The Express. — London, England, 1847-02-08 00:00:00

BUSINESS OF THE WEEK IN THE LORDS. (AB Sr m It amen oil the Minutes.) MONDAY, To. ORDERS OF THE DAY.—Laces Hattana.—Chelmes Evasions. Btu. To ea Carat rtaD.—Buckarlasst. k.. importation. NOTICE OP MOTISN.—Law moidunsu Dramas (Im.vao).— INA of Memounehel to move for return of total mount doe for debt. damages, and mu upon decree., cedes% sad 4.4gs.st. in thelocketed or registered. sad imaial a di. °am Sr helm judgmeeitt in Irelaad MeMegi those width an is Q® those which are incase. TUESDAY, Pm• S. NOTICE MOTION.—Lord Stanley to preeent petition from cluhrimardens of Manchester on the eubject of muftis! funds. BUSINESS OF THE COM WEEK IN THE HOUSE OF MONS. MONDAY, Fan. S. ORDERS OF THE DAY.-Bnotten Ramtno.— Oaken. Dopes BBL Bah ro ex Cournereo.—Demitme Pence. (Inked) ; &strait P e ar • (treat ; Distilling from Sow ; Poor Relief (Ireland) ; Lebowitz, Pear (Ireland , . Ocanin T. or SCrel.T. Destitute Persom (Ireland), Sugar tog .sad Sugar tux Buis to to taken before the other ceders.) NOTICES OF MOTIONS ORIGINATING ON ORDERS OF TUE DAY. Memo,. Pawns (Insa-oto) Bo.r..—Mr. E. Denison to hem amendment on clause 3; Mr. &shied O'Brien to move the nallntitutton of ••new clause for 3, and Uneathnenta On °knees T and S. Drenium Tons Scoot 11111.-11 r. Moffatt to more amedinent to dame G and addition to dame 10. Pima Rohs, (lame.) BoJ..—(00 the motion that the lipeater have the Meh)—Mr. Wrighbon to all attention to the importance at limiting the amount of she levyabbe in me year by bawds df gua rdians without authority of parliament; Mr. P. Serape to all attention to the expedience of giving all clams of destitute poor Pt Ireland the same right to relief as destitute poa ln thigisod. (In Committee) Sir H. W. Berme to move adhttonal Mom ; lord John Rime' to moor the eutaititution of sew clauses for f and 3; Mr. I'. Scrope to more provision for increasing the masimunt cheat of land guardians are empowered to acquire for their lenrithOase ; Mr. Mackinnon to move addition to clause 1. Lot.: atto Pope ilmt.xvo) Irma to move addition to dame 1 and • new clause la lieu of 3. TUESDAY, Fat IP. NOTICES OP MOTlONS.—Niaimeim Laws—. Mr. Ricardo to move Sr Meet committee an Navigation Lama Thimea—Dr. Bowling to move malodor for adding to the eafety of NOM revenne and Imprornmest of public accowit. RAILWATS.-11r. Shutt to Whodunit bill Sr regulating the pro ceedings ef railway contudernonere and mending the law relating to esilways. Mar. Hume to mom scheme Sr estinuationof the statistics of WWII , at trcePs; Mr. Donotente to move for evidence tato. before the Court of hooky appointed by the Board of Ordnance to minim Marge. spinet Jones. Navy. —Yr. S luume mon Sr rotor= of corporal mid other pooled. mate of esikee been Ist of Jarrear7 DM to 3114 December, 1516; the same to move far similar futures vesperning the marines. Poo. I,lll.—Mr. Bankm to move for copy of the Poor Law Com lialnelooer'. case and Attorary-OenemPa *Mon, Matter to the droetket of the Noe Removal Bill. ROMAN Coreouc Wawa to introduce bill Hr Archer removal o=tiod penalties on Boman Catholic subjeeta ow seconnt of their Law.—Mr. Pmey to introduce bill for improvement of agricultural t.-right; Mr. Dunissube to move for hibernation and criticism i gF ß ea before • petty seernotts, held at Warrington. on 25th January Laiumn.—Mr. Grattan to move for return. relating to abeenteep ; Prevost Clements to move for returns relating to police. Pus or Mom.—Dr. Booting to move Sr copeer of immortals and eareeepondesoe with government retain to reform to the Ileum of Kept WEDNESDAY, Fey IC ORDER OF THE DAY.--Borneo Reewho.—Fartoraes Bill. NOTICE OF MOTION.—Aamm roa Dore (lamemit t tr d if H. W. Barron to introduce Bill to limit the Armlet Sr Debt to THURSDAY, Fox 11. NOTICES OF MOTlONS.—Eorcanos.—Mr. Christie to move for Inquiry into the (niversititsof Osford and Cambridge. FUMY or Tema. (lasmamo). —Mr. 8. Crawford to !wee reach tion ib favour of cessferring mem Parinanent Tenure. oe Irish Tenants. Cointowit' Ineummen.--Mr. to introduce Rill foe Im proving the Law relativeto Inelchare of Commons. Awn or Baourncy.—Mr. Dynamite to more that the Duke's Petition be rherted to • Select Committee. ORDER OF THE DAY.- Secoso fiamitso.—Rellways !Ireland) DESTITUTE PERSONS (IRELAND) BILL. Dire*. re Commerm on MIKE. CIAOI4-71vit the clergy of all denominations omdo ' to web electoral divisions be members M the rebel committee. Aye, Si; Nom, 111. AM. Acton, Col. °molly, Col. Kelly, J. °Terrell, R. M. Agßooby, 11. A.Lanthee, Ham COsbortie, 8.. B. Archbold. R.. Davis" H. T.Martla, T. B. Rice, F.. Ft. Arundel and Bar-Grattan, H. Miles, W. Shaw, Rt. Its. F. rey, Earl of Grogan, F. Romer, BBD. Sosithwitb, 8.. Barron, Sir B.W.Hamilloa, J. H. O'Brien, C. Somers, J. P. Bedew, R. M. Hamilton, O. A. O'Brien, T. TILLKIN. Mama., B. Herrin Hs. Capt.O'Conaell, D., jr.O'Brien, W. S. Cole, 11. Hayes, Sir E. O'Connell, M. . O'Connell, J. . . . . . NOM Aldan, W. Darner, Ham C. Hutt, W. Roebuck, J. A. Milk, J. P. Deedes, W. Jaime, W. Roes, D. R. Arlrright, 0. Denison, J. E. items, Sir J. Rutherford, A. &Mike, CAI. Iteldmon, F. H. Laboochere, H. &rope, G. P. Bain, W. Dom, The. Lambron. If. Seymour, lord Barclay, D. Mom, 0. Lincoln, Earl of Sheridan, R. B. Darkly, H. Illumlas, P. Lockhart, A. E. Somerrille,liir W. Baring, P. T. Dumas, D. Lygon, Mn. Geo. Spooner, R. Barnard, F- G. Ebrington, Vise. MacaWay, T. B. Stansflekt, W. R. Batman, T. Egerton, Sir P. Mackenzie, W. F.Stewart, J. Berkeley, Capt. Fora, B. Mackinnon, W. Taylor, E. :=, 11. F. Evans, W. Maitland, T. Thornely, T. Vise. Ferguson, Sir R. Mangles, R. D. Troubridge, SirE. Blackburn, J. Finch, O. Manners, Lord J. Turin r, E. Blake, M. J. For Mer, M. Hanle, Rt. Ho. F. Vane, lord H. Bodkin, J. J. French, F. Morpeth, Vise. Verner, Sir W. Boweing, Dr. Gibe" T. M. Marna, D. Verey, Floe. T. Brotkieborst, J. Godson, R. Mount, Hon. E. Vivian, J. 11. Ihotkerton, J. Gore, Hon. R. More, Col. Waddington, H. Brown, W. Goolburn, H. Napier, Wu C. walker, R. Buck, 1.. W. Graham, Sir J. Newdetrate, C. N.Warburton, H. Buller, F.. Grey, ill, 0. O'Brien, A. S. Ward, H. 0. Banbury,W.Wellarcourt, G. G. O'Cooor Dm Wawn, J. T. Clay, Br W. Hat*, A. Ord, Wm. Wi W. Clements, Vise. Hatton, Capt. V. Parker, J. Wood , lia r C. OMebrooke, T. E. Hawes, B. Phoundge, Capk Wood, Col. T. Collett, J. Hay, Slr A. L. Power, J. Wyre, T. Coate, Sir C. H. Heatheote, W. Protheroe, E. D. Yorke, 11. R. Garry, Hon. H. Henley, J. W. Poisford, R. Toung, J. Courtenay, lord Hope, Six J. Reardon, Col. Cowper, W. F. Howard, C.W.O. Rcid, Cul. .1.1.1111... (Ilk W. O. Howard, E. G.G.Repton, G.W. J. nitwit, Mr. Crawford. W. S. Hume, J. Rich, H. Hill, lord M. gate enirtgos. ne orerland elated man rut Maconllea, to An Mediterranean, Egypt, Ades, Ceyon, Sew Kong, ice., will tom& up au the evening (tithe Ibiresey. mm man tin /tin 0 1. . 1 s ake. Mestelea=, me Gibraltar, will he verb up en as et the 17th The Woe Ms mei. elms ltr lessok"ll4•olGrae. Insd the Itseseseeb. MB he =de up en the mei. etas Mb Merry. 7t, worlowl master °Waller 14•1140resse. WYK idea* aitt Adm. Oestsa. WIN Ilenesitent o r Cline. els linethempton, Ink epee the seenimettlee et leseverr. no fir New sows Wain.. T r Mime% land. end NI. 7seleed will be made up ea as etase=i the IMO. The oils tor Beta Ibtosietbe, and the Voited Staten will be made ebt in the maw doled Marh. The teeth for the Break the Rim Pits, Mote Vuko, Pernam buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, erfil be made up ou the earning of the 4th March. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We cannot notice, to say ;sr,;-711conisiwiiitoe that is vat to us anonywounly ; bat thew vrbochoose to arbiters on In confidence will and tbeir confidence reepecteel. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE TJ RETURN ANY MANUSCRIPTS WHATEVER. •.• Attrertheutents latemded for The Express, Loudon evening papa, utast be at the Dike by Two °Week on the day of publication. HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BIUDGE. Ti.i DAT. —Mondng, 40 mi.. ma 6; Alterman, I min. pea 7. 10-11toasow—Notniag, 34 azia. poet 7; Mermen, rain. past 7. LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 8. Tint servility of the present day takes a different form from the servility of the past. Of old, politicians, or would-be politicians, flattered the great, fawned on the minister, and went assiduously bowing to court. Whilst a few, a very few, chose to direct their atten tion to the mob, flattering its worst pasaions, and most bigot prejudices. Candidate statesmen of the present day are not compelled either to put on court suits, or turn mob orators. There exists a quiet, humble, far retiring, fairly instructed middle class, which forms the bulk of the English public. And it is to JOHN Bum., as the representative of this very quiet class, that politicians pay their court. We need not enume rate the common topics which are supposed to find most favour with this symbolic majesty of public opinion. Retrenchment was a compliment that long flattered it. Direct taxation has now been substi tuted for this. Contempt of patty, and an equal abuse of Whig and Tory, is also considered a pleasing theme. Free trade is a never-ending source of com pliment. Universal peace is much admired as a bur den, with denunciations of foreign policy as a bore, and PaLMERSTON as a firebrand. In the daily offerings of the orator and the writer at the shrine of the British public, it is universally assumed that the said public is very sleepy, and very =nt, upon all matters that may occur beyond the of old England. We cannot but think this • very gross error, and a very important mistake. We know of no man, who so readily and so univer sally overleaps, either in person or in interest and imagination, the limits of his country, as the Eng lishman. Who such a traveller as he—who such an adventurer England may be his cradle, hut the ocean, and every shore which it laves. becomes his home. He may not choose to fathom diplomatic intricacies, and make himself master of the variations of foreign policy ; but to the fate, fortune*, freedom, and trade of countries- at least of such countries as Spain and France, whose shores face his --the Eng lishman is not and cannot be indifferent ,A s leeesechs, however, are fond of repose, the flatteurs of the public opinion monarch do endeavour to lull him with the old compliments of courts. His majesty, they say, should not bestir himself, should not read, should not inquire. It would be quite absurd for him to trouble himself about trestiee, or about Spaniards or Frenchmen. He is 011-wise from all-powerful by divine right and descent, and the least need to look closely to foreign inte to gre..v merlon, about them. lie has but and smile and be happy after an epicurean , lettir,g the rest of the world go its own way, rest of the world could not think of harming, or hurting, or plotting against the good, the harm less and magnificent heehaw, JOHN BOLL. Now, we do not think that ever court of monarch was pestered, or his Majesty degraded, by a more baneful set of flatterers than these same sycophant courtiers of JOHN BILL. No one could more fairly represent them than Lord Beouenan, when he de clared that the Spanish marriages as much affected the Englishman's interest as a marriage in M. LE VERRIER'S new planet. Another of the school said, during the debate, that he should prefer hearing of the Spanish carrying trade to hearing of these mar the fact is, that the Spanish carrying trade is wrapped in these very marriages. It was part of the new family compact concluded between the French and Spanish . courts, and of which the basis was this very marriage with a French prince. It was by virtue of this new com pact were put on a par in Spanish ports with Spanish vessels, whilst differential duties were levied on British vessels. One of the great reasons for Lord ABERDEEN'S as well as Lord PALMERSTON'S opposing these marriages was, the bar that they must eternally piece in the way of opening Spanish trade to England, by rendering French influence and domination permanent. That Spain should be independent of French rale and of French influence is necessary--in peace for our trade, in war for our security, and at all times, because, when France makes sure of Spain's dependence and support, she is much more likely to indulge in war, than when she has an independent power behind and apart from her. For the interests of our own com merce, and of European peace, it is indispensable that Spain should be in reality, as in semblance, inde pendent. Are such considerations as these nothing to the Englishman, and unworthy the attention of his government ? The south of Spain is one huge granary of corn, and wine, and oil.F ngland might clothe its inhabitants, and receive their produce in return. France forbids; and the French marriage with the Infanta forbids. Is this nothing to us ? We care little for the treaty of Utrecht, and not much what family may reign in Spain, provided it be not a family in exclusively French interests, and consequently interested in checking the freedom and the development of the Spanish people. Such at tempts can do no good to France, and must be equally hurtful to her and to Spain. And such iniquitous and rapacious thirst and exercise of domination by France in Spain is very likely to turn the Spaniards against the French, and against the puppet princes whom they support. We are told to content ourselves with this. We reply, that we cannot. It is no gratification to see Spain right herself and recover her independence by revolution and by bloodshed However glorious and righteous some revolutions, they seldom, and not without long oscillations, settle down in freedom. Spain has a right to freedom and independence by a shorter, more natural, and more peaceful path. We would spare her such catastrophes, and such difficul ties, as French enmity, which is as dangerous as French domination. Our government, therefore, have done but their duty in watching over Spanish independence, and in seeking to establish it by all the means and the effort/ in their power. Such efforts should not be directed against the true and fair interests, or against the honour and dignity, of France. We should be almost as chary of these, as of our own ; for, on a good un derstanding, a well-founded and firm alliance between the countries, stand the hopes of civilisation and of the West. The beet way to establish this alliance is to watch its formation aad early action, and prevent those selfish starts and tricks, which on either side must infallibly derange and destroy it. And for this purpose it is the duty of the English public, and of the English ministry, to watch, to examine, to force them selves to take an interest in it, even if they have none; and to acquire a knowledge of the case, if they be ignorant of it. For the moot vital interests of the two countries, of peace, of freedom, and of civilisation, de pend upon so holy a cause not being left to the hocus pocns of diplomacy, to the selfish machinations of comas, or the private piques of statesmen. We have said thus much by way of introduction to remarks upon the speeches of M. TUIERS and M. GUIZOT. A discourse more eloquent, more noble, more duffle, more fall of profound truth, enlightened views, and generous sentiment, was never uttered than that of M. THIERA. It might serve as the epitaph of M. GUIZOT, whose political reputation it entombs. We shall reserve our judgment, however, until we have leisure to peruse :Saturday's Meniteur, and compare the antagonist arguments of the minister and his rival. THERE are few subjects on which so much unani , mity prevails in commercial circles as on the impolicy 1 of increasing the restraints already imposed upon the use of credit. The operation of the principle of free trade is to stimulate both production and consump tion. Notwithstanding the checks given to both by the deficient supply of food, still our trade has ex oeeded its usual extent. The nations of Europe, where agriculture has failed, have fallen back upon the resources of the trading population, and the safety of every state is ensured in proportion to the magnitude of these resources. Unless great judg ment is shown in the employment of manufacturing labour, which this calamity has rendered dispos able, one of two things must happen. The manu factured goods wherewith we pay for our im ported corn, and that must be sold cheap to induce foreigners to take them, will have to be produced at a sacrifice of wages made by labourers crowding into factories working short time. Failing such manufac tured goods furnished at sufficiently cheap prices for exportation, the imported corn must be paid for in gold. Either alternative is a serious evil, if it be not counteracted by due attention. If proper and earnest attention be devoted to the consideration of the sub bet, a menacing crisis in the commercial world may avoided. But no step that can be taken supposes aught else than a strain upon individual credit. Whether the gold be sent away, and trade have to be supported on its real foundation, or a substi tute be found for gold acceptable to the seller of corn, it is equally evident that private credit can alone cover the deficiency until the earnings of the nation fill up the void. Now,we would ask, is this the moment to draw the fetters tighter that bind commercial men ? Is this the right moment to throw impediments in the way of exchanges' Should we at such a moment insist upon the adoption of the much contested creed, that gold is the only medium for paying debts ? Would the merchant, who has made a bad debt, act wisely in depreciating the value of his remaining stuck, to which he looks as the source whence his loss is to be compensated? We think not. We think, moreover, that, in such momenta, the value of credit becomes peculiarly apparent. The fair trader and honest man can command credit. The impostor and the discredited trader have ns resource but gold or the credit of others. We claim for the commercial world of England the privilege of using that credit, which honesty and judg ment have earned for those who command it. We look upon the extent of this private credit as the mainspring of the industry and, consequently, of the wealth of the nation. We do not believe that the best regulated lanes of any centralised bank can attain any extent to be compared to the private credit of our traders. We consequently cannot allow that the ex tent of this credit fund can be measured by accidental deposits of bullion in any bank. Let ministers agree with the Bank of England as to the mode of managing the affairs of that bank, but let them be ware of touching private credit. The late ministry did more than that : they attempted to curtail the exercise of private credit in one branch of trade to ensure a preponderance for the issues of the Bank of , England. «e shall not here enter upon the merits of the principle then set up. We shall confine ourselves to the proposed extension of the curtailment then sanc tioned by law. The at limits the number of notes to be issued by private banks. Above a certain amount of circulation, the notes issued must be represented by gold deposited. The merchant during a demand for gold can purchase with the gold itself better than with the notes repre senting it ; and, therefore, there will be no demand for notes beyond the limited issues. Now if a banker chooses to take merchandise, or deposits representing merchandise as security, and other persons are willing to take banker's notes issued on th a t security ~ good. the banker is not at present allowed to issue in notes. more than a certain sum on such security. The merchant my draw a cheque upon his banker, and may negotiate that cheque. A banker may not issue cheques drawn upon himself—for such note. are— without giving a donble pledge. It is now proposed about :vs instinct, a bath not rests, or I to feed a fashion, It for the re THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1847. to take from him the power of negotiating seven days' bills. The demand for transfers of credit having re cently increased beyond the power of note circu lation to supply, the bankers have substituted , bills at seven days' date, and for other short terms, drawn upon themselves, which, in consequence of the good credit of the parties issuing them, have obtained a large circulation. It is now proposed to consider these bills as notes, and conse quently to limit their circulation to the extent that license is given to issue notes. As no limita tion can be imposed upon the banker from which the trader is exempted, without mani fest injustice, it will be necessary to include correeponding exertions of credit by traders to similar restrictions. If this is not done, traders' cheques will, under the pressure of increasing trade and demand for gold, soon be at a premium, and the office of banker will be transferred to the trader. He can sell cheques and short bills drawn on his banker to all who seek them, while the banker cannot issue cheques drawn upon himself. Now, will any cur rency innovator attempt to limit the trader's legiti mate exercise of his credit, obliged as he is for every exertion of it to pay a severe tax ? We think that none will venture to propose any such plan. Why then, we may risk, draw an invidious distinc tion between the banker and the trader ? ROME, Jas. 28. Our latest lion here is Richard Cobden, fresh from a banquet given him by the merchants of Genoa. I fear he will find little scope in these parts for the deve lopment of free-trade propagandism; unless, indeed, he apply his ingenious mind to the effecting of a free intercourse with Great Britain in the matter of diplo matic relations, a topic of more vital consequence to the future prospects of the empire than seems to be generally understood among men of reputed fore sight. The disaffected portion of our Irish fellow-sub jects are fully alive to the importance of free trade between England and the Vatican; and hence the violent howl from that quarter at the very mention of this " delicate " question. As to mere commercial interchange, until the Romans have something be sides beads and cameos to barter with us, there must be a pause of some duration ; a few statues of modern make, with some old " noseless blocks" of antique pro duce, will scarce make up a return cargo. The little town of Massa di Carers, in the Lucchese territory, exports more sculpture, as well as unwrought marble, than the whole Roman states ; but as you re ceived from me, last year, and published in your paper of the 24th or 25th of • March, a complete account of our domestic r.nd foreign trade, showing (from authentic sources of no easy access) a large balance of imports over the exports, and a decisive proof of tho non-productive condition of our native industry, I shall not recapitulate what is there fully set forth. In spite of our immense rural resources and natural capabilities, we are in Rome essentially a mere consuming population. One fact, which I some how forgot to mention last March, tells oar whole story : we send out annually to our Neapolitan neighbours' about 100,000 skins of the kid who disports himself on our hills, and we receive back in return half a million pair of kid gloves, which we might as well make at home. In troth, we have nothing to give in barter for colonial or manufacturing roduce, of which we have, nevertheless, considerab le consump tion ; and our case is exactly that of the Irish sea port described by one of your poets, with more sug gestive wisdom than he gets credit for : There are aim from Quin, And from H. tonic. But the lading trade as In whisky punch ! As to corn (in which breadstuff we might pay for all our foreign wants), until the system of entail is destroyed, and the mortmain of monasteries and hos pitals broken up, and a redistribution of land takes place, no surplus will be grown for exportation. You will be naturally curious to learn how the grand experiment of uprooting mendicity from Rome, described fully in my last, has been found to answer. Hitherto the attempt appears very successful, and street-begging has, if not disappeared, assumed a very different attitude. The genuine Roman beggar was proverbially the most insolent and importunate of the whole tribe : the hex of Homeric days was but a faint prototype of the class. To receive your alms seemed his right, and he pursued you like a bailiff armed with a warrant for exaction. These marauders have been captured and impounded : the highway now is clear to all : but there remain a few stragglers in the byeways,— Pauca tameneab-unt veteri• vettiqii principally composed of cripples and blind men, whose demeanour is subdued, and who merely rattle a tin canister filled with a few seed ',gibed's'. The grand staircase of the Trinitd exhibits a specimen or two, but not as it did of old, in such numbers as to rival the famous "niz mangiare steps" of Malta. The late Tom Hood described his blind man as " a figure in alto reliero whom few relieved;" as an in stance of the "cirri,. obecer, being seldom blind to his own interest ;" as a " human canister tied to a dog's tail :" and as a " Venetian blind" being pulled up and down by a string. But it is very remarkable that no one ever saw a blind man in Rome led about by a dog. Such an expedient never seems to have oc curred to the natives here, or if the idea struck them it seems to have been rejected with scorn. Possibly the dogs here arc not endowed with the in stinct necessary to be entrusted with the guidance of a " dark" man ; but the fact is that each sufferer from " gut serene," or other " dim suffusion," takes good care to secure the services of a strapping young woman, or a full-grown lad, whose whole time is given to the patient, and, of course, lost to the com munity. This is decidedly a more dignified style of thing than if dependent on a mere quadruped; or, as Virgil has it : Canibus data prxda And as we are on the subject of dogs, I may as well notice some particulars of the habits of this animal in connexion with the general subject. Louis Bona parte (Prince of Canino), brother-in-law of Mr. Wyse, and rival of Charles Waterton in knowledge of brute instincts, has drawn the attention of naturalists to the system of life pursued by the doffs of Rome. You are aware that no sewerage exists here, except the cloaca maxima : and that having no regular dustmen or street contractors ,the inhabitants are ac customed to throw out the garbage and refuse of their houses, which is deposited generally in some blind corner appointed for that purpose by the police, and decorated with a large inscription on the wall, IM MON DEzzatO ; i. e.," rubbish shot here." It appears that though several hundreds of theme established de pote exist in Rome, not one is unappropriated, but has become by usurpation or regular transfer, the fee simple of some particular dog, who will not suffer his rights of flotsam and jetsam to be invaded by any , squatter or new corner, but rules supreme master of the dung-heap he has acquired. Some cases of co partners-hip In a dirt corner have been observed, but generally with brothers on the death of the parent; and desperate battles occur occasionally about " fixity of tenure," as in Tipperary. The unsuccessful claim ant, on ejectment, has no resource but the general run of the streets: Hen! magnum alterius fruatri spectabit acervum ' I know not whether these details be considered sub lime enough for your columns ; but they may furnish you with an humble illustration of the famous comer* system of Ireland, as patronised by the patriotic landlords of that model community. Gibson has just received an intimation from her Majesty (through Lady Canning) that he may for ward for public exhitition, next May, the truly graceful and classic statue of our Queen, which we here cannot sufficiently admire. The Duke of Devon shire has just come back here from Naples ; our sub scription here for the poor Irish amounts already to over 2,0001. BAGDAD, Dec. 28, 1848. From the Persian prince who accompanied Nourri Beg I learned the following particulars, which possess • political value that deserves emphatic attention. It seems that the grand object of Russian negotiation with Persia during the last year has been to get war steamers established on the Caspian, with free right of locomotion to any part or port of it, Persian or Russian. Now this is a point upon which Persia has stood out as stiffly as possible, as long as she was supported by us. Russia received within a few months a positive denial. Last month the emperor sent again, with orders for Prince Dolgoroucki to withdraw from Teheran unless the disputed point were conceded within two hours ! The British envoy, on being consulted by the Persians, said that he was not authorised in backing them out in case they refused to accede to the Emperor's demand. The demand was granted within the time allowed. I leave these facts, of which there cannot be the slightest doubt, to speak for themselves. Russia isomnipotent in Persia. Russia has at this moment 12 war-steamers moving about wherever she thinks fit upon the Cas pian. Less than a month ago not one of her steamers could venture into a Persian poet with her gene above board. This is a fact which deserves attention. We may say that we have been induced to undertake disastrous ' wars from extreme suspicion of Russia ; but that is no reason why we should shut our eyes to what that power is at the present moment doing in Persia. Let us recollect that Persia is an utterly prostrate power, with no means whatever of self defence ; with immense provinces ripe for rebellion ; and, in fact, open to attack in the extremest degree, both from within and without. At this moment an extensive rebellion is organizing throughout the whole east of Persia. The Shah's uncle, governor of Khoraisan, is reputed to be at the head of this movement lt is joined by the chiefs of Scietan and Kerman. The army which the Shah recently collected was for the purpose of making head against this insurrection; but the troops are already announced as disbanded, doubtless from the total impossibility of the Shah's paying them. It is well known that, with a rash liberality, that will most probably prove his own utter ruin, he has alienated, by gifts to favourites, the greater part of the crown lands, and the sinews of war are utterly wanting to him for the approaching struggle. Let not the reaction of a mistake blind us to the ominous shadow which the grasping northern power is throwing over Persia at this moment. The declining health, and doubtless near demission, of Col. Sheil, affords us an opportunity of appointing to the Court of Teheran a fit successor to Sir John Macneil —a man who, with • thorough knowledge of the Persian lan guage and of the Russian character, will know how to conciliate and manage the one, and oppose the aggressive, not to say impudent, designs of the other. The departure of the Damascus post prevents me from completing this letter. You shall hear from me again from Mosul. The debate in the French Chamber has been con verted into a series of soliloquies, each occupying a day. The speech of M. Thiers occupied all Thursday; the name singular circumstance occurred with that of M. Goizot on Friday ; and, finally, Saturday was almost entirely devoted to M. Berryer. These, with the speech of M. Odillon Barrot, delivered on Wednesday, on the Cracow question, conferred upon the parlia mentary business of the week more than usual interest, and filled from morning to night the three hundred cabinets de lecture of Paris. It will doubtless be asked with some interest by the English public what is the general impression produced by all this discussion, and the consequent comments of the press, on the French public ? The impression on all that re spectable portion of society in France which constitutes the middle class is, that the personal question of good faith and honour, raised between the French and Eng lish foreign ministers, is utterly lost in the overwhelm ing importance of establishing such an alliance between the constitutional states of the west of Europe as may arrest the insidious encroachments of absolutism in the east,—sa may save the Ottoman empire ulti- , mately from the grasp of Russia,—preserve the pro- vinces of the Danube from the oppressive interference of the same power,—prevent the intrigues of Austria from frustrating the liberal designs manifested by the heads of the Papal and Sardinian states in Italy, and preserve the independence of the Swiss confederation from the fatal effects of Austrian inter vention. These are the thoughts which engross those in France, who desire the progress of liberal ideas, and this its which more than either love of England or affection for M. Thiers, would induce them to visit upon M. Guizot any mark of public displeasure for the equivocal and unworthy character of some of the proceedings in the Spanish marriage intrigue. The arrivals of vessels laden with grain at Mar seilles during the last week were so numerous as to produce a fall in that market on wheat amounting to If. 50c. to 2f. per hectol., being nearly 6 per cent. on' the selling price. There were warehoused at Marseilles 56,000 quarters. The total amount of the arrivals during the week was 43.5,328 hectol., of which' 164,276 came from Odessa, 62,880 from Ibraila and Galatz, 39,248 from Varna, and 89,866 from Constan tinople and the Black Sea. The price of bread at present in Paris is 51c. per kilog., which is equivalent to 21d. per lb. The poor are supplied with this bread at 40c. per kilog., the difference I lc. per kilog. being paid by the muni cipality and the government. For the first fortnight of February, 1,325,000 tickets have been issued, each entitling the bearer to the purchase of 2 kilog. at the reduced rate. The surplus to be paid by the State will thus amount to 291,500 f. Thus it appears that at present the municipality and the government are expending at the rate of about 24,000!. per month, to enable the lower population of Paris to purchase bread at the reduced rate. The Indian news was receded in Paris on Friday evening from London, and quoted by the Paris jour nals from the Daily News of Thursday morning, that journal having been the first to reach Paris with this intelligence. PARIS, SATURDAY, 5 O'CLOCK. —The effect pro duced at the Bourse to-day, by the speech of - M. Cluizot, was a fall of a half per cent. The feeling among the principal interests has been one of general dejection. Cons . iderable alarm pre. veils, and those parte of M. Guizot's speech referring to the possibility or probability of England succeeding in coming to an understanding with the Northern courts on the Montpensier marriage are every where repeated. The government party are in the utmost uneasiness, and it is not considered very unlikely that the silution of the situation may be a change of cabinet. Advice, from Switzerland inform us that consider able alarm has been excited in the Federal govern ment, by the concentration of Austrian troops on the Lombardo-Venetian frontier of the Canton of Tesin. This being one of the Liberal cantons, such a mani festation following the recent note of the three powers to the Vorort, is interpreted as a practical menace of that intervention which was more than hinted at by the Russian minister, Krudner. The Vorort has accordingly directed the Swiss Charge d'Affaires at Milan to demand explanations of the Lombardo-Venetian government, of the object of such military preparations, and of a concentration of the troops on the frontier such as has no' been wit nessed since 1815. It will be recollected that, after the successful re pression of the liberal movement by the cantonal government of Friburg, the Vorort sent a federal commissioner to the authorities of that canton to re commend and entreat moderation and forbearance, and an abstinence from all irritating reaction. At the moment this advice was favourably accepted, and corresponding assurances given to the Vorort by the cantonal authorities. But later, whether by their own mere motion or at the instigation of Austria, the government of Friburg has protested against the pacific intervention and conciliatory suggestions of the Vorort, and have entered on a system of reac tionary persecution, in direct opposition to the advices received. Letters from Constantinople intimate that the difference between the Ottoman and French govern ments, arising from the reception given to the Bey of Tunis in Pans, is likely to be more serious than was at first imagined. It appears that M. de Bourqueney, in a note which he communicated to the Ottoman court, gave a rapid sketch of the distinction which the cabinet of the Tuileries had accorded to the Bey at Paris. The ambassador had received this, which was dated the 12th of December, in order to communicate it to the Divan. M. de Bourqueney concluded his note in terms almost imperious, requiring that the Porte should abstain from all ulterior commentary upon the conduct of the court of France, and should the affair as M. (inapt had represented it. ref ffe i Thereupon tke Porte taking offence from the note, and especially from the additions made to it by the French Ambas sador, communicated with the English Ambassador as to the adviseableness of sending it back to \I. de Bourqueney. It was decided not to do so, but a pro testation will probably be sent to Paris. The Spanish mail, with journals and letters from Madrid to the 31st ult., arrived at Paris on Saturday afternoon. It was generally supposed that the change which had taken place in the persomul of the administra tion would not be followed by a change in the system of policy. It results from all the conferences which have been held in consequence of the ministerial crisis between the leaders of the different factions of the moderate party, that there really exists no difference of opinion relative to their political opinions. Well-informed persons asserted that, in the pro gramme which the Duke of Sutomayor intended communicating to the chamber on the Ist Feb., it would be stated that no distention existed in the mo derate party. A despatEh had been received by the Minister of War announcing the advance into Catalonia of 200 armed insurgents from the valley of Andorre. The captain general set out to pursue them. El Herald° does not credit the rumour that M. Mon is to be appointed ambassador at London. Parliament did not sit on the 31st. The 31st being Sunday, the Bourse was closed. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Fen. 5. PILMIDENCII OP M. SAUZET. On the president taking the chair, the order of the day was the adjourned discussion on the address. M. (howr devoted the first portion of his speech to an effort to prove some difference between the policy of Lord Aberdeen and that of Lord Palmerston. The only new ar gument he brought in support of this were some letters of M. de Jarnac, complaining that the dispatch of the 19th of August was not shown him. He went on to say, that Lord Aberdeen never men tioned the treaty of Utrczbt, nor ob j ected to the Duke of Montpeusier's marriage with the Infanta. He. would make no difference between Whig and Tory; both were friendly towards France. M. Guizot continued . I think I should have been neglig rat if I had not remembered this. It was my duty to be reserved, and I was so. So much for the general facts. Particular ones soon occurred to com mand still greater reserve. I will reduce those facts to two the dispatch of July 19, and the silence so brig maintained be fore replying to my letter. What did that dispatch contain ? In it the Prince of Coburg is named, and why was he men tioned if he had no chance of success ? The dispatch con tains the declaration that England had no objections to make to any of the candidates named ; but not a word is said of France--nor a suggestion to Spain on the policy to be pur sued towards us. There is, then, this difference between the letter of Lord Aberdeen to the Duke de Sotomayor, and Lord Palmerston's despatch of 19th July; that in the latter there is the Prince of Coburg, the more, and a mention pf France, the less. (Hear, hear.) That, then, is the differ ence between the two situations—the two policies. It is now said, Lord Palmerston ceased to support the Prince of Coburg, and admitted that the candidateship of Don Henry was preferable. Let us see the value of this doable fact. On the 20th July we propostd to England to concert with us to support the candidateship of the princes, the sons of Don Francisco de Paula, and on the 28th August only we received • reply. I shall now point out what was done in I that interval. (The hon. minister here read the despatches of the Count de Jarnac of the 21st and 24th July and the 13th j August, and continued). I ask the Chamber whether these dispatches are reassuring on the subject of the csindidatenhip of the Prince of Coburg. In fact, it was on the 28th August only that England spoke of Don Henry, and of him alone to the exclusion of every other. I ask whether this was not rather late ? The entry of Don Henry into the palace as • conqueror implied the destruction of our policy at Madrid. We could not accept such a combination. To return to the Prince of Coburg. I admit that the influence of England in no way pushed him on ; I admit that she left the question to the choice of Spain alone. The Spanish government, menaced by revolution, was anxious to conclude the marriage. It would no longer post pone the solution of that great question ; the queen-mother, the queen, and the government, all were anxious to have it completed. Tne Spanish government absolutely wishing to terminate the question, what took place? A proposition was made to us by the court of Madrid ' • and at the time the case for us was pressing, for there danger threatened. On the 9th August the Spanish government proposed to ue to marry the queen to Don Francisco de Asais, on condition that the other marriage (that of the Infanta to the Duke de Montpennier) should be also agreed to. In this state of the question we should have been blind and culpable —we should have failed in our relations with Spain, to have refused that proposition ; for, had we done so, we should have thrown Spain under the influence of England. I was right, then, in saying at the commencement that there was for us a necessity, which arose from the difference of our situation with respect to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Pal merston. I consider this to be established on irrefragable evidence. (Approbation from the centre.) I now arrive at the question of honourable dealing. For my part, I have never accused the intentions or good faith of any one, but in dis cussing have always assumed that there were only errors and faults of conduct. I have always respected and observed this role in every situation ; the liberty and dignity of diplo matic relations and of parliamentary discussions depend on it. Whatever, therefore, may be the conduct observed towards me, or by whom, I shall always follow this course. I protest, first of all, against the introduction of a name which has been improperly employed at London in this discussion. Not more abroad than at home, not more between two con stitutional governments than in each individually. Ought that name to be mixed up'in political discussions ? To intro duce it, to make use of it, is conduct deserving of the strongest censure. (Ilear, hear.) I shall, as I do at present, always protest sgainst such • violation of constitutional rules, from whatever quarter it may proceed. (Movement.) I now enter into the question of g sod faith, and what is called pror4t4 ; and in doing so I feel the necessity of laying textually before the Chamber the documents an 1 the lan guage rf the government. I speak not of documents con cocted after the event has taken place, and for the purposes of defence, but of documents that passed daring the conduct of the affair. The Chamber will see that every where, at London, at Paris, and in Spain, our proceedings have been upright and honourable. Such was our conduct at London. Let us now see what were our proceedings at Madrid. The Queen adopted her resolutions in full liberty. M. de Brown said not a word, took not a step that could in fluence her determination. When I informed Lord Nor mally that the marriages were settled, he asked if they would both be concluded at the same time. I replied that they would not, and I was right in so re plying, far at the moment at which I spoke, not only was nothing as yet decided, but we were labouring at Madrid to prevent the simultaneousnem of the two marriages. Our ambassador pointed. out to us incontestible dangers in delaying the marriage of the Infanta. He every day became more urgent, and we agreed to the measure. Just as much as I was right on the Ist and 2nd September, in saying that the marriages would not take place at the same time, en was I right on the 4th of September, on deciding that they should be simultaneous. It a true that I did not inform Lord Normanby of it ; but I think I should have been wanting in the most common prudence if, in presence of a declared and active opposi. lion, I had given Lord Palmerston time to prepare his wanes. (Agitation.) I now arrive at the second despatch of the English ambassador, dated the 2.5 th September, and to the conversations which I had with him— I do not wish to reproach any one, hot I must be allowed to say that, if the English anahasnador had done me the honour of showing me his despatch of the 25th Sept. as he did that of the 22nd, I should have (Token otherwise, and perhaps better, than he has made me speak. On the 2.5 th Sept. the state of affairs was completely changed ; the Bri tish ambaseador brought me the protest of his government against the marriage of the Duke de Montpesoier—a pro tent announcing that England would do everything in her power to prevent that marriage. I felt myself in the pre sence of an adversary. (Sensation.) I felt myself obliged to say nothing but what was true, but also to refrain from saying anything that might injure my cause. Here, then, is the second question, that of good faith, set at rest, and as completely cleared up at Madrid, at London, and at Paris, as the question of necessity. We have throughout done nothing but what we ought to have done. This double question, then, is resolved. A second question now remains. more important than the first, but I shall be brief upon it. I allude to the consequences that the solution given to the Spanish marriages may produce on our situation in Spain, in England, in Europe. (Hear, hear.) I do not deny the gravity of the situation. But, at the same time, it must not be represented as graver, or more I complex than it really is. M. Thine has perfectly de fined the situation that we ouzht to maintain with respect to Spain. We have nothing to ask, no thing to desire from her, hut a friendly policy. I Franco and Spain have concluded a great act--have con tracted new ties. I do not exaggerate the value of family unions; but when the interests of two countries are identi cal, the marriages of princes have a powerful effect in draw ing closer their connexion. At the present moment the Spanish cabinet is undergoing a change. But does not that prove the independence of Spain—the free pleay of her institutions ? Yes ; the ministry which concl u ded the marriages gives up its place to another ; but is that a re action against us ? No ; for one of the principal members of the new Cabinet was the reporter on the marriages in the Cortes. There is no anti-French movement—there is free I play of institutions—that is all, and our policy sustains no injury' Such is our position with respect to Spain. A word on England. Deceive not yourselves—the interests, the instincts, the causes of action which induce England and France to desire to live well together in spite of so many circumstances incessantly arising in opposition to harmony, are so powerful that they will surmount passing dissensions. England believes that what has occurred is injurious to the liberty and foreign policy of J Spain. I trust to time to prove to England that there j may be good relations between France and Spain, without dependence on the part of the latter country. England believes herself to be threatened in the Me- . diterranean. This is a serious error. When the treaty of Utrecht was concluded, the influence of England in the Mediterranean wan not what it is at present. That treaty gave Gibraltar to England, but then she had not yet , Malts, on the other side. Forthe last hundred years the equi librium of the treats' of Utrecht has been always broken for the benefit of England and to our detriment. The power lona Algeria, and the good intelligence between France and Spain, are at the most but a compensation for what Eng land has acquired. I one very far from regarding the Me diterraocan as a French lake. That is one of those unfor tunate expressions, calculated to cause difficulties between nations. The Mediterranean neither is nor can be a French lake ; but it poasesses too much importance for France, for , her not to watch with much solicitude all the changes , that may take place in that quarter. The uneasiness of Eng- , land is unjust and erroneous. As to the three great powers, ' their conduct and their attitude with regard to the question of Spain have given us no sign of complaint. They have not adhered to the policy of England, notwithstanding that soli , citatirma have been made to induec them to do so. Only— do not deceive yourselves—frealleforts will be mode. If the King's government guards well the position ft has taken, do not fear that the greet p ewers will engage themselses against us. You cannot reckon on their s' mpathy, but you may no their prudence, their intelligence, and en their well eaageseood interest.. (Sensation.) They have proved this to yen( for the last sixteen years, and they will continue to prove it if you do not depart from the line of policy which is our own. A last word on the secondary powers to whom M. niers alluded en pennant yesterday, and which must be taken seriously into account. Will you allow me to say what has happened to them in this affair of the Spanish marriages? When the secondary powers do not fear France as a revolutionary and conquering power, they are well disposed towards her, and desire to see her strong. Gentlemen, the affair of the Spanish marriages is the first grand thing that we hare effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830. (Sensation.) Impartial Europe has delivered her judgment to that effect. Be assured that this event has strengthened us in Spain, and given us strength in Europe, particularly in the ideas of the secondary powers. The policy of order and of conservatism has not humbled France, but it has elevated her, hasdoubled her influence, and has made her name respected in Europe. And, if that policy had not been followed, we should not hese been in a state to have resolved the question of the Spanish marriages; or, rather, the deci sion would have been against you. (Loud marks of appro- bation, followed by great agitation.) PORTUGAL. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam-ship Iberia, brought news to Southampton yesterday, from Portugal, to the following dates :—Gibraltar, Jan. 28th; Cadiz, 29th; Lisbon, Feb. Ist ; Oporto, the 2nd; and Vigo, the 3rd. At Lisbon much anxiety prevailed, and the country in general was much die turbed and convulsed. The Bank paper at Lisbon was down to 33 per cent., and was expected to fall lower; indeed, all matters of commerce and business were suffering. At the moment our &dykes left a war steamer was gettitig . steam up to tow out the Andace brig-of-war, having on board political pri soners, amongst whom are Villa Real, llomfim, and others of note; her place of destination, whether Africa or Madeira, was not known. It was feared that if such an exile were intended for these pri soners, the junta of Oporto would take their revenge by sending the Duke of Terceira to the Gallegos. Macdonnell, the Miguclite general, was killed at Villa Ponca d'Aguiar by a Queen's dragoon in an action against Vinhaes and Lapa, Queen's officers. This encounter is said to have taken place either on the 30th or 31st of January; some particulars relating to which will be found in our correspondent's letter, written, it must be remarked, before the event was decided. On the night of the 24th, upwards of forty wounded men of the royalist forces entered Lisbon, and next morning rumours prevailed that an affair had taken place in which the latter had suffered much loss. The Portuguese squadron of blockade was driven into Vigo by stress of weather on the 22nd ult., and sailed on the 3rd. All was quiet at Cadiz. There was much buying up of Indian corn and other food at Vigo, whence numerous vessels had departed for England. OPORTO, JAN. 28. The Phoenix is expected here in the course of a few days from Lisbon : she has orders to remain in the river for the purpose of receiving on board those British subjects who may think it advisable to seek shelter under the guns of a man of-war steamer during the expected assault of this city. When she has got safe in, the Bloodhound will proceed to England with despatches. With reference to the interesting question of safety to the British residents at Oporto, which doubtless attracts some attention amongst their friends and connexions at home, it may be as wed to state what further steps the consul has deemed it adytiable to take in this respect. Mr. Johnson issued a circular to his country. men on the 23rd, informing them that the men-of-war steamers in the river (the Gladiator and Polyphemus), were ready for the reception of those who desired to go on board; at the same time stating that it might be necessary for those vessels to put to sea in the course of the expected hostilities, and warning those who sought shelter in them of this possi bility, in order that they aught be duly pr ovided. The con sul also requested to be furnished with the names of all British subjects who intended to go on board the war steamers, and he also stated what he had done in respect to the alleged intention of the junta to order the doors of all houses in Oporto to be thrown open at the hour of the as sault but as I have already informed you on this point, it is needless to recapitulate this part of the circular. The precau tions adopted by Mr. Johnson, in consequence of the instruc tions and information sent to him by Mr. Southern, reflect great credit as well on himself as on the British minister at Lisbon: they were, in point of fact, the inevitable result of Marshal Saldanha s threat to make an attempt to take Oporto by storm. The result has by no means realised the marshal's expectations (if he entertained any) that his menace would create terror in the minds of our countrymen here. The general sentiment expressed with reference to the alternative offered to the English residents, of taking shelter on board the steamers, or of remaining in their houses to watch over their property, is, that of the two, the latter is by far the most likely to be adopted by the generality, and unless their courage oozes out in propor tion as the Queen's forces approach nearer to the city, it may be expected that the hospitality and protection which are so cordially offered by those two excellent officers, Captains Robb and M'Cleverty, will be accepted by very few British subjects. As something will probably be said in England with respect to the conduct of Jose Passos, the vice-president of the Junta, in evading a direst reply to the question put by the consul 'as to his future intentions, it may be proper to observe that, although it is undoubtedly for theinterest of the Junta to create as strong a sense of security in the minds of our countrymen as circumstances will admit of, it is, nevertheless, quite impossible for its sice.president to foresee what conjuncture future events may bring about, and he seems to think it will be quite time enough for him to diodpate the rumours that have been spread when the moment of real danger arrived. and that, judging by the hesitation, and even retro grade movement of Saldanha, cannot be said to be even proximate. lam informed that only five persons have expressed their intention to go on board H. M. ebip, so alight is the alarm felt here. The Phcenix is expected to bring Colonel Wylde to Oporto, and the natural inference to be drawn from the apparition of this officer here is that he is charged with some proposals to the Junta of Oporto, for the purpose of ending this melon eholv war. One thing, however, which will, I fear, reader his mission here utterly abortive and fruitless, is what I cannot help calling his strained and uncalled for courtesy towards Marshal Stadanha, by abstaining from making pubic the apology which this personage sent to him for having used his name in the unwarrantable manner in which it was pot forward in the duke's despatch of Nov. 13. By neglecting to observe this impartial and fair course to wards the leaders of the party with whom he is about to re new his intercourse, Colonel Wjlde incurred justly their blame and suspicion: and this circumstance will, I fear, render his mission here fruitless, should he carry out the intention ascribed to him of coming to Oporto. Nevertheless, the project of his being deputed hither, if realised, is of very great im portance, and cannot fail to be duly appreciated by the members of the Junta, to whom any appearance of a desire on the queen's part to heal the wounds inflicted on her people, must prove in the highest degree satisfactory; and if this desire is sincere, the terms of mutual accommodation might be easily arranged, provided always there exists on the part of Donna Maria, none of that secret self-will, or rather mental reservation, which has rendered former reeonclliations utterly abortive. I understand that the Prince Alexander Mensdorff, who has lately been on • visit to his royal relatives, at Lisbon, returned to England by the Tiber on the 20th inst., charged with de spatches of more than ordinary importance. It is out of my province to speculate upon the contents of these letters, but a correspondent, whose information I have hitherto found to be uniformly correct, writing from Lisbon, ascribes to Donna Maria a wish to be relieved from the cares which she has found to be consequent upon the tortuous domestic policy pursued of late years at her court, and a rumour exists among a 8e1e.% few, that the purport of Count Mensdorff 'a despatches is to communicate this sentiment to our court and government, with • view, in ease Lord Palmerston con tinues in the determination to observe the guarded policy hitherto maintained, to carry this wish into effect. The popular sympathies in favour of the movement are fan extending towards • class which has hitherto viewed with supreme indifference the quarrels of the Carliatas, Ca marillists, and Septembrists ; I mean the partisans of Don Miguel, who now term themselves Realistas, or Royalists. Ia my last letter I detailed the proposals of the Junta of Oporto for effecting a junction with this party ; and I also furnished the counter proposals of the M' elite chiefs. The facts and comments by which I illustrated them documents are fully sustained by this circumstances which have sinew come to light, and I am now in • condition to complete the narrative of the transaction, and to show to what extent the prnjected fusion has taken place, and also wherein it has fiile . d . . . . _ . . I mentioned that the Junta had nominated the Miguellite Oeoeral Poems to a commend ; and that in the decree of nomination he was termed " Marechal-de.Caingo," pro moted to the rank of lieut.-general thin decree was dated Jan. :1, and it was published in the National here on the 26th inst., accompanied by another decree, dated Jan. 9, appointing POTOSI& to the command of the province of the Two Beiras. Notwithstanding that these two decrees were miter to a certain extent, they became known to the • negotiators, who consequently drew up the tou ter propeeitioes which are already before you, with the express view of rendering them utterly impracticable. On rewiring them, the member of the Junta who had drawn up and signed the proposals of that body, requested as interview with the negotiators, in the course of which be pointed out the tenor of articles .5 and 6 of their proposals, and re. quested to be informed whether, as the purport of these articles justified him in believing, it was the intention of the Miguelites that, alter having been supplied with anima aition, arms, accoutrements, and cavalry equipments by the Junta of Oporto, their general-in-cluef, acting indepen dently of the Junta, should be free to take possessies of the whole country, leaving the Junta only the city al ein t r rto ; " because," observed Senor Luis de Seabee (the of the Junta charged with this business), "if you are to raise the Ifiguelite banner throughout the whole country, wining our banner is confined to Oporto, the ine vitable connquenee of our united lace comparing the common enemy would be that you would, in virtue of the universality of your beano., immediately appeal to that as the expression of the wdl of the Portuguese nation, and call upon us to put down our one banner which would tie outnumbered by your hundrede." The point thus explicitly submitted to the consideration of the Miguelite negotiators was admitted by them to be correctly stated the articles in question had, they allowed, been properly appreciated; they cxuld bear, indeed, no other interpretation, and moon that showing, the nog* iation was brought to an abrupt termination. leo P°i tui in F." froi 'fall 1 Jar 24C nior of Is the all 1 Pm , te e eu t of tl CIISS in 4 suck and cont upn Pov , • ITV mor 1. nun they Gue yet ten near fist I at G bold 454 ; Port, Hei mad Su coma meat day, I , OlMe the Produ foetal Ho Belize hen hi been e count, zee, tansy, they 11 been r