The Express. — London, England, 1853-07-26 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. MOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY, JULY 25. Tu. Loup CUANCILLUIt took his seat at 6 o'clock. SUMMARY JURISDICTION (IRELAND) BILL.— PEI CY SESSIONS (IRELAND) BILL, These bills severally went through committee, and were reported to the house. SUCCESSION DUTY BILL. _ - - - -------. On the question that the house go into committee oa this bill, Lord St. LEONARD'S said he was desirous of shortly stating what he apprehended were the objections to the bill. The noble earl at the head of the government had spoken of its being • popular measure. Tbere was, how ever, but little to justify the assertion. Ile might have said that it was not unpopular, because there had been no petitions against it; and the reason why there hail not been was because it was of • nature which did not draw down immediate opposition, and for that very reason it ought to be discussed. It was, moreover, a bill which the gene rah', of mankind could not understand; for it would always require • clever attorney. When the bill mot 'lto full operaisen, no man could live under its administration without a It k ial adviser constantly at his elbow. (A laugh.) lie calls d on both sides of the house to oppose the bill, for it was not a party question. (Ironical cheen thou the raj. 'tigerish benches.) Ile repeated that this was not a party question. (Renewed cheers and much laughter.) The time would come when the bill would pinch every man in the house, and tl.ey would then remember what he told them, that it was not a party measure. What was the necessity for this b. 11? The government had sought the necessity. (Loud cheers from the opposition.) It did not raise They had created the necessity in order to provide fur it by this very coercive measure. The de fenders of the bill said, let us have equality of taxation. That was very just ; but, tint of all, they must look at the burdens on lend. The noble earl behind him (Derby) had pet that quietens strongly; but let tnem look at the land tax alone. It was charged originally, not only on land, but really money and debts. It was now, however, paid only by the land ; and why was it not charged on personal estate? Only because of the difficulty of levying it. It was his in elation to move several amendments. He should propose that where • tenant for life had paid a bights duty than one per cent., persons of his family on coming in after him should pay only the same amount. Ile should also propose that where • settlement hail been made by • man in his lifetime on the marriage of any of his children, the death of any person interested under the settlement in his (the settler's) lifetime, should not be subject to duty. In the Act of 1796, audio all subse quent acts, there was an express exception in favour of pro perty pawing from the husband to the wife, or from the wile to the husband. Ile should propose to introduce such an ex ception into the present bill. He should also propose that whatever was subject to duty under the Legacy Act should not be subject to it under this bill ; and, me he did not see why property should not descend from brother to sister in the Mai MIAMI' that it descended from brother to brother, he should introduce an amendment to meet that ease. He implored their lordships to listen to his amend ments, with the view of putting what appesred likely to be a permanent measure ou the toast objectionable footing. The noble and learned lord, in conclusion, addressed him self to the bench of Matteis, and hoped that they would not be parties to filing this bill, with all its obnoxious de tails, on their fellow-citisens. (Hear, hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR said that so large a portion, indeed almost the whole of has noble and learned friend's speech, had tuined span the details sad different clauses of tho bill, that he would be justified in simply moving that the house resolve itself into committee on the bill, when the objections of hie noble and learned friend could be answered clause by clause. Bat some of his noble and learned friend's observations being of a mere general cha racter, there was throughout the whole of his speech such 7:exaggeration—(hear, hear)—he spoke it not Ain -I y—there was such an extravagant colouring as to the supposed operation of the measure, that he did not feel jus- Hardin moving that the house resolve itself into eommittee without making a few observations in reply to his noble and learned friend. His noble and learned friend said that there was nothing to show that the measure was popular in the country, and he followed that observation by ad mitting that there was nothing en the other hand to show that it was unpopular. Now, with regard to taxation, be would leek, if it was possible for the imagination of any man to devise • tax which would be popular ? (Hear, hear.) All that could be expected was that the tax was not um popular, for to ozone popularity for • tax was out of the question. (Hear, hear.) His noble and ;earned friend said that the operation of the measure was not understood la the country. He (the Lord Chancellor) believed the real objection was that they thought it was understood in tie country—that it was an attempt to extend to the property of the landlords a burden which was borne by other kinds of property. (Hear, hear.) The owners of personal perty paid a legacy duty, and they felt that in property psid a legacy duty, and they felt that in justice all the landed proprietors should be put he same category with themselves. There were two principles, so to say, in the bill—the first was, that where se personalty and land brought into the same class as per sonalty was now subject to legacy duty, they were going to subject real property—nomininies—to the same kind of duty. It might be • bad feeling of human nature, but it was found in the human heart, that those who were subject to the tax on personal estate should wish to see the same principle extended to others. The second principle of the ill was of a cognate nature. It was this, that whereas there was now a duty imposed on property left by will there was nothing to militia property left by settlement to exemption from contributing to the burdens of the state. (Hear, hear.) These were the two ptinciples of the bill ; sad unless it could be shown that they could not be carried Into effect without a manifest' violation of justice and pro priety, there was no reason why they should not pre ttied with the bill in committee. (Hear, hear.) He 'aped their lordships would not hesitate to do so, feeling, as he did, that the measure was one in unison with the spirit of general and universal justice—that it was a bill, the propriety of which was felt by the country at brae ; and having passed the other house by large majori ties, h e trusted their lordships would not incur the danger of resisting • measure which had been received with such universal approbation. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of WINCHILIOLA said that be regretted he did riot know the bill was to be read • second time on Fri day last, as he should have felt it to be his duty to divide the house, even if he stood alone, against the principle of the bill, which was unjust in its nature, and affirded grounds for litigation and oppreserion. (Hear, hear.) It was the most obnoxious, cruel, detestable an d odious act that could be placed on the statute book. The house then went into committee. Clause 1 was agreed to. On clause 2, The Earl of DERBY said that he roes for the purpose of proposing the first of the amendments of which he bad riven notice; and having already addressed their lordships OD the principles and main details of the bill to which he objected almost as strongly as his noble friend, it would be unpardonable in him it be were now to detain their lord ships at any great length. But, before moving his amend- , sent, he must be permitted to answer what bad been ' hinted at by the noble earl opposite on Friday night, and by Ms noble and learned lord to-night, as to the den serous consequences which might arise from making lay alterations, or amending in the slightest degree, the provisions of the bill. He was fully aware that ac cording to the privileges of the Howse of Commons, It was very difficult for their lordships to introduce amend ments into a money bill which had been agreed to by that house. But their lordships did sometimes amend such bills, aad he had been informed of one instance of this kind when the House of Commons did not accept the amend ment which bad been made by the House of Lords, but threw out the bill altogether, and then intro duced and passed • new bill, founded on the same principles se the amendments which had been introduced by their lordships. If their lordships did not possess such a power of amendment, then as far as the finances and taxes were eoncerned they would be an institution for merely record lag the decrees of the other house of parliament. (Hear.) Be respected the privileges of the other home, and would sot interfere with them by amending bills of trifling im portance ; but he would never consent to say, that however Iniquitous the provisions of a bill, the magic words " This to a money bill," were to preclude their lordships from bestowing any cemideration upon it. (Hear, hear.) The first amendment he proposed to move was in the second clams, line two, to strike out the words " past er" so that it would run—" every future disposition of property ;" thus making it apply to every person dying after the peering of the set. If this proposition were rejected he should think it idle to propose si milar alterations in the subsequent clauses, except on the 31th relating to reversioners. If the amendment were assented to ' it would be net-weary to introduce cor responding words in other clauses, so as to make the whole bill prospective instead of retrospective. These alterations would considerably mitigate the insuperable objections which he felt to it. The Earl of ABERDEEN said he was still unable to un derstand the course pursued by the noble lord. Lord Win shams had spoken with perfect consistency; he had called Hie bill iniquitous, odious, and detestable, and had given it So mine character as Lord Derby had done on the previous stage. He complained that he bad no opportunity of voting tirgainst the 'creed rending ; but ample opportunity had been given ; and if noble hada opposite meant to be eon- I &tint, they ought to have acted upon it. What was the Moon given by Lord Derby for not doing so? He truly acid that this bill was the cornerstone and foundation of the flaiusciel scheme, that all the financial arrangements for the year depended upon this tar ; an 1 that as ho did not wish to destroy that fosudation he would not oppose the mead reading of this bill. That might have been admitted had his amendment. boon consistent with the preservation Of that edifice. Bat when his first emends's!, was such eie totally to destroy the whole of the bill, with what since rity c mid he profess tenderness and a desire to preserve ib fosiadati.in (Hear, hear.) The practical effect et the amendment would be this, that in the first year the would not receive a single farthing from this tax ; and with regard to all settled property, it wool 1 be postponedto another g ties—from 30 to 50 years; and this the noble lied Called P the corner-stone of the financial m eo or the year. ear. hear.) Whatever regard he might affect for the smaller proprietors, he must boom per. hotly well that ha plan of fact settled estates wore always' those of the eoseibnabla, the large proprietors of the coon- My. (No.) The flies dames rarely made such settle ments es those whleh panted over an elder son. The evi. deuce of the monllmearlomead persons examined before their lordship,' COMIMMINI OM the bard-ris on land showed that nibs oat elm at the wills of persons in the middle ranks of life won e• bade as to suit the exigencies of and were each ae to come ander the legacy duty. Ia point of fact the persons for whom the noble earl sa pient* so mach rimpathy were at this very moment THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 26, 1853, liable to the legacy duty, but the feeling which dictated the opposition to this bill was the same which wasted the " bold barons" of former years, who sought and obtained an exemption from some of the pecuniary burdens borne by their fellow men. Now that was precisely the objection that was made to the bill ;it brought the bold barons" under a law that was applicable to the whole community, and though that was an objection to the bill with some, it was an argument in its favour with others. it was perfectly true, as bad been remarked by his noble and learned friend on the woolsack, that no tax could be popular in itself, but the justice of a tax might render it popular in its prin ciple, and in that sense this measure might be said to be popular. It made the law equal in its operation, and the people were therefore satisfied with it. It was all very well to say the tax was not understood cut of doors, and that was the reason there had been no petitions against it; but if it had been possible to obtain petitions against it, there were not wanting persons to make it under stood. (Hear, hear.) If it had been found practicable to get up suck petitions, people would have been enlightened upon the subject ; but, said the noble and learned lord opposite, this was not the place where such pe titions would he found, it was to the other house that they would have been sent. The noble earl had denouncid this tax in strong language, as being not only unjust, but uncalled for. The noble lord, in point of feet, said it was only proposed to fill up a deficiency which had been im properly created in the Exchequer, but let him ask ;the noble earl this question ; if this tax was so abominable, so oppressive, and so injurious in every respect, bow came he to agree to the riMi.lloll of those taxes which called this measure into existence T (Hear, hear.) But the noble earl's objection to this form of taxation must be somewhat new ; for, if he was not mis taken, the principle of a succession tax was more than once announced by the late gov.-rnmeat. No, nu.") Noble lords opposite cried " No," but on a reference to Hansard his found, that on the 3rd of December last the following statement was made in the House of Commons by a mem ber of the noble earl's government. The Earl of DERBY rose to order. It was a rule—more !towered in the breach than the observance, it was true — not to refer to matters which might have taken place in the other house of parliament ; but he could save the noble earl the trouble of reading the report, by simply answering him that of his own knowledge no proposition for a suc cession tax was ever entertained or contemplated by the late government. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of ABEILDEEN said the noble earl rose to speak to order, but instead of doing so be had msde a statement which was entirely at variance with an announcement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made to the House of Commons.. _ . _ . The Earl of DERBY insisted that be had risen to order, and had distinctly 'plan to order, for he submitted that the noble earl would be out of order in reading what he supposed the noble earl was about to do—a newspaper re port of something which had transpired during the present sissies in *he other house of parliament. (Hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN said he would endeavour to keep in order, but he must be permitted to read what was reported to have been sail by sianebody in another plaice. This person was represented to have made use of these expressions We have carefully examined the question of the stamp and legacy duty, and we think it not impos Bible that en t►e right occasion, and at the proper time, it will be necessary to proposes duty on successions. (Cheers.) Again, In the 16th of December, he found this was sup posed to have been said iu another place We have con sidered also the question of the stamp duties, so (arks they affect the transfer of land, and we must, sooner or later, have to meet the question of the legacy and probate duty, when we may have to consider the expediency of proposing to parliament a duty on succes sions." (Cheers.) lie gathered therefore from these psa• sages that some of the noble earl's late colleagues were pre pared to consider this question, mid the proposal therefore which the government now made could hardly be looked upon as of that monstrous character which the noble earl represented it to be. (Hear, hear.) However, if the house chose to adopt his amendment, be should leave it for the Holm of Commons to deal with the matter as they thought proper. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of HARDWICKB explained that he did not oppose the second reading of the bill, because he was not averse to the principle of taxing successions ; but it did not follow that, because he abstained from opposing the second reading, that he was to be precluded from resisting any of its details in committee. Earl GRAN VILLE said it had been denied that there was any intention on the part of the late government to propose anything in the shape of a succession tax, but be was under the gallery at the time when the late Chancellor of the Exchequer made the statement to which his noble friend referred, and it certainly seemed strange to him as it must be to other noble lords who heard it, to find the hon. gentleman who cheered the statement so lustily, now opposing this measure. It was also strange that the matter was never explained either in that house or at the Mansion-house (a laugh), where an opportunity was now &Boded for sued explanatioas, if the late cabinet re pudiated the statement of their Chancellor of the Exche quer ; hut the fact was, there seemed to be the same dif ference of opiniun now between the beads of the late go vernment. The Duke of CLEVELAND supported the amendment. He objected to the unfairness and inequality of the tax. I He should give • conscientious vote upon this question, as be did upon all others, and without any reference to party considerations. (The noble duke, who spoke across the table, with his back to the reporters, was inaudible through the greater part of his speech). The Duke of ARGYLL said the noble duke afforded an other instaree of the many misconceptions which were entertained with regard to this measure, for he had adduced an instance of • legacy being left to a servant charged on reel estate having to pay the full amount of legacy duty. That could not bu the effect of this bill, but of the existing law, and no doubt • servant so taxed would feel himself unjustly treated when he saw the heir-at-law in herit the estate itself without paying any tax at all. (Hear, bear.) It was to remedy such injustice that the government had brought forward the present bill. It had been stated over and over again that the measure proposed to lay the seine burden on realty as on personalty ; but that was a grievous mistake, for the tax on realty would not be much more than one-half. They would deduct all local taxation and all costs of repair, anti the tax would be levied on life interest alone. In conclusion, he denied the correctness of the assertion of the noble end keened lord, that the measure had been gratuitously brought forward by the govern ment, for he contended that the immediate necessity for it had arisen from the financial policy of the late go vernment. When they returned to power, as in the ordi nary vicissitudes of party warfare they would, he congra tulated them that they would be unincumbered by any of those opinions which drove them into such mis taken principles. The present bill could not long have bees delayed. The injustice of taxing per sonal property whilst realty did not bear an equal burden was manifest; and, there was a growing feeling in the conatry in favour of inch a tax which probably, at no distant period, would have had to be imposed in • less acceptable form: instead of a tax upon life interest, it might then have been on capital value. (Hear, hear.) Lord ST. LEONARDS merely wished to say, with reference to the observation of the noble duke that the succession duty would be preferable to the income tax, that the proposition was to impose them both. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE denied that such was the proposition of the government. The character of the financial system of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was, that as the one tax gradually proceeded to be realised, the other (the income tax) should gradually be lessened, and at last estinguishei. And that very extinction of the income tax which the noble and learned lord represented was to be continued could only be extinguished by their lordships adopting this succession tax. (Hear, hear.) He would not trouble their lordships with any fur ther observations. He would simply remark, in con clusion, that if the amendment were rejected it would be in the power of parliament ultimately to make. its election between the succession tax and the income tax ; and that, while he believed the system of finance involved in the bill to be • sound ;one, he also thought that only one great direct duty need be permanently maintained. Their lordships then divided, when there appeared: For the amendment—Contents Non contents Majority for the government In reply to a question from the Earl of DIUDY, The LORD CHANCELLOR said the amount of duty payable on real estate and on settled personal estate would be exactly the same as was now paid on bequeathed personal estate. If the noble earl should discover that 20,000/. bad been settled on himself, with a reversion to his son, and afterwards to his son's son, the noble earl would pay 6001. for his life interest, his son would do the same, and his son's son would pay 2,0001., or 10 per cent. upon the capitalised income. _ _ Clauses 2 to 8 inelusies were agreed to almost without disausion. On clause J. The Earl of Dense, following Earl Powts, who was scarcely audible. wished to be informed whut was the inten tion of her Majesty's government with regard to corpora tions sole. The LORD CHANCELLOR said corporations sole were almost ell ecclesiastical, and were not strictly subjects for a succession tax. Instead of being paid • salary, they were paid ly a real estate, which de volved upon one after another. The hierarchy of the church and rectors and vicars were successors of such a na tam that it was considered impossible to bring them under the operation of the bill. Clauses 9, 10, and 11 were then agreed to. After a few observations from the Earl of CLANCARTY, clauses 12 to 21 inclusive were also agreed to. On clause 22, which related to outgoings, The Earl of MALMESBURY wished to know what was intended by the term " neeemary outgoings." The Duke of ARGYLL said it was impossible to specify in an act et parliament the necessary outgoings on an es tate. It had been thought best, on the whole, to lean such matters in the ordinary course. No doubt the usual deductions would be allowed under the bill, After • short conversation the clause was agreed to. Clauses up to 26 were agreed to. On clause 26, wisich relates to the duty on the value of mines, The Earl of DERBY said the clause was an impossible one, because it was simply out of any man's power to ascertain the value cf a mine. Earl GRAN ~'ILLE oheerv.d that the value or the mine was to be ascertained according to the ordinary mods of letting. After a few words from Lord Tacao and the Earl of DERBY, the chum was agreed to, as were clause up to 34. On clause 34, which imposes the duty on the successor to the full amount of the property, although a part of it might have been previously eaten up by encuntheauee, The Earl of DERBY said he was not going to move en amendment on this clause, which would not be received by their lordship', but he could not allow it to pass with Out pointing out its manifest injustice. If a man succeeded to an estate of 20,0001. a year, of which all but 6,0001. had been anticipated abd eaten up by the encumbrances of the predecessor, be wu taxed not on the 5,0001. which he did re ceive, but on the amount which he might receive but did not receive. If the property had been actually parted with to the same amount, instead of being mortgaged, the tax could not be levied, and, therefore, it seemed to be the grossest injustice to levy it when, to all intents and purposes, it was parted with as - far as the successor was concerned. Earl GRANVILLE said that it was impossible to legis late so as to meet every possible case that might arise. But if they once admitted the principle of exemptions like this, it would be likely to lead to great evasion of the duty. For instance, a man with an estate of the capital value of 120,0001. might make a colourable mortgage of 100,0001., so that the duty would be paid only on 20,0001. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that a man may raise money on the reversion even for legitimate purposes, invest ing it in trade, for instance, and under such circumstances, was be to he exempt although be might be getting 10 or 15 Per cent. on the money so invested? The Earl of DERBY said that in that case the duty would be paid both on the money invested on the trade, and on the property on which it was botroeed.; After a few words from Lord Truro, the Earl of liar rowby, Earl Granville, and the Earl of Malmesbury, The LORD CHANCELLOR said there was a body called the Reversionary Fund Society, whose business it was to purchase up reversions; and it was singular, if this clause involved so much injustice, that not • single word of com plaint had been beard from that body. (Hi ar, hear.) The clause was then agreed to, as were the following clauses up to clause 48. On clause 49, The LORD CHANCELLOR stated, in answer to Lord Hardwick, tnat the disclosing of confi iential information received under the provisions of this act, would be treated as a misdemeanour. Allusion had been made to the case of the Newcastle corporation Icuing 7,0001. a year, by the production of their title deeds in • court of law ; but the fact was, they lost it because it (Hear, hear.) After a conversation, in which the Earl of ?SALIM BURT, Earl GRANVILLE, and other peers took part, the clause was agreed to. On clause 54, The Earl of MALMESBURY wished to know why the bill was to operate from the 19th of May. Was it the Chancellor of the Exchequer's birthday ? (Laughter.) Earl GRANVILLE said a few words in reply, and the clause was then armed to. The Earl of DERBY was understood to state, in the con fusion caused by most of the peers leaving the house, that he should not press his nmendmeat for restricting the ope ration of the act to five years. The remaining clauses were agreed to, after a valedictory protest from the Earl of ILtagowny against the " injus tice " of the bill, which elicited a short reply from the LORD CHANCFLLOR and Lord TRURO. _ The house then resumed, the bill was reported, end the third reading fired fora subsequent day. COLONIAL CHURCH REGULATION BILL. This bill was read s third time and passed. MISSIONARY BISHOPS BILL. The Bishop of OXFORD moved the second reading of this bill. Its object was to authorise the placing of a bishop at the head of the foreign missions of the Church of England. Earl Powis, the Earl of Malmesbury, the Bishop of Salis bury, and the Marquis of Salisbury, having expressed their opinions on the bill— The Earl of ABERDEEN expressed a fear that the bill might lead to very serious inconveniences. At the same time, the protection required for the bishops would be no greater than for the missionaries. After • few words from the Earl of MALMISBURT and the Bishop of Oxeunc, the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Their lordships then adjourned, at 10 minutes to 12 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY, JULY 25. The S took the chair at I o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the foliating bills were con siAered and agreed to : British Electric Telegraph Com pany ; London and North Western Railway (Northamp ton. tic.) ; London and North Western Railway (St. Albans, &el ; West Harptry Road ; Bills. The Banbridge, Dublin, Newry, and Belfast Junction Railway Bill; the Galway Improvement Bill; and the Warrington and Altrineham Junction Railway (Warring ton) Bill were read a third time and passed. The Duke of latholl's Estate Bill and Treffry's Estate Bill were read a second time and ordered to be committed. EASTERN UNION RAILWAY. Mr. COBBOLD moved that the consideration of the ape chil report on the Eastern Union Railway (recommitted) Bill, and the third reading, be taken to-morrow. Sir G. Pechell, Mr. John Macgregor, and Mr. Cardwell opposed the motion, and ultimately the latter part of it wu withdrawn. The special report was ordered to be considered in doe course, Sir G. B. PECIIELL moved that the opponents of the Eastern Union Railway Bill be at liberty to print the evi deace taken before the committee on the bill, at the expense of the opponents, if they think fit. The motion was agreed to, after a few wo:de from Mr. W. PATTRN. PUBLIC BUSINESS. ENTRY OF SEAMEN BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Captain SCOBELL submitted that there ought to be some explanation of its object. The bill was introduced at a late hour of the nijfht and read a second time between one and two o'clock in the morning without any discus sion, aad although they had the report before them upon which it was founded, the subject was one of too mach importance to admit of its being proceeded with further without some statemeat from the minister. Sir 0. PECHELL said the object and intention of the bill were well understood by the service. The bill in fact was considered to be the charter of the British navy, and since it would be most beneficial to the interest of the seaman it was of the utmost importance that the details should be disposed of as soon as posible. Sir J. GRAHAM stated that by the Act of 1835, power was given to the Queen in council, in the event of any impending danger, or great emergency, to tune a proclamation offering a bounty of one-fourth for seamen to enter the navy I'm the specified period, with en Increase on that bounty, even if the seaman agreed to serve for a longer period. Objection, however, was taken Ito this proclamation on account of its being general, and it we; therefore proposed by this bill to give the Queen in council power to limit the proclamation to certain classes, to be de signated in the document, or the registered seamen, instead of ceiling upon all seamen universally to come in and enter, as was now the use under the act of 1835. (Hear, hear.) The bill also left the responsibility of advancing or regu lating the bounty to the executive, giving them power to double or treble it as the danger or emergency might re quire, but that in ordinary caste, instead of a bounty of one-fourth of increased 'pay, the amount should unpin of an additional 2d. per day. (Hear, hear.) There were other provisions connected with the bill, but they were more of a minor character, affecting the details rather than the principle of the meunre, and without detaining the house further he would at once move that the Speaker do now leave the chair. (Hear, hear.) 84 G. TYLER thought the house ought to bo in posses sion of the evidence taken before the commission before it was called upon to dispose of the bill, at least such portions of it es could be produced without detriment to the public service. Mr. A. STAFFORD said if his memory served him rightly, he believed an arrangement wee come to that this evidence should be considered as confidential, and therefore if the right hon. baronet now at the head of the Admiralty took upon himself the responsibility of withholding it the late Board of Admiralty must share that responsibility with him. (Hear, hear.) Mr. WILLIAMS said that there would never be any difficulty . in manning the fleet provided the sailors bad more inducements held out to them for en tering the service; but at present, although they did not always get better paid, they preferred the merchant ser vice to entering one other Majesty's thips,where they would be subject to the system of corporeal punishment. He sug gested that instead of ado& commander being invested with the power of ordering corporeal punishment, which it should be remembered was far more severe in the navy Una the army, from the difference in the nature and sire of the lash, naval courts-martial should be established similar to those in the army, and then instances of men being punished in this dreadful manner to satisfy the temper or caprice of their commander would be of rare occurrence, while able and efficient seamen would have far less objection to entering the service. (Hear.) Mr. MACKINNON wished to take that opportunity of drawing the attention of the house and of the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty to the manner in which the French navy was recruited. They all knew that the army of France was recruited by conscription, but with the navy it wu different. In France every indivi dual who lived by or was employed upon the water, no matter whether fresh or salt water, had his name inscribed upon a roll by the authorities of the district in which he resided, and whenever men were required for the navy those who were engaged in vessels going to sea were called upon first, and if they were not sufficient to supply the demand then the men employed upon fresh water were had recourse to. At first the system of volunteering was applied to the lista, sad if that failed the men were drawn from the two lista as they appeared upon the inscriptions. Now, could not some plan of that sort be adopted in this country ? After some further conversation, The house went into committee on tho bill, and agreed to the clauses with some unimportant amendments. NEW MEMBER. Mr. WILLTAII9, the newly-elected member fear West Cornwall, took the oaths and his seat. The sitting was then suspended at four o'clock until six o'clock. _ . . The iouse resumed at 6 o'clock. THE CASE OF STEPHEN MOUNT. On the motion of Mr. L. King, the evideaca taken on the trial of Stephen Moent, ordered by the house to be prosecuted for perjury, together with the summing up of the judge, was laid on the table of the house. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.—THE INDIA BILL. Mr. DISRAELI said he wished to make a isavary spooling the conduct of the India Bill. Ile understood that in case it was finished in committee to night, it was in tended to bring up the report to-morrow. Now it was a very unusual course to bring up the report on-what via not a government day. But there was 4 speak' circum stance which induced him to make an appeal to the Presi dent of the Board of Control not to bring it up to morrow and that was that his right hoe. friead the member , for Droitwich had a motion of very considerable interest which he intended to make en bringing up the report, and, irrespective of to-morrow being a motion day, there was a domestic circumstance which would make it impossible for his right hon. friend to 'be in his place to-morrow. If the report were brought up on Thursday his right hon. friend could be in his place. Sir C. WOOD said he should be very glad to meet the convenience of his right hon. friend. It was a mistake, however, to suppose that it was not usual to bring up re ports on bills on what was not a government day. Looking at the state of business before this and the other house it was exceedingly desirable to send up the bill as early as pos sible, or they should give the other house just cause of complaint that delay had taken place if they did not bring up the report to-morrow. There was no conceivable reason why the right hon. gentleman should not move the clause on the third reading. It they got through committee to night they proposed to take the third reading on Thursday. Mr. DISRAELI—It is desirable that the bowie should know when the question of the salt monopoly will be brought before them. Sir C. WOOD—It does not appear to me that there are any notices which will occupy much time to-morrow. THE PETERBOROUGH COMMITTEE. Mr. BRIGHT moved that in the matter of the Peter borough Election Petitions Committee, the parties have leave to appear by themselves, their counsel, or agents. The motion was agreed to. METROPOLITAN SEWERS ACT CONTINUANCE BILL. In answer to Sir DE L. f;:rie, Viscount PALMERSTON fixed the committee on this bill for Friday, at twelve o'clock. ANOTHER GOVERNMENT NIGHT. Lord J RUSSELL moved that after Monday, the lit of August, orders of the day should have precedence of notices of motions upon Tuesdays. Mr. DISRAELI said it was not his intention to offer any opposition to the motion, for his only wish was to meet the desire of the government a, much as possible; but hon. member, should recollect that, by assenting to it, they would part with their privilege of bringing subjects before the notice of the house. He trusted that there would, therefore, be a clear understanding, that if the pressing state of public affairs, or any great question of emergency should arise, on which any independent member might wish to take the opinion of the house, the noble lord would remember the willingness with which they had acceded to his request, and would afford an opportunity for the par rs*. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL was very grateful to the right hon. gentleman fur the facilities which he proposed t s offer for the conduct of public business, and he would certainly con sider it, if any great question such as those to which tlo right hon. gentleman h ad alluded should arise. THE INDIA BILL. The house then west again into committee on this bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said he had given notice of four new clauses, which he had intended to bring up; but he would only ask the opinion of the house upon the two last—namely, " That the seeret com mittee of the Court of Directors shall consist of the chair man, deputy-chairman, and such other director as shall be selected and nominated by the Court of Directors; and that the said Court of Directors shall select and nominate such third member on the first Wednesday in April, 1854, and shall certify the said appointment, and in the cue of vacancy all future appointments to the President of the Board of Control under the seal of the East ladis Com pany. That the said secret committee shall transmit to the supreme government in India all.orders of the said Secre tary of State, as by the law is now required as to orders emanating from the President of the Board of Control, except that if the said secret committee shell think fit, they may tender their idvice and opinion on the effect of any such order or orders, and if they deem it expedient may enter a protest in writing as to the effect of such order or orders, and that such protests shall be duly re corded at the office of the said secret committee, and also at the office of the aid Secretary of State; but nothing is thie:act shall be construed in any way to interfere with the power of the said President of the Board of Control to issue any order or orders that he may think fit to direct shall be transmitted through the said secret committee." Sir C. WOOD—The only objection to it is that what it enacts is the law as it now stands. (A laugh.) The clause was then negatived. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY then moved his secend clause. Mr. HUME seconded it. Sir J. W. HOGG, as • member of a secret committee, should have been glad to have supported the proposal, if he could have done so consistently with his sense of public duty. But be could not. (Hear, hear.) Of course, so long as the government of India remained vested in the com pany, it was necessary that the directors, through the in strumentality of three of their body, should sign all the orders that issued from the Board of Control, even though they should disapprove of them. Besides, the subjects to which the powers of the Board of Control were limited were the making of peace, of war, and of treaties with the native powers. Well, then, if the board should exceed their functions, the secret committee might insist on bringing the matter before the directors at large; and so it acted as a check on the board. As for the proposal to record the opinions of the committee, be had only to say that the government of the country were responsible for the peace and security of the whole of the empire; and especially of so large and important a branch of it as India. Would it then be desirable that three gentlemen sitting in Leaden hall-street should constitute a little cabinet to control, to remonstrate against, to interfere with, and perhaps to em barrass the proceedings:of her Majesty's ministers? Or would it be desirable that a record should be kept of the proceedings of the Cabinet, in order that the opinions of any individual member that might happen to dissent from his colleagues might at a future date be reported ? The same would hold good of the Board of Control and the secret committee ; and he might add that practically the I President of the Board of Control did consult with ; the chain on matters that formed the subjects of the order which the secret committee were called on to sign. Mr. DISRAELI said that as it seemed to be lsid down that the responsibility of government rested with the Board of Centro', he wished to know whether the power of recalling the Governor-General was to remain with the Court of Directors. (lieu, hear.) He considered that the power of read should rest with those who had the responsibility of government. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. WOOD said that the responsibility of war and peace, and of negotiations with foreign governments, would remain as it had been for the last twenty years, with the Board of Control, but that it was not intended to take the power of recall from the Court of Directors. Mr. MANGLES supported the clause, and the committee divided. For the elutes Against it Mr. HUME moved a clause extending the quaiillcatioss of electors of the Court of Directors to all persons having 6001. stock of the East India Company, and having had that for twelve months, as by the present law • also all holders of Company's paper to the value of 10,000 rupees; also to allow every civil and military servant who has served the company for twenty years in India, mud who shall have re tired from the service of the company, to vote for a director after he shall have been twelve months at home, and twelve months after he shall have resigned the service ; and to enable all electen to vote by proxy. Mr. LO WE objected. The great evil complained of in reference to the election of the directors was the system of canvassing, which it was said excluded the Attest persons ; but this clause, by increasing the number of the electoral body, would increase that evil. Another objection was, that parliament having declared, ox the second reading of the bill, that the East India Company should be the governing body of India, it was here proposed to depart from that principle, aniplace the power in the hands of those who were in fact the creditors of the company. Sir C. WOOD wu of opinion that there was a very great objection to any increase in the manner proposed. That objection was, u his hon. friend the member for Kidder minster had stated, that it was totally inconsistent with the principle the house had affirmed, viz., that the go vernment of India should be vested for a time in the East India Company. And who were the East India Company ? The proprietors of East India stock, consti tuting the court of proprietors, who elected from among their own body the Court of Directors. As the bill was originally introduced by him there was a qualification of stock laid down for the directors, and in the clause be _proposed to bring up that qualification would be retained, but to a reduced smount. But his objection both to the amend ment of his hon. friend (Mr. Hume), end to that of the hon. member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newilegote), was that they could not, consistently with the principle of the bill, allow others than the holders of East India stock— that was the company—to elect the body by whom India was to be governed. The committee divided— For the clause Against it Mr. BLACKETT then moved a clause as tollows: .. And whereas doubts have been entertained as to the extent of the powers granted to the Oovernor-Gmeral in council, by the 43rd section of the said act of the third and fourth years of King William IV., it is hereby declared that the said Ooverner-Ocneral in council shall have full powers to enact, alter, or amend any laws for the said ter ritories (subject to tho restrictions specified in the said 43rd section of the said act, as well as to the right of disallow ance of such laws vested in the Court of Directors by the 44th section of the same), without.any previous sanction of the said Court of Directors, exeept in the cases reserved by the 46th section of the said act, notwithstanding any pro vision to the contrary contained in former acts or charters still in force and unrepealed." The clause was then put and negative& Mr. RICH, who had a clause upon the paper, before moving it, wished to ask the right hon. gentleman (Sir C. Wood) whether he had framed any regulations to provide for the great difficulties which would attend the admission of natives of India to the college of llalleybury. By this bill it was proposed to open lialloybury, but he had heard of nothing as to any regulatimos for enabling them to bear the expense of coming to t'ais country. Provision ought also to be made for their religious observances, and to enable them to keep caste. Sir C. 'WOOD said he had felt that until he had ob tained the sanetMn of the how,e to his proposal to throw open Haileybury, it would be mere waste of time to frame regulations. The admission could take place for a year and a half, during which period there would be plenty of time to frame the requisite regalation• Mr. RICE must say that he thought this statement most unsatisfactory, •:he right bon. gentleman (Sir C. Wood) ought not, he though ts to have introduced this portion of the measure at all, tan; ca he was prepared with the detail, necessary to carry it into effect. (Rear.) The alterations in the law wou ld aff e ct die natives of India at once, al though strictly speaking it Aid not take effcct until the end of about a year and a half. lie concluded by moving tho second reading of a clause girlng greater practical efficiuncy to the 87th section of the act 3 and 4 Wm. IV., c. 81, which declares that no native of her Majesty's Indian terri tories, nor any natural born subject of her Majesty resident therein, shall by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the said company. Sir C. WOOD said he thought they aught net to change their policy with regard to the employment of the natives of India, but to carry out that policy further in con formity with the act of 1833, and to extend, as had been done the employment of the natives in the higher offices. The hon. gentleman said the act of 1833 bad been a perfect nullity, while his bon. friend the member for Knaresbo rough said the other night that so far from that being the ease, the extent to which it bad been carried justified him in askiug that they should be admitted to the covenanted service. _ _ . After some further discussion, the committee then di vided— For tOte clause Against The clause was consequently rejected. Mr. NEWDEGIATE moved the insertion of the follow ing clause At every ballot for the election of directuis of the East India Company, the proprietors of stock or shares in any company or association of persons established by the of parliament, or of the government of India, fur the purpose of effecting or carrying on, by means of joint stock, any undertaking of irrigation, drainage, railway or other communication, or other object of internal improve ment in India, under the supeavision of the government thereof (such proprietors being qualified as hereinafter , mentioned), shall be entitled to vote in respect of their paid up stock or shares, according to the scale following, that is to say: one vote in respect of 2,000/. ; two votes in respect of 4,0001. ; three votes in respect of 7,0001.; four ' votes in respect of 10,000/. and upwards." His object, he said, was to give increased chance of efficiency to the Court of Directors, by wideoir.g the bases of the franchise, and to encourage the investment of money in Indian enterprise. He should merely present the clause, and refrain from troubling the committee with a division. Sir C. WOOD thought that the question of the con stituency had been decided in the committee. The amendment was negatived without a division ; and Mr. PHILLIMORE moved that the committee report progress. Agreed to. Committee to sit again at 12 to-day. CRIME AND OUTRAGE -- (IRELAND) BILL. Oa the order for the second reading of this bill, Mr. MAGUIRE was disappointed that the government had not given some reason far its renewal. All the judges had at the recent assizes borne testimony to the tranquillity of the country. Sir J. YOUNG confirmed the hon. member's statement as to the tranquillity of the country ; but the existence of the ribbon system in some places in the northern counties made the continuance of tho powers of this act necessary for some time longer. At this moment there were 21 coun ties or parts of counties under proclamation ; and under these circumstances, with the ribbon system still existing, it would net be safe to dispense altogether with the extra ' ordinary powers which, by this act, it was sought to renew. He was glud to Sod that the clergy of all denominations had exerted themselves to put down secret societies, and that they had aided the authorities in many instances. He was happy to bear witness to the general tranquillity and pros perity of the country. It could not, however, be denied that secret societies still existed, and it was against them alone that the bill was directed. Mr. BOW YER would mass IS an amendment that the bill be read a second time that day three months. He did not consider t••at the fact of some districts being disturbed was sufficient to justify the application of a measure of so stringent and unconstitutional a character over the whole of Ireland. The system of ribbonism had been denounced by the Roman catholic clergy generally, and Archbishop Cullen had issued a pastoral for that purposes and he had good authority fur saying that this step on the part of the clergy had been followed by the best results, and that rib bonism was fast becoming extinct. Mr. LUCAS seconded the amendment. The TIOUSO For the second reading Against it The bill was then rcad a second time. THE BURIALS (BEYOND THE METROPOLIS) BILL. The house went into committee on this bill. Mr. MIALL moved an amendment on the clause ren dering it necessary to have a building for the performance of the service of the established church, to the effect that the use of that building and the consecrated ground be open to all religious denominations. Lord PALMERSTON explained that the biU was not for the purpose of removing any religious difficulties, bat solely for the relief of those neighbourhoods in towns which suffered from the effluvia from over-crowded churchyards. The intention was that new graveyards should be provided at a greater distance from towns, which should be precisely similar in all respects to the existing burial places. Hence, whatever privileges attached to the old ought elso to attach to the new graveyards. The amendment was then negatived without a division, and the clause agreed to. The remaining clauses were alai., agreed to, and the bill passed through committee. STAMP DUTIES (No. 2) BILL. The house went into camauttto upon this bill. Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to. Upon clause 3, in answer to Mr. NEWDEOATR, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the effect of this clause was simply to enlarge the surface limits of newspapers to the extent of one-half. It was open to newspapers to make any use of this increased apace, pro vided tkey did not go beyond the 'knits of 60 per cent., and did not divide the whole space allowed into more than two pieces. Mr. NEWDEGATE said that this was in effect to make a present of a large amount of taxation to about six news papers, which happened to posses the largest amount of public support, and therefore wild beat do without such aid. The measure was a suet ese-sided one; he, there fore, proposed to negative dee dense, and he felt it his duty pa to.take the sense of the house st it. (Cries of " Oh, oh, and " Agree.") The house divided: For the clause 92 Against it 4O-52 The bill then passed through committee, and the Chair man reported progress. JUVENILE MENDICANCY BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, Lord PALMERSTON said he hoped the house would allow the bill to pass through this stage—(lmid cries of "No, no")—with a view to some alterations being made subsequent) in the details. Sir B. HALL could not consent to the second reading of a bill by which numbers of children w. uld be turned on the metropolitan pari,hes, and a necessity created fur building new workhouses. (Hear, herr.) The second reading was then postponed for a week. LAND TAX REDEMPTION BILL. This bill was read a third tine. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES BILL. This bill was read a third time, and passed. The Highway Rates Bill was read a third time. TURNPIKE ACTS CONTINUANCE, &c., BILL. This bill was read a third time. (iiithe7 l ;er,ii,;ThitilWbiliciO pass, Mr. FRE WEN moved to insert a clause providing that on the same trust a second toll shall not be payable at any gate within two miles of the previous gate. The house then divided : For the clause 27 Against it lOl-74 Lord NEWPORT then moved the addition of a clause rendering it unlawful, under the penalty of 205., to use dogs for drawing any cart, carriage, truck, or barrow. Mr. O. GORE supported the clause. Mr. FI LEROY said the effect of the clause would only be to remove the carts drawn by dogs from turnpikes. They would still infest the highways. A bill, with the same object, after passing that house, had been thrown oat in the Lords, because it,was considered it would inflict hardship upon individuals by throwing them out of employment. Mr. EWART said that • great many poor persons d their livelihood by means of these dogs, and they ought to he sure that they did no injustice by legislating againvt them in a clause introduced in this manner. (Hear, hear.) Mr. PETJ said they would be doing no injustice, be cause the use of dogs was prohibited within 15 miles of the metropolis. The clause was agreed to, the words inflicting the punish ment of bard labour being omitted. The bill then passed. SHEEP, &c., CONTAGIOUS DISEASES PREVEN TION BILL. This bill was read a third time. CONSOLIDATED ANNUITIES BILL. This bill was read a third time. _ _ _ _ Y. lIEPTING ES BILL. This bill was read a second time. DUBLIN CARRIAGE BILL. ....... This bill passed through committee for the purpose of introducing and printing amendments. CUSTOMS, &c., DUTIES DILL. This bill was read a second time. METROPOLITAN BUILDING ACT FURTHER AMENDMENT BILL. Mr. LOCKE said that, understanding that the govern ment made some objections to the bill, he would move its postponement. Sir W. MOLESWORTII moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months, u it was, in tact, a hill to set aside the provisions of the Metropolitan Buildings Act for the benefit of a private individual who possessed u patent for certain ventilating tubes. (lieu.) The amendment was carried without a division. INCUMBERRD ESTATES (IRELAND) ACT CON TINUANCE BILL. On the motion for committing thin bill, Several members objected to proceeding with the bill et 3 o'clock, and Mr. SrooNEIL moved the adjournment of the house, hut did not press his motion. Thu bill then pa-scd through committee. The other orders were disposed of, and the house ud. journed at' 0 minutes past 3 o'clock. PAIRS.—The Earl of Aimeeley and Sir J. Ramadan have paired for the seavion. Mr. linatehbull paired £OC the week with Mr. C. Berkeley. PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES. THE COMMITTEE ON METROPOLITAN PUBLIO HOUSES. yeeteycZtty, before the committee appointed to in quire into ti. ii question, Hon. C. I'. Villiers in the chair, and a numerctse body of the parties interested, Mr. Ashley, enlicitor to the Metropolitan Beerscllers' As sociation, was examined chiefly by the hen. chairman and another hon. member, Mr. Ker Seymer. Mr. Ashley stated that the members of that association amounted to nearly 1,000. In some of the laws at present regulating the beer shops of the metropolis there were one or two oppressive provisions, regarding which he suggested some amendments. As the law now stood the overseer of the parish had to cer tify to the excise whether the applicant for a license was the true owner and real resident of the house, and had the power, under any caprice, of withh o ldi ng his signs ture; and he (the witness) would s ue g ist t h at the whole economy connected with the li cens i ng b ot h of beer shop keepers and licensed victuallers should be transf erre d to the Commissioners of Police. The P u blic-Houses Act (11 6: 12 Vic.) had been instrumental, by means of restricti ng t h e opening of houses on Sundays within certain limits, in checking to an enormous extent drunkenness throughout the metropolis, and preserving decency and decorum in the public thoroughfares on that day, and from what he could hear lie was opinion that the publicans of the metropolis would have no objection fur their own convenience to have ' their houses closed entirely on that day. tie was not at uq of opinion that the Beer Act had been a failure. It had enabled the public to have better supplies, and furnished them with greater facilities for obtaining it. When the act was first passed there were only 24,342 houses, now there were upwards of 40,000 and one large house had increased its consumption of malt from 1,000 quarters to 30,000 quarters per annum, sending out 2,000 barrels a week, at 30s. a barrel. He thought that, as regarded licenses, the beer sellers of the metropolis should be put upon the came footing as the licensed vic tuallers, and be allowed to sill wines and spirits. The present system of granting licenses was a mere lottery. The magistrates were influenced for and against, and there was, at least, 5,0001. a year spent in speculative applications of this kind, resulting in no success, among barristers and lawyers. A man might make ten applications, at a cost of 100 i., for a license, and be no nearer obtaining it than at first; and on this ground he would place the administra te n of the matter in the hands of the Chief Commissioners of Police, with power of appeal to a jury. The trade, he thought, should be entirely thrown open, and that every person, on obtaining his license, and under certain regulations, should' be allowed to sell beer and spirits, just as the community were allowed to trade in any other article. It had been stated that of the 6,000 licensed victuallers' houses in the metropolis, 5,000 were free limn the influence of the great brewers, but he thought that 1,000 was nearer the mark. The brewers always got their money and made sure of it, while other creditors went without. He sould not intones the committee wheth , r there was a majority of applications for licenses before or alter a general election. (A laugh.) Mr. Mather gave evidence to show that nearly all the beer shops in North and South Shields were " tied," as it is termed, under bond to the grc .t brewers, and that these were the worst conducted kind of houses, while the free housts were well ordered. These beer-shops laid in clandestine stocks of spirits and retailed them without a license, and no one interfered to inform. Upwards of 300 houses in North and South Shields were under the subjugation of ten brewers. He suggested an alteration in the present license system, and proposed that the amount of it should be in the ratio of the'population of the town or district, beginning with 101., and rising in the scale of the census. ELECTION COMMITTEES. CLITHEROE. The first witness examined yesterday morning was Henry Latham, who, in reply to questions by Mr. Ser. jeant Kinglake, raid he was a labouring man, and lived at Clitheroe. Some days before the election he went to the Calf's Head nublic-house at Worston (a suburb of Clitheroe), having heard before he went that it was an open house. lie saw Mr. Aspinall there, with Mr. Hartley Baldwin, Mr. Starkie, and other gentlemen. There were a great many people at the house, electors and non-electors. Mr. Bald win asked them to give three cheers for Mr. Aspinall, and they did so. The non-electors were by themselves, drinking ale, and he had some with them. Ile saw liquors carried into the parlour several times (where the electors were) whilst Mr. Aspinall was there. lie (witness) did not pay for what he hod to drink. Any one who chose might have ale by asking for it, for some time ; afterwards the landlady refused to give them any more, saying "the tap was stopped." Benjamin Loynd, another labourcr,who had been engaged as a watcher to look alter the voters by Mr. F. Bailey, said that during the canvass he asked Mr. Aspinall in the street one day for something to drink, and Mr. Aspinall replied, " You must speak to Mr. Baldwin about that." Just then Mr. Baldwin came up, and on witness renewing his appli cation Mr. Baldwin gave him ss. The witness stated that he also saw Mr. Baldwin give another man some money for drink. Oa the evening of the same clay the witness again asked Mr. Aspinall for some more drink money, and Mr. Aspinall said that they had given all they intended to give that day, but he (a itness) might go to Varley's (a public house) ; there was plenty of drink there for them all. He went to Varley's and had two pints of ale, one of which he paid for and the other he did not. The witness was subjected to an amusing eross-examina lion by Mr. Slade as to his character. He admitted, with great unconcern, that he had been in gaol many times— so often that he could not tell how many ; on one occasion for " taking a fancy " to some lead ; and again on suspicion of stealing a basket of tools, and also for bastardy and drunkenness, when unable to pay the fine. Thomas Boothman, who kept a beer-shop at Clitheroeyyss 1852, stated that Mr. Aspinall canvassed him, and he sal'd he had not made up his mind who he would vote for. Mr. Aspinall said he hoped he would make up his mind to vote for him, and he (witness) replied that perhaps he might. Mr. Aspinall then gave him half-a-crown, telling him to treat his friends. Witness spent the half-crown in ale among his friends at his own Louse, The examination of this witness was suspended at half past 12 o'clock, at which time the committee aujourned to 11 this morning. THE DIVISION LAST NIGHT. MAJORITY AGAINST LORD DERRY'S AMENDMENT ON SECOND CLAUSE OP SUCCESSION DUTY DILL. Lord Chancellor Galloway Broughton Archbiah. of York Granville Byron DUKES. Glasgow Blantyre Argyll Ilarrowby Camoys Atholl Haddington Churchill Buceleuch Home Colborne Leeds Ilchester Cremorne Newcastle Kenmare Cowley Norfolk Kintore D 6 Tabley Roxburgh° Lucan D rere Wellington Romney Dufferin MARQUISES. Somers Erskine Breadalbane Scarborough Elphinstone Camden Spencer Foley Donegal St. Germans Gardner Ileadfart Uxbridge liatherton Huntley Wicklow Bowden Lansdowne Yarborough Keane Ormonde VISCOUNTS. Kinnaird Sligo Canning Leigh EARLS. Enfield Lilford Aberdeen Falmouth Lyttelton Albemarle Hardinge Manners Beasborough Massareene Monson Bruce Sydney 0 verstone Burlington Torrington Poltimore Chichester BISHOPS. Portman Clarendon Hereford Panmure Craven Llandaff Rivers Clanwilliam Manchester Saye and Sele Devon Norwich Stanleyof Alderley Ducie Oxford Suffield Durham Salisbury Truro Effingham BARONS. Wnarncliffe Fingall Ashburton Wodehouse Fortescue Beaumont Wroitcsley PAIRS. Howard de Walden, Lord Chesterfield, Earl Durham, Bishop Bradford, Earl Conyngbam, Marquis Bayning, Lord Bedford, Dime St. John, Lord Normanby, Marquis Grey, Lord Rosebery, Earl Feversham. Lord Camperdown, Earl Eglinton, Earl Heytesbury, Lord Deaart, Earl Crewe, Lord Comberm're, Lord Anglesey, Marquis Cadogan, Earl Airlie, Earl Exmouth, Viscount Limerick, Bishop Tuam, Bishop Cowper, Earl Hawarden, Viscount Stuart de Denies, Lord Richmond, Duke Wenlock Lord St. Vincent Earl Lovat, Ldrd Essex, Earl Clifden, Viscount Canterbury, Archbishop Leicester, Earl Strafford, Earl Bristol, Marquis Ripon, Earl London, Bishop Cork, Earl Radnor, Earl Suffolk, Earl Clare, Earl Auckland, Lord Devonshire, Duke Grafton, Duke Sadeley, Lord Methuen, Lord Brougham, Lord Holland, Lord Raglan, Lord Do Manley, Lord Abereorn, Marquis Ward, Lord Fitchardinge, Earl Milford. Lord Erne, Earl' Ely, Marquis Jersey, Earl Canterbury, Viscount Beaufort, Duke Bandon, Earl Crawford, Earl Saltoun, Lord Rochester, Bishop Tankerville, Earl Waterford, Marquis Sinclair, Lord Templemore, Lord Strathmore, Lerd Lyndhurst, Lord Digby, Earl Kinnoull, Earl Manchester, Duke Buckingham, Duke Hamilton, Duke Drogheda, Marquis, Pomfret, Earl Roden, Earl Orkney, Earl Forester, Lord Grantley, Lord PERVERSION.—The Ducnem. of Hamilton has publicly avowed the fact—which has been long sumected— that her grace has unitea herself to the church of Rome.— Record.