The Express. — London, England, 1851-02-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF I.OROS.—TrEsnAT, FIB. 11. Tke Loup CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at o'clock. PETITIONS PRESENTED. PAPAL ACMILISSIM4.—By the Arehhilhop of YORK, from plae.i in the West Riding, and the Earl of BAN DON, Irons Cock and other plains in Ireland ; against papal aggression. PAPAL AGGRESSION. Loral ABINGEIt, in presenting a petiti in against papal siogresdon front the county of surre, called the attention of the house to the spec id of popery t hrouchout the country, sad to the disastrous effects which invariably resulted from theta... great eviaes of the Roman catholic priesthood—the celibacy of the clersry and practice of confession. His lord ship then preverskd at snme 1, ngth to instance various cav‘v 1a which the influenee of Roman catholic priests had been the means of its riving families ohthe property they should have inheritsl. from parties persuaded, in SOM^ caws on their death-ht J., to make over their fortune to the Roman catholic church. POOR LAW. The Marquis of I.AN'sDOWNP , prenent NI a copy of the amoral orders issued by the chief comminsioner of the Pour COUNTY COURTS. Lard DROUGII t3ll said that, in introducing thin matter, pro/wes, he wish.' to intimate that when it came on fur wood r. ts,Und en Tbur.slay U. at, be would be prepared to Mate in. 11 1....44 as to why th-'e court, nlioul.l be ambula tory not .4 tte, nary. At pn,ent he would not dwell fur ther on the- nutter. (hear.) Ih. i , lords h ip, then, at Cry minutes past six o'clock, *journed. 1101'SF. OF CONINIONS.—TET- , D‘Y, FEB. 11. The Sritaarst took the chair at 4 o'clock. I'IIIVATE 'NI NESS. Sri ..Nn ItaADtmna.—Applo.hr. Kendal, Kirkby Stephrn, and Market 'trough Turnpikeßoarl : Bangor and Caer narvon. Railway; Birkenhead Docks (farther powers to Birki nheal Dock tuoipany, &e.) ; liri.tol and Exeter Railway • Cheltenham and r Di.triet Turnpike Road; nkans and Pain.wiik ; I).+• Standant Rostontion • Illconbury Gas ; Dow,ihsiM Ma:li t, &c., Draireqe . 1 0 .4 et 'mouton Waterworks Evtran I. Railway; On-at Central GasConoinsce. Com;iane; On at Southern and Western Railway; Ortat lalsa•roi morose ascot, Voter, ' Sewers, Waterworks, (Lis, and Market.; Haleaworth, Bei•eles, awl Iladdiscua Railway; Harwich Improvisno lit, Quay., and Pier; 'Earth - Tool Pier and Port (eonsolidation of ar••• Be.); Hereford. Etre, and Oloueeater Railway ; 11:4yhea4 Railway ur Tram way ; Itches Bridge and Roads_ ; Laird's Patent ; I. u+-der%art...wk..; L, nester Stewerarri• ; liverpool 'Docks (amenilmeot of act., tie.); Midland Railway (ngu. lotion awl i.trmu.r or capital, Be.) ; Midland Railway (eaten...Wu of 800 , Re.) • Millthrop and le yen. Turnpike , Road ; Ni•wark-tomn-T . rciit Improsa.ment and Market : North aril South Western Junction Railway ; North I Shield., Quay. and Improvement, ; Ouseburn Bridge and Aoproaßo sin Neweietle.opiiii-'lyue ; Priee's l'atentCan. ; die Company : Reading ati rum k. ; Residing Cemetery ; Company ; Canal Company ; St. Patrick', Cathe- I drat (I)iblin;.; Searhormigh Ga. ; Shettii•lil. Rotherham, I Borw.ley, Iludilerifield, and Gook. Railway ; South Dreou Itailway (No. I) ; South Devon Railway . (No. 2) ; Sololieland 'lmprovement ; Taw Vale Railway and INieli ; 'trinity College (Dublin); Waaelley Valley i Railway ; Aiirk, Neweistle, and Berwick Railway (branch i to We.t Dorian) Railway, Ike.) ; York, Newca.tle and Berwick I:Ail. (abandonment of part of Bishop Auckland branch, Be.) ; Bills. PETITIONS PIIESENTEI). PAPA!. A1141RE,0114,41.—A large number of petitions were pro...uteri againa papal aggression. rub 11.0 i ttttt By Mr. 0. A. ITAMILTON, from Mr 1:114,44 *tedium"), stating that he was agent to the Roman :dhotis. of Ireland until the measure of 1829 was poised ; that since that period he has faithfully, ear needy, and persoveringly laboured to eccure the develop ment of the heni•ficiul conseipienres expected from that MP:o4ln% and to iNotintvr.itt all opposite proetices, from whatever quarti r they may have Adhering still to th.. Maw vio,a he humbly r. premaits that matter. now oc cupying the „Iteration of the home .nay lead to good or evil according to the knowledge prn....ial on the details of the isubjcia, a n d lie entertain, a confident impre.iiin that if a full and amicable inquiry were imtitiotiall into the actual position of the Rom,n cathodic,. much benefit would Wise. and the information he r. 41141 afford would be found nut toe dies.rsing of ion.iili•ration. WIN IMW tx.-14y Mr. 1 , . O'CONNOIt, from NottinT. hem .• Nil. T. h. ACLAN I), from a place in Deron ; Mr. Ell KID 11TON, from Westminster; Mr. D'itYNCOURT, from I,amb,•th ; Mr. M I I.N Elt BSON, from "Slonehestrr ; Mr. lIUNIE (21), (nail various places; Mr. J. WILLIAMS, from ; laird Elllt I NUITON, from Plymouth; AM. 11C M Pll EltY, from Southwark; Lord DUNCAN, from St. Ann-'e, Weatininster ; Sir W. CLAY, from Hack ney and Non.m Volgate; Mr. (MAMAS, from the Cor poration of Satiation; Mr. I.OOKE KING, from Kith mond, Surrey ; Mr. Pllloll', from Corporation, Be. of Reading; Mr. JACOB UELL from Torino.' pbuies, again.t the window tax. Poirret-rtier TII AGalerl..7” —Tly Rif J. Y. DUL LER, from a place in Ikvon; laird lIOTIIAM, from a place in Yorkshire; Mr. SINIONItIt, from a place in War wirkahire ; Mr. CIIIRIMBVII Eli, from 1.2011 owners and occupier, of land in Lineolnaltire; Mr. BERRIES (seve ral), from Stamford and other places; the Earl of MAUCH (several), (non Oar.. in Ster.ra ; g.rnyin4 for protection to egrimeltun• Ity Mr. I;. DANK ES, from ~warn and item pkra of land, trod...men, and others, in the neighlinurloael of Illantlford. Dom I, petsri,il; for relief to agricultural diatnos, by an alteratiiiii or the import tariff, and a revision -•Ry Mr. 1100 h ER, from owners and occupiers of land in the neighbourhical of Cardiff. praying fur relief, by the imposition of import iliities MI foreign produce, to be applied ito :lid of paroehial and local tavation. ('.err )Ir. ADDERLEY gay. notiee that on do- :nth ind. hr should Mrse for the production of the 1,1,11 wondruce between the governor of the Cape of Islomod Illope and Earl (trey, since the failure of the proceed ing, under the letters patrol ; ..1 petition , to her Ma. ploy ; at.,, ,epics of resolution , of meetings throughout the colony (.'luting to the Itronli,ol rvproletiLatiire constitution. 51 MEMIIE I L. Mr. II arClirt.l. took the malls and his 'seat for Windsor, on hi, appointment a. Attorney-Goner:al for Ireland. ST.%NDING °RIVERS COMMITTEE' The following member were nominated as the select swimmittee on standing orders: Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Ord. Sir It. Ferguson, Mr. Oreime. Sir John Yards Bul ler. Mr. AK'Mohr. Captain Jones, Mr. Dome Drummond, Wri4ht.m.lMr. Evelyn and Mr. 11.11ry. (MEAT WESTERN AND sOtAllEltS RAILWAY DILL. On the motion for the oryeindreading of Dna kill, Mr. FIIItW EN said he hail trivia notice of an amend ment that the bill he wail a second time that day twelve months. Ile would not. hoe. sir. press that amendment now, hut would reserve to himself tit:. liberty of taking such a course us he thought would he most advisable on the motion fog the committal of the hill. The object of the bin was to snaky legal abet the ilinssort had dons fifteen months ago, knowing it to he illegal -namely, the taming of prefers 111,' share., which they bait reastin to know, from the hieb.es authority, they h.ot no right to do. The bill aent then read is second time. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr lICME gave notice that on that day fortnight h• would tiring before the house the f'eylon question. Till: ESTABLISHED CHURCH. s,r It HALL begged to give notice that on Friday nest be should pot a question to the noble lord at the head of ber Majesty'. government with reference to the state of the entatiltsheil church ; that was, to ask him whether it was the intention of the government, or if he would inform the house whether it was the intention of the archbishops and Antilop.. to prevent the continuance in the church of those Roman catholic forms which had been complained of. It was also his design at the none time to call the attention of the house to certain representations which hail been made, and to • memorial which had been prewnted, to the llishop of London. by the inhabitant. of the borough of Marylehone, complaining of Roman catholic forms in one of the panwinal ,butches, and to the answer which the memor ialists bad nreired. In reply to a question from Colonel Spanned., Lord SV.YMOCK stated that the marble arch of Buck hathara-palace would be finished before the let of May, and Os estimate for taking it down and putting it up again would not be exeeeded. CAPE COLONY. Mr. ADDP.RLP,Y asked the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether he intended to lay on the table of the house the eorresprnsdertee which had pained between himself end the Governor of the Cape. subsequently to the Mar ipt in that colony of the orders in Council, empowering Ike governor and his legislative council to frame a repre sentative constitution; and, whether • petition bad been transmitted to her Majesty from the inhabitants of Cape Town and other. places in Fs' iiith Africa. praying her Majesty's sanction to the heads of a constitution embodied is that petition. Mr. HAWES wished to any. in reply to the first goes lion, that the whole of the corresponaceter would be laid as the table of the house as soon as it could he dune ea lidactorily. It was now in progress, and as tang aa it re m▪ ined incomplete it would he In.:lily inconvenient to pro dme it. The petition to which the hon. gentleman's wound question referred would, of course, form part of the pacers to be produced. CEYLON. In reply to Mr. II UT.tw, _ _ Mr. t l AWF.S mid. that no opposition would be offered to may motion for producing the evidence token before the Ceylon committee, the only exception being with regard to pArticulara relative to Captain Watson, the publication of which would he premature, a. a court-martial, inquiring WM the conduct of that Mater, was still pending. LATE EXPLOSION OF A STEAMER MEAD. 0 LA SOOW. Mr. MI . NTZ wished to know whether the President of the Board of Trade had received any account of the el- ' I *Moil of a steamer last week near °Lwow, and whether 1 1 it was the intention of the government to take any steps to prevent the recummee of such a fearful lose of life Mr. L AIROUC H ERE said this matter was being inquired \ tato by the law oaken of the crown in Scotland. It would s the duty of the owners of the vessel to report to the Beard of Trade in the tin-mast:mem attending the Reef, ' Mat, and it would afterwards be for that department to sewsider whether any special inquiry should take plan. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. IA reply to Sir J. WALMSLIT, lard J. RUSSELL stated that the ministry had no In- Mistos, Wing the prowl *Moo, of introducing a bill for THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1851. extending the suffrage. Ths noble lord, however, admitted that the Refeem Act was imperfect, and it was still his con viction that it ought to be amended when the proper time came. REPORTED WORKHOUSE RIOT IN SUFFOLK. Dlr. O. BERKELEY asked the Home Secretary whether be Iss,d received any intelligence of a remarkable ri it at the Barham union workhouse in Suffolk, the home having been lucked, and the military called out. Sir G. GREY replied that he had received nn information whatever on the subject. THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. Mr. ANSTEY said that in consequence of the statement made on the previous evening by the l'resident of the Board of Control, he should on an early day move an address to the crown declaring that it was expedient to ascertaiu the condition of the Indian territories, and the nature of the management of the East India Company, and praying her Majesty for that purpose to appoint a commission to pro ceed to India to inquire into the operation of the existing act fur the government of the British dominions in India, and to report thereon. COURTS OF CHANCERY. Mr. STUART glee notice that on Thursday he should ask the noble lord at the head of the government whether he intended to bring in without delay a Mll to authorise the appointment of a Vice-Chancellor in the room of the late Vice-Chancellor Wigram ; also whether the noble lord was aware of the enormous delay, expense, and inconveni ence to suitors in the Courts of Chancery arising front the want of a competent judge to discharge the judicial duty lately discharged by Vice-Chancellor Wigram. THE RIOT IN SUFFOLK. Mr. BANKES begged to ask the chief poor law commis sioner whether he had received any information with regard to a workhouse riot in Suffolk. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BAINES maid he saw in a newspaper the paragraph containing the report mentioned at nine o'clock that morn ing. On arriving at the office he immediately caused in- Rairtea to be made , and he begged to say that no informa tion of the kind had reached the Poor Law Board, either from the guardians or from any other quarter. (Hear.) AGRICULTURAL DISTILESS. On the motion of Mr. DIPIPAELI the clerk then frail the paragraph in the Queen's speech relating to agricultural distress. Mr. DISRAELI then rose and slid—Mr. Speaker, a condition of general prosperity concurrent with the con tinued depression of a most important claw of the commu nity appears to me to be a conjuncture which should make a minister reflect. But , sir, if such it combination of circumstances be brought about by legislation which has at the same time produced the general prosperity and the continued depression, I think the aubjed Is one which merits not only the ton•t deratios of the cabinet, ht.t also the deliberation of parlia ment. (Cheers.) Sir, these remarks. I think, apply to the present condition of the owiwo and oc'c'upiers of land in the United Kingdom. I think It. iay "at'. without any exag geration. that the feet of the ea 'ateuee of great and con tinent depromion amidst the own. era and occupiers of the soil in the United Kingdom is not .cmotested by gentlemen on either side of the house, whales. 1. their ?Mintons may be as to the cause or as to the p m,. which may have produced the consequence. I reme. ober five years ago—and five years is a considerable Passage of time, a period which will, I trust, allow all ref ua to approach this discussion with unimpassioned feeling, softened by that passage of time, and enlightened by th exPeriewee it has brought hie year, ago, rear. Mier, that eminent man, whose post 1 unworthily Occupy. and whose 1011.4 I the more deplore as it fall s , to me to fulfil this duty, which his scheme. it and indefatigable spirit would have so much more satisfat toritY performed - (cheers) —addressed a very important TIM 'Li n n —it was at the commencement of the session of 111141—to the great minister whop then primmest the repeal of the en. at laws. Lord George Hemline*, early in the session, bettor ' he had even addressed the house upsouthose questions which afterwards occupied PO much of hit attention, inquired of Sir Robert Peel whethe r he had taken into consideration the effect of tho repeal of the corn laws upon the commuta tion of tithes. Ile reminded the minister that on the last seven years' average the oceupie r of the soil was paying tithes at the rate of 58s. Bd. a quarter, and that assuming that the consequence of this change io the law would be to reduce the price of the quarter of wheat from 38s. Bd., the existing average, to 4se., it would take seven years to work down the average to 4.35. ; and he inquired of the minister whether, in anticipation of such a consequence, ho was prepared with any measure which might soften the burden upon the cultivators of the soil. What was the answer of Sir Robert Peel ? It is due to him that I should give it in lois own words. Sir Robert Peel replied " that he did not propose to make any alteru lion of the law as to tithes, es he did not believe there would he any material alteration in the price of wheat." (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir Robert Peel lived to change his opinion on that point. Most of us are familiar with a circular which that eminent man addressed to his tenantry, in which lie stated that the price of wheat had then de scended to a bower figure than he anticipated as probable, adding that in his opinion there was no prospect of any increase in the price. List year, sir, when I made none effort to call the attention of the house to the suffering, now recognised, of this important dim, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer,for a reason which we altdeeply deplored, was absent. Hut in the year 1848 the right hon. gentleman was present, and never did Chancellor of the Exchequer favour the house with more suceessful expression of eemomical opinions, or, according to the opinion of the house, carry away a greater quantity of laurels. (A laugh.) It was on the occasion when I set forth in its proper light that long misrepresented question of local hoorthens. I will not enter now into the question of local burthens further than to refer to the speech which the Chancellor of the Eschniner mail,' on that occa sion, in which, having expounded the question of local bur thens with his usual facility and ability, he gave his matured sentiments and the matured opinion of the cabinet on what he was pleased to call "agricultural distress." The cabi net acknowledged the existence of agricultural distress ill 1819; and mire than that, they deplored it: but then they said it WAR partial, being most iieverily felt in the south of England, and here is the judgment on which the finance minister anountssl for that distress. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, " Ile was inclined to think that the present depression in the price of agricultural produce wan very much caused by alarm." (Laughter.) Ile waxed still stouter in that opinion from receiving the empathy of his supporters, and in the course of five minutes absolutely said "he thought there was abundant reason to believe that the present prices were unduly lowered by the lan guage held at a recent country meeting." I believe he even intimated that the principal cause of the depremion in agricultural prices was some speech that had been made by my motile friend the member for Stamford. Now there is no person who more highly estimates the abilities of my noble friend or fume admires the sacrifices which he makes in his persevering uttention to public business. Neither da I deny the eloquence of my noble friend; but I can hardly ascribe to it an influenee over the markebi fur agricultural produce. "The price is temporarily depressed below the average rate." What was the average rate of 1348, which is the year, of course, referred to in the speech of 1819, which he says is a temporary depression of prices, rend which he declares and anticipates cannot last any time ? I have the average of 1648, the year mentioned in the speech of the right hon. gentleman, and I will take along with it that for 'Sift, to .I . e if there was any reason for the opinion of the right hon. gentleman, that the then depression was temporary. 'the average of 1848 for beef was 4a. 51d., being tho average of temporary depression; and the average of 1850, which I take from the otlicial returns of Smithfield Market, is 3s. Md. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") So that after two years of temporary de pression, we find ourselves in a very much worse condition than in 1818. (Hear, hear.) In 1848, the average price of mutton wes 54. 21.; but in 18.50. after two ream of " temporary depression," it is only 4s. 24.—(hear, hear) —and that, I may here observe, is applied to the observa tions made on the first night of this session by . the hon. member for Norwich. My only object in referr ing to the opinions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer is to show that it may be menhir to form an erroneous opinion on this important subject ; and that therefore, when great men on , both aides of the house have formed erroneous opinions, it 1 , is still more the duty of this house, calmly, temperately, end diepasaionately to see whether we cannot discover the cause of this continued depression, and pene trate the occasion of such an anomaly as that, while the country was in a state of general pros perity. there should be depression, continued depress ties, among one ?met important dam of the community. (Hear, hear.) That was the opinion of the cabinet (n 1849 ; but what was the opinion of the cabinet in 1830? Here it is. The right hon. gentleman was unfortunately sat is his place when the sub et was so amply discussed I bet swim • but in another place no lens a man than the Lied Peesident favours the world with the opinion of the cabinet is the important subject of the condition of the agricultural claw's. That was an opinion coming from a statesman 'second tono living ran in experience and judg ment, and from a nobleman, who from hishigh position and connection with the soil, is the object of respect and affection with large chassis of the agricultural community. What vim the opinion of the Lord President, expreseed early in the session of parliament in an august assembly, and for the purpose of relieving the anxiety of the still depressed owners and occupiers of the soil? He told the country that the depression had been occasioned only by excep tional circurrotanees, which would not exist, probably, many weeks. (Hear, hear.) This eminent statesman — for a most eminent statesman he is—deeply sympathising with the cultivators of the sod, informed us at this time last year that the idea of continued depreesion was absei -1 lately absurd. (Cheers.) A cabinet minister hail a great deal to do ; we expect him to take general views, and can scarcely hope that he should be master of details, except with reference to his own department ; but there are other members of the administration who entirely devote themselves to the investigation of economical details, and who are supposed to have particular talent for such investigations. There is the bon. member for Westbury. (Loud laughter.) He is a gentleman distinguished, and Justly distinguished, for his statistical Requirements and his economical information. (Continued laughter.) I can say this sincerely of him, that I know no man in this house who has more successfully demonstrated or more ingeniously or more incontestably proved that that which has happened should never have occurred. (Loud laughter.) We were favoured with the opinion of the hon. member fur West bury in the discussion of last year, and the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time rendered hie assistance doubly valuable ; because the noble lord at the heed of the government, although eminent for his judg ment on great constitutional questions, has not that love of Lewes which great statesmen like him may be excused for sot indulging in. (A laugh.) The hon. member for We•te bury then, when prices were much higher than they are at wenn% proved that all the importations of corn had ruined Um importers. (Ironical cheers.) No man has proved mere sompletcly that France could not spare • single quieter of wheat—no one has demonstrated more perfectly that the teeming millions of the United States were ready to devour everything that could be produced in the valley of the Mississippi. But still, notwithstanding the calcula tion* and reasons even of the honourable member for Westbury, the difficulties of those important classes, the owners and °couple's of land, still continued. Nowemy object in making these observations on the past is dot in any way to build on those circumstances an argument in favour ofretracing our der. That is not the topic I am going to introduce to the house, nor am I going to question those fable estimates. Our legislition may have been politic— beneficial ; I will not enter into that question. But still poli tic as may have been your course, beneficial as may hate been your measures, you cannot deny that all your estimates were wrong, and that all your calculations were erroneous. (Loud protectionist cheers.) The moral that I draw from then: circumstances is this—that as great men, our moat distinguished men on boat sides, have not been au sagacious on this subject as we mite them credit for being, it is a reason for them to approach it, not in a spirit of haughti ness and contempt, or with overweening confidence in their own judgment and information, but that, seeing a met important class in this country in a state of continual de pression, and making a striking anomaly, seeing that that depression is concurrent with what is called general pros perity, that they will feel it their duty, with more temper and more patience than they have hitherto shown, to approach the investigation of this great subject—(hear, hear)—and to take that course which in my opinion justice and sound policy both recommend us to adopt. After tire years' expe rience, after a lapse of time which allows us to look back to the past in, I hope, an unimpassioned spirit, I cannot resist the conclusion that during the great controversy which led to the important changes in legislation to which I have re ferred, great injustice was done to the character and con duct of the British farmer. (Hear.) In all these discussions, and in the preliminary agitation out of doors, representations were made to an excited and perplexed community, which most unfortunately and most unjustly conveyed the impres sion that the British farmer was an unenterprising and slothful man. (Hear, hear.) Want of energy end want of industry were faults constantly thrown in his lace, until at' last ecareely any one duct get up to speak in his vindication. (Hear, hear) I remember when this great controversy had actively commenced in this house we always treated it as solely a farmer's question, and it was as continually thrown in our teeth that it was not a farmer's but a land lord's question. (Hear, hear.) Now I should have thought that the greater amount of economical knowledge which at present exists would hare put an end to this fallacy. But when I recal some (enervation% that I have recently read and from persons of great authority on the subject, I find it is still believed ; and that rent is looked upon 0.4 a sort of arbitrary exaction, a kind of Tallagium which is • reward of conquest, and which, if the owners of land were prepared to sacrifice, would remove all the difficulties of which the occupiers are complaining. I think, sir, that the time has come when we should terminate this fallacy as we have terminated ...many others. (Hem.) I should think that the majority of this house on both sides will agree with me, that, in an ancient country where there is a great breadth of land, and a great variety of soil in cultivation, rent is an economical result us certain and as inevitable, as the harvest is the natural result of and follows the seasons. (lieu, hear.) I want to know what becomes of the barbarous outcry against rent which we hear front persons of great authority on this questien, and whether it is not a flagrant error we are circulating in that community we ought to lead and en lighten, when we hold out to the musses of the people that any attempt to seek relief for the distress and difficulties of the owners and occupier. of the soil, is merely an attempt to disguise and sustain the rent of the landlord. (Hear, hear.) I think that the whole tendency of our laws is to blot out that class in the agricultural hierarchy. I think that the tendency of our laws is very much to reduce our agricultural community to two classes, the proprietor anti the peasant. Is that a result which this bows can either function or desire? I hare always been taught to believe, and most sincerely do I believe, that the middle classes have been the hest security end the beet consequence of civilisation. ( Hear, hear.) You are making war on a most considerable ae si not the least reputable portion of the great middle class, ane ' therefore when I am told that this is a landlord's ques tion, I meet you by an argument which I think LI a sound fine , and which proves your observation to bo a fallacy. But I on equally opposed to the war you are midtingsigaiud the heeler, hecauee I think that the social and political ev il s wen'eh would arise from the destruction of his clam, it i s impoesielle to exaggerate. (Hear, hear.) The house will excuse me for having ventured to make these somewhat preliminary observation; before entering into the subject to which 1 intend. everely to adhere for the nonainder of this discussion. 1 have thought that these observations woulfl clear the way for my object : which is to bring the house on both sides to forget the past, not to allow the feelings of controversy wheel. have now passed away for more than five sessions to confine. the clear ness of their judgment, but in that temperate and impartial spirit which the great body of our fellow subjeoste wish us to adopt, to endeavour to ascertain the cause of their suffer ine, and if possible to find a remedy fur it. (Hear, hear.) And I beg here to state, in order that there may he no mistake as to my object in making this motion, what my object clearly is. In the first place, it is not, as we have been lately told with some uoitliority, a debate on the con dition of the people. I find that condition described in one paragraph which at my instance hue been read from her Majesty's speech. I accept that description of the people's condition, it is one of general prosperity concurrently with the suturing of a particular class. (Hear.) 1/0 not let me I be met to-night with reports of or law commiesioners or of registrar-generals. (Cheers.) Don't prove to me to-night 1 that pauperism has declined and that marriages have in creased. They are facts that prove my CAW, unit all your evidence of that kind might as well be delivered from this hos as (rain the other. I am anxione also that we should o obtaiu no 'support ho-night under false pretences, nor acquire 1 ant position by similar means. I trust that no hoe. merabee 1 will rise to-night and say that this motion is an attack dirert 1 or indirect on our new commercial system. Far from it. It is in consequence of the new commercial system that I have I felt it my duty to make this motion, and to adapt, if 1 can, i the position of the owners and occupiers of land to that new commercial system. (Ministerial cheers.) Let no I gentleman support me to-night in the idea that this is an j attempt to bring buck protection in disquiet. It is nothing 1 of the kind. (Loud ministerial cheers.) I adhere to what I /aid last year on that subject, 'severely, strictly, and reel- o !dowdy. I said then that I should not in this parliament make I any attempt to bring back the abrogated system of protec tion, and as a reason for that course I deeply deplored the eirrumstencre under which the change had taken place. I deeply deplored that a purlianient and a minister, who, if not formally, were virtually pledged to uphold the ab rogated system, should have been the parties to abrogate it. I say that if I thought that by a chance majority I could bring hack the system popularly called protection, in this house, 1 would shrink from attempting it, That must be done out of the house. (Hear, hear.) And it must he done out of the house by no chance majority, hut, if not by the unanimous, at least by a very preponderating expression of public opinion, and no other result can be satisfactory to any class or conducive to the general welfare. (Ilene, hear.) I have attempted to express this opinion before. so that it is not adopted for the present occasion. lion. members will recollect it, and I only repeat it now because I wish that no person may be in error as to my motives or objects or the policy which I should wish the government to pursue. But that being the case, 1 wish to call the attention of the house to those difficulties which her Majesty's gracious speech has deplored as still existing among • most important class of the community. What is the reason that while all the rest are prosperous, one important clam should suffer? Why is it that the cul tivator of the soil, whom you recognise as • man of enter prise, of industry, and of energy—whose virtue you now admire—what is the reason that the cultivator of the soil in the United Kingdom cannot compete with the foreign pro ducer? (Hear.) I believe that the reason why the culti vator of the soil in the United Kingdom is at this moment embarrassed in a helpless contest with the cultivator of the foreign soil, is the weight of taxation to which he is liable. (Cheers.) The taxation of the country, generally speaking, though time has mitigated it to some extent, and circum stances, stronger than time--the taxation of this country is universally acknowledged to be heavier than that of most others. (Hear.) But heavy as it may be —even if it were double the weight that it is—l would not on that ground offer any plea on the part of the owners and occupiers of the soil. (Cheers.) IVhatever the weight of taxation that mar rest upon the country, they are prepared , if it be in ' their power, to endure their fair portion of it without a *unnur. (Hear, hear.) Whatever the amount of the ' duty upon tea, the duty on nobacco, the duty on malt, or the duty on sugar, no one will, I apprehend, now contend that the agricultural elms do not bear their fair quota of the burden. What the amount may he that they do bear I may have an opinion, hut I will not here enter into details to show the amount borne by this class as compared with others, or draw any invidious 'comparison between classes of industry which I wish to see emulous, but not envious . ( Che ers.) This, however, all will admit—that whatever the general weight of taxation the agricultural class bear their full pro portion. (Hear.) Unfortunately very hr more. (Cheers hone the protectionists.) What I ' desire to do to-night is to ask the house impartially—if it be possible to be impartial in matters of finance—C. hear," and • laugh)—impartially to survey your financial system, and see whether it be not the fact that it strains the energies and presses on the re allireal of the owners and occupiers of the land more, much wee, than upon any other claw; whether we have not in this country an enormous financial and fiscal system, which has been created in consequence of the artificial state in which the agriculture of the country was placed by your former legislation; and whether the ileghlator who was its author would ever have dreamt of inventing such a system, had he not had at his command an enormous clam—perhaps the most numerous—who, by being in possession of • sure market for their produce, was at least able to bear continually a great amount of taxation ? (Hear, hear.) I know the difficulty of taking • dispas sionate and unprejudiced view of this subject, without going into detaile. Unfortunately, perhaps, we have all been so accustomed to details, and so habited to look at our finan cial system only in detail, that I am not surprised that hon. gentlemen opposite to me should not immediately apply to the facts the same conclusions to which I arrive ; but I will endeavour, with their permission, to place the matter in such • light, that—my object being simply to elicit truth— I need not despair of bringing the house to my opinion. With that view I will endeavour in the first place to submit • view of our system of finance. (Hear, hear.) Now, f::.'neTeluppose it possiole for an individual without any pre I Judice or preconception, but possessed of all the economical ' education and attrunments necessary for such a study ; let is suppose such a person examining our financial system he the first time—let us suppose some one of the distin pdabed foreigners about to visit our shores, one interested k politico-economical pursuits, and struck with our in sinetry, our energy, and our general wealth ; let us suppose nth a man as the finance minister, or • member of soma egatinentel government, inking to form NM general idol" ofthe limner in which the revenue of England is raised. Of the great mass of the taxes we raise from the English people I will take three items, for those are the most con siderable, and altogether they form an amount of very nearly 50,000,0001. sterling. Now that 50,000,00 W. are preoluced, first by external imposts-secondly, what is now called inland reve nue—and third, by local contributions. In other words, by your customs' duties, your excise, and your local bur dens, you raise, at this moment, nearly 50,000 AM/. per annum. Now, sir, what at the first glance is the character of this great sum ? Almost one-halt of the whole amount of the external revenue is raised, as this distinguished foreigner would bs no doubt surprised to find, by your not permitting the cultivator of your own soil to produce a par ticular crop—(hear, hear)—by withholding from him the possibility of producing it under a great impost . (Hear, hear.) Turning to the inland revenue, this gentleman would say that more than two-thirds was raised by a colossal impost on • crop of British agriculture. (Hear, hear.) Again, if he took the third division— the local contributions—he would find, that on the most moderate calculation, 7,000,000 , . and more out of the 12,009,000/. was paid by the agriculturists, and that the whole of it was levied from • very limited class. Now, these are the principal features this foreign investigator would have to observe—and now let us, in detail, examine that which we have been contemplating in a more general manner—take first your Customs revenue. Nearly one fourth of that is produced by a law which prevents the British cultivator from producing a crop of tobacco. (Loud cheers from the protectionist benches.) I. know I shall be told in extenuation of this, extraordinary law, that the land of England is not favourable to the production of tobacco— (hear, hear)—that ig an observation which is almost stereo typed in the vocabulary of the financial minister. (Cheers.) But the ingenious and distinguished foreigner, by whom I am supposing this inquiry to be male, could not fail to remember when he heard this, that every country in Europe produced tobacco, and some of them tobacco of a remarkably good quality. (Hear, hear.) lie would recollect that in }holland they grew such good tn. burn, that it was exported to Havanna, and there made into the cigars that were sold and smoked in England. (Hear, bear.) But he would find also that some *MIS in England were eminently adapted to the cultivation of tobacco, and that in the sister island there were great and peculiar capabilities for it. And here I must be permitted to express my astonishment that some short time ago—some two or three 1,6610113 back—l heard the President of the Board of Trade say in this house, that the climate and the soil of Ireland were not adapted to the cultivation of tobacto, and that that assertion was made without any one of the 10.5 hon. gentlemen, who tell us so often that Ireland is not sufficiently represeuted herr, rising up in his place and protesting against so monstrous a proposition. (Cheers.) I should have thought that seine one amongst them would have remembered that tobacco had been culti veiled in Ireland very recently, and with great success. (hear, hear.) That it had keen produced in Wexford, Wicklow, King's county, and in ether diatricts. 'there were circumstances attending that experiment which I should have thought would have brought it to the recollec tion of Irish members when they heard such a statement made by a member of the government. (Hear, hear.) They might have remembered that an eminent politic economist, the parent of free trade, and therefore I suppose the supporter of this law which restricts British industry, said on one occasion that the climate and soil of Ireland were so adapted to the cultivation of tobacco that it would be impossible to raise the revenue if Ireland were permitted to cultivate it. (Cheers.) Well sir, I think that in days like the present when a Prime Minister rises from his out on the first evening that Parlia ment meets and solemnly warns the farmers of England, over the, table of the house, that the time has come when they must no longer depend on the wheat crop—it might have occurred to that noble lord that it was eminently in consisteut and unjust to support at the same time laws which prevent their producing another crop. (Loud cheers.) And here I must take leave to ask the noble lord for some explanation of a remarkable espy...ohm of opinion made by him the other night. I understood the noble lord to say that he deplored the rupid transition that had occurred from protection to free trade, and he seemed to me to ac count for the great depression which the owners and occu piers of the soil were guttering by the rapid transition which had taken place from the old to the new says tem. (hoar, hear.) At present I confess Ido not ex actly know what the noble lord means by the state of transition. I had imagined that the state of tran sition was accomplished; at the same time I am sur priool that the noble lord should be the man to deplore. the rapid way in which it had been brought about, for the late government by an obvious and a prudent law endea vmsred to prolong the period of transition, and the noble lord, I recollect, found fault with the distinguished states mous who was ut the heal of the government at that time, because he so tried to prolong that state of transition which the inside lord now tells us is the cause of the depnwsion, and endeavoured to form is ministry against Sir R. Peel on a preposition adverse to that for the gradual introduction of the new system, and divided upon it. Lord J. RUSSELL-1 supported Sir Robert Peel's Irrn pasition. Mr. DISRAELI—I recollect there was a division' on the question, and that Sir R. Peel's motion w as carried on a division. If in that division the noble lord voted against his own prnposition, of cossree I have nothing move to say. (" Hear," mod a laugh.) It is only un additional proof that great men sometimes form wrong opinions. (Hear, hear.) But without dwelling on the tobacco crop which the British agriculturist may not grow, or the sugar crop which the cultivator of the soil io any other country may grow, and which is produced largely by that country which is now competing most eucccadully with the ugriculturiet of this country in our own market, I curse to the second hyena' of revenue, which amounts to 15,000,00 W., and of whieh mom than two-thirds are raised by a colossal impost on airs crop produced by the British agriculturist. (Hear.) Who will deny that the duty levied on the barley crop of British agriculture forms more than two-thirds of our whole excise ? (Hear, hear.) Now let moo call the attention of the house to the position in which the British farmer is placid with respect to this particular crop. It is a fashion now among prime ministers to tell the British farmer that he must no longer depend on his wheat crop, and I must do the noble lord the justice to say that though the repeater he was not the originator of that piece of advice. But is it not monstrous that the farmer should be told that he is no longer to depend upon his wheat crop while the laws of his country load w ith tics enormous tax the next crop, to which he naturally would resort ? You tell him that he must no longer deptood on his wheat crop, while you pass laws the whole tendency of which is to limit the production of his second troop. I repeat that this case of the barley crop is one of the most complete that can well be' put before the considera tion of parliament. The British agriculturists are coun selled not to produce wheat while laws are in existence to restrict the product of barley. That is our calm.. (Cheers.) Sir, lam come to the third division—the amount of revenue which, as I have stated, is produced by local burdens. Some time has now elapsed since !brought before the consielenitiou of the house the whole question of our local revenue, especially as it affected the land. I took oc casion, then, or at least I endeavoured to do co, to place that subject of vast interest in its just and true light;before parlia ment. I was not successful in my first motion on the subject, nor did I expect to be. I grunt the proposition might fairly at first sight be styled enormous. It was enormous that it asked the house fur 10s. in the pound at once of the debt due to the agricultural interest; and I know that where you are not prepared to pay, such demands arc:con sidered rude and unreasonable. But, sir, the discussion which arose on that motion did good, and though it was difficult to carry it on—for one had, at the beginning, to show that the poor law was a matter of national obligation—yet it was not without its advantages; and in the following year, when that discuseion wax renewed, we found that much was granted which had previously been refused. I was, however, then unsuccessful in obtaining (I admit) • large, hut at the same time a partial, measure of relief. And what occurred lust year? I then proposed a more limited measure, but a measure, if possible, more just; for, admitting for the sake of discussion many of the objections which had been raised against the larger proposition, I allowed that it would lead to centralisation, to increased expenditure, and to other evils—though none of those evil could he greater than the political injustice of making the suffering class pay all. (Cheers.) We know the result of that motion. I do not look back to it with regret, for I may say that proposition was temperately conceived, since it met with the approba tion of a very large portion of the house. (Cheers.) I now again ask the house, as I pass rapidly by this subject, to consider the position of the laud with reference to its local burthens. Is it not an enormous injustice that one species of property alone should pay 12 millions for public purposes which all should share? But the injustice is mom aggra vated when we consider that of that 12 millions the land raises 7 millions. Of the total amount of revenue, fiuctu &ling between 48 and 50 millions per annum, allied one-half is raised by restrictions on the industry of the land; two thirds of the inland revenue by an enormous impost on the production of that land ; and seven millions—seven-twelfths of the whole of the local revenue, is raised by direct contributions on the land. (Cheers.) Sir, it is not necessary for me to enter upon the lam gubject of local burden,. In the first place, because the discussions upon it are fresh in the recollection of the house ; secondly, because, since the last debate, the truth of the question has visibly progressed. OriOnally, I had to discuss the abstract justice of making everybody pay his proportion to the charge of maintaining the poor,--so' little advanced was the opinion of the house on this subject. I ern reminded, now, of a burden which is, to a certain degree, a local one, but which has not hitherto beton considered as • burden on the land except by itself—that is, it has not been mixed up with the general local resources. On this point I ought to recall to the attention of the house the inquiry to which I have before alluded—the inquiry made by Lord George Bentinck of the prime minister, as to what would be the effect of foreign competition on British agriculture, in the event of prices continuing to fall as they were falling in 1846. I need not remind the house that the fall of agricultural prices has been greater than it was at that time assumed it would be, and much more so. (Cheers.) The possible result of a change in the how was described by my late noble friend, by the price of the quarter of wheat being at 4.5 g., whereas it has lately been not more than 375. (Hear, hear.) Now let me re mind the house of what is the incidence of the fall of prices, in the degree of burthen which, in respect to the tithe com mutation, Is thrown upon the cultivator of the soil. The tithe rent charge for the year 18.51 is 961 lls. sd. for the 1001.: calculated according to the price of agricultural pro duce of the three crops of 1850, at 961. Ils. 5d., the farmer would receive in prices 731. 2s. 11d. The difference at this moment to the British farmer is 231. Os. 84. upon the 100/., and to realise that sum he abso lutely has to sell at present prices 12 quarters of wheat. (Hear.) That is the effect of the tithe commutation. Now, I need not remind you that, totally irrespective of the tithe commutation, the action of tithes on the cultivator of the evil has been held by the greatest and most eminent econo- mists of the day to be at the ate of not km than 5 per cent. question , then, in a temperate rind in a considerate spirit. But, sir, it is often said by thole who arc of opi- Remember who these men are, the farmers of itugland, for nion that the land of Eugland m, perhaps, euleeet to some whom in especial I speak —men who, under circumstances severe taxation, and who may not have taken that general of great trial, have I think &hewn great virtues—(hear)-- , view which I have requested the house to favour me by and who in th' course of these changes have, wo all admit, ' taking to-night--it is often said by the gentlemen to whom endured great injustice. Consider the question in a spirit I allude, "It is very true ; there is something in what you of equity. Ido nut ask you to-night to give any vote upon say ; it cannot be denied that nearly half our custoinsduties any specific measure ; for to ask that would i.e to act un are raised by restricting or prohibiting agricultural Indus - wisely and most unfairl y with the house. It is not m y try ; it cannot be denied that two-thirds of our inland re- duty to make a definite proposition. Transferring to the venue is raised by an impost on agricultural produce; it ministry the task of proposing specific measures, Mr. cannot be denied that seven-twelfths of our local taxation Disraeli, in conclusion, called upon them at once to recog falls on agriculture; but then the land has a groat exemp- Ui4i.` the duty of providing a remedy . for the injustice that tem." In other wends, the enormous injustice I have was now inflict:a upon the most important class in the sketched to-night is attempted to be palliated by a state- country. In case they declined this task, he hinted that meat of this kind. Well, lam going to meet it. (Rear.) the present crisis offered to the opposition a " golden oppor lam going to see, as an advocate anxious to arrive at the tutu y" of stepping in and settling it for them. The hon. truth, and whose sole object in making this motion is to member sat down amidst great cheering. terminate the public. controversies which lease injured The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (who was the public spirit of this country—(hear, hear)—l occasionally indistinctly heard) said that he could hardly am going to inquire into the justice of this guess on what possible grounds the present proposal allegation; and, if there be great exemptions enjoyed by the was to be supported. The hon. gentleman, in former ses land, then I will say that I will place fairly before public Won., had made clear and definite proposals; but what he opinion, and fairly before the agricultural holy, my irupar- now &eked was utterly ineompreheneible. The hon. ' tial decision, so far as that can influence them upon the sub- gentleman had introduced a vast variety of subjects, =my ject. I will not attempt to state their case in that respect of which alone would take two nights' discussion, upon any representation of what Ido not sincerely believe ; such as general taxation, local burthens, national rate, and as my statements rest entirely on facts and areuinents, settlement of the poor, the Bank Act of 1814 ; and, in fact, not upon sentiment, it is open to every gentleman epponite there was no one of thaw questions which had occupied the who condescends to listen to me, toprove that mystatemente house for the last five years which the honourable) gen tire erroneous, or to demonstrate that my conclusions are tleman had not now thrown into the bodge-ledge of his fallacious. (Ilene hear.) The ease of agricultural exemp- speech. (Hear, bear.) And after all the honourable tions bring); us now to the consideration of another branch gentleman did not ask the house to come to any practical of our system of revenue—namely, that of the decision in his statements and arguments , . Ile stamps; and, though I will treat these points us would, however, offer some observation'. Ile begged, lightly ne I can, I hope the house will favour however, that the house would nut forget tit, cir me with their attention. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, in agri- cumetincea which lie had stated that night. He had I cultural discussions, this io the usual position taken—the already announced that on Friday he would submit probate and legacy duties are brought forward. A case is a statement of the financial measures of the session ; and it made out. An agricultural gentleman throws the stemps would not, of course, be expected that hi: should now anti and conveyances at the head of the free trader, because he cipate that discussion (Hear), or do more than to speak to feels indignant at paying such an impost on personal pro- the general question. The bon. gentleman, in hie prclimi perty. I admit that under these duties personal property nary remarks, had referred to the former debates on this pays more than real property. I will even admit that the eubject, and to the unintentional mierepresentatione and payment of real property upon stamps is not a charge, on mistakes made, re alleged, on that (the ministerial) site of the whole, countervailing the excess paid on personal the house. Now, he had lint to meet the hon. gentleman property. But, I must first of all observe, that a on these points in 1819. The argument of the hon. gentle ' monstrous error exists about these legacy end pm- man, however, then was, not only that the mai -1 bate duties, and that, if you investigate the sub - cultural interest, but that the whole country, were ject of stamps with reference to these two &scrip- in a condition of absolute distress and ruin. (Loud time of property, you will arrive at conclusions cries of " Hear, hear.") The words of the lune gentleman not quite consonant, perhaps, with those sometimes enter- then were that, whether he welt to the marts of commerce taiued. Now, remember this, as proved by etatemente or to the fields of agriculture, the result was still the same, made beton:committees of this house that at this moment and that everywhere there prevailed a universal distress. of the legacy duty an amount is raised of 1,200,000/. per (Item:, hear.) The answer of the government was that as minute, 500,0001. per annum of which is paid directly Iry the far as manufactures and trade were concerted the assertion hind ; for. although Mr. Pitt did not carry his original bill was totally contrary to the facts, and that as regarded acti on this subject, his subsequent bill made all laud sold under culture the representation of the hon. go ntleruen ae very wills liable to this net. The cousequeuce now is that five- greatly exageereteol, and, at any rate premature. Ile (the twelfths of the probate and legacy duties are paid directly Chancellor of the Exchequer) had said that when the pares by the land ; and, therefore, so far as the burden , on land of corn had been in 181 i at 695. N., on an average of the are concerned, this is a fart which ought not to be omitted year, when in ISIB the prime had fallen only to net. 6d., from conaideration. (Hear, hear.) Bear in mind that all about the prices at which they had been in 1815-6—that leasehold property, all ecelessiestical tenures, pay these it was perfectly impossible, alter a year of sue la eatraorili duties, and tat, in the remaining sum of 700,0001., nary prices, followed by a year of nn cetraordinary deprese which these duties produce, the amounts paid by leasehold elan, that the statement of the hon. gentlemen mulct be property and evelestaetical tenure:sere included . But, when trite. It was even hefore the free admission of corn had we are considering the burden of these tame upon land, let taken plans that the hon. gentleman alleged that the agri us not forget that all the stork in trade of the fanner pays culturists were ruined, and that they had been ruined both legacy and probate duties ; and when you take this by prices unexampled fur several years. Now, he into consideration, and add to it what he pays directly in (the Cleancellor of the Exchequer) found, on re other respects, you will find that he has a heavy burden to (erring to the prices of wheat in the year 1418, that they bear. (Hear.) Sir, I have now gone through with were higher in 1818 than they had beet in 1814, and that one great exception, almost every important feature of they had been rising from 1841 to 1848. lle had not been our financial system. I have viewed the taxation of the iu tse house at the time the hon. gentleman made hi, motion country very imperfectly, from the greatness of the subject, lad year, and lie would therefore stand aeoptitted of has ing and my unwillinsmen to press too much upon the house, in tole any of the prophecies referred to by the hon. gentle but I have viewed the taxation of the country generally mall at to "diminished supply" and " rise in prices." Such with reference to its bearing upon the owners and coempiere arguments were uuqueetionahly used in reply to the hon. of the land—upen that important class of her Majesty's gentleman, and on no insufficient grounds, and by men most subject. who are suffering difficulties, depressions, die- competent to give opinions on the subject. The hon. gen trona, and who continue to suffer them, in a country tleman referreel to a statement made on the occasion by where all other classes, we are informed by the Sovereign the . Marquis of Lansdowne, to • the effect that ho and her ministers, are prosperous . (Hear, hear.) anticipated a diminished supply of foreign corn, and a pro- That it is very possible that classes may flourish when liable rise in price. Now it was not without data, that his they are living on the capital of a particular cliies—(loud noble friend made these calculations. The returns now on cheers)—i4 a result which I think is not to be wondered at the table would show, that in the six months outing the (Renewed cheers.) But Ido nut forget the great financed sth April last, the time when the statement was miracle which has oecupieol my attention merely by that made, the importations of wheat end the importa said hypothesis, because I sec before me gigantic and sinus of fleet were leas by one-half than in Curious machinery, by which we have been carried through the six months ending on the sth April, 1849. sears of unrestricted importations, and of restricted cultiva- The importation had diminished six months before the Ise iinn, of reetrieted induetry, and of colooseil imports. rind of which the hen. member had spoken, and had that (Cheers.) We know well that an instruntent—e great affected the falling off. When hon. gentlemen Said that financial inetrenient—was brought into this honer by the they (the government) had 'reeled the twine, let them re eminent minister whose pride it was te introduce this new member that they who had led that movement had commenial system, the fruits of which I am not here to been equally mistaken. Ile had heard then all sorts of challenge, but the telvantages of which upon the part of the representatioms, such as that corn would come from America owners and occupiereof the land I wish to enjoy. We know at :Ps., mid the like. But one remarkable eircunt what that wonderful financial instrument wee--it was the stance connected with the change wilas this, that of property and income tin. (Laughter and cheers.) lle- all those gnat entrees from which the , largest mid mod er ne:oler, said Sir Robert Peel to the Manchester school—re- aggeretelexpeetationeofenormouesuppliteleul been eortned, number that in order that you should have your cotton' free in no one case had the expectations been fulfilled, or the the land cone:need to the imposition of a property tax. anticipate' importation* arrived, but, on the contrary, Gee:rows aisd confiding man! (Renewed !engine: and there had been a gnat supply of corn from these divers). And, by that powerful and efficient increment, toiletries from which uo one had exmyted env supply this remarkable system bus beet awried into me:notion, con- at all. (liver ' hear.) This proved that booth teepee who ducted in its course, and permitted to accomplish its results. luul Iseen eonficlent and those who heel lwen alarmed at the (Great applause.) And what is the result of that fiscal change: were equally mistaken with respect to the supply of law? Suppose the men of eluncloater and the merchant% foreleg) corn, and it showed also that it was a state of things of England to have met and said to the minister, Here the continuance of which might probably be dcoubbel. we will euherribe 5,0110,000 i. a year, give us free trade, and When it was found that the country from which the largest we will keep the old system," still the land might have supply had beet expected was conserted from an exporting said, " Sulescribe what you please, bat, if we are to have to an importing country, when for some year, up to 1846, unrestricted ecompetitiens, we demand unreetrieted industry." and inclueing the years of the famine, the lowest average (Cheers.) But, the- retunes of the property and ineunio: tax price of corn in this country was from .15e. to 48e. stein to have preauced this great resale. I tied that a it might lie concluded that this was au exceptional moiety, and, perhaps, the Kreuter moiety, of it, is levied date of thing* that such a price el el prevail in Fronee from the owners and occupiers of loud—(loud cheers)— as to enable her to import large queutities of corn. no from the owners, se hose rents have been mantel, and from the did think that this was a matter of some little importance occupier., who make no protest. If you ask me what are my re- to consider. Ile was not one of those who were disposed tb medics forth° difficulties of tite owner, anoloccupiers of the he anxious for the raising of the prier of corn, hut the fact land, I answer, that I haivethe homourtoorepreeent an English showed that there was nothing more than importution of county depending on the cultivation of the Feel. and that as foreign corn affected price when the some effect was pro one who, however unworthily. tend no one is more e:neitile duel in an exporting and an animating country. and of the unworthiness than niyeelf, is still the organ of the when the exporting country was sufficing great detnes. friends around me, I will tell you the remedy we require— The price of corn at Michaelmas lust in France was 'ewer we roquin: justice. (Loud protectionist cheers.) We ask than it had been for the preceding thirty yours, and the you that you should not prohibit or netriet our industry. prim there now was nearly a, low as it had been at 7.1.1 W, sir, there have been severel suggietione mad,,elivimelmae indeed, on spree Sahli n few centimes in this house for the relief of the land, and I will, lower. In the yea 1849, 740,000 quarters had very briefly, more briefly than their merits require, bo:eu imported,andin 18e0 about 1,100,000 quarters.enter into their discussion. I will take the two remedies, What, then, was the state of distress among the agricul which are somewhat vague in their expression, which have turist, of France at the present moment, with thus advantage been principally counselled by die gentlemen of Manche- of exportation to this country to the amount he had stated ? ter. They busy always laid it down as a principle, that (Some interruption was here given by Mt hen. member ex what was wanted for the hind was moire labour and more pressing dissent.) Ile was attempting to peeve his views to capital. " Employ more labour and snorer capital, and you i.e right, and he ought to he allowed to state his opinion on will be able to contend with the difficulties waited which the state of the corn market, and if the him. member did you ere struggling." Let me remind you that while for not admit that it was thirty brought into the argument, he four years the owner" and occupier, hive been cnuneelled could not be in a fit state to bestow that calm deliberation to employ more labour and capital, there have existed on upon the subject which it required. The right hon. gentle our statute books two codes of law the very object of which man then read from a French paper of about u fort wes to restrict the employment of labour and the distribu- night old the following passage on the prices of agricultural teem of capital. Before you advise the cultivator of the soil produce in France : which semen in our coustey districts otimemfert and misery IS to to employ more labour, why don't you deal with the law of The deplorable ants which le pressing upon our 'sericulture, and t A reln io tte uo i . cotc . inei t;... n ,,..r e ell•prec r. iato:n b o y f pri w ce d o , f cora continues. settlement ? (Cheer%) Sir H. Pail felt the necessity of meeting that question. He devolved the duty of con the - pr gr ovai that a sup. raborilial ' harvrat may be m i; real g • l ' ,.ro t r i lt n ie w n i da ic t l it sidering it on a member of his cabinet, but, unfor tunately, that 'great change in the agricultural policy divert more and more from agriculture both that capita which will of England took place in a moment of precipitation, and he more neeeseary for it than three years, been subject to the greaten aofferinx, and it has 'wen ever and manufacturing industry has then the house was little inclined to ennsider a question of been ab l e in pan to repairir it. lawn. Agriaulture alone has, for the so difficult a character as the law of settlement, and that last prapreset its without any prospect, at law still remained preventing the owner and occupier of land from employing more labour. (Hear, hear.) Thom lie Now, if a country, enjoying at this moment the absolute was told that more capital ought to be employed ; but in prohibition of all foreign corn, with the beneficial privilege 1811 the house tweed a law the whole object of which war off exporting corn to this country, was neverthelees in such to restrict the employment of capital. Besides this, the a state of distress, MS implied in the paper he had read, it appeared theft the price was more to be attributed to some house seemed to forget that the laws of partnership now in thing besides the importation of foreign corn then it had You have had before you, by favour of the House of existence were almost a barrier to the introduction of capital. been. Ile believed that the price hied been greatly affected by the bad quality of the corn of the lure harvest. A gen- Lords, a project for a national rate, which has been matured by a noble lord, a member of the other house tleman connected with Sufielk said the other de that not 'of parliament. This also is a subject which has en huh' of the produce was fit to come to the flail ) ; and that growled a large degree of public attention and appro- not more than half of that was tit to bring into the market. bation, but on which also there are great olifferenees of lie now begged to say, as regarded himself, that he had never held out any expectation that prices would be opinion. lam not giving any opinion specifically in favour high, nor hail he ever expressed any wish that they should of a national rate. There are great objections to a national be high. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, he had fro rate for the relief of the poor; but then is no) evil attend queutly stated his belief, that it was for the interest and Mg such a rate so great as the enormous injustice of the land paying, in its present condition, the greater proportion advantage of the great body of the people of this country of that rate. (Cheers.) And there is no fallacy so great as ments of the country—to the workinse classesof this e that always brought forward by the Chancellor of the Ex- belonging to all dames employed in the industrial d - Mee --that the price of their food, of their bread country,and their chequer and his friends when he shows us that house that th piety pays a greater proportion of the poor ra t e than it meat, should be cheap ; and he had stated iu the last do ought to do—a sum which is teed to rival and ex- bate that it was wise, ex of this country should bu p e ytheirdient , and meat just und bread us e h ) ply a seed the amount paid by the land. As respectsa national rate, urged as a measure of relief to the rural districts , as the world meld afford it to them. (Hear, heare r .. .With which pay that rate, this objection is quite fallacious. Its respect to another item—the price of meat—to which the quite possible that the house property of Lancashire may e on . gentlemen had referred, it was perfectly true that to a pay more. Tourney have reduced the poor rate in amount, small extent thntte . the imp rt of but these circumstances do not affect my argument. You u the forr ign year ea l t B4 tle 9. hm ß l u in t r t re he "- re .d had in have not reduced the poor rates in Kent and Sweet. teen more than a corresponding fall in the importation of (Hear, hear.) They feel the injustice the same ; and the provisions. Beef and beacon had fallen off more than enough Injustice is as great whatever may be the proportion tu counterbalance the increase in cattle. 11 . es conviction of the poor rate paid by house property in the north was that the price of meat was owing to the increased pro of England. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, the other d,tetion in this country. (Hear.) The right hon. gentle night, got up, and with a sorrowful expression of man here quoted from returns some details relating to countenance, and shrugging his shoulders, as if he =know- the two ports of Newcastle and Glasgow, which were lodged in his heart that the land was unjustly' treated, and unaffected by fo re ig n . . It - seemed I that something ought to be done for the land exclaimed, t o impossible suppose bu t that !mporte the tncreaaed consumption must " What can Ido ; I don't know that ads. (betel duty would tell beneficially upon the agricultural interest, when do anything for the farmers." Why, the farmers don't it caused so greatly an increased demand for want a ss. duty . , or an Bs. duty, or a 10s. duty. (Cheers.) If th e i r p ro d uce f r om all our great manufacturing towns. It you propose a m., an 134., or a 10%. duty, after reviewing the was impossible to suppose that, with the improvements of circumstances of all classes, and determining what ought manufaures and the extension of melee co, a larger to be the legislation for all, your propositions will p ro p or ti on o f cattle could not be produced y t. a cheaper h be for us to consider, as members of parliament, and as re- rate in spite of the increased demand for meat! In fact, it meewntatives of the whole community. (Hear, hear.) But wee e amom ible to account for it except by the increased in the name of the agricultural interest I eolemnlyeo • test production of cattle. By the poor-law returns on the L against considering etch measures as specific rem edies for table, it appeared that there had been great reduce ithe special advantage of the agricultural clauses. (Cheers.) tions in both the expenditure and iu the number of We have been eked sometimes why we, the landed pro- reliefs to the poor; and, us the hon. gentlemen had referred prictors and farmers, thu., come to the House of Com- to this as a particular burden on the agricultural interest, MOMS with the tale of our sufferings. We are told that no he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was happy in show other proprietary class — no other industry — takethat ing that that burden had been diminished —(hear, hear) — course. Well, my answer is, find a revenue raised in not only in amount but in numbers of persons relieved. The this country with regard to any article of manufacturing right hon. gentleman here quoted fromthe poor law returns production, such as is raised on articles of agricultural several extracts, to prove more in detail the diminution in production. (Cheers.) Why, if that were so, should we expenditure and numbers. Among them we gathered the not find you coing to thie home ? (Hear.) What petitions! fasts that, " in the year ending Lady-day,lBso, as compared What speeches! motion's! And what leagues—(cheers with the same period in 1849, there had been a diminution and laughter) You are no habituated to your financial sys- in expenditure of no less than 397,0061.; that in the year tern that, in fact, the public mind of England cannot see ending Michaelmas last, there had been a reduction in ' these enormities. Suppose you pawed a law affecting the expenditure as compared with the year ending Michaelmas stockinger'oo trade : and that we laid a duty of 1,200 per 1819, of 409,0001." It might be argued that, great as cent. upon the production of stockings ? What would the was the boon to the country of this expenditure, it was manufacturers say to that ? Yet that is the position in only owing to the low price of provisions, and that there which you place the occupiers of land ; and we say it is had been no diminution in the numbers o f persona strange that the land should be so treated. I be- relieved. But the fact was, that the diminution in lieve that if you persevere in this system, not merely the numbers relieved had been in gr eater proportion than the owners and occupiers of the sod but the whole the diminution of expense. Last ye ar the member had been country will eager fatally. (Hear, hear.) Consider this 6 per cent, lower than it in general had been. In answer to to — The 6, Dt nort Bs. is 5d lose' 11. The 154. 644. well The gaiu wet. at the nth cons low. VI; the! we" oat! lard (pal !SF