, "that it was necessary to employ the troops of the lit e, and the naval forces, as the king might deem fit, in the defence of Denmark against the German Confederation and Prussia, and for this purpose to plate a sum of 260,000 specie dollars at his disposal in aid of such protection." This was unanimously agreed to. The highs at honours were paid to the remains of the deceased warriors, German as well as Danish. The Admiralty Court at Copenhagen, on the 3rd of June, declared as good prizes the following ships and cargoes :—Haitovelian ships, Concordia, Captain Schleenhege, with coffte, currants, honey, tea, &c.; Johannes, Oarrus (cargo allowed free); Pre- sian ships—Pfeil, Widmann, with 669 tons herrings; Heinrich Augusta, Buddo, with timber; Laura, Nihon, with 3,100 bushels of wheat ; Oldenburg ship, Astrea, Stege, with sugar. The following observations, in the letter of our Hamburg correspondent, possess considerable interest at the present moment : A question on which, during the last ten years, much has been published, tne annexation of the Manse towns to the custons•house league (Zoll-Verein) seems ripening for deci sion now. The coast tuent a•senshly has requested all the states composing the German union to send experienced men to Frankfort to deliberate on a general system of custom duties, and our Chamber of Commerce has in consequence addressed circulars to the merchants—one letter to all engaged in each line of business, with the several firms belong ing to it named on the address—in which they are request , d to slate their opinion whether they consider it more advantageous to the trade of Hamburg in general, and to their own branch in particular, for this city to join the system to be adopted by the German confederation, an a free port, or annex itself to it without such a reserve. I ought to mention that two of the three representatives we sent to the constituent assembly at Frankfort, are of the fir.t class merchants (Messrs. Edgar Rosa, of the firm Ross, Vidal, and Co., and Ernest Merck, of the firm of 11. J. Merck and Co.) well versed in commercial matters. We need not, therefore, send any other delegates to their assistance ; and the step the Chamber of Commerce is taking is merely meant to inform them of the opinions and views of other merchants of all the branches of trade. The wholesale dealers in manufactured goods, most of whom have establshmerits in England and Scotland, had a meeting yesterday for the purp. se of sneering the circular. I understand the meeting was but thinly attended. The chairman (Mr. A. Alexander) read a paper declaring against any annexation, as far as my informant was able to understand it. There were, however, several opponents, who will probably return separate answers. I believe some of the wholesale dealers in cutlery and Birmingham ware ere likewise declaring against annexation, while some large ship. pen to Mexico and other ports acrossthe Atlantic are in favour of it. It remains to be seen what the other German states not belonging to the Prussian league will do. Hanover and Oldenburgb, who have established the Stever-Verein with the two Mecklenburghe, Holstein, and the cities of Bremen and Lubeck, will probably adopt the same views as our mer chants ; and Austria, which hitherto has had as many dif ferent systems as provincee, is scarcely in a condition to an swer the question. The disorganised condition of the empire renders it impossible to adopt either one line of policy or an other. The loss of Italy, however, might force her to accede to the Zollverein. flit Court. A cabinet council was held yesterday afternoon, at the Forrion.office. The ministers present wen—Lord J. Russell, the - Lord Chancellor, the Marque of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, Sir 0. Grey, Viscount Palmerton, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Auck land, Sir J. Robhouse, the Right ILdt. R. Lahouchere, Lord Campbell, the Marquis of Clanricarde, and Viscount Moo peth. The council eat two hours and a half. A full innate r of the Queen's Guard of the Yeomen Guard was held yesterday in the garden of St. James's Palace, in the presence of their captain, the Marquis of Donegan, when the corps performed their military exercise. Mr. J. Wood, chairman of the Excise, had an in terview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official re s idence in Downing.street. Despatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office from the governor of the Cape of Good Hope. Despatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colonial-office for the governor of Canada, and also for the governors of the other North Amer;can provinces. (From last night's Gazette.) THE WAR MEDALS. ADMIRALTY, jINE 7.—The Lords C.mitnissioners of, the Admiral , y having referred to a Committee of Flag Officers the con sideration of the naval actions for which medals should he granted, in accordance with the spirit of the Queen's most gracious mien ions, as sagnified in the Gazette of the 4th June, 1847 ,• and Iry Majesty basing been pleased to approve of several of the euggostions cub. mired by the mid committee, the following notice is issued for the information and guidance of those who may have claims to this honourable distinct on 1. Ibe rule directed by her Majesty to be observed in extending tide mark of her royal favour is so compreheneive as to bring within its scope all officer., seamen, and marines! Rind soldiers who served as mannee), who were present in any action which at the time received the special approbation of the Lords Commlnionere of the Admiralty. 2. Front the commencement of the war hs 1793, it was the practice of the Board of Admiralty to notice battles of coital:t eam:a merit by the promotion of the first lieutenant of the ship or ship, or the promotion of the commander ' if the action was fought by a email easel ; and, conformably with this practice, it is her Majesty's pleasure that persons of every rank who were present in such actions during the wars mm. meneing in 1793, and ending in 1815, and now living, shall receive a medal oommemoratiee of their meritorious sere.ees; and they are re. quired forthwith to state their claims for each action in which they may hone been engaged, al:mediae to the form (A) hereunto annexed, end transmit the same to the Secretary of the Commotion of Flee oftthers, Admiralty, londoe. 3. Her Majesty boa also been aimed to take into her' gracious conaideration the many instances of gallantry displayed by officers, seam n, and marines in boat actions during the same period, and to direc), that such 'creams, if distingeithea by the promotion of the officer conducting the enterense, shall entitle those who were present, and now hying, to • medal; pro. tided the answers, to be given in the form (B), shall enable the com mittee to ascertain that the claim is well founded. But the officer., seamen, and marines of the ships from which the boats were detached are not to participate in a distinction which only properly belongs to those personally engaged. 4. It is also ordered, that service in the frigates and smaller ves sels, which were actually present in any of the great fleet actions mentioned in the Gazette of the 4th June, 1847, for which the cap tains of the ships of the line received medal., *all entitle those now surviving of the crews of such vessels to a medal. And all surviving officers, seamen, end marines belonging to ships actually cooperating and meant daring the siege and capture of Martinique in 1809, GuadalouPe in 1810, Java in 1811, St. Sebastian In 1813, for which the army bed medals, will be entitled to a similar diatillttioll, if their return, according to form (A), shall enable the committee to trace the presence and co-operstion of the skips to which the appli•anta belonged. And 3. Her Majesty, having taken into her moat Fenton. consi deration the circumstance that medals have been granted by her Majesty for services rendered by the nary, not only in the wars corn. meneing in 1791, and end d in 1815, but also for services rendered in the late war in China, whilst the intermediate general actions, via, the attach upon Algiers in 1816, the battle et Navarra° in 1627, and the operations on the comet of Syria in 1840, are unmarked by any such distinction, ban been pleased Indirect, that thesurriving officers, seamen, and marines, engaged in those actions, shall also re ceive • similar merle of their sovereign's grunions recollec tion of their services, and of her desire to record the same; and all such officers, seamen, and marines are, therefore, hereby called upon to transmit their claims to such diatinction according to the annexed form A, and addressed to the secretary of the committee of flag officer,, Admiralty, London. The followiog flag ofite , ers have been directed to reassemble, as a committee for the investigation and adjudication of all claims sent in according to the Printed tonne, via. t Admiral Sir T. Byam Martin, G.C.B. Admiral Sir W. Hall Gage, G.C.H. Admiral the lion. Sir Thomas Blade's Cape!, 8.C.8. Vice-Admiral Sir James A. Gordon, K.C.B. By command of the Lords Oommiesioners of the Admiralty, H. G. W ABB. The Schedule A requires a return of the name of applicant; named his ship ; captain's name; action for which claim is preferred; data of ection ; name of officer or officers promoted. Schedule B.—Name of applicant; name of his ship; esiothia'a name; place or occasion where the attack was made . • date of attack ; name of the boat In which t he a pp licant served, and name of the offi cer commanding the boat ; name of the officer commanding the enter prise ; name of the officer promoted. [The notice dated Jana I, 1847. ia renrinted in last night'eGazefte.) WAR-tit r Kt, Sees 9. 2nd Draga—Copt. &T. Williams, from 47th P., to be cap), vies. Grant, who evthanges. 3rd Lt. Drags—'Lieut. J. Cowell. to be cap t, by pun., vice Martin. who mt.; COT. O. T. Gough, to be lieut., by par., noe Cowell ; Lieut.! G. E. F. KalltitZe, to be adj., Mee Sullivan. who resigns the adj. only. 2nd Regt. of F.—J. C. Weir, gent, to be ens., by par., vies Mathias, promoted. 12th F.--Lieut. S. Fairtloagh, from h..p. 63rd P., to be lieut., VIM 5 1Ta1. "2 7.11.5. W. Pollard, from 37th Fa to be ens., riceßimer s who exchanges. Roth F.—Lieut. F. W. Johnstone, to be capt, by par., vice Col e. who set ; Ens. F. Barnes, to be lieut., by pur., vice Johnston; W. D. Phelipe, gent,, to be ens., by pur., vice Barnee. 47th F.—Capt. W. C. Grant, from 2nd Drag., to be caps, Mee Wil liams, who exchanges. 37th Y.—Ens. It. Primer, from 17th F., to be ensigr., vice Pollard. who exchanges. 68th F.—tmut. T. de Comfy Hamilty,fl,lllknirfie.,Aktee lieut. vice Steverson, who exchange .. 4, • , 90th g,__Liaat. W. G. Steven/ mg • sous 14 le b v e: o 6ut.., eke Heat ton, who exchanges 95th F .— unit . G. enc, Aithant , Dickson, who *etc ;Mon L.P.; Yolteslo . 4 wall; Gent. Cadet J. C. Dam begs ,to be maigh, vice Posta. se Ride Belinda—lke- J. B. 01 7 a be tot e kil t r e rN viothe Ron. J. A. Keene, who tete.; Fee. Lien „A.M. to be 'lieut., by par, Moe Ellyn; C. W. tta bat iee. lie Qt., *Put.. vice Goa*, ; Beco4d-Itielit. W. t, to be a4l, nee (up, maw& i I