The Express. — London, England, 1851-12-30 00:00:00

IMPORTANT FROM PERSIA. RIOTS AT TEHERAN. (BY SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH.) PARIS, TUUDAT. According to the last advice, from Persia, anarchy, plundering, and murdering were going on at Tehe. ran, in emsequence of the fall of the First Minister, Mirzataghi Khan, who is replaced by his brother, Minister of War. AMERICA. The following is from our New York corre spondent: NEW YORK, Dec. 17. Since my last the great name of Kossuth has been more familiar to us than household words. Each .pceeh appears to be better than the preceding one, and the influence he exercises upon the public mind is marvellous. His health, however, has suffered from this constant exertion, and I fear sometimes that he will fall a martyr to his rause even here, His last appeal is to the practical sympathy of our nation, and it is quite possible he may . receive half a million of dollars. This money, it is understood, will be appropriated rather to the organisation of republican societies than to the actual equipment of buttalia. . . The position which Kossuth occupies here appears to us very intimately connected with the progress of affairs abroad. The resolution of welcome which passed the Santo hai pasw.4l the Ilou.se of Repre sentatives also by tho large vote of ltil ayes, 16 noes. The President of the United States will communicate to him the pissage of this resolution, and invite him to Washington. 110 will be formally introduced to Congress, be allowed to make a speech to them, and ho invited to a grand dinner. Mr. Webster, however, is a peace-loving secretary, and while he is in power Kossuth will guin nothing from our go eminent beyond its sympathy. We have news from the Rio Grande by way of New Orleans, under date Nov. 20. The following are extracts: The troops under Carvajal hid just returned from a daring expedition into the heart of New Leon, in the course of which they penetrated beyond the town of China, and frightened a superior force under Jauregui, so badly that they retreated with precipitate haste to Monterey. Carvajal attributes his failure in Matamoros partly to the intrigues of Messrs. Uhde and linusignes, and partly to General Connie', who, finding himself disappointed in ob tninine the command of the revolutionary forces, tampered with the commander and officers of the National Guard, and induced them to take part against him, by persuading them that the movement was decidedly an American one, and that its success would result in the entire anbjugation of their cuuntryand destruction of their religion. lie complained that the number of his force before Mata moros bad been much overstated, and said that he had seldom more than 300, and at nu time over 460 men in ramp. Ile spoke in the highest terms of the coolness and bravery of most of his officers, both during the fight and in the retreat. General Carvajal spoke in the most confident terms of soon receiving sufficient reinforcements from dif ferent points in Tunas and Mexico to enable him again to take the field. In the meantime, with his present force, he holds the command of all the roads leading into the inte rior ; and as he does not recognise As aloes tariff, he is de termined that all the goods that have been brought into Matamoros under that tariff shall pay him duty. If they shoal _I attempt to pass than through the country without each payment, he says he will CUIIaSLAC them, no matter who may be the owners. _ . . With regard to the ultimate result of tho revolution, f, n. Carvajal said he adhered to the " plan" of Guerrero, tis originally published ; that if the supreme government would recognise the necessity of the reforms demanded in that document, and carry them out in good faith toward the citizens of the northern states, he would lay down his 41111 s and cheerfully return to his duties as a citizen ; but if this should be relused, ho would fall back upon the 12th article of that plan, organise a provisional government, and maintain a separate independence until such time as the general government should return to their senses,*and give them the reforms needed. We have rumours from the Plate 'that Onbe has found refuge on board a British steamer, and that l'rquirat is at 3lonto Video. The date of the intelli gence is not given. Roma is said to be labouring under tha intensest rage and threatens the severest revenge. Meanwhile confidential agents of the au thorities in the Wenda Oriental and the countries to the north and west are here endeavouring to get up steam communication with the United States, on the assurance of free trade and free navigation. KOSSUTII IN NEW YORK. On the night of Itec.l6, at a grand military levee, which was held at Castle Garden, Kossuth was pre sented to the first division of the New York State Militia. In reply to an address which was rend to him on the occasion by Genera: Sandford, the illus trious Magyar spoke as follows: General and gentlemen,—l accepted with the highest gratiheation the lion me to meet the First Division of the New York State Militia, which havinr in this their capa city of citizen soldiers honoured me on the day of my arri val with their corporative participation in the generous welcome I met, have, by the military honours bestowed upon me, so much contnbuted to impart to this demonstra tion that public character which cannot fail to prove very efficient to the benefit of that cause which I have the honour to plead before the free people of your mighty re public, and which cause I confidently dare say is the cause of freedom and independence on the European continent. I beg leave to state, gentlemen, that the share you were pleased to take in that great demonstration, u also the honour which you give me now, is one of the most impor taut eireunistancee —one of those which in Europe cannot fail to produce a very deep and very beneficial impression. Being aware of that importance of the present occasion, and also considering myself, with your kind permission, to be among brother* in arms, I should feel highly gratified were I able to address you in such an elaborate manner as I feel my duty to be. But you are aware of how my whole time was engaged in very pleasant and agreeable duties since my arrival hare; and, besides, I am sorry to my, I am labouring under a severe indisposition; nay, I am really sick, so much that last night I was several times about to swoon, and was obliged to retire from the banquet which the mighty engineers of public opinion have honoured me with; so I humbly entreat you nut to expect any eloquent speech from me, because lam absolutely unprepared for it, and I am not ashamed to avow that to speak in the least degree eloquently in a tongue foreign to ma I want time and preparation which perhaps I would not so much want in my own nativeitongue. The difficulty is, that while I speak I think in my own language, as every man does the same, and in the brief time while my ideas pass from my brains to my lips I must translate them into your language ; thus it comas that often while I sin speaking the true word I forget the idea, and to have ideas is, I suppose, the meet indispensable thief; to eloquence. It is only the lark or the nightingale to whom it is given to warble forth without thought the eloquence of its harmonious melodies. lam a very dry, prosaic man, and unhappily I grow old —sufferings and toil have worn out the freshness of my mind ; I apply my humble faculties to the exigencies of time, and according to these exigencies, I frankly confess, my brains are filled rather with tactics and strategic that; with oratory—l as rather soldier than orator. But you also are soldien— citizen soldiers ! That is your glorious title, and that to which I have the ambition to aim ; so I hope you will excuse me for addressing you in a sekberly manner —plainly, frankly, without the pretends* of any skill. Gentlemen, do you know what is the inset apiece that I ever in my life heard or read ? It is the slier et Gari baldi to his Homan soldiers, when he Mil thum b w ileldisse, what I have to offer you is fatigue, bow. olivggle awl death ; the chill of the cold night is the fee des 11111111111114 under the burning sun ; no lodgings, so savaltlesk solaFi visions, but forced marches, dangerous watelipselli e @al ibi Continual struggle with the bayonet against boilloobs— those who love freedom and their coustay to Allow UM" (Cheery.) That is the most glorious epsomb I ever beset in my life; bat of course that is no suss& flit liedup. I will speak so after I meet again the wadisco at issposy— (cluen)-, to fight once more over the battle bir basamorod independence. And so may God bless me, as I loos there will be no Hungarian who will not follow his mime. As it has been so it must be, and so it will be. Time is yet another, I remember, very flee gash. It is that of the old Coveuanter, who spoke to hiessidiers these voids before a battle .—" Now, boys, put parr trust in God and keep your powder dry." (TedleNdegle cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, that must be dr mem for to -day. I will put my trust in God, but I de alit know if my sickness wia sot Call KIM damp op= my powder. (Laughter.) Omani, having had the MO basset to review the first divides of the Now Ye* 11111,11111Nersol le receive its m sa lute, anew in bean all to esaeglbeent yon about the ill- Niaq slid e awl unitary suite& and presidia salts aMsII ale eassanded by you. Be sereMlYse tl €01101olosit; It is only • bet that I es.,_llll# Yls NPI limy, it would have bees mama& tit tio the replar soldiers. There are tw at OM obi as es ibis great iternion. The INS Is Ilhe shed diseetcr andp elute eIN s d rDos of year esmand to beep up mime Yew W ` cheers. The need was, be sooloNs allifil l lb' r ib angly with tket aria. Cissams. ll* • pane et the IrMllv st Ise bribillos. WOO Is fair easowee, met so ipy as wok sot psodial sea I belloileme. Asa.= to way pains restdadas b *if Ilsilloadt as t e , is here obsibms is • principle. Tho pow b hi d ithe n with public dodo% lb fi b ßepablies—yees N. Mt zzes i t a to eurf se araist is se e r anew lomat= the sweet guarantee of social order in a assts. Mira k, M cose t hei gentlemen witom I have the hamar to M a which had am told, not hag _aims t i = air duty of the restoration of pa bbe order oa a M asurios • and it was that very regiment, during its wadi. rest, which was cheered most heartily by AD ne f i his fact is glorious to the regiment, sad to the people. To-day, if I am not Mrs it Os anniversary day of the great fire which Is this city in 1815. Since that time New 4,217. .terse more splendid than it was before, and Weed out st a larger scale. Now this gigantic develop ment of this peat city is only possible upon the basis of social order, end in the sustenance of social order, to be laz e = nuratt,ourst it is thealso ir mint, il i v i i e t, g te rT spi n r o it t a of li :l u ie e eforejtory of the militia, that this social order el , I thank you for the explanation of the or primers and discipline of this gallant division. Europe IWO many things to learn from America. It has to learn glas value of free institutions ; it has to learn the expansive power of freedom; it has to learn the practical value of self-government as opposed to centralisation. But one of the most important lessons you give to Europe is the or ganisation of the militia of the United States. You have the greatest army . in the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing guard in the land. That is a necessary thing fur Europe to learn from America, that great standing armies must cease, but they can only cease when the nations are free; because the great standing armies are not national institutions. They are the instruments of despotism, and the ambition of tyrants. (Cheers.) The very existence of tyranny reposes in Europe upon great standing armies. When the nations once become free they will not want them, because the nations will not war one against another. Freedom will become a brotherly link among nations. To inspire them they will want your example, which shows that popular institutions and militia afford the most mighty means of national defence. Thirty-seven years ago was the battle fought at New Orleans, that shows to all posterity what a power of defence of the country lies in the organisa tion of your militia. Nay, gentlemen, your history even proves that the institution affords the most powerful means of an offensive war, if it becomes indispensable. lam aware that the war of Mexico was carried on chiefly by volunteers. We Hungarians, my brave companions here, we have some claim to the renown of bravery—(cheers)— but it is a duty to confess that those who fought were those who have high claims to the acknowledgment of their brethren. Often have they had to tight, one against four— * handful at such a distance in a foreign land having a gallant foe. Because it was amidst a warlike population and still it wee victorious, and your war and your victory is a remarkable page in the his tory of America. I know what distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that highest of victories. I know that seven regiments were offered, but only two were accepted, and I know what a glorious part they have taken in the siege of Vera Cruz, in the battles of Cherubusco, Contreras, Monterey, Moline del Rey, and Cerro Gordo. I know how they distinguished themselves, especially at the Kittle of Cherubusco, in the assault upon Chapultepec, when they partook in the immense glory of entering—a gallant handful of men—into the metropolis of Mexico. And who were these volunteers ? Of those from your own state seventeen officer, were elected out of your own militia. They were of the institution of your militia. That militia is the source of that military spirit which is the sole guarantee of your country's freedom, independence, and glory, under circumstances requiring that citizens of the I:nited States shall stand up in arms for it. I have all these things which I have men tioned learned front the United States, and it was my firm intention to carry out this organisation of the militia in Hungary. It was my idea, and still is, and I will en deavour, with the help of God, to carry it out. (Cheers.) My idea is that there are duties toward our native land common to every citizen, and even public institutions and education must have such a direction as to enable every citizen to fulfill his duty toward his own fatherland. (Cheers.) One of those common duties is to defend that fatherland in the day of peril, to take up arms for its free dom and security. My idea is to lay down such a founda tion, even in the public instruction in village schools, that every boy shall be educated to that military skid which is wanted to fulfil, in an effective manner, this duty of de fending his fatherland, when called upon to do it. It is not my intention to have in Hungary separate schools for military science—not at all to have soldiers who are not citizens—but my opinion is that every boy must be taught so much to know as is necessary for the defence of his land. And for those who, in their more advanced age, would feel inclined to take for their profes sion the military science there must be some branches esta. fished in the higher schools and universities to impart this science, as there must be for those who employ their time to become physicians, or clergymen, or members of the bar. There should be a branch for military science, but for no distinctions as citizens. To defend his country is a common duty, and every man must know and feel it. (Cheers.) Taking your oreanisation as a basis for Hungary—taking your example, Hungary would have at least one million of seen read to defend her against the oppression of whatever power. Great cheering.) The militia of Hungary, thus pet develo ( , would he the most solid guarantee of my coun try's freedom and independence. We have shown tronf of it to the world in our first struggles for liberty, when we engaged in it with the preparation that was needed, when the people flocked from their workshops, the desk, and the very altar, to defend their native land. Often it happened that they had to go to battle without knowing how to load or seek • musket. But still thinking of national independence, they went on to battle with their bayonets against bane rim, and achieved such deeds at raised them to rank with eloodeal heroes and claim with them a glorious immor tality. We have not the inclination to become conquerors. we are contented with our native land, if it only be inde pendent and free. To the sustenance of this independence and freedom we have established by law the institutions of a national guard, like your own militia • and I liked often to say to my people, that I considered th at organisation to be like a porcupine, which goes armed, ci n e i ty , looking far an its food; but when it is attacked, d it stretches forth these thorns, .and it le esdy= l in peaceful quality. May God the Almighty soon see den lopollhis institution of a national guard in my native land. The 'fewer of Hungary will become the indispensable basis of freedom in the nations of Europe. The great enemy of that freedom is Russia. Austria is its satellite ; leaning on its aid, Austria is going to crush down Italy. Now, tan' 'lmagery be a barrier to oppose the power of Russia? I answer, yes. You are a nation of twenty millions, sad have an organised militia of three millions. Hungary is • nation of hftecu millions. Then it can at least have area million of organised citizen soldiers, I hope. That is dr positive basis of these hopes for Hungary, that it ma ha • barrier to Russia against its encroachment. The negative basis is the weakness of Russia itself. Rua* is not so strong as in public opinion it is taken 01 , dinarily to be. The whole power which Russia eau raise, consists of seven hundred and fifty thousand men. Bat you asset consider that it has an immense territory—a imehorps the population of which is oppressed. Tranquil ,* Mei the emir of the grave, and not the order of con- Isslneent, ea he only kept in Russia itself by the armed poem of the Clear. Now it is not much whoa I say that at list 200,000 or 240,000 men are needed to keep no the is *ty in the interior of Russia itself. It wants I[oo,ooo guard its frontiers, which extend from Silesia down y. 100,000 it needs, at least, to keep down that Lie spirit of mmmad l'olend. (Cheers.) Now, take did* amides, you will see that Russia scarcely can- Wism amarbamploy 300,000 men for a foreign war ; and gm ram id it ever employ more. History lies MON ie. NA ha the greatest struggle for life and existence libm amt WS able to employ more in a foreign war. No ; ihrtmomillita of dims soldiers of Hungary would not mai Is ho as beam as they are in order to be • match for *is ems busgred dhammail. (Cheers.) And therefore, at as lost egeWhellia of Oh mall= of soldiers, should once OM the Cow have the assapatt intention to put his foot et nookind's seek as ha earl to have the temerity to do, power would bra* ipas_hks on his list attempt upon And sot auk bush miss his way, but would t and attack Rasa, sad wary home the danger to himself ; and it would hid mighty allies is the Russian empire—first in its finaosiel embarrassments. Par 7* know , that 'Ma Oboe the short war in Amy , Russia Wei te Wm • ban in Hoglund. WiWiralso for our Aka Irmia, re oppression of the salsa. Of comas only slap we took would be tig htwad by thee. who sae opgramed, and they would be ready also, the PA& BIM Ind others, to be our alike' for this 0 la saa magridad to Poland, but is wad over the ameba, Is Lithuania, Wallachia, mad Ukraaia. Ili all loom that the might .f Russia is not se iinnanolso labalboansne of intimidation to those who ere In a Met mum And be sure, Hungary once hata la rtr d sra would never camas dare to threaten Euro pese liberty. (Cheers.) Bat if Russia is really so westas Ws. yalilliny Mph* why I ask yeas aid Dania keirlinaes. The amoraity of my bum. togoad is barium Buser has her army now as very am* way *oat thirty hours distant from Sugary, sad tied greet army stands _Roparmi to move, at wilatever I tam to crash the liberties etKiapiry ; and bravo= *los three hundred thirsted am would am* bad= we had time I. monism sad demiar an our isms Orgoarganised and deweisitei. sty 11 not thole ponor. (Cheers.) Thom am the =mu for shish Ime the support of Um MIRA Ills Is eke& and Me =rit y asssion interfering, is liagary, beams, so that may hays an oppartasity to swain her strength against Russian despotism and barbarity. This is tile Nam that I ask the United States to heeme the execs** to r neessise the risks of every asthma to dispose of self. This h the say &my, patimmost rbe whigh . tlet wanting to the list of your assi ran. of I the United States lure ammostally usartod tWersa 1 independeme sad basin, bass taaseely any other 1111111 than to become ohm matalms of halms madly hi Mbar hada ; sad I modidoady ham ihst bare yam Malaita. *at yea a ill set Amy ma, gastismos, yam pawns is maybe out that par paled* se hu support ms% sad are - et set drain my hitualbraoss almistar saw er vii of Nnagary Ihr Maim sod imlegambarts, utak la . &sady felt in the air, sad is prated out by the of Gad himself. My assoad humble regent It sr ! I C I mot grisly Whom ma will admit, while is to secure the murross of this United States with am, people whither in revolatios or not. It is son* my interest ; it is your right, and I hope that the Whir of the United States will eye, be ready to mamma and protect the right of your citizens, as from both those ships, the star spangled banner of which was sent over for me to Asia, it was proclaimed then is a power in the United States ready to protect the rights of oppiesesd humanity. (Cheers.) My third humble claim is to see re cognised the legitimate character of the declaration of Mas ochist independence. The militia of the United States fought and bled for that principle of independence in your own country. So I su b =ethat by the glory of your pre deceases, by all the s which have followed from THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 30, 1851. your struggle for independence—by all them blessings which make your glory and happiness, you, gentlemen, will feel inclined to support my humble claim for the recognition of the independence of my native land. As to the financial aid, that is a matter bf delicate consideration, which I en tirely leave to your generosity; but I avail myself of this opportunity to proclaim that it is not my design to get mercy to tarry on war in Hungary, but only to have some material financial aid by the help of which we could succeed to come into theeondition not unprepared to meet the oppor tunity which I hope God soon will give. There is a greet difference in these two words. If once war breaks out, my nation will find resources in themselves to carry on the war. To become prepared to meet the opportunity, not only in that but in *very other respect, we want the aid of generous men and free rations; because Hungary is now oppressed and has no public life, and the slightest manifestation of patriotic feeling is considered a crime for which the scaffold and hangman waits. I here declare that if I should be so happy u to obtain your financial aid through the generosity of the people of the United States, I will never employ it in such a manner as is not permitted by your laws ; because I not only will respect, but arm firmly 'determined to aid your laws. It is out of this motive that I will not even so licit the formation of an armed expedition for Hungary. Yet, perhaps, the generous disposition of the people of the United States would offer some opportunity even for this. lint when the time comes; when we fight the battle of free dom and independence once more, I confidently hope that out of the generous ranks of the gallant militia of the United States . there will be found single men who, out of their own without my interference, will be glad to share the glory of the battle for freedom and humanity. (Deafening cheers.) Ofcoune, only as far as the laws of your country will admit and permit you to do. That you, gentle men, are ready to countenance these humble requests which I had the honour more fully to set forth at the banquet given by the corporation of your city, Ido not doubt. I thank you for the expression of these principles. I thank you for your generous sympathy for my cause. I thank you for the fraternal welcome of my companions who are ready to sa crifice life and fortune for the freedom and independence of my native land. There were several among them who were already soldiers before our first struggles for our country's freedom, and they employed and offered all their military skill and their practical knowledge to the service of their country. There were several who were not soldiers be fore, and who by profession had no inclination to arms, but only patriotism induced them to aid the cause of their native land, and they proved to be even as de cided, brave, and efficient supporters of that cause as those who had before had the opportunity to devote their life and military skill to their country. Thanking you for the sympathy you expressed for them, I pro mise you they will thank you by and by, and I will point out to you these gentlemen in the most dangerous places ; and I know they will feel honoured by it, and I will give them an opportunity to show by their feats of valour that they are not only worthy of you, but know how in the best and most honourable way to give their thanks to the brave militia of New York state. (Vociferous cheering for a long time.) As to myself, I have here a sword on my side, given me by an American citizen. This being a gilt from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of encou ragement for me to go on in that way which, with the bless in, , t of Almighty God, will perhaps lead us to see again our fatherland, independent and free; and I swear, here before you, gentlemen, that this American sword, in my hand, will be always faithful to the cause of freedom, that will be the foremost in the battle for it, and that it never will be polluted either by ambition or cowardice. (Loud and long cheers.) First Division of 'New York State Militia, I engage you to become the controlling power of this my solemn oath. I thank you once more for your generous sympathy. (The whole airi.ion then rose and cheered Kos suth with a perfect furor for a long time.) Vte Court. WINDSOR, DEC, 20. The Queen and Prince Albert walked in the Home Park and Slopes this morning. The Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and younger members of the royal family, took walking and pony exercise. _ . _ The fallowing have received invitations to the Castle, and are expected to arrive this afternoon: His Serene Highness the Prince Nicholas of Na-mu, the Baron Bentinck, Lord and Lady Hobert and Miss Grosvenor, Lord and Lady Cowley, Baron Madeln, and Baron Roggenbach. The Earl of Westmoreland was erroneously named as having been present at Winchor Castle on Friday last, and having had an audience of the Queen. Baron Brunnow, the Russian Minister; Count Walewelti, the French Ambassador; Monsieur Charles Sallsndroure do Lamornaix, Commissaire-General du Gouvernement do France, Lord Cowley, and Earl Granville, arrived from town this forenoon, and had audiences of her Majesty at half-put two o'clock. The Marquis of Onnondc, Lord-in- Waiting, and Colonel the Hon. N. Hood, Groom.in•Wait ing, were in attendance upon her Majesty. Luncheon was served before the Queen gave audience. Sir George Grey left town yesterday on a visit to Sir Francis Daring at his scat, Stratton-park, Winchester. Earl Granville left town yesterday morning for Windsor Castle, to have an audience of the Queen. Despatches were received yesterday afternoon at the Colonial-office from the Governor-General of Canada.— Despatches were also received yesterday from the Governor of an Diemen's Land. Ma. CARDWELL, M.P. has, it is said, been offered the vacant post of Paymaster of the Forces. PRESENT:4 TO EARL GRANVILLE AND Mn. DILKE rnost THE FRENCH GOTEHNEENT.—The French govern ment have presented a chest of Sevres china to Earl Gran ville, President of the Royal Commission, and a tea service to Mr. Mike, member of the Executive Committee, u • testimonial of the sense it entertains of the part which they took i• the Great Exhibition of the Works of all Nations in Hyde-park, in the present year. The articles forming the presents alluded to have armed in London. - • THE GREAT ENIIIBITION.—The following are the resolutions to be submitted to the public meeting on Wed nesday:-1. That the unceasing exertions of the acting members of the Executive Committee of the Great Ex hibition, via., Col. Sir W. Reid, Henry Cole, and C. Went worth Dilke, Esqrs., from the period of its announcement in 1849, to its triumphant issue, entitle them to a public testimonial in acknowledgment of their services. That such testimonial is the more requisite when it is re membered that oce of the number has not felt himself at liberty to accept any pecuniary reward. 2. That the feln lowing gentlemen having signified their readiness to act, be now constituted the general committee, vis. Mmes. Lb& dead and Co., Spied and Son, Hubert and Co., Anlinetnnd Co., Smith and Sons, Healey and Co., Townsend sad Co., Jackson and Graham,Sslomons and Sons, Lewis and Allenby, Jacob Bell, Esq., MP. Beard and Co., Winckworth, Windsor and Newton, Day and Son, Winfield and Co., Chance Brothers, John Pink, Fry and Co., Nicholay and Sons, R. Cocks and Co., T. B. Durham, J. S. Deed, Sir J. Musgrove, Bart., S. H. Blackwell, Esq., Powell and Sons, Deane, Adams and Deane, Deane and Day, Keith and Co., Thurston end Co., Westley Richards and Co., John Kohler, W. B Simpson, Hunt and Itoskell, Holland and Sons, John Webb, Rev. W. Mitchell, A.M., G. Deane, J. Glaisher, J. Mechi, J. Sommer. 3. That, with a view of facilitating the business as much as possible, the gentlemen as under be constituted a managing committee, with power to act in respect of the disposal of the amount subscribed in such way as may appear to them most suited to the occa sion ; it being an instruction to them that the presentation shall be as public as the circumstances will permit—Keith and Co., Erard end Co., Jackson and Graham, Smith and Sons, Keeley and Co., Holland and Sons, John Pask, Esq. GREAT LONDON DRAINAGE COMPANY.—Yesterday a meeting was held at the London Tavern, Mr. Walker in the chair, for the purpose of drawing public attention to the sewerage plan advocated by the comny, and obtain ing co-operation in its prosecution. Mr. J. J. Morewood stated the object for which the meeting was called together. All persons were agreed as to the desirability of establishing an effective sewerage, and preserving the Thames from pollution. The only question was, by what means could these objects be best promoted. The plan of the Great London Drainage Company consisted of a tunnel sewer on each aide of the river, crossing under the present sewers without dis turbing them, and receiving the contents of each through a shaft. These tunnel sewers would be laid with such ad ditional fall as wodld secure a rapid subterranean current towards the marshes east of the metropolis, where the refuse matter would be carried by mechanical means, and made available for agricultural purposes. This plan was approved of by the City Commission of Sewers, and the Metropo litan Commission not only concurred in but adopted the site of the outran selected by the Great London Drainage Company. The plan was introduced by a bill into pasha ment in 1848. All the standing orders and preliminary proceedings had been complied with, but it was withdrawn on the second reading in consequence of a declaration by the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers that they were prepared with abetter plan. The result, however, was that they adopted the plan originally proposed by this company with some additions. It was therefore determined to renew the application to parliament in the ensuing religion. They had done their duty, and it was now for the public d to come forward and do theirs. With this view he to propose a resolution to the effect that the plan and objects proposed by the Great London Drainage Com pany were deserving of public support, and pledging the meeting to support the undertaking. Th s :lneer of the company seconded the resolution, which A second resolution was else passed, naming h i t. M ildred and Mr. Thompson, of the City of London, as gentlemen who would receive the names of persons willing to become directors. The meeting then separated. COUNTY COURTS.—Thero have been published, by order of the House of Commons, returns of the sums re ceived as clerks' fees by each assistant clerk of the county courts, under the County Courts Bill, in each year since the establishment of the county courts ; and the sum paid over by him to the chief clerk in each year ; of the sums allowed to cash chief clerk, where appointed to more than one district, for rent of office, and the sum paid over by him to each assistant clerk; of the plates of residence of each chief clerk of the county courts, the distance of his resi dence from the nearest town of hie district, and the num ber of times he has attended in that district, and the num ber of days be remained in each place where the court is held in each district ; and the residence of each high bailiff of county courts, the distance of his residence from the nearest town of his district, and the number of times he has attended inthatdistriet, and the number of dayshe remained at each place where the court is held in each district. Nearly all the clerks and high bailiffs reside in the court towns to which they belong. THE NEW REFORM BILL (From tie Daily Nom) TO LORD JOIC RUSSELL MY LORD, LETTER VIII. There were strange things said during the de bates on the Reform Bill in the House of Peers. When a hundred thousand men at Birmingham de clared that they would pa no more taxes if reform WAX denied to them, Lord Eldon reproached the law officers of the crown for not prosecuting those who assented to the resolution. The idea of a hundred thousand state traitors ! That would have been a state trial worthy of Lord Eldon. When the citi zens of London petitioned for the bill, another noble lord comforted the house with the assurance that they did not represent the middle classes o f the country. " The opinions of that class," he said, "are quite opposed to such a measure, as some very respect able tradesmen in the fashionable streets assure mc." Fancy collecting the opinion of the middle class of England at Howell and James's or at Swan and Edgar's! The Duke of Buckingham, patron of a dozen rotten boroughs, took upon himself' to describe what would be the constitution of the house when the Reform Bill passed: " If this measure is carried," said his grace, " we shall have to look for purity of election to the sweeps of Saffron hill ; fur honesty of deportment to the sweet shades of Tower-hill; for elegance of expression to the classical language of Billingsgate ; for statesmanlike subtlety to the ingeniousness of Nlarylelsone. Why, my lords, this 101. clause is so low, that it will give every beggar in London a vote. The majority of electors will be found where the cholera is most prevalent, and the candidate, in collecting their' most sweet voices,' will have to proce ed in the march of plague and pestilence." It is something, I must say, to the credit of the Reform Act, that language of this sort, so insulting to the people, is now but rarely heard, even in the House of Peers. At this time, I believe, such ex pressions could not be used without rebuke ; in those days they elicited "loud cheers." Another favourite observation of the period was, that the Reform Act would open the door of parlia ment to a class of individuals who were unfit to be the associates of " my lords and gentlemen." As the old stock of officials have always been (in their own opinion) the only men who could carry on the busi ness of the country, so the old borough nominees believed that they were the only fit and proper per sons to be the representatives of the feelings of the nation. Hence, in a great measure, the struggle that was made to arrange the constituencies so that " property should have its proper influence:" both parties agreeing to construe " property" in the sense of the largest landowner's estate. If property had its proper influence at this time, I should like to know, my lord, what would be the constitution of the House of Commons? How many members would Manchester and Glasgow have in proportion to the property their constituencies re present? What would be the legislative shore of that borough of Marylebone, which the Duke of Buckingham so much despised, but which contains at this moment property assessed at more than twice the value of the county from which he takes his title? In the proper sense of the word it is any thing but " property " that is at present represented in the present House of Commons. Encumbered estates are represented, just as park walls used to be represented; but it must be a new Reform Bill that adjusts the representation of Great Britain to the pro perty or the population of the nation. One would not so much complain of the represen tation if there was anything about the constitution of the House of Commons that was elastic in its cha racter; that could be made to adjust itself to the varying circumstances and requirements of diffe rent periods; that admitted representation in proportion as new interests developed them selves and required to be represented. The Reform Bill, I believe, was intended to pro duce this, but it has not done so. N 1 hen one sees a population changing their own con dition, it is natural to expect that the representation of that population will also undergo some change. Doubtless this would be so, did the House of Com mons represent the people. And it is one of the strongest proofs that it does not represent the people that there has been no change in tho com position of that house equivalent to the change which has taken place in the occupation of the peop'e themselves, or proportioned to the extension of our commercial and manufacturing interests. Despite the changes of the last twenty years, the peerage and the landed aristocracy exercise as much influence in 1811 as they did in 1832: the manufacturers in parliamer.t have increased, but they have only encroached upon the places of other traders ; and the representations of the landed proprietary and the commercial community remain exactly as they were, and just as if there had been no change whatever in their relative positions in the country. I append the calculation from which I draw these deductions, and which has been framed with some we and a tolerably general knowledge of members of the house. I have classified as " landowners" such men as Mr. Heneage, Sir Wm. Joliffe, Mr. C. Whit more, Mr. S. L. Fox, and Sir James Buller East. Among a manufacturers" I have classified Mr.Kershaw, Mr. John Williams, Mr. Muntz, &e.; among "mer chants and bankers," Mr. Glyn, Mr. Grenfell, Mr. T. Baring, &c. The class who may be represented by Mr. C. Ross, Mr. Hayter, or Mr. G. C. Lewis, I have designated as " officials •," and such members as Mr. C. I'. Villiers, Mr. Roebuck, and Mr. Cardwell, I de scribe as "independent politicians." The other clas sifications seem to need no observation, except that among the "doubtful" I have placed one or two members who owe their seats purely, I believe, to local influence. BONOVON MEMBERS OP ENGLAND AND WALES. Elected u 1832. 185'2. Sons,brothers,andrelativesof Peers 63 156 64 158 Landowners Manufacturers and Traders 27 48 82 88 Merchants and Bankers Officials Independent politicians Lawyers Army and navy 2B 10 Doubtful (say local inflame') Your lordship will see from this that during the last 20 years no sensible alteration has occurred in the composition of the peoples' chamber. Strangely as the times have altered ; eventful as have been the political occurrences of the interval ; fierce as has been the struggling for civil and religious freedom, for corporate reform, for church reform, for justice to Ireland, for free trade—whatever may be the ques tion of the day, however frepnently ministries may change, or whoever may be victor, the House of Commons, in its great essentialities, remains the same. How is this to be accounted for? How, but by supposing that there is behind the curtain of the state some power which controls the main aspect of the power. And what can that power be but the influence of the peerage and of the landed proprietary of which the peerage is composed? That power holds in its grasp the whole of the county and nearly one half the borough representation of the king dom: we observe it not only maintainin g its ascendancy, and even gradually improving its position. This occurs, too, at the very moment when it is complain ing of " ruin"—of its own subversion and almost an nihilation! Curious as the foregoing table is, a still more striking and startling fact remains behind. This table shows you the state of things at the present time compared with 1832. But what will your lordship say when I tell you that, going a little further back, namely, to the ante-reform parliament of 1830, the comparison demonstrates that no sensible alteration was occasioned in the representa tion of the country by the passing of that bill, and that consequently one of its great objects and pur poses was ineffectual ? My lord, strange as it may seem, this is really so. From lapse of time, and want of the intimate personal knowledge which is essen tial to its preparation, I am unable to give so com plete a tabular view of the case as the foregoing, but the result of an examination of the lists of the bo rough members of 1830 is this. Thera were, no doubt, a larger number of peers relatives and land owners in parliament ; but then your lordship will remember that there were more boroughs. There ' was, also, a larger proportion of military and naval' officers, and a larger number of officials, and fewer independent politicians. But the real test is the number of " merchants, bankers, and traders" returned to the House of Commons by that par liament. I find, my lord, that there were 87; and you will observe that there are at this time 88 ! I do not know, indeed, but that I am much below the mark in putting the number at 87. Were I to follow the classification published at that time, I should place it higher; for I find in an account compiled, I believe, originally for the Spectator newspaper, the following statement of the mercantile and trading men having seats in parliament in 1830: 33 are Bankers. 62 are connected with the East Indis Company. 34 are connected with the West India trade. 61 are engaged in Trade and general Manufsetnres. It is clear to me, however, that in this account some members who were both Bankers and East India proprietors, or otherwise, are reckoned in each rapacity; but if I only took the East India and West India merchants, I should get 96 for my figure, or 9 above the estimate I myself have given you. The truth then is, my lord, that the Reform Bill has not answered the purpose of equalising more fairly the representation of the great classes of the nation. It has not answered the purpose, either, of opening the door to the best men of all parties interested in the business of the state. The door of parliament is as close barred as ever to men who are not of the aristocracy or of the rich. And the reason is that one half of the borough representation still is a monopoly, and only a " representation" by the fiction of a name. In the Hit I have given above there is an entire absence of one class, and that the largest amongst us. There arc at the present time in the House of Commons many excellent and independent minded members, who possess, and deservedly pos sess, the confidence of the working classes of the country. It was anticipated that tho Reform Act would give the more respectable portion of the work ing classes some share of representation. That was intended by the promoters of the bill ; or if they did not intend it, what was the meaning of the 101. franchise? Now, my lord, any one who knows the large towns of England well knows that among the in dustrial classes in many of those towns there is to be found as large a share of intelligence and political capacity as is to be found in any community. From my own knowledge of the House of Commons, and of the town of Birmingham, I would undertake, in four and twenty hours, to produce a man from the Birmingham workshops, who, on any subject of debate in parliament, would put to shame and confu sion most c I the " honourable gentlemen " -who usually rise to address the speaker before half-past ten. This intelligence, too, is growing: it is at this very time applyiug itself to subjects which not many years ago were usually supposed to be confined to the range of higher minds. Look at the philo sophical and scientific publications now produced at the lowest prices, and which find a ready sale in the manufacturing districts. Mark the information upon foreign affairs recently exhi bited by the people during the progress of Louis Kossuth through the large towns of Eng land. What class was best informed upon the Corn question ? I answer, the working class of Lan cashire. Where will you find most information (wrongly or rightly directed) on the difficult ques tion of the Currency? I reply among the manufac turing artisans of Birmingham. My lord, we ma r e talk of the devotion of our aristocracy to the peoples interest; wo may prate of the intimate association there is between the middle classes and the la bourers; wo may find reasons very satisfactory to ourselves why Mr. So-and-so should sit for such apiece in preference to any one else; but I ask you is it not a reproach, does it not prove that the Reform Bill has not answered the purposes for which it was designed, that during the 20 years that have elapsed since it became the constitution of the country, not a sinyle trod:lay Malt has jininil his way into the House of Cummmts! Take the world through, and I doubt, my lord, if there is any popular legislature of which the same thing can be said. I believe, for my own part, that the constitution of this country contemplates that the artisan class shall be represented as well as any other class; and though some of the " Lord Fannvs " might faint at the idea of seeing a healthy looking black smith walk up to the table of the house to take the oaths, Ido not believe that your lordship's good sense and constitutional principle would be affrighted at the apparition. When we consider the great pre ponderance of artisans in many of our towns, it seems strange that no one of their own class should, on any occasion,havc been selected toattend the House of Commons upon their behalf. Bold as some may deem the view, I think the constituency would be 'highly • to be admired that did send such a men. But perhaps these are topics which may more pro , perly be considered when we are looking to another branch of the subject. In treating, how ever, of the effect the Reform Bill has had upon the representation of the nation, I could not overlook a fact so glaring as that no single member of the great working class, to whom it was proposed to give a share of the representation, has ever yet found his way into the house. My lord, were I to tarn from a consideration of those who are not in the House of Com mons to the survey and contemplation of those who are, 1 think it probable that my won der and surprise at the working of tho act of 1832, would be in no slight degree augmented. As one who has had some experience of that house, I must candidly confess I think its composition very capable of improvement. When my mind reverts to some of the debates which I have heard —when I re the vision of some of the scenes that I have witnessed—certainly I do not feel entirely con vinced that the House of Commons is either the most intellectual or the best behaved assembly in the world. But, my object is not to disparage honourable members. I shall have fulfilled my design if I have succeeded in correcting your lordship's notions of the constitution and representation of England; and in demonstrating to you that the representation of the people is neither what it ought to be in proportion to the interests of the country, nor what the nation con templated it would be under the Reform Act. Your Lordship's most obedient, RUNNYMEDE. A MAGISTRATE CONVICTED OP TRESP.tSS.—A good deal of interest was created at Both on Saturday, by the hearing, before the county magistrates, of two cases in which a couple of justices of the peace had ranged them selves against each other as complainant and defendant. There was a full bench of magistrates, Major Blathwayte of Dyrham-park, presiding ; and the court was crowded'hy respectable persons who took great interest in the proceed ings. F. T. Allen, Esq., of Grosvernor-house, one of the borough magistrates, and a member of the Western Circuit, was summoned, together with his servant, Isaac Bence, for trespassing . upon lands in the pariah of Bathampton, on the 23rd inst., an pursuit of rabbits ; the complainant being P. C. Sheppard, Esq., of the Manor-house, Bathampton, and one of the magistrates for the borough and county. On the 23rd inst., Mr. Allen and his servant were out shooting rabbits upon Hampton Down, and as they were passing through a wood, they were met by Mr. E. Sheppard, brother to complainant, who at once charged Mr. Allen with trespassing, and said that he had heard two double shots. Mr. Allen replied that he had only had one double shot, and that the path in which he was then standing was a public one. An altercation ensued during which it was alleged that both gentlemen called each other liars, when Mr. Sheppard, who was greatly excited, and the first to use the offensive epithet, holding his gun up with both hands threatened to strike Mr. Allen on the head with it if he re pftted the expression. Fortunately; however, no actual breach of the peace took place, and the gentlemen sepa rated. Mr. P. C. Sheppard subsequently took out a sum mons against Mr. Allen for trespass; and Mr. Allen caused • cross summons to be issued against Mr. E. Sheppard fbr an assault. Mr. Allen, it appears, was allowed by the late lord of the manor to shoot rabbits on the Hampton estate, and he has continued to exercise the privilege occasionally without seeking any formal renewal of it from the present owner, Captain Allen, from whom Mr. Sheppard has se cured the right. After a private consultation, Major Math. wayte expressed the regret felt by the bench at having to adjudicate between two of their brethren, but added that as the case had unfortunately been brought before them they had uo other course than to administer justice strictly. They considered that a case of trespass had been proved, and therefore fined Mr. Allen 40s. and costs, and his ser vant Is. The charge of smolt, which consisted in the threat used during the altercation above noticed, was then gone into, and the magistrates , considering the charge proved, in dicted upon Mr. Sheppard also a fine of 40s. and costs. PUTNEY BRIDGE. Among the improvements called forth by the increased locomotive propensities of the age, we note one which is likely to be productive of much convenience and advantage to the public.l I The old, un sightly, inconvenient, and dangerous bridges on the Thames have one by one given way to more safe and elegant struc tures. The bridge across the river from Fulham to Putney still remains a serious obstruction to the navigation. For the requirements of a century ago the existing bridge was doubtless sufficient ; but the enormous increase of the traffic, more especially of steamers, calls for a bridge less dangerous to vessels and passengers. To effect this object a company has been formed, with the view of obtaining an art of parliament conferring the necessary powers. The new company propose to construct a handsome iron bridge. ; —Glob*. TILE THREATENED ENGINEERS' STRIKE. To-night the Amalgamated Society of Engineers intend to hold a public meeting in the city, and there seems little doubt that the question of " strikes" will occupy a considerable amount of public atten tion, until the serious existing differences between the engineers and their workmen are arranged. Let us offer a few facts to the serious conekkra lion of the leaders who are preparing, and the dupes who may have joined, the industrial coup it flat threatened in Manchester. Before the Amalgamated Society of Engineers carry their re pugnance of overtime and piecework to the threat ened extent of stopping work on and after New Year's-day, they will do well to reflect upon the cruelty and injustice which a persistance in the course indicated by their manifesto must inevitably occasion among the great majority of their own body. The worst brunt of the contest must indeed fall upon the weakest members of the very class whose interests the " Amalgamated Society" pre tend to advocate. The employers can take care of themselves. Encountering the " Society" with its own weapons, a large body of masters have combined for their own protection. The heads of between eighty and one hundred manufacturing firms in Lan cashire and London have declared their determina tion to stand or fnll together, and have resolved that, immediately upon a "strike" among the work men of any one of them a concertaneous suspen sion of business should ensue, and the whole num ber should close their doors and dismiss their hands —amounting in the agg regate to nearly one hundred thousand—without further warning. Harsh as this proceeding would appear, and innocent as may he the greater number of the victims included in the sentence, it is bat the natural retaliation for the blockade with which the engineers have threatened their establishments. Otherwise, as Mr. SIIARP urged at the late meeting of manufacturers, the masters must be sacrificed in detail through the in fluence of a "small but noisy class of agitators," whe have begun by poisoning the minds of the employed. in the hope of ultimately succeeding in dictating their own terms to the employers. The various laws which have from time to time been placed upon the statute-roll nnder the title of Combination Acts, border closely upon the clam of sumptuary enactments whose operation, during • trial of many centuries, has always proved either injurious or futile. To prescribe how the rich man shall spend his money, or the poor man his strength —to fix by legal ordinance the limits of outlay, or the severity and the reward of labour—has, at in tervals, often been a subject of ambition to law makers, and prompted them to enact laws which modern political science has ranked in the list of legislative absurdities. Such interferences with individual free agency have, indeed, been 1011 g since pronounced unendurable in this country. " Violent or void," even from the beginning. they caused much oppression by their enforcement, or much immo rality in their evasion ; and are now contemp tuously tossed away, to be new trimmed, new fashioned, and turned inside out, by tho or ganisers of labour of the Loris BLANC school. It has thus happened that all the lacy', some of them dating back to the reign of EDWARD 1., by which the working class were tied flown to " the market rate of wages," or else more specifically fix ing, by an arbitrary standard, how many hours shall he the day's work, and how many pence sterling tho day's pay for labourers, artifieers, and handicrafts men in their various capacities,—have one and all fallen into early, if not immediate. desuetude. The celebrated Wages Act of Enwann 111., passed in 1350, in order to stop the 'hie in the labo ur market, cansemient upon the depopulation occasioned by the dreadful plague of the two preceding years, shared the same fate; and an act passed seventy years later —which may he called the first combination act — making it * felony for labourers of certain classes to " confederate or combine" together for the purpose of raising wages above the statutory rate, turned out in practice scarcely more efficacious than its prede , cessors. Legislators who thus try to fetter the 'free element of human toil, are sure to be baffled is the attempt. As well might they endeavour to chain the waters. The natural law of supply and demand will always override the law of parliament. Extremes, however, lead too often to opposite ex tremes. The frequent and oppressive interferences with the operatives sanctioned by the legislature during past centuries have now resulted in accord ing them the widest license, and in the with drawal of all legislative protection from their em ployers. As summed up to the act of taco, the sweeping nuige of meaning assigned to the terms" con spiracy and "combination," as well as the penalties affixed to those offences, were no doubt unwarranta bly rigorous against the workmen. But the severi ties which that act legalised could hardly have oc casioned greater wrong or more cruel sufferings to the operatives themselves, than have been expe rienced by them during the incessant stokes that have followed its abrogation. The committee that sat in 1t424 were doubtless able to till the pages of their report with many narratives of tyranny and greed among the masters. Still the interval was a wide one between providing the workmen with protection against their employers,or, by inducing the legislature to repeal the existing Combination Act, having them without a still more necessary protection against themselves. Yet this was the course adopted, and the result has shown the development of evils worse even than the misery of the employed, the ruin of the employers, or the widespread stoppage and dislo cation of trade. Bad as these may be, they are sur rin flagrancy by the distrust and hatred that e ed been inspired between the respective classes, and the crimes with which multitudes of the mis guided individuals implicated in the "strikes" have blasted a career of previously innocent and honourable . . industry Our police reports a few days since presented an example of the melancholy demoralisation which a "strike" seems inevitably to induce among the work men engaged in it. For some time past it had be come matter of public notoriety that the men em ployed upon the establishment of Messrs. MYERS, who are great builders and contractors in Lambeth, had " struck work." Into the causes of disagree ment we need not enter; they were essentially frivo lous, and we rejoiced to hear a week or two w that a compromise had been effected, and the men were gone back to their work. Both employers and workmen had of course lost much by the tempo rary stoppage of business. The former, having heavy contracts on hand, endeavoured to prevent their building operations from coming to a total lock by engaging what new hands they coud pick up on the moment; while the old workmen, on resuming their employment, treated these interlopers, as they called them, in a manner which exemplified how sin -1 core was their own regard for that "justice to the workman" they had just been so loudly invoking against their principals. The evidence offered to Mr. ELLIOTT, the presiding magistrate at Lambetk Police-office, discloses a course of mean and disgrace ful brutality, perpetrated towards men whore only fault was that of having ventured to take wages and do work in au establishment where the regular hands were " on strike." Their clothes were wan tonly destroyed, their tools purloined, blocks of wood —and, in one case, at least, a more dangerous were pelted at them, and they were pointed out in the street as " black sheep° for contumely, if not for more practical injury, among their fellow-workmen. Ono man who at tempted to defend himself when assaulted, and took up an adze in self-preservation, was overpowered and shamefully maltreated. In the end, one and all of the new comers were so injured or intimidated, that they were forced to leave the service. Mr. MYERS appears to have been kept much in the dark as to the disorderly proceedings in his own workshop, and the warning he once gave in a elffee-shop in the Bel vedere-mad—a place of resort for the men—that he would prosecute any who dared to intimidate or ill-treat any of his employes, was totally disregarded. His foreman was evidently in league with the old hand., and when the injured men came to him with complaints, offered them no redress, but simply re commended them to succumb to tho petty tyrants I around, and quit their employments forthwith. All this is very discreditable to the workmen of the metropolis—for the acts were too methodical and too long sustained for us to doubt that the conduct pwsned towards the "interloping" hands at Mean. MYER3' establishment was part of a system, and sanc tioned by the secret self-constituted code of " workman's * law," which, WI wo know from other symptoms, sways almost to a degree of terrorism the destinies of vast multitudes among the operative