The Express. — London, England, 1847-02-05 00:00:00

timated that the trunk of the railway would ail tuitola di v iden I on 75(1 0001 of 6) per cent ; but * seamin g that the real expen diture 'would be 1,00.1.0001 e live per rent. was the probable dividend If her Majesty'd novo meat coin. is and lent them two-thirds of emir capital at 3) per cent., the maul . would be that the 324,000). Aare capital already expended would love a fair and early prosreet of a dividend of 8 per cent. The effect of Awl n course would este that the shares of that company, instead of "wing dead in the market, instead of beir.g at a deemed of 162,0001., would ilawantly rise to a premium, and the tended proprietary and ti nsntry of Ire land, now unable to meet the tales upon them, would be enabled to get rid of their shares at a premium, and employ the money so obtained in the improvement of their estate., end in giving employment to the peup'e of Ireland. eo that hie proin.ition would have • double effect; it would at once s t t.. work IV. immense number of perams, and it would enable the land. at proprietors who were nee sh areheld. to in the t make um of, mow y Gar the improve.nent of their eetate s and the employ.; ewer of the people. Ile heal a letter from Lord Glongnll, stating that he knew railway compley wnich, if they hod money, ware prepared to employ 16,010 man. (Hear, hear.) In the countia e of Nekenne, Limerick, and Waterford, the expenditure in test du haired, al ntult r tee resentment 104- evens ha d Wee at he rate of 4,01.11. per m opth far the last three menthe, with every peuspeet of t h ese demands being continued—(cries of "hear, hear " I —and there was this additienel ohj. etioat to ouch expenditure, that it we. for useless aid unproductive wore , . the only result of which was to obstruct the public communication.. A murk itataleace heal. within the last three days, come over the government, and they had allowed money to be advanced on the earkt•wurke of railways on the security of present ment,. Ile taoataht the course he proposed, namely, to ad vance money on the security of railways, would be much better than on the security of laud. The proposal to lend money te ',Reties on the security of land was made in 1839, and when first brought f rward was carries by a majority. hut her Majesty's gossrement would not assent to He ceneial. real this a wrong course, and the result ehowed that he was right in coning to such a canclusioa ; for while the lands aloaguale of which railways d were increaaed in value to the a•nount of 1,0001. per cent., the laud aloog the old channels of communication remained stationary. While he was upon the subject of the r always in the southern &writhe of Ireland, it was only fair to state that the Waterford and Limerick Iteilersy Com)sany were prepared to employ 16,000 men upon their works. But he would ate refer to an application made by the chairman of the Great Southern and We-seen Railway Company to the late government. On the twenty-second of May last year, Mr. 0. Carr, as chairman of the company, addressed • letter to Sir R rt Peel, in which he stated that, 'after conetilting the contractors, be f nand that, if they were ac commodated with • that of 500,0001 , they woula undertake tea gave sunultenene employment to many thousands of persons in different portions of the line. If this offer of the Great Southern anal Westin' Company to employ 50,000 labourers bad been accepted, there would not now he the netheity of paying halt the expenses of the parochial pre set:mews for the maintenance of the Irish poor, at least as regarded the seven counties through which that railway was to pass. He had receive a az communication from Mr. Dorgan, the great co 'tractor in Ireland, who, having contracted for 300 miles of railway, was prevented from proceeding with 102 miles, partly from being unable to get possession of the land, but palely else from want of money. This gentleman said that nn obtaining the money required he could the next day put into employment 30,000 men. (Hear, hear.) It might, however, be slid, that his (Lord G. Bentinck'a) pro posal would only affect them counties through whien the railroads passed. Taking the 1,340 miles of railway for which bills were pawed in 184.5 and 1846, and the railways which had been previously sanctioned, it appeared that there were only 4 counties in Ireland which would not be traversed by those lines—vie. Galway, Mayo, Sligo, and Roscommon. But parliamentary sanction was already being sought for an extension line from Athlone to Gal way,which would tea. Terse one end of Roscommon and run throu,h the centre of Galway, a line which he heal been assured lay Mr. Biddulph, who had been employed (as was understood) by Mr. Ste phenson, was of the greatest importance to the welfare of the Gauntry, and would pay 5 per cent. on the capital laid out. It could not be doebted that if this measure were to pass, when there should be a lane is course of construction which would pass through the iron, coal, and limestone districts of Slign, opening up a communication with iron mines, which, according to the report of the railway com missioners, was of the finest al. scription, but which could not now be worked fur want of railway communica lion—it could not be doubted that a line for which them was a bill now before parliament would be carried to Cavan, and there would then not be a single county in Ireland which was not traversed by railways. Acts of parliament had already passed empowering companies to complete 1-421 miles of railway; there were before the house at that moment hills for 150 miles more ; and he hid broil assured that lines which would certainly be undertaken would cover 268 miles. The total number of miles therefore was 1940, and he would leave a margin of 200 miles for railways which mightbe disal lowed. Now, in introdueine that measure, it was not his wide moire Any prtiwaitinn, ei'her in hostility or in rivalry to the government of his noble friend. (Hear, and laughter.) He awaked the house pubbely private', he pledged his honour to his noble friend, that they (tile noble lord and his perry )*ought no advantage for themselves by the carry Mg of that measure. Ile had hoped that hon. members would all come to the consideration of it as if it were a great private bill, anal they had all been selec'ed as members of a committee. The measure itself originated as far back as September twat. at the house of his honourable friend Sir Jobs Tyrrell. (A. laugh.) Although the bill will drawn up in November, until he gave notice of the measure in that house, with the exception of his hon. friend t h e member for Harwich (Maier Bereeford) " whn," said the noble lord, "is in all our conlidences,"—(alaugh)—with the exception of his hon. friend the member for Harwich, they had not confided their secret to any Irish member, or to any gentleman connected with Irish railways or with Irish property. (Hear, hear.) As the measure was one calling upon England to make a large advance of money, he thought at would be only becomiag that no jury should sit upon it bat one coneistang exclusively of English mem bers, and he trusted that Irish gentlemen would not think that he exercises! a discourteous discretion when he forbore I. consult them before he introduced the measure to the house. (Hem.) He felt, too, that a. there was a great clamour raised by every preposition for the benefit of Ire lanai, it was more consistent with the dignity of Irish nestle men, and with their true interests, that the measure should be above the suspicion of being what was called "an Irish job." (Hear.) It might be said that the measure was more favourable to Insh railroads and to Irish proprietors than that which the parties themselves had proposed. Atter the best consideration, his friends were of opitkon that, though the measure proposed by Irish gentlemen might lead to the completion of the best lines, yet it would not have the effect which they (the noble lord and his friends) desired, namely, that of stimulating the prompt and profitable employment of the people. (Hear, hear.) His right hon. friend (Mr. Hudson), who had never meddled with any railway enter prise which had not been crowned with success. was of opinion that the plan in question was not suited to the exigencies of the cam. The London and Birmingham rail way had employed 100 men a mile for four consecutive years. That line was far more expensive than the Irish lines, which it was estimated would costl6,oool.a mile. The estirnateof Mr. Stephenson was, that taking one line with another throughout Ireland, to execute the whole of them would require the services of sixty men a mile for four consecutive years ; 1,600 miles of railway thus giving eminent employment for that period to 90,000 men upon the earth-works. It was also estimated that employment would be given to six arti ficers and others for every mile, or 9,000 more in all. To this must be added the l'act,which was taught by experience, that when a railway passed through any county, there were fences to be made, fields to be squared, drains and water courses to he cut, and new roads anal approaches to be constructed ; all which must require nix more men for each mi.e, making the total 108,000. There were other rais' cel- Janson, employments to which the expenditure of so large a gum of money would give rise ; and there were many who thought that what he proposed would have the effect of giving occopationto an extent which would represent 650,000 of the population. If by a measure which cost the country nothing, they could for four years give good wages to 6.50,000 of the population, it must be admitted that he (Lord U. Bentinck) went a great way in &misting his noble friend to curry out his New Poor-law Amendment Act. (Hear, bear.) But not only did he propose to give employ ment to the poor but also to provide for their comforts. There had been inserted in the bill clauses obliging compa nies to see that the contractors paid the wages cf the labourers once a week in herd cash; and it was provided that if the contractor or sub contractor should fail to fulfil that condition from Saturday to Monday, there should be a summary process enabling the labouring man to recover double wages. (Hear.) It was further proposed that comps- Mee should be required to conetruct decent and suitable dwell ings for the labourers before any work could be commenced. The report of the committee showed that it was vela to think of improving the morals unless they commenced by improving the social condition of the people. He now came to connater what would be the effect of the coo etesetion of railways upon Ireland generally- and here he might appeal to a well-known individual, Mr. Smith, of Ikansten, man impartial witness. Hon. members might suppose that if Mr. Smith. of Deanston, were asked " what would be the most beneficial mode of app lying labour to Ire land with a view to agricultural improvement," he would have answered at once " the drainage of the lands." But this fait was, that when a question of that nature was pro posed to lie. Smith, of Deaneton. before a committee of that house, his answer at once was " the construction of railways." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Smith, of Deawaten, said still mom. -He declared it to be his opinion that the improvement of land to the extent of one mile on each side a railway, would, in the event of Reconstruction, pay the cost of making the railway. Mr. Smith cited a practical illustration. Ile laid that the land adjsceat to the Ealinburgh and Glasgow Railway had been let, previously to the construction of that line, at se. per acre, but that since the line was formed it had fetched 3.5 e. to 455. per acre. He (Lord G. Bentinek) calculated that, in 26 years, the land of Ireland would be improved by the construction of 1,500 miles of railway, no lees than to the extent of 23,300,625/. (Hear, hear.) But this was not the only direct advantage which railways would secure. By employieg labourers upon the works of no utility which were commenced last August, by spoiling roads where they were made, and making new reads where they were compara tively little wanted, the government were, in fact, imposing an additional burden on the county this of Ireland, for the • repair and maintenance of the roads which were altered and extended. Now, whilst his (Lord 0. Dentiack's) plan would relieve the destitute poor of the country evithout entailing pecuniary sacrifice, it would also • relieve the county ems ; for every acre of land turned into railway would contribute at a greatly tri sected rate to the roil' rates of tho parish. (Hear, hear.) Hat agaia t —he mild hold out to limo interested is rha THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1847. welfare of Ireland other benefit:sof an equally practical the ratter. There were lands to be purchased: not less than 15,000 acres, supposing ten acres to he required fur each line of railway emstructed. These 15,000 acres would vest not less than 1,000,0001., a great part of which must be imme diately put at the &simnel of the landlords, thereby en abling them to afford at this important crisis addiuonel employment to their labourers. (Hear, hear.) But he now came to a part of the measure which was exceedingly impor tant—namely. its bearing upon the public revenue. It had been nhispered about that his propoeal to mile eixteen lion. et' money ou icon would disturb the money market and knock down the funds. He (Lord George Benti ncls) dno believe that liaising sixteen mile limes, to be s pen t over four years, at the rate of one million for every three months, would hove the slightest effete; and, if be wanted confirmation of tnis opinion, ho could obtain it front hie bun. friend the member for West morelawl (Aldermen Thompson), who win • hank dire-one, and who had ensured him that morning that such an appli cation of capital would not hove the least appreciab l e etlect upon the money market. But there was a case in p int" in favour of his argument. In 18.15 they had raised a sum of 15 millions to pay the slave compensation money. The con tract was made in Aueust. 183-3. The year previous, consols averaged 89. The day before the loan woo contracted for tiny were market at 906, and reduced three per ei nts. at 901. The contract wee taken at 891. Did the circumstance ef negotiating the lean depresetheir pr.m? Far from i'. The funds gradually rose, until, the year subsequent, cowsolsaveraeml9l. He thought this was sufficient to prove that there ex ieted no reasonable ground for fear on this score. Lord Deem had wisely said, that money was like muck, the more yea spread it, the more it fructifies,” Send your money out of the country, as was done during the war, to pay foreign ad diem and subsidize foreign states ; send it out, as was done, in 1825 to work Santiago, Rio del Monte, crud a hunithill other S outh' American mining projects ; send it out, as has been done, to work Ohio cord., and to supply means far states, which consider it consistent with the honour of their nation to become public swindlers. (Hear, hear). Spend your money in these ways and then you drawees the money markets, cause • drain f r add upon the bank, depress the funds, and ensure national distress. (Cheers.) But emu , ' your money, as happily has been done of lets years, under the auspices of the right hon. gentleman, the lord mayor of York, ..is projects of national improvement and internal utility, and so far fro 11 depressant the money market you add to its stability, enrich your country, and give employment arid prosperity to your people. (Loud cheering.) But whilst he was calling on his own country to lend 16 millions of money to Ireland, he could not help observing that the Chancel r of the Exchequer, when he Advanced a loan to ho employed on public works. stood in • cliffs rent position Worn the private capitalist. When they reflected on what must be the immense consumption of bodies of railway labourers, they could not help seeing that, as regarded re venue, the state must indirectly be a eeping partner in every railway speculation. Mr. Pets, who had endeavoured las a contractor to restrain 9,000 labourers in his employ on railways to habit. of sobriety, was content to limit each man to one gallon of strong beer a day. (A laugh.) So that, settee. aside what a railway labourer would pay for addi tionarquantities of tea, spirits, and other exciseeble articles fur the use of his family, it would be found that by drinking only one gallon of beer a day, be paid 51. 4.. a year to the governmentin the shape of malt-duty alone. (Hear.) If it was fair to calculate that employment on railways would continue in the same proportion after their formation as during their construction, it would appear from these calculations that there would be an increase of 612,0001. a year to the revenue, an amou at which represented nearly 18,000,000 of money. Take the employment subeequentto construction at half the amount, and still they meet calculate an increase of revenue amount ing to 321,0001. a year; no small item in the consideration of a Chancellor of the Exchequer. And litre let him consider briefly what would be the employment on lines of railway subsequent to their formation ? He was informed that not less than 10 men a mile were required on railways fur the management of the engines and the neceseary rep -sirs of the lines. If to these were to be added all the men employed about the trucks and stations, they would have a much larger number per mile. But it was necessary also to pay attention to the large number of persons incidentally em ployed, and whose labour was required on works directly or indirectly connected with railway*. When they recollected that on one line alone—the South Western—a new town, he meant Kingston-upon-Itailway, had sprung up entirely in consequence of the formation of that line, and when they considered also how the docks and public works at Southampton had been extended in consequence of its opening, he did not think they would he far wrong in mei mating that the labour of sixty men per mile mieht be permanently absorbed by railway improvements. (Hear.) He therefore thought that the plan he had now proffered would I at once give ample security for the money inveraed, create em ployment for thousands and thousands of fami ins otherwise menaced with starvation, and introduce a large amount of permanent and profitable capital into the country. (Hear, hear.) As an illustration of the importan:e even here in England of government aid tosehemcs of this nature, he would mention that he had that day received a communication from Mr. Mau, one of the earliest promoters of the Manchester and Liverpool railway, informing him that hut far the timely loan by government to that company of 100,0001., it was eery doubtful whether that undertaking would ever hove gone on. (Hear, hear.) It had been said very frequently that former loans to Ireland had never been repaid : the assertion manifested utter ignorance of facts. (Hear, hear.) With the exception of the million loan for the payment of tithes in Ireland, the non-return of which was altogether attributable to religious prejudices, he would affirm, upon the best authority, upon that of Lord Devon, among others, that every loan he etefore made by the im perial treasury to Ireland had been repaid with usurious in terest. As another instance of the good faith observed by the receivers of loans in Ireland, he would mention that of the 900,0001. which, upon the failure of the Hovel Agricultural Bank of Ireland, appeared upon its books in the shape of loans to the tenant farmers throughout the country, in sums generally of about 20!., scarcely • chilling was lost. (Hear, As to the repayment of the advances he con-' templated, in the proposed measure, it had been his intention originally that the interest commencing ion mediately, the repayments should commence seven years after the certificate of the particular railway being in opera tion, and the subsequent inieslineuts be paid at intervals of 20 years; hut representations front monetary authorities that this mode of repayment would create utter confusion in the arrangement of dividends, had induced him to think that it would be better to name some definite period at which the whole sum should be paid, and he had at once said 30 years. The noble lord, in conclusion, observed that some persona speke of danger of outbreak in Ireland; he himself had no such fears. (Hear, hear.) The con duct of the people of Ireland had been most admirable; amid all their fearful misery they had displayed a pa tience and a fortitude which, under anything like siM Lr circumstances, would not be found among ourselves, or among our continental neighbours. lie, Kassel, regarded their conduct with equal amazement and admira tion lie had no fear of outbreak in Ireland ; fill their bellies and clothe their hacks; give them good beef and good mutton, and brad, and strong ale ; give them good broad cloth from Yorkshire, give their wives cottons from Man cheater, and ribbon front Coventry, fill their pockets wide English gold ; cement the union with sympathy, sad and kindness, and he would answer for it, with kii= that the Irish would even show themselves conspicuous for loyalty to their sovereign, and warm attachment and good faith to their fellow eunjects. (Cheers.) The noble lord *concluded with moving for leave to bring in a bill to promote the employment of the people by the encouragement of railways in Ireland. Mr. HUDSON seconded the motion. Lord J. RUSSELL had no hesitation in offering his tribute to the patriotic feeling of his noble friend in bring ing forward dm motion; to the ability which be had dis played, both in framing his plan, and in explaining it to the heuse—(cheers),—and to the zeal he had shown in favour of the people of Ireland; and he cordially concurred with him, also, in his opinion, that kindness end sympathy exhibited towards that people would ever constitute the best cement of union between the two countries. In paying this tribute to his noble friend, he wished that his plan had been such that the government could at once have admitted and adopted it, in aid of the measures which they hid brought forward for the benefit of Ireland ; he could assure his noble friend, that he entirely believed in the sincerity of his statement, that his plan was intended to assist the government, and he trusted that his noble friend would, on the other hand, as sincerely believe him, W hen he declared that had he considered the measure expedient in itself, no petty pique on his part that it had not originally been proposed by the government would have prevented him from giving it, on the part of that government, his emettea. (Hear, hear) In point of fact, the matteere besujelirward by his noble fnend, though not his actual plea,lsed been for some time under the consideration of the ent, in connection with their other projects for sing Ireland, and removing the misery and dagEtntion under which she was now so fearfully wastbsg. In considering the matter on the present eseeelon he would say but a few words as to the general fit , dwelt a plan as that suggested for the general state of Ilia noble friend, the first commissioner of Woods mil some years ago brought forward a plan with seem* to railways which he then thought, and which Main thought, was likely to be of essential benefit to Ire land. That measure proceeded on a totally different prin ciple from the plan now proposed. It contemplated railways to be formed by government, and to be either directed or under the control of government ; to pay four per cent. to the shareholders; and to apply the surplus profits either in the construction of other railways, or in the dimi nution of fares ; but as to government favouring particular companies to the discouragement of others, he thought it an altogether unadvisable departure from the business of go. "'raiment. an undue interference with the application of capital. The pr. sent proposition, however, was brought forward, and all its merits rested on its application to the existing distresses of Ireland. And it was in reference to that distress the reassure must be regarded. Some few months ago, the railway companies of Ire land met, and a deputation of them waited upon the Lord Lieutenant with a representation which was transmiued to London. It was to the effect that the various railway acts passed during 1845 and 1848, requir ing 15 millions for their execution, the government should, in the course of three yews, advance 6 millions ' the various companies advancing the other 10 millions. To this the answer was, that the government stood in the pcei tion of having before them the expenditure of large sums of money, partly by way of loan, partly as grants from the imperial treesary—to alleviate the distress Ireland. That, not having limitless wealth at their dis posal, they had to consider in what manner they could apply these advances so as to relieve that distress which was meet urgently pressing. Now, his noble friend could have no difficulty in agreeing with him that what was most premissg was the want of food, anti that thin more peculiarly exited in the remoter and less industeal districts. For this very num, the epplitetteh Mum*: in aid of railways would not meet the more immediate and urgent premiere. That the ffirmation of railways is Ireland would be of rest benefit to Ireland. there could be no sort of doubt; but the question immediately before Parliament was the Instant relief of immediate diatreas. (Hear. hear.) The course of proceed lug in railway construction was this the company having obtained its bill, made • contract with • contractor, a ith whom proceedings it had nothing to do, so that he performed his contract. The principal contractor entrusted the various parts of the line to sub-contractors, who in their turn employed the labourers without refeeonee to the contractor. He (Lord J. R.) had inquired, with re ference to this Fubjrct, what were the conditions en which the labourers were employed; and the tir-t condition wan, that they should he ah c-badlied persons. These, alter a few days' training, were, if effirient, engaged at wages of not leas than is, 6.1. a nay, for tho time, and at the time, aid nos the places where they were wanted. With a village at nay dietanee from the range of the works going on at the time. the sulecontraetare had nothing whaterer to do, how ever di. e might be the misery with which it was afflicted, and as little had they to do with giving emp!nyrnent to feeble-boilied men, or to the old, or to women, whose labour was not of e character to Corry on the works contracted fur with the requi site speed and efficiency. (Hear, hear.) It thereture op. pear. el to government, that advances to railway eompaniee were not the means of producing the immediate efisct act relieving the distress that was daily and hourly bearing dawn the population in Ireland. Again, on looking at the mars laid before hint, exhibiting the routes of the proposed railway., he saw that, very naturally, these went through those districts where the least distress exi-ted ; through the eastern and northern counties, which, in flourishing times, were must flourishing, ant in times of dist nu were 'east distressed. These pr riects, therefore, and government aid to there, did not apply to those districts where the greatest amount of destitutiou prevailed, and to which the attention of parliament should be first applied. (Neer.) Applications for assistance to railway companies in Ir, land, in the shape of government a 'veneer, had been several [IMP under the consid. ration of the late government, and had been rejected. The great business at the present ailment was to supply food where it was most needed. (Hear.) Ile wind,' repeat that, with a view to the general and per manent improvement of Ireland, railways, there, were most doeirehts, and he did nut, by any moans, uy that the public anostonce aught 1.% all caws to be denied to such undertak ing. ; but, under the existing eircumerances, the application of the imperial funds to such purposes might interfere with expenditure ur,eently demauded. He should not oppose his noble friend's bringing in the bill, if the house moved to line it be.ore them in a printed form, but he must give his noble friend distinct warning that he did not conceive the govern. menu would be warranted in permitting its further prosier. Capt. B. OSBORNE thanked the noble member for Lynn for the able and energetic manner in which he had taken up the cause of Ireland. He looked up ,n the noble lord as the only party leader in that house, who had brought forward a really great plan for the redemption of Ireland. (Hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK expressed his regret that the noble lord at the head act the government should have permitted the in troduction of a bill to which he himself said there were in superable objections. He (Mr. Roebuck) objected to the bill in limine. And he would tell the house why. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, the member for Lynn, propose' that this country i thould employ sixteen millions in a certain specu. Lilian in Ireland. Now, in ordinary cases, where the employment of capital was left to private speculation, it con sisted of only the surplus wealth of individuals invested on their own responsibility, but the noble lord's plan was not to employ the surplus capital of the wealthy, but to tee the whole people of England in nrder to employ capital iu Ireland. (Hear, bear.) Ile objected to the taxing of the people for purposes of this nature. Tax them for the pur. pores of government if you will, but not for such purpos..s as had been indicated by the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) Had he not a right to ask Euglish gentlemen sitting in that house whether they would allow their poorer consti tuents to be so taxed ? (Loud cries of " hear, hear.") The noble lord at the head of the government had bed them he would want nine millions for Irish purposes, besides two ' and-a-half millions which had already bean absorbed in presentments. Lord J. RUSSELL—Nine, including the present ments—(so we understood the noble lord). Mr. ROEBUCK.—The noble lord had said that seven millions would be required between this time and next August, for the relief of the Irish poor, and that two millions had already been appropriated for • distinct purpose. Add to this two and a halt millions for presentments, and a total of eleven and a half millions would he the result. (No, No.) Well, say ten millions, and add the sixteen proposed by the noble lord the member for Lynn, and twenty-six millions would be found to, be the sum proposed to be appropriated to Irish purposes. (Hear, hear.) Then, the whole national revenues amounted to about fifty-five millions, ono half of which went to pay the interest on the national debt, so that if the noble lord's plan were adopted the remainder would be scarcely sufficient for his Irish project. (Hear, hear.) It was ail very fine to talk of comprehensive schemes, and to apply link names to English members who craved some consideration for their own heavily taxed country men, but let them look to the facts of the case. In the town which he had the honour to represent, he had been informed that the women were obliged in some instances to strip their children, in order that they might sell their rags at twopence a pound, buying food with the produce. (Hear, hear.) If that fact was told of an Irish district, there would be loud cries of sympathy from all quarters, but referring as it did to the poor children of Somerset:hire it was sneered at as extravagant d escription. (Hear, hear.; he had also been informed by the officer who went to the cottages to collect taxes, which by the way were not levied in Ireland, that in many cases the woman of the house had taken off her wed ding ring to satisfy the claim. (Hear, hear.) And yet English members were moused hard-heartedness, if they did not at once fall in with the vagaries of the noble lord, the member for Lynn. That noble lord had pledged mmething—his head, he believed—(a laugh)—thathe would fill the bellies of the Irish people with mutton and wend ale —that he would c'othe the men with the cloths of York shire, and the women with the cottons of Manchester, and bedizen them with the ribbons of Coventry. The noble Ink was to complete his work by filling their pockets with English gold. This was all very fine, but what about the English people, from whom the gold was to be taken ? (Hear, hear.) There was Scotland , too, were her people too to be maintained out of the English Trea sury ? (Hear, hear.) And yet he was to be ac cused of malignancy and mendacity if he did not at once accept the proposition of the noble lord. (Hear hear.) If these demands for Ireland were misted in, he should come forward and make a claim f or the English people. (Laughter.) He was glad to hear those cheers because it showed that they were rapidly coming to a general scramble for property. (Hear.) The noble lord's plan would not avail as a remedy against the present distress, the object of it was merely to tyke advantage of that distress, to press the demands and advance the interests of the Irish landlords. (Oh, oh, from the Irish members.) Yes, yet, and whenever the appropriation bill was brought forward, he should be ready with a claese, providing that not one penny of the Irish grant should go into the pockets of • member of that house. (Cheers and laughter.) In his opinion the proposition of the noble lord, the member for Lynn, was one of the meet marvellous ever made to the British House of Commons, and therefore he felt vexed that the noble lord at the head of the government had not submitted it to the test of a division. Mt. Ald. THOMPSON approved of the conduct of the government in allowing his noble friend to state the sub stance of his measure to the house. The hon. and leaned member for Bath was mistaken in supposing that the noble lord proposed to tax the people of England fur the forma tion of Irish railroads. (Hear, hear.) What the noble lord ' proposed was thst the national credit should be lent to raise 16 millions for investment on good security--security suet, I e s would satisfy the railway board. (Hear) Mr. P. SCROPE thought that the plan of the noble lord, the member for Lynn, would have dovetailed very welt with the government measures. They were at present spec d rig a million a month in unproductive works, and would it not be better that it should be applied to productive labour? If they wanted capital to flow into Ireland, government must take the initiative, and by establishing security for life and property create the first element of success. He be lieved that if, in the present state of Ireland, they trusted solely to commercial enterprise, they would in ten years hence be no hotter off than they were at present. Col. T. WOOD feared that if this measure were adopted, it would lead to the adoption of • very dangerous principle. He should certainly support the government in its opposition to the prepared of the notier lord the member for Lynn. Mr. lIIIME thought the noble lord (J. Russell) had scarcely done himself justice in not stating the reasons upon which the preceding government had refused to sanction the prin eiple of the scheme now suggested by the noble member for Lynn. Those reasons Mr. Trevelyan bad explained to Mr. Labouchere in a letter dated October last, in which he said, that Sir R. Peel and Mr. (Methuen had rejected the appli cation to government to advance loans for the construction at railways in Ireland, because such loans would not tend to the relief of the destitute labourer, but to the benefit, only, of speculative stuircholden; and that the only portion of the expenditure in making railways that could he applicable to the relief of the general distress, was that connected with the earth-works, which amounted to not more than one-third of the whole the rest being required for the purchase of land, nala and legal and parliamentary expenses. They st r, too, that if the railways did not pay interest ea tribe eephal invested, they would become a direct tax on tide country. It was to be regretted that the proposition glade by the noble lord, the present chief commisstoner of Woods and Forests, when Secretary for Ireland, had not been adopted, and railways introduced into Ireland at an soldier period. Had the great trunk lines been then formed it would have led to • great expenditure of money, and ma terially assisted the labouring clone,. But it was the country gentlemen of Ireland who were the principal opponents of that plan. (Hear, hear.) But for them, be believed it would have been, carried into effect. With regard to the suggestion that the waste lands should be brought into cultivation by the government, he believed any such plan would be attended with 100 and ruin. He would say. let such land be freed and sold, which it might be for 28 years' purchase, and let it be brought into cultivation by private parties. The commercial principle to which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. P. Scrape) bad referred would then be brought into operation by the purchasers, who would employ their own capital in improving the property, and thus give employment to labour, and materially contribute towards the regeneration of the country. But, being con vinced that no such effect would result from the proposed scheme, he regretted the noble lord (Russell) had not been so distinct in his opposition as to prevent any hopes being entertained of the probable adoption of the plan at a future time. The period had now arrived when government should candidly and fairly tell the Irish landlords that if they did not perform their duty and act as they ought to do, they must not expect that anything could be done for them by other. In the bills now before the house, he thought it was an error that DO much was required to be done by the lord lieutenant ; he thought the committee* should be left to act themselves, and that the measures should go from the te ,. g sgey without any intermediate interruption. The government ought either to take the entire management into their own hands, which it was impossible to do, or to leave it to the Irish gentleineis themselves. Mr. H. GRATI'AN defended the Irish landlords against the attacks of Mr. Beehuck. The han. and learned member knew nothing of the duties or the wishes or intentions of that body. The money which England had lent to Ireland she had borrowed at 34, and lent to her at 5 per cent., and the greater patof it had been repaid. The hon. and learned member said he would take care that none of the money abut to be a (vented under these measures atonal go to the Irish members—why, the Irish meinlwrs never got the money. But when there was a surplus in the Irish treasury it was taken away by the King of England. It was true that English gold had gone to Ireland, but for what purpose? To ho distributed iu bribes to bring bought members into the Irish parliament, and to dssecrate and ultimately to destroy the uriepentenee of the coumry. The n stilt of your conduct to Ireland (said the hon. member) is now recoiling upon yourselves Vengeance is for God; but, were I revengeful--did I desire vengeance, I should rejoice that you arc now brought on your knees before Irishmen, and that you now bud that you must feed the beggars that you hrve for centuries oppressed. (Hear.) The hon. and learn. d member for Bath had talked about Irish bellies being filled with English beef; but did he know anything about thee:portant cattle from Ireland to this country sud did he know that every animal Liken from that country deprived 30 people of employment. (Laughter.) The attacks of the hon. and learned member for Bath he could not characterise as sarcastic, ho would not call them malignant calumnies, b u t he wool I describe them as the dripping poison from the shrivelled adder. ( Laughter.) Re cautioned English members from listening to the mischievous and pernicious doctrines of the hon. and learned member. Ile thought the proposition of the noble member fur Lynn had much merit in it, and he thanked him for it. Mr. J. O'CONNELL had hoped that some arrangement would have been made by the house to facilitate the passing of the measures brought errward for relieving the distress of Ireland, eith rby suspending the minding or ders, ore oulnoing the discussion upon them from day to day. The measure of the noble lord might be geed or bad, but lie thought it injudicious to interfere with the measures of the zovernmit. The government had taken upon theme lees the responsibility of preventing starvation; it was for them net to divide that responsibility, but to misled the government in their object. Very intemperzte speeches hail been made upon the subject ; but he hoped it would be borne in mind that that interference did not originate with the Irish members—(hear. bray)—that it had begun with an hon. member who had unfortunately made himself conspicuous in that respect, whose position he did not think an enviable one, and whose conscienc, if indeed his mind were right, ought not to be at ease. (Cheers and laughter.) With every emcee! fax the hon. member for Montro a c, up to the year ISO, there was, einco the uninu, a surplus of Irish money remitted to England of nearly 20,000,0001. From re document he held in hie hand it appeared, that of 18,000,0001. advanced by way of loan to England and Scot land, only 6,200,0001. had been repaid; while of 17,000,0001. Issued to Ireland, 9,000,0001. had been repaid. Mr. HUDSON concurred in the measure of the noble lord the member for Lynn. He regretted extremely that the hon. member for Bath had indulged in language which might reasonably be expected to excite the indignation of kon. gentlemen from the sister country—(hear, hear)--emil thought it was much to be desired that that hon. gentleman would take an evening to himself, in order to have his views fully tested by the house. (Hear, and laughter.) He did think that the home was much indebted to the First Lord of the Treasury for the candid manner in which he had re ceived the prop sition of the noble lord, and hopedthe mea sure would receive from hint that patient consideration, however prepossessed lie might be against it, which its magnitude deserved. (Hear, hear, hear.) He felt satisfied that the statements and the calculations of the noble lord who introduced it would be borne out by every practical man. The hon. member for Montrose might well reoullect the Caledonian canal—(cheers. )—showing that his counire, too, had shared in the distribution of the good things which that house had to offer. Now, if there was one prin ciple in this bill more to be admired than another, it was this, that the government, at least in his opinion, would not lou one sixpence by it. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord did nut contend that there was any great prospect of its giving encoungement to private enterprise. No ore who under stood the nature of railway companies, and who had ob served the disinclination which exited to embark capital in Irish speculations, could expect capitol to flow from such a source. But the noble lord's object was, to offer an induce ment to those companies, by receiving support from parliament, to proceed with the works for which they were formed. Other countries had successfully excited pri vate enterprise by loans from the public puree in furtherance of such works, which not only benefited the localities through which they passed, but added to the social hap happiness, promoted the social intercoune, and increased the civilisation of the people. (Hear, hear.) He knew not why similar result s should not take place in Irel a nd . It was sa id that such a measure was proposed to benefit Irish landlords - but that which would confer a benefit upon one class of the community must eventually benefit the whole. He trusted therefore, that they would hear of no more attacks upon the Irish landlords, but that those who had indulged in them would confine themselves to the question, whether public i Mil ought or ought not to be extended for the promotion of I Irish railways. He confessed that he thoueht it ought, more particularly as he believed that by such a course the üblic revenue would not suffer. Some y ears a g o he had himself carried out a similar plan, A railway communi cation had been made as far as Darlington. It became desirable to extend it northward ; but fincing it impossible to obtain from the public the necessary amount of capital for effecting that chject, he got five or six companies to guarantee the payment of 6 per cent. • the difficulty was at once solved, and the necessary capital suincribed. He therefore anticipated much success front the measure of the noble lord. Under that bill a commismon would have to examine into each case, to ascertain if the line would be remunerative, or at least pay the interest of the debt, so that the company, upon that fact being determined in the affirmative, could go with confidence to the execution of the work, knowing that if they paid 11. the government would pay 21. Such an agreement must not be looked upon in the light of a gift to the Irish people, because it promised a fair return (hear, hear); and it was the duty of that house to afford assistance in the execution of such works as it believed to be of public advantage. If the noble lord opposite did not adopt the bill of the noble lord, the member for Lynn, he felt satisfied he would bring forward a measure equally practical. Mr. WARBURTON mid that the question to he decided wa s, whether they ought to advance 16,000,000/. for the promotion of Irish railways; and in the decision of the government not to engage in such a scheme, he entirely c nursed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said althou gh there were topics which had been brought forward in the pre sent discussion, on which he shouldhave been glad to observe, yet as be rose now principally to appeal against the prolong. ing of the debate, andtorequesthon. members to abstain from doing so, he was bound to set a g o od exeruple • and refrain from making any observations. he noble lord the member for Lynn. in a very able speech, had distinctly detailed his plan, and his noble friend at the head of the government had as distinctly Mated the course which, both at present, and in the future stages of the bill, he should pursue; and leave had been given to bring in the measure. There was stand ing for discussion to-night a measure of practical relief for Ireland, and he begged to appeal to the house, and espe cially to the Irish members, to allow this discussion clise, and not to interpose any delay between the proceeding with that measure. Mr OOULBURN said that the right hon. gentleman had stated that the noble lord at the head of the government had announced the course he ahould pursue when this bill Come to be discussed. He (Mr. Goulhurn) thought that that course was not generally understood, and it was omen tial that the home should be informed on the point, and that a question involving such lame pecuniary interests, and which might lead to much speculation, should not be left in uncertainty. (Hear, hear.) Such a enures was open to the greatest objection, both as regarded probable speculation and the interests of the works which it was intended to promote; for who would advance money for such works unless the opinion of the government was known ? He therefore called on the noble lord clearly to state the course he intended to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said he would answer the question of the right hon. gentleman, by re-stating what he said before, (Hear, hear,) which he was afraid had not been perfectly understood. He said that it would only be respectful to his noble friend, and he was confirmed in that opinion by reflection, that he should be allowed to introduce the bill. It would, however, be necemary, on a further Mane, for the house to go into coraraittee, in order to approve an advance of money for the object* of the bill. On that occasion be thought it would he incumbent on the government, either to undertake to carry the plan into operation, or at once to negative it. He had also said that he was not prepared to carry the plan proposed into effect, and when that authority to advance money was applied for, he should be prepared, ' on the part of the government, to refuse it. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN said, that although he felt with the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer that this was not the time to proceed with the diecussion of this bill, he did not think the time which it had °monied had been wasted. He thought no more practical measure had been proposed during the present session, and he should feel that be was wanting in duty to the noble lord, the member for Lynn, and to himself and those whom he represented, if he did not take that opportunity of thanking him for the propetrianl whichh t ma . made —( hear, (1= I f i o e r a w r ) logr,VallZa for the spir psnied by any of that contumely with which what were galled boons to Ireland were usually accompanied. He was not surprised at the course taken by the honourable member for Fath • for he bad taken every opportunity 'Seeded by the disasters of Ireland of heaping undeserved amine on every class, abusing the landlords, the clergy, the middle classes, and the people ; and he left it to the house to my whether, when a country was suffering as it was, each a course should be adopted. That hon. member had, in the fiat clam, stolen the plan of his hon. friend the member for Stroud, and then indicated his wish to lay on a property-tax in Ireland; and then he talked of enacting a law which wee posed two years ago. He was surprised when his political opponents proposed a plan by which sixteen millions would be expended in Ireland in four years, that the noble lord at the head of the govern ment did not grasp at it, especially as the noble lord hod said that be did not care what was the ex penditure, but his only object was to feed the people. He ped the noble lord the member for Lynn would move an address to her Majesty, praying that this scheme might be carried into effect, and that the noble lord at the head of the government would reconsider the determination he had expressed en this plan, fur if be did not he would lsehurled from power amidst the eel:teatime of the Irish people. Mr. LABOUCHERE said it was with the greatest rehic fano* that he interposed between the conclusion of the de bate, fur he thought it meet desirable that this discussion should conclu le, and the house should apply them-elves to urgent meaeures which had been devised to prevent the destitutioa of Ireland. But the hon. member for Limerick bed made such extraordinary miestatements that in juetiee to the government he felt called on to make a few remarks. The hou. mineher stated that his noble friend (Lewd J. Rus sell, had said that it was hi. principle to encourage no works hut such as wi re of a smite, and unproductive nature. Had it escaped tee recollection of the honourable mem her,—he was sure it hod not escaped the reccelee lion of the house, that the main measure which was thought likely to la, most advantaetoes to Ireland was one whirl. proposed to advance a million sod a hal to enable the lueillords to give employment to the people, to relieve filigree , , and ericeurege the cultivation ef the soil for next year? It required great powers of misstatement to declare that it was the policy of the government to encourage unless and unproductive works, and that they w. re not prepared, when they were sure that the mosey would not fall into the hands of speculators, to , ncourage those which were useful awl pro ductive. Another misstatement, of the hon. member was, that the government had refueee to auction certain presentments L r railways. The hon. member hail forgotten the circumstsbees under which it was done, and which he (Mr. L ilmachere) would state to the house, and he would ask if the go. ernmeut was justified iu allowing a pre. liontment foe a line for which no act of par:iament had been obt,inerl. It was a mere speculation, and the government was asked to ride over the law and acts of patliement in is favour, a course which they would hare been inexcusable if they had pursued. The hon. inemiier was in error in saying that when there was a proper case, the governmeut did not encourage presentments for rail ways. The pr. iciple was laid down in a tre ism) , minute of 16th Octolr, 1846, which stated that the trea sury would be prepared to give their sanction to presentments fir railways on certain conditions—one of which was thee the money should not he advanced for a lino which had lof obtained an act of parliament. It would have been unjue ifiable in the govenimeat,unler it had been s frictional by th • legistereve, to take upon them to soy where a railway should be executed. He begg. vt pardon of the house fee having interposed between the conclusion of the debate, even for each it short time, which he sh•,uld not have done if he had not been provoked into it by the misstatements of the hon. member fur Limerick. The Marquis of GRANBY begged to return his thanks to his noble Irien l (Lee' G. Ilenffuck) fur the introduetion of this measure. Ile was not one who thought railways an unmitigated good, and he thought they had been pushed too far in this country; but Ireland was a place where they would be most beneficial, and if ever there was a time when they should be introduced, it was this. Mr. MUNTZ remarked that the proposition of the noble lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck) proprieed to lend, and not to give the money to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) And the only difficulty in the measure would he, to protect Ire land from an ex ens of railways, which would not only be injurious to Ireland, but also to the government, who afforded the cred•t to make them. On all grounds he hailed the introduction of this measure, to which he trusted the ' noble lord at the head of the government would give a re consideration. (lear, hear.) Mr. W. P. COLLETT thought that the measure of the noble lord the iember for Lynn would afford a way of giving far more immediate relief than any Draivago Act or amended poor-1n v. Mr. M. GORE remindedthe honse, that while they might be anxious to c instruct railways, they ought not to lose sight of another source of iuduetry and employment—the fisheries of Ireland. Mr. GILOGAN, in reference to the treasury minute to which the right lion. geutleman opposite (Mr. Labouchere) had called the attention of the house, could elate that its conditions were of a character which , rendered the minute wholly inoperative. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that if lie thought the pro poaition of the noble lord the member for Lynn would en danger the finances of the country, he wouhl he as unwilling to press the measure on the consideration of the government and the house, as would any English or Scotch represetea live. Ile thought. however, that the noble lord had fenced the measure with safeguards, which were quite suffi cient to prevent any danger from its operation. On these grounds he was serry that a more encouraging tone had not been held out by the government. Mr. G. A. HAMILTON corroborated the statement made by the hon. member for Dublin (Mr. Grogan) as to the conditions of the treasury minute alreldy referred to, rendering that minute wholly inoperative. (Hear, hear.) By the proposition of the ',Mile lord the member for Lynn, good a cerity would he afforded for all the money advanced by this eoantry—(hea - , he arl—sod it was the only propreition by which the taxation of this coun try would he lightened. (Hear, hear.) Capt. HARRIS, Mr. P. S. BUTLER, Lord .1. MAN NERS, and Sir W. VERNER, approved of the measure of the noble lord the clamber for Lynn. On the motion that the bill be brought up, Mr. ROEBUCK begged to throw himself on the considera tion of the house fora few minutes. Ile would appeal to the fleece whether there was anything iu the tone or manure of his address that evaiine to warrant the language applied to warde him. (Hear.) He stated simply, plainly, and withnut equivocation, his objections without us net one harsh word. (Cries of The clause.") Olt ! was that the vituperatioa (Hear, hear.) It might be disagreeable to have se eh a clause in the bill, but it was of the highest importance to the dig nity of the house that it should lie above suspicion that none of the money intend, d for the benefice( the people of Ireland • should be apportioned to any member of that or the other house of parliament. (H' ar, hear.) With regard to the speech of Mr. Grattan, there was no form of violence which the hon. member had not recourse to. Whole sale phials of the hon. gentleman's wrath were broken over his head. He began with accusing him of malignity, and ended with calling him a " shrivelled adder." (Much laughter.) That was his expression in the frantic exhibition [ of his impotent indignation. But the adder had a sting and • was a dangerous enemy, and it might happen that when he stung the poor ox the venom of the stie.g WAS iu the truth of whet he said. When he wanted to make the arrow eti.k he barbed it with truth. (Hear, hear.) That made it hang and mart, and hence, he believed, the anger of the hen. gentleman. Col. RAWDON believed that the adder was a dangerous thing, and that language, such as had been teed by the honourable member for Bath, was dangerous, in the present circumstances of Ireland. But it was not the first time the boo. and learned member hail proved him self dangerous to the empire ; for there was a strong suspi cion that the hon. and learned member was the hired advo cate of rebels. (" Hear , hear," and " order, order.") The SPEAKER said the hon. and gallant member was mit of order. Col. RAWDON submitted at once—(hear, hear)—but he felt strongly the manner in which the hon. and learned gen tleman addressed the house. (Hear, hear.) Mr. F. FRENCH said if no other benefit was derived from that d . seassion than the altered manner and tone of the hon. and learned memb r for Btth in his last allusions to Ireland, that hon. and learned gentleman at least would have some rause for cougratulation—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H. GRATTAN sad that the hon. and learned mem ber fur Bath having accused the Irish members of an inten tion to put money in their pockets, he would only inform him that when Mr. Tierney was charged by Sir F. Burdett with pocketing the public money, the then Speaker called him to order; but, notwithstanding, Mr. Tierney gave him a good johation. (Laughter.) The bill was then brought in and read a first time, and notice was given that the s.cond reading should be moved on Thursday neat. LETTING AND MANAGEMENT OF LANDED PROPERTY IN IRELAND. Mr. S. CRAWFORD postponed his motion on this sub jact until that day week. RELIEF OF DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Lord CLEMENTS said that, in consequence of a litter which he had seen, stating that it was intended that the police should interefere in the distribution of relief in Ire land, he felt bound to enter his protest in the strongest pos oible manner against such a step. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that in the letter alluded to, it was provided that one of the members who were to super intend the relief committees in Ireland was Col. M'Gregor, and he believed that the character of that gentleman was enough to prove that there was no person who could be more generally trusted. He believed that the noble lord stood alone in his opinion as far as that matter was concerned. Lord CLEMENTS said that he said nothing that could touch in any way the character of Colonel M'Gregor, Nobody entertained a higher opinion of that gentleman's character than he did, but he had the strongest objection to such an office being imposed upon the police of Ireland. DESTITUTE PERSONS (IRELAND) BILL. The house went into committee ea this bill. On the motion of the CUANCELLOS of the Ext iii4ll.:ER, that a resolution to the effect that the sum of 300,0001. be advanced for the purpose of carrying the bill into effect, from the consolidated fund, on the security of • poor-rate to be levied, be carried, Mr. P. SCROPE said that as the security depended on the collection of the rates, and as that depended on the exertions of the poor-law commissioners., and as he had a strong opinion upon the laxity of the C01111711 , 114011P111 now exiting, he wished to oak the Secretary of State whether the same commissioners were to carry this act into execution, or whether any alteration was to be made in that body. Sir G. GREY said that it was not intended that any al. terstion was to be made. POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he wished to state to the house that, as is consequence of the long debate which had taken place, it would be impossible for them to go into com mittee on this bill for the immediate relief of the poor in Ireland, he would give notice that he would move that the house go into cemmittee on it to-morrow. Ile would, however, take the bill for the use of sugar in breweries and distilleries first. ST. ALBAN'S ELECTION. The SPEAKER said that be had received a letter from Lord Lit4o. el, saying that he did not intend to proceed wilh his petition against Mr. Bond Cabbell's election for St. Alban's. The house then adjourned at twelve o'clock. CUSTOMS.—SICK Per.—The authorities of the customs department being of opinion that in cases of the ab sence of inferior officers an the service, by hurts received in the actual execution of their duty, they should be allowed sick pay for Sundays as well as other days, orden have been issued to the comptroller-general, that the accounts for pay mint should be computed accordingly. Oparreogs. MAILS. The mail. for Vigo, Orilto, Lbibuin, Madeira, Cadiz, sod Giteraft. will be mode up on the tautening of the Mb February. Tho overLoid &red to sin Ntero4ll,., to the Metlit , rearmen,, Egypt, Aden, Croton. imam, Ilona Bong, n.c., will be muds up on Big evening of the silt rehrunr. The Vi'eot mails including tho.e for Me‘ioo. Hooduren, end 'hr ti:iy,oeudt, will be ninde up on the olorniug of the nib Feb=,. TI., Cilliriltar, Matti, Grfl the lonian I . Erwin, Aden, Ceylon, Indio, Ifoir:.honn. and ( Tiler, gin siminamplak will be made up on the morning of the 2 .W of l'el.riiry. 'The mittl., for New South \\ 01,, Van Dit.ll.oo, l and, sad BM Zeilkind will to' mode up 00 the eeenim2 of the is.. )I.,gelt. The moil, for litili.h North Amerie.t, Bermuda, am! the Vining Slatt,, will be mode up on the (wining of the kit Milrilt, The maik for the the Li, et Mate, Boat, Vlico, Ferrara. bum, Bahia, Mil trim, and Buenos Ayres will be mode op on u evening 01 tine CI, March. TO 0011 RESPONDENTS. We canna notice, In any tray, any untununieution tt I sent to at anonyoLowly ; but thaw wboobodon to ad4rere w in confidence wit find theirwockienec reopected. NGITIMLICAN WY. UNDERTAKE T rc .; AN T 11ANUKCILIPN WiIIATEVEIL • Adtertinements intended for The Elpresa,Lortflonewritnc ppm, wing be at the Office by Two o'clock on toe day of toilkeotiou mon WATER AT LONDON-111410GL. Tnts DAIN-14(irDing, :9 min. past 4 ; A , ,noon. Uinta, pia 1. To-31easow -Morning, 29 min. past 5. Aftuncco, 46 mu: pm LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. .5. The Indian Mail of the 2nd of January, from Bom bay, which Mr. Wacuone's energy enabled the DWI!, News to publish exclusis ely in all its editions' of yesterday, and which our contemporaries unscrupa lounly and ungenerously condescended to borrow, and to print in second editions without acknowledgment, is certainly the most important that has reached England since the celebrated victories upon the Indus. It announces the decisive act of Lord HARDINGE is removing Leen Sixe, the paramour of the Maha rajah's mother, from the Vizerat of Lahore, in conse quence of the discovery of his having spirited up the chief of Cashmere to resist Goofau SING, nominated by the British government chief of the upper country. Instead of replacing Lau. SING by Jowatintl, by LENA, or any of the many pretenders of the SING tribe, the Lahore court and government have felt the necessity of flinging themselves on British protection altogether, and of demanding the permanent occupation of the country by a British force, to be paid out of the re venue of the Punjab, our Resident virtually exercis ing the powers of Vizier during the minority of the prince. There is no denying, that such a step throws a great deal of responsibility ou the Indian government; that it infringes upon that discreet and unambitious policy with which Lord HAIIDINGE set out, and which care fully avoided the provoking of new enemies. It places us once more in direct contact with the Af ghans, and makes us the lords of a most troublesome frontier. But the question is, was there a possibility of avoiding it? The withdrawal of our forces from Lahore, in the present state of that court, could have had no other result than a struggle between dissolute and selfish chiefs, in the midst of which the young Maharajah would probably have perished, like all lus relatives. In that case our troops would have been obliged to march back to occupy thecapital, as well AS to undertake the direct administration of the country —a most difficult task, in any eastern region, till it has been in a degree Europeanised, or at least accustomed to submit to the rule of Europeans. The Punjab is certainly not ripe for that. Scinde is too near an example of the folly of prematurely superseding native for European rule, which becomes so trying to the finances of the state, and the health of its soldiers. It is satisfactory to find that, for the present at least, the Afghans seem indisposed to give any annoy ance either to the government of Lahore or to that of Jumnoo. It does not appear that they were at all mixed up with the insurrection of Cashmere. The Affg,han princes have had too bitter proofs of our power to provoke it. In Persia, at Herat, and the western chiefdom of Afghanistan, fear and rancour may be both increased by our permanent rule at Lahore. But we shall probable find the robber tribes of °Miele and Belooeh for a long time the only formidable disturbers of our empire in North- Western India. Whilst Lord HAIMINGE is thus organising and set tling, we trust, the last great conquest of our Indian empire, he is not neglecting the important task of internal reform. None was more called for than an abatement of the rate of postage in India, which often amounted to a complete suspension or bar in the way of all communication. The preposterous abuse of paying ten pounds a year postage for the receipt of an Indian journal was something incredible, and tended to render public intelligence, what it is to this day in Austria or Russia, the exclusive apanage and luxury of the rich. THERE was one great fallacy running through the whole of Lord GEORGE BENTINCWS argument about railways last night. Ile attributed the improved condition of English commerce within the few last years entirely to railways ; to have attributed the rail ways entirely to oar expanding commerce, though not exactly correct, would have been nearer the mark. There can be no doubt that the introduction of power thl steam locomotives, propelling enormous burdens along roads upon which the resistance of friction has been reduced to a minimum, by increasing the facility of transit and communication, has given a fresh im petns to our productive industry. But had not that productive industry attained the high stage of dere- lopment it had reached previously to the introduction of railways, it would have been impossible to (stabil!' them. Without undervaluing railways we must is allowed to bear in mind that they are not the creators of commerce, but only its powerful subordinate Mitre ments. The fallacy of Lord GEORGE'S view is laid bare as soon as he comes to apply it practically to Ireland. When the Liverpool and 'llinclieriter Railway wee opened, England's trade and manufactures were matured and colossal except in the west of Ulster, in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, and a few other other towns, there is in Ireland neither the one nor the other. It is not enough, then, to say with Lord GEORGE that Ireland has the same population as England and Wales, I might therefore support the same extent of railways. Ireland has neither the capital nor the employment ot England. It is nothing to the purpose to say that the number of travellers by the Irish railways already opened is as great or greater than that of the tea yellers by English railways; for the Irish railways in operation are confined to those districts which some degree resemble England. The object of these remarks is not to argue that government cannot, or ought not, to do anything is promote Irish railways, but to protest against the lavish and injudicious manner in which Lord GEOaOll would have it set to work. His bill is the concoction of gentlemen for whose opinion, on matters relating to the constructing and working of railways we re tertain the most sincere deference and respect, bet in whose power of estimating aright the function and importance of railways in social economy . we hays less confidence. They are railway enthusiasts, Sol imagine that railways can do everything. They would give the Irish more railways than they Ca make use of. They would lavish so much moneyfas the construction of railways not needed as mast DP cessarily lead to waste and jobbing. Lord GEOROiI bill, with the large sum it places at the disposal d government, and the indiscriminate manner of die tributing that money which it leaves open, would, id a country like Ireland, be a dangerous instrument at the nearly approaching general election. We regret the introduction of a messure which we moat call injudicious, as tending to defeat the ea which it professes to have in view. The opportnnitar had offered for a judicious attempt to induce veers mint to make reasonable advances to real ana Bab strudial railway undertakings in Ireland : Lard GEORGE'S proposals may confirm them in their already faltering resolution to make no adrenal whatever. Since this question was first brought on the tapir the view taken of it by government has *lnd= considerable modification. The genesis a nd change of their opinion may be traced in that seeks of the voluminous correspondence relating to the relief of distress in Ireland, just presented to par liament, which embraces the correspondence of tie Board of Works. Up to the 16th of October the uniform reply of the Treasury to all applications for advances to railway companies, either from the companies themselves or others, was—" after a full consideration of the ribjeet• it has been determined not to adopt loans to milt's, companies as a means of relieving the eratfm - hi arising from the failure of the potato crop." Thar*