The Express. — London, England, 1853-07-09 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LOHDS.-FILIDAT, JULY 8. ROYAL ASSENT. _ The Royal assent was given by commission to the follow ing WU, —Tho Excise Duties on Spirits; Cathedral Appointment+ ; Malicious Ink.ries (Ireland); Soap Duties; riddle Works Loan ; Whichwood Forest ; Ballymena, Ballymoney, Coleraine, and I'urtrush Jarctiou Railway ; Londonderry, Coleraine, and &Hutt Junction Railway ; North IS • h Railway ; Scottish Midland Junction Rail way , South Shitlds Improvement; Staines, Wokenham, and Woking Junction Railway ; I'eeblea Railway ; Portsmouth Railway ; London and Brighton and South Coast Itailirry ; Aber-ken ; Bristol and Clifton (bas Amalgamation ; Manchester and Bury Road ; Witham Drain ; Wimbledon and Croydon Railway; Wimpole, liVestlaugwetth, Fulton Road ; Hull and Haldeman Railway; Ula•itow and South Western Railway (No. 2); Koch -bridge; East Oriuttead Railway; E istern Counties Railway (Woodford and Loughton) ; liaslingdea and Ifawtenstafl Waterworks; Monkland Railway; Manchester Improvement ; the Gorhals Uravitation Water (No 2) ; the Limerick, Ennis, and Killaloe Junction Rail way Company ; the Kist and West India Dock.; and Bir mingham Junction Railway (So. 2) ; and some other pri vate bills. The royal crommissionen were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Stanley of Alderley, and the Duke of Argyll. The LOAD CHANCELLOR took his mat at 5 o'clock. SAVINOS BANKS ANNUITIES DILL. Earl ORAN VILLE moved the second reading of this bill. The noble earl briefly expliined its provisions. Lord I'ORTSIAN suggested the propriety of some ar ruigenient being made fur the appointment of trustees and lasing:sr,. There were 32,000,000/ sterling deposited in the usuoisal funds on behalf of strings banks and it would tot be desirable to rely on trustees or managers as being aloes responsible for so large a sum. After a few words from Earl GIIANVILI.Z, which were usaadible, the bill was read a second time. COMMON LODGING HOVSKS DILL: O. the motion the Lirl of Sxwtusrar, the Com zoom' &meadow:ate to this bill were agreed to. COLONIAL BISHOPS ACT EXTENSION BILL.- PATRONAGE EXCHANGE BILL. ...... 110 the motion of the Bishop of Olson'', the above bills were severally read a third time and passed. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 'The Earl of SHAFTESBURY laid on the table a bill for altering the mode of voting at elections of members of le:ailment fur cities and boroughs. The noble earl ex plain. d the nature of his bill in a lew tone across the table, and was very imperfectly heard in the gallery. We un derstand him to say that the bill proposed to take the votes of electors by voting papers, which was the system now ~ c tised under the new poor law. It would secure the bees ti t of open voting, without many of the evils arising frees the present system of voting at polling booths. There would be no necessity for treating, which under the present givens was a most fruitful source of cur raptimi. There would be no plea for receivine payment for low of time; and the plan ho proposed would enable a great many persons to record their votes who did not do so MtA great number of timid and weak persons would Mt go to • polling booth, ried thy were often the best end soot conscientieus voters. Ile also suggested that the re turning officers should have the power to take security from the candidates, and that be alone should direct and sanction all the camases incurred. The bill was intended to apply only to cities and boroughs, where the evils complained of seemed most to exist; but it could afterwards be applied to counties if it was thought desirable. He would venture to lay the bill on the table; and he thought it would go very far to suppress many of the evils complained of, and to take away a great many of the pretexts under which bribery had been so extenstaeol practised. The Earl of ABERDEEN made some inaudible remarks across the table. We understood him to approve of the °Nett of the bill, but not to pledge himself to support that particular measure ; and to complain that any attempt to &Kula its details should have been made on the first reading. Lord BROUGHAM wee glad that his noble friend had turned his attention to the subject, and ➢resented a bill to their lordships for consideration. 11e wished to ask if the ♦oting was to be secret ? The Eirlof SHAFTESBURY—No; open. Lord BROUGHAM—Then it was merely an arrange ment by which votes were to be taken at the residences of the voters, instead of obliging them to go to a polling booth ? The Earl of SIIAFTESBURY use rated. The bill was then read a first time. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that ao doubt their lordships hail seen what had passed in another place with fa gerd to a notice in the Rouse of Commons similar to that which he had placed on their lordships' paler. It ap peared that the notice in the other house wu still fixed for Monday next. Their lordships would bear him out in say lag that he had consented to put cff his motion upon the understanding that the motion in the other house would likewise be postponed—(hear, hear)—therefore, he now gave notice that the resolutions which he had before placed on the paper, would stand for Monday next, but he would set move them unless a motion of a similar nature was sao,Cti on that day in the House of Commons. (Hear.) Their lordships then adjourned at a quarter before six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRIDAY, JULY 8. After a short respite of between eight and alms hours the house resumed at 12 o'clock, when a few hon. gentle men sauntered in to dispose of " the Irish business." Their appearance betokened a hasty toilet ; and most of them, on reaching their seats, assumed that position which is held by the Americans so favourable to debate, and by the Orien tals to digestion. Their repose was presently interrupted by The SPZAILIII, who, having completed his enumeration shortly after 12 o'clock, announced his readiness to receive petitions. Two or three were dropped on the table, and the private business was then quietly disposed of. The Lords' amendments to the following bills were con sidered and agreed to : Barnsley Waterworks (No. 2); Lon don Docks; Midland Railway (Leicester and Hitchia); Bills. _ . The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time . Galway Harbour ; Galway Improve ment ; and Life Association of Scotland ; Bills. . ' The East Anglian Railways (No. 2) Bill wu read a third time and paued. Sir C. WOOD would, in answer to the question, simply state that any legislative measures for the customs duties in India were passed by the Legislative Council in India and not by the parliament of this country. But it might per haps be some comfort to these on whose behalf the right hon. gentleman asked the question if he stated that it ap peared, by the last papers on the subject, that there had been a great increase in the importation of salt into India. In 1818 and 1849 there had been imported 459,000 maunds; in the nest year the quantity had increased to 624,000 maunds ; while in the subsequent yesr there had been im ported more than in the preceding twelve months, namely, 671.0,0 maunds. sir J. I'AIiINGTON begged to give notice that on a futute stage of the bill he should move a provision to effect the object ha bad in view. PUBLIC BUSINESS. LANDLORD BILL. The house went into committN On th;s bill, resuming its ommideration at clause 32. Teacst --- adeOis clause wen agreed to, after a little con versation, without amendment. Mr. M'MAIION had a notice on the paper to move the omission of clause 38; but the hon. gentleman not having been " called" in time, the clause quietly slipped into the bill, without a word of opposition. On clause 43, Col. OREVILLE moved, as an amendment, to omit the words, " or any landlord." fir. KEOGH (Solicitor-General for Ireland) said the 26th section of the 9th Oeo. IV., which was similar in spirit to the present clause, and which made provision for the wilful damage of a tenant, only applied to houses, and he would suggest that they shouid follow that precedent here, by tinkle g the clause applicable alone to tenements. After a few words from Mr. Will/Ulla and Sir 3. YOUNO, Mr. NAPIER promised to introduce words to meet the views of the gallant colonel who had moved the amendment. Mr. V. SCI:LLY said the 41st clause subjected a tenant, who was gu ilty of waste, to a charge of misdemeanour and two years imprisonment. This was most unjust, and cer tainly too great a power to entrust in the hands of police magistrates. After a few words from Col. Dr us s and Col. Oairmi.z, who withdrew his amendment, the clause was agreed to. Col. OREVILLE moved the emission of clause 44, which glees the assistant barrister and the magistrates assembled he petty serious the same power of ejectment which is now only exercised by the Court of Chancery. The committee then divided, when there appeared— For the claw 6l Against it lB-43 The clause was accordingly agreed to, as were also clauses 43 and 16. On clause 47, which empowers the landlord to remove a tosent at will from his premises if he should wilfully Ware or destroy any part thereof, V SCULLY moved the omission of the clause. The committee divided— Tor the claws APIs" lB-41 TM dame was then agreed to, as were clauses up to o i s clause 63, which provides that the laadlord before pettiest la a distress must obtain the warrant of a ma gistrate, Sir A. BROOKE moved the omission of the clause, on the grosiad that the (misting right of distress operated less lniureinely on the tenant than would a law which would eject him altogether if there was a gate's rent due. Ile thought there should be a right of distress also, in order to prevent the tenant from malting a fraudulent mucosa& of the crop. The claw was agreed to, as were clauses up to 70. On clams 70, which empowers the landlord to distrain grooms crops. Mr of proposed that tits words costarring the power of dietraiaing growing crops should be struck out. (Hear, hear.) Up to the year 1816, the landlords in Ire land had not the power of distraining growing crops. In that year the power of &Wail:ling growing crops was con- ferried upon the landlord, and continued up to 1816. Its operation had been so injurious in Ireland, that Sir R. Peel abrogated the power, and so the law remained up to the present time The present bill proposed to go back to that abrogated system in epposition to experience, and the opi nion of some of the beet authorities in Ireland. lie hoped therefore the committee would support his proposition. The gallery was then cleared for a division, but before the division lad commenced, the house was summoned to the House of Lords by Mr. Putman, the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, to hear the royal assent given to several bills, for the names of which see Lords' report. The Speaker returned, with the members who had accom panied him, precisely at 4, and the house immediately adjourned till 6 o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock. IMPORTATION OF SALT INTO INDIA. Sir J. PAKINOTON begged to ask the President of the Board of Control whether he intends to introduce in the bill for the future government of India any provision for the purpose of giving greater facilities for the importation of salt into India CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE BOARD OF CONTROL AND THE COURT OF DIRECTORS. sir H. MADDOCK begged, before going into committee on the India Bill, to ask the President of the Board of Control, whether it is proposed, after the passing of the bill, to retain the practice of P. C., or previous communication, in the transaction of business and correspondence between t►e Board of Control and the Court of Directors; also, whether it is proposed to adopt any measures to improve and render lets i 7 oluntiaous the system of correspondence which is now carried on between the Court of Directors and the authorities in India ? Sir C. WOOD, in answer to the tint question, begged to say that he did not propose to discontinue the practice of P. as it was found greatly to facilitate the business of his department. With regard to the second question, he would only say that ho should endeavour, as much as he could, to reduce the correspondence between this country and India. It must, however, be remembered, that some Of the witnesses before the Indian committee bad stated that the carrying on of that correspondence was ab solutely necessary to the good government of India. RUSSIA AND TURKEY.—MR. LAYARD'S MOTION. Lord PALkIERSTON—Seeing the hon. gentleman the member for Aylesbury in his place, I rise to make an appeal to him on the subject of a notice of motion which stands in the orders for Monday next, and to requast him, on the part of her Majesty's government, to consider whether it would not, in all respects, altogether be more advisable for him to follow the ex►mple set by those persons in the other . .. .. .. house of parliament who had a similar notice on the books, and postpone, without naming any particular day, his notice of motion. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious that the discussion to which that motion must inevitably ---- .- _ lead, — must in the present state of affAirs, be attended with inconvenience to the public service. Not that her blaicaty's government or any member of her Majesty's government would be led to swerve from his duty by abandoning that prudent merry, which it is their obligation to follow, but it might be expected and most —• • likely would happen that in the course of the discussion things would be said by otherpenons which would neces- wad y cause irritation and tend to thwart the aorta which might be made to bring about a peaceful termination of the present state of affairs. (Hear, hear.) It cannot, I appre hend, be necessary for any purpose which the hon. gentle . man has in Mew. If I understand the objects of his motion those objects must be three. Firstly, to obtain in formation, if information can be given ; next to maitre the government of support, if in the event unfortunately support should be required; and, thirdly, to hold the government to their duty, if, in the opinion of the hon. gentleman, they were like to swerve from it. With regard to information, none could be given consistently with the duty of the government, beyond that which is already in the possession of the whole world. Nothing, therefore, would be gained in that respect. With regard to affording support to the government, I can assure the hon. gentleman that her Msjesty's government need no assurance, that if, unfortunately, events should lead them to have to appeal to the house and the country in a just cause, that support would be cheerfully afforded. (Cheer.) We need no other assurance than that we are sitting in a British parliament. (Cheers.) With respect to the last topic, if there is any idea that her Majesty's government refuse any stimulus to the performance of their duty, I think it is sufficient to observe that when two great countries like (Hear, hear.) I will state in a few words why. lie all know that it is very easy in this house or in this eo2ntrie where people are ordinarily of a pugnacious diaposition•— (hear, hear)—to get up a feeling, which appears to be Jur tilled by a wish to protect the weak against the strong ; a feeling which may be pressed, however patriotic, to that eztent that (Hurts made by a government for the preserva tion of peace may be frustrated. If I thought we had a government pressing the country to war, and to a war which would be odious to this house and the people, then 1 think we might be justified in entering upon 1 1 a discussion, that its power might be brought to bear upon the government. But in the occasion before us—l speak particularly of the I'rime Minister—l have the greatest confidence in the course which the government will pursue. I take it far granted that the first minister of the crown I will maintain peace if it be possible, consistently with the character and position of this country. 1 think, therefore, that the discussion of a question like this in a popular assembly would have the effect of damaging the objects which he has so much at heart. Sir G. GREY merely rose to express his total dissent from the opinion of the right hon. member for Bucking hamshire (Mr. Disraeli). The right bon. gentleman had said that the course taken by government argued that within the last week something bad occurred to render the position of affai.s less favourable than they were. Such a statement from the right hon. gentleman was oilers lated to pthduce most unnecessary alarm. The inference which he (Sir G. Grey) drew, end he had no particular in formation, was this, that within the last week matters had progressed so favourably that the government were desirous not to put them in may jeopardy, by running the risk of an angry discussion. Mr. lIUJdE said that perhaps the hon. gentleman (Mr. Layard) would allow him to ask him to withdraw his mo- Lion on the ground of his mane= in that house. Ile recollected an appeal like that of the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) having been refused by any hon. member. He thought the hon. member for Aylesbury would do well to leave it with her Majesty's ministers to determine when the discussion could be brought on. Lord D. STUART was somewhat surprised, considering the antecedents of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, that he should have asked the hon. member to postpone this motion. Under all circumstances, however, he thought his hon. friend could only accede to the wishes of the govern ment. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAYARD—After what has fallen from the noble lord the member for Marylebone (Lord Dudley Stuart), I, of course, feel less difficulty in acting; haling taken the motion from the noble lord, I naturally felt some difficulty in regard to his ♦iews upon the subject. After the merry appeals made to me, I have no hesitation is saying that I shall, with the permission of the house, withdraw the motion. I hope, however, that circumstances will enable me to bring the matter on again ; and I trust that tl'e go• vernment and the house will permit me to do so as early as possible. (Cheers.) England and France are united in a common course of policy, are aiming at a common object, are guided by a common interest, and inspired by a perfect and unreserved confidence in each other—(loud cheer.)—it cannot, I am sure, enter into the mind of any man to suppose that any temporary forbearacce which the two governments of two such countries may show arises from a want of determine tion, or that the most conciliatory course which they' can pursue is a symptom of timidity or weakness. (Loud cheers.) I trust that, without any exhortation from the hon. gentleman or from any other quarter, the interests and honour of England and France are in safe keeping, and that those interests end that honour are inseparably bound up with the great and important interests of the world. (Hear, hear,) I hope the hon. gentleman, yielding to the appeal which I now make to him, will consent to panne the same course as has been followed in the other homes confident that when the moment arrives at which the go vernment think information can be given, it will be given, •aecording to the circumstances of the case, to the fullest extent which those circumstances and those interests may render necessary. (Cheers.) I beg leave to move that the house, at its rising, do adjourn to Monday next. Mr. LAYARD—In rising to answer the question which bas been put to me, I trust the house will permit me to my a word with regard to what occurred yesterday on the occasion of my deferring my motion ; as I do not appear to have been rightly understood. I distinctly stated that I had proposed that motion unconnected with any party question, but as an independent member acting on my conscientious convictions. An appeal was made to me yesterday which I could not have resisted. It having been stated that the noble lord the member for London could not be present to-day, I did not hesitate to defer my motion until Monday. A much more serious question has now arisen, for I am requested to defer my motion without any limit. I must remind the house that I did not myself fix the day on which my motion was to be brought on ; the noble lord the member for London in my absence stated that he would give to-day for bringing it on, and it was a member of the government who thought fit to fix Monday, and I had nothing to do with fix ing it for this day or Monday. lam labouring under great difficulty and under a heavy responsibility. My conviction is that if a discussion took place, so far from producing dangerous results, it would be of importance in bringing this momentous question to • satisfactory result. Feel ing, as I do, that unless the government will take the responsibility on their own shoulders of delaying my motion, I should be guilty of a dereliction of public duty, I I ask the noble lord to rise and say whether it would be at tended with danger to the public service ; and if so, I shal l not hesitate to postpone it. Lord PALMERSTON—I think I have stated as plainly as words can convey it, that it would be attended with in convenience and injury to the public service. Mr. DISRAELI —No doubt where an independent member of the house bad given notice of a motion upon an important subject, a discussion upon which would be attended with inconvenient results to the public service, a Minister of the Crown, appealing to the sense of the house, would be supported in asking that the discussion should be postponed. But I must remind the house that this ie not the case with the hose member for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard), It is only a week since the First Minister of the Crown in this house wished that this subject should be brought for ward, and himself fixed a day for its discussion. Very injurious effects upon public opinion may follow from what has taken place to-night, unless they be removed by her Majesty's ministers for if the noble lord (J. Russell) was anxious that this subject should be Itirmigki forward a week ago, and to bring it forward would now be injurious to the public service, it would seem that in one week circumstances have occurred which have changed the 'Maim of her Majesty's ministers upon this subject. I do met my that such circumstances have really occurred. I baps that they have not; bat the only inference to be drawn from the fact which I have stated is, that matters in Waren ce to this question era in a more critical position lima they were a week since. ("No, no," from the minis terial benches) I brat a murmur of " No." It is lot by murmuring " Nu, no" that this impression can be removed ; the house and the country ought to be better informed on the subject. (Hear, hear.) We ought to know what circumstances have occurred of such gravity that her Majisty's government had altered the resolu tion which they expressed such a short time since. If these circumstances have not occurred, then I think the hon. member (Mr. Layard) will incur a grievous responsibility if be omits to do his duty to his constituents in bringing forward the important subject which the noble lord invited him to do. Mr. BRIGHT—With regard to this question no one can find fault with the hon. member for Aylesbury (Mr. Lay aril) if he consents to the proposition of the noble lord (Lord Palmerston), for every member of this how.e is at liberty to bring forward a motion upon the earliest day he can find for the question, and a day was soon found if one was de termined upon the matter. I, however, am one of those who think the hon. member (Mr. Layard) will exercise • wise discretion if he does not bring this matter forward THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 9, 1853. After a few words from Sir C. Wool), on a point of order, Mr. PHINN said he was willing to take any cane which would disembarnu the discussion. After aconversationtietaaneniMent was withdrawn. Lord JOCELYN then moved an amendment, of wh;,rh he had given notice, to continue the act till the 30th April, INC Mr. H. MILNES opposed the amendment. He trusted that Indian questions would not frequently come before the house. (Hear, hear.) It, however, there were grounds of complaint against the Indian government, he had no doubt the matter would be brought under the notice of parlia ment by individual members. He believed that the govern. ment about to be established would be a good govern ment, as it had been a good government, and that the affsin of that country would be well administered. Mr. HUME thought it unnecessary to fix any period. He would leave the matter entirely open, to be dealt with by parliament at any time. Mr. BLACKETT supported the amendment. He dis sented from Mr. Milnes as to its being undesirable that Indian questions should frequently come before parliament. The President of the Board of Control surely did not enter tain that idea, as he had promised to bring forward an Indian budget regularly. After a few words from Sir IL HADDOCK, in favour of the amendment, . . . _ Mr. RICH said the bill wu a mere experiment, and they ought to ensure the subject being again brought before par liament. Par. V. SMITH said the inevitable result of the russend• ment would be to bar all discussion until the end of the 10 years. file. T. I3ARING remarked that if the bill was good the system of government would be, as far as it well could be, permanent ; if it was defective, the government would be uncertain, and it was for that very ground that he felt strongly in favour of the clause as it stood, and was opposed to the amendment. Mr. HANBY SEYMOUR quite agreed with the hon. gentleman who last addressed the house, that it would be most undesirable to insert any term of years in the bill, because if any defects were found to ezi.t in the government, it would be open to immediate removal, and would be a great inducement for capitalists to invest in In dian property. (Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY said, for his own part, he was so little satisfied with the bill as a whole, that he could not consent to give up any opportunity for altering or amending it. Now, if this amendment were adopted, it would be used as an argument against any future motions for improving the goverment of India, since whenever any motion of that sort was brought on it would be met with an observation something like this :—" Oh, what is the use of debating the subject now when the whole question will have to be considered at the end of five or six years," as the case might be. For these reasons, he could not give his support to the amendment. Viscount JOCELYN declined to press the amendment, and it was ultimately withdrawn. Mr. I'HINN proposed to insert in the third line, after the word " shall," the words "be governed by and in th e name of her Majesty, her heirs, and successors.' Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought it would be much bet ter to leave the clause as it stood. The natives were accuse tomed to the present style and title in the government, and any other perhaps would not be so acceptable to them. The committee then divided, when there appeared, For the amendment 3 Against it The clause was then agreed to. On clause 2, It was agreed to fill up the date when the IS directors should come into power thus, "second Wednesday in the month of April, 1854 " Viscount JOCELYN had given notice of an amendment which was to increase the number of directors from 18 to 24, as he thought the former number would be wholly in sufficient to manage the functions of the board. As the bill stood it wee proposed to have 12 directors elocted by the proprietors, and six nominated by the Crown ; but if his amendment was carried he should move that sixteen be elected by the Court of Proprietors and eight nominated by the Crown. Mr. HUME said this appeared to him to be the most im portant part of the bill. Ile, for one, thought the whole of the directors ought tr remain elective, and entirely free from political influence. They saw enough of the ill effects of self-elections in the Scotch burghs, and he trusted this attempt to introduce the system into the Court of Directors would not be persevered in. Sir C. WOOD said it was no doubt difficult to prove the necessity of 18, or 24, or any precise number, but judging from experience they came to the conclusion that 24 was a large and inconvenient number. Mr. T. BARING thought that it was not wise to dis turb an existing arrangement, unless it was found to bo inconvenient, or unless some good was to be effected by the change. He should therefore support the amendment of the noble lord. Mr. BRIGHT said his own experience with regard to committees of that house had led him to the con clusion that eighteen was • much better number than twenty-four ; and he thought that India would be better governed by a council of seven members chosen judiciously —able men, clearly responsible, and having the power of recording their dissent from the Board of Control—than twenty-four or eighteen men chosen in the incongruous and inconsistent manner that the court had been hitherto. Mr. C. BRUCE thought that considering the variety and importance of the duties to be discharged the number of directors should be increased rather than diminished. Captain MANGLES said—ln considering the question before the committee it should be borne in mind that India was not one and indivisible, but • country which presented as great varieties as those which ex isted between England and Germany ; and it was absolutely essential that the Court of Directors should be personally conversant with the habits, manners, and character of the whole people of India. The hon. member for Manchester had drawn an analogy between the Court of Directors end a committee of that house ; but surely there was no analogy between a tribunal which had to deal with only one question, and one which had to deal with hun dreds of questions. At present the court was composed of three committees, each consisting of seven or eight mem bers. Ender the government plan the committee would consist Manly five or six members. The Court of Directors had no vacation ; under their charter and bye-laws the sat every week. Negroes must have holidays. (Laughter.) The right hon. baronet had laid no grounds far the altera tion proposed, nor had shown that any inconvenience had arisen from the present number of the court. He seemed to found himself on a mere speculative notion that eighteen was • better number than twenty-four. Lord STANLEY approved of the redaction, 'and consi dered that the court would still be the largest executive council in the world. As to the quantity of business, one ef the reforms expected was a considerable diminution in the amount of formal business and in the number of de speshes, which would be sent home for approval. Mr. J. PHILLIMORE approved of the reduction, and would vote for the clause as it stood. Sir R. INGLIS had heard no sufficient reason for altering the number of directors. He should therefore sup port the proposition of the noble lord for inserting 24 instead of 18. Mr. RICH supported the clause. Sir U. MADDOCK also was of opinion that 18 was quite a sufficient number. Mr. J. M'OItEOOR, amid general signs of impatience, announced his intention of supporting the clause. Mr. NEWDEGATE was surprised at hon. gentlemen connected with the Colonial Association, who were so much in favour of the principle of representation, seeking to break down the only system of representation that India had. Without any complaint of the number of the directors being too large—without any charge that they had neglected the interests intrusted to them—they were about to reduce them from 24 to 18, and of that number to giro the crown the power of nominating six; thus destroying the indepen dent character of the governing body of ludia. lie should vote for the amendment. Mr. OTWAY considered that 18 directors would form a mere efficient body than 24, and therefore he should sup port the clause as it stood. The committee then divided : For the number " 18," as in the clause lB6 For the amendment B5-101 Tho clause, as amended, was ordered to stand part of the bill. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday, at six o'clock, on the house re suming after the morning sitting. Lord PALMERSTON stated that the home would sit on Monday, at two o'clock, to take the Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill. Mr. BOUVERIE intimated that there was little chance of their getting through that bill in two hours. CUSTOMS ACTS. The house then went into committee on the Customs Acts. On the resolution relating to the duties to be les:ed the Isle of Man, Sir J. WALMSLEY hoped that after the petition he had that day presented from the Isle of Mao, the hon. gen tleman, the Secretary to the Treasury, would not proceed with the resolutions. Mr. WILSON said that by the present customs regula tions in the Isle of Man the duties levied were lower than than those in England, and, in consequence of a system of licences, a monopoly had been created which diminished, the imports of some articles into the island. The Treasury had received constant applications from the Isle of Man for an alteration which would allow the free importation of all the articles that were required, and the r.'ason of the proposed change was with a view to that object. In order to attain that, it had been found necessary slightly to raise the duties. He I had received resolutions from the House of Keys, which did not offer any objection to the gen-- rat principle of the alterations, although objections ' were made to some of the details ; but se a whole the au thorities of the island were in favour of the change. The effect would be,that for the first time the Isle of Man would have the privilege of the entire coasting trade of the United Kingdom, and hove an export and import trade such as it never possessed before. If there was any surplus re venue, it would be appropriated to the improvement of the harbours of the Wend. Lord STANLEY wished to know if he understood, tar. rectly that no objection was taken to the substance of the resolutions in the island, but only to separate parts ;at it. Mr. WILSON—There was certainly some diffetence of opinion, hut the authorities of the island, on the whole, were of opinior. that in order to effect the de aired object some increase of duties was necessary. Mr. G. HAMILTON could confirm the•statement of the hon. gentleman with regard to the applications which hail been made to the Treasury from the Isle of Man ; but he hoped the house would cautiously, consider any chrosee OF INDIA BILL. Upon the motion that the Spenser do leave tie chair, Mr. BLACKETT said that after the division of last week it would be useless to oppose the government upon this measure. He trusted, however, that right hon. gentlemen would use their victory prudently, and listen to the reason able remonstrances of those who did not approve of the leisure. The first question to which ho would call the attention of the house was as to whether the Court of Di rectors were willing to remain as they now were without any commercial character. He also wished the President of the Board of Control would state what he was prepared to do in the event of the refusal of the Court of Dina tors to take upon themselves the government of India. The next point concerned the very loose way in which this bill was drawn. He thought it was impossible to shoo a stronger instance of the unsatisfactory working of coast. ments of this description. lie hoped he should nut be told that this was a question of time, and that government NA not time to do it. Now government should cut out for themselves only so much work as they could get through satisfactorily. But the only time that could possibly be lost by the reconstruction of this measure would be the time which would be occupied, which would not be sore than a few days, in transcribing the various acts which it was intended to revive, for he supposed when he proposed to revive these acts, he did it from a deliberate know ledge of their contents. The first clause he thought ought to be postponed. Sir C. WOOD said the first point raised by the bon. member was, did he feel confident that the Court of Dino tors and the proprietors of East India stock would consent to remain trustees for the government of India if the bill passed in its present shape. He had not the slightest rea soa to think they would not. With regard to the second question, he confessed be did not quite understand his hon. friend when he said he wished the clause to be reconsidered, in order that it might be brought forward in a more rea sonable shape, unless he meant that all the existing statutes with reference to India should be repealed and re enacted. (Herr, hear.) That certainly was intelligible, but that was • totally different thing from postponing the clause with a view of bringing it forward in a more satis factory shape. He did not mean to say that consolidating all the acts would not be a desirable course, but it would be a gigantic task to consolidate all the acts relating to India, and if they were to attempt to do it there would be no pros pect of accomplishing it this session. . - Mr. BRIGHT said the right hon. gentleman had just given the sort of answer he expected. He said it would be a gigantic undertaking. Well he (Mr. Bright) thought this bill showed that with regard to India, the right hon. gentle man was not competent to undertake anything of a gigantic character. Re thought the right honourable gentle. man had made a most flimsy um.° for not having done what it was his duty to do. Last year, in reference to the Militia Bill, he (Mr. Bright) made the same objection, and he believed there was not a man now of all those engaged in carrying out that measure who, if his life were at stake, could ascertain what was the law with regard to that par ticular force. Then there was another measure, the In- come Tax Act, which revived acts passed on the subject ; and the consequence was they were in a state of confusion on the subject. Here were three measures within two ses sions of an important character in which that slip-shod system of legislation was adopted, and that was dose De cease it would be too gigantic a:labour to do it properly. The interest of India and the means of the people to understand the law they were under were to be considered as nothing, but a bill was to be brought forward in June, any sort of a bill to keep up the government of India, and whatever was done, be it right or wrong, was to be rendered permanent simply because the President of the Board of Control had not time to do the thing properly. It was only another proof of the un statesmanlike conduct of the government, in bringing the measure forward at such a period of the reuion that there was not time to discuss it. The Speaker was in the chair till half•put 2 oa Tuesday morning, till half-past 3 on Wednesday morning, and this morning till 3, and, for anything he knew, he might be in the chair till 4 o'clock to-morrow morning, and he had had to come to the house at twelve to take the chair again. There might be men whose physical frame could endure it, but no mental frame could. And yet in sueh a session as this the President of the Board of Control insisted upon bringing this ill-advised and clumsy scheme before the house, and, he presumed, congratulated himself that, wearied as they wore by labours to which they ought not to be subjected, the bill would pass, and the govern ment of India would be put to sleep again for an unknown number of years. Mr. J. O. PHILLIMORE said it was scarcely credible that they were legislating for 100 millions of people in such a way. The right hon. gentleman said it was a Herculean task to consolidate the acts. If he was not prepared to undeitake that Herculean task they ought not to legislate at all. Mr. HUME said it would have been mere honourable is the government if they had taken time to bring forward a bill suitable to the importance of the object, and more especially seeing that it was not a temporary bill, but a bill that was to continue for an indefinite time. He con. sidered that the two points submitted by the honourable member for Newcastle were unanswered and The Speaker then left the chair. On clause 1, Mr. PIIINN moved to leave out the words " until par liament shall otherwise provide," in the Hest line ; and in the third line, after the word " shall," to insert "be go verned by and in the name of her Majesty, her heirs and successors." The house had a ffi rmed, by • large majority, two propositions—first, that it was desirable to legislate during the present session; and secondly, that the East India Company should be retained as an instrument for managing that country. It still remained, however, for the house to decide on the eztent and the manner in which the influence of the crown should be exercise. The prin ciple of his amendment had been supported by Mr. Foe, Lord Grenville, and other great statesmen ; and if it was a matter of some importance in those days, when the dif ferent India bills were mere leases from the crown to the company, it became still more so at the present time, when parliament was proposing to legislate permanently, and for an uncertain period. (Hear, hear.) As for the words "till parliament shall otherwise provide," they wire • mere pleonasm ; for of course parliament would always re tain the power of altering any arrangements they migLt now choose to r make. Mr. LOVE objected to the first amendment, on the I ' ground that it would afford a plea to the noble lord (Vis count Jocelyn), who had a motion on the paper, ter limit- ' ing the duration of the bill. As to the hon. gentle man's second amendment, he (Mr. Lowe) could not consent ' to the issue which the hon. gentleman had now raised. The hon. gentleman said the question was whether India should or should not be placed under the direct govern ment of the crown. He (Mr. Lowe) contended however, that the true issue was whether that question heel not already been decided by the housed (near, hear.) Lord STANLEY supported the amendment, and con tended that, if it were carried, it would not do away with the double government. It proposed no alteration in the form of the home government, and Co.ild not, therefore, be said to iaterfere with the double government. Or all the witnesses who had been examined not one had said that the change proposed would be in.Mrious. This was, to a great extent, • question of names ; but, so far as the native princes, and all classes is India, were concerned, the altera tion would be a M. 31% tovonzable one. that were to be made. He complained that no time had been allowed for the islex'd to come to a decision upon this matter. It would be better' to defer the consideration of these resolutions until the Authorities of the island had time to consider them. Mr. WILSON said that the Treasury minute had been subinitted to the House of Keys, anal she resolutions were agreed to by them. Sir J. WALUSLEY said that a gentleoan (Mr. W. Cal lister) was in this country with fall authority from the Holum of Keys. The government were by a sine wind en deavouring to destroy the constitution of the Isle of Man. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving that the chairman report progress. Lord J. MANNERS would be glad to know what had been the practice on former occasions. M•. WILSON said it had been the practice to consult the Isle of Man infers introducing any bill to tax the island. He had followed that course on the present occa sion. lie bad not been aware that Mr. Callister Wile in London, and be hail no objectina to concur in the motion of the hon. baronet (Sir J. Walmsley) in order that Mr. Cai-- lister might see hint at the Treasury, when this question might be considered. The CUAIRIIAN then reported progress. The house re sumed. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH (No. 3) BILL. This bill was read a second time. BELFAST MUNICIPAL BOUNDARIES BILL. On the order of the day for going into committee on this bill, Mr. BOUVERIE said this was to all intents and pur poses a private bill, and ought to have gone through the usual forms of private bills, but it was brought in as a go vernment bill. If this practice were continued it would lead to numbers of applications to government to undertake private bills in order that the parties might save them , elvts the trouble and expense of applying in the usual form. Haying entered bis caveat against such a practice he should take no further proceeding respecting it. The bill then went through committee. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. JEVANGEE PESTONGEE, AND I U VICAGEE. The adjourned debate on the question of printing this petition, was resumed, and after a short discussion, was negatived. CORRUPT OFFENCES (COLONIES) BILL. This bill was tcad a second time. COURTS OF COMMON LAW (IRELAND) DILL. This bill, as amended, was considered, and ordered to be read a third time on Thursday next. NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND). Mr. COWAN moved for as address for copics of the cor respondence between the Treasury, the Stationery-office, the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, and any other parties, on the subject of the recent or intended changes in the mode of preparation, publication, and supply of the Irish National School books; of the names and places of abode of the agents hitherto employed by the said commissioners for the supply of these books, whether to the National Schools or to the public, with the rate and amount of their remuneration, the value of books supplied to or sold by such agents, and the amount received as the pro , duce of such sales, during each of the last ten years ; and of the names of any persons who have been appointed in consequence of the new arrangements, the nature of their duties, and the amount of their salaries. I Agreed to. The house adjourned at a quarter past one. Viscount Newark paired on Thursday night against the Succession Tai Bill with Serjeant Murphy in favour. 'ARY COMMITTEES. IMPROVEMENT OF LANDS THROUGHOUT GREAT BRlTAlN.—Yesterday a committee of the House of Lords, consisting of the Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Doncaster, Lord Harrowby, Earl of Ardrossan, and Lord do Mouley, met to consider the provisions of a bill for incorporating the Lands Improvement company, the object of it being •.o improve, convert, and reclaim, Linde in England, Scotland, and Wales, by draining, irrigation, embanking, inclosing, making roads, erecting farm buildings, trenching, clearing and planting, for the purposes of shelter, for tha general benefit of agriculture, and the public advantage. The drain age of lands is to be carried out by any such means as the Inclosure Commissioners shall approve. The capital is to . . . be 100,0001., with power to issue additional shares up to 300,0001. Power is also given to afford facilities for the im provement of land by enabling the company to issue trans ferable mortgage dihentures. Landlords may contract with the company for the improvement of lands, and Inelosure Commissioners may inspect lands and works. The measure, the preamble of which was declared proved, is not tof extend to Ireland. RAILWAY COMMITTEPA.—ROYSE OP Loans.—Yester day the following bills passed through committee in the House of Lords :—Bideford Extension; Wavency Valley; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire; Llandiloes and Newtown; London and North Western (Oldham and St. Alban's branches) ; Great Southern and Western; Fur ness ; Eastern Counties (North Woolwich) ; Edinburgh and Glasgow; Carlisle and Port Carlisle; Copper Miners Company. Cht er33VOO. TO CORRESPONDENTS. ♦'enni4 Edition ef " The Exprerx," containing the earne evening% “ (layette," o publiehed every Tuelday and Friday eiglit, in time fsn. to 4. kj.ertuerseste intended for " The rapresr," London Evening paper, rated be at the °Mee, 10, Boucerie•street, by Two o'clock on the day of publisaaion. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. TAD. DAT—Morning. 3b. 39. m. .........Afternom. 44. 9m. Tamossow—Mormag, 4b. 252. .Aftermon. 411. 4Jm. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY O. MR. LATARD has again put off his intended motion about the Russian invasion of Turkey, and from the tone adopted in the House of Commons last night, in reference to this second postponement, it seems clear that the Government do not at present intend to let the country know anything whatever about a question so deeply involving their interests. We are all to be kept in profound ignorance, and - - in the meantime wo find the organ of Russia preaching a sermon on the costliness of war. Such hints were altogether needless for any honest pur pose. Every Englishman knows too painfully the price this country has had to pay for righting the battles of Europe. Our huge debt is trumpet tongued on that. Nobody wants war, and therefore it was that there rose in England one loud cry of disgust and indignation when war was made by Rus sia upon an unoffending neighbour—Russia, whose in terests have ever been supported by the journal that now preaches peace. But Russia having made war, and her cannon being now planted on the soil of Turkey, the Russian party of course cry out for peace. Enjoying now the spoils of war, they do not wish to be disturbed in their possession of them. The wolf, having seized the lamb, asks everybody to be very quiet,—that ho may digest his meal at leisure. Judging from present appearances, wo are to have peace—the CZAR being left in uninterrupted possession of his prey. Successful tyranny is unhappily too common a reality in this world. The timid, the mean, the selfish, the time serving, and the overbearing, win amongst them a vast number of the prizes in this world; and the wise, the benevolent, and the honest, have only their grief as a consolation that it should be so. But if Russia does have her own way in this case, one very clear fact is established, in which our national welfare is deeply involved. By treaty the Great Powers are bound to preserve the existing boundaries of European States. In the same way that Prussian and Belgian frontiers are defined by treaty, so are Turkish frontiers esta blished. The treaties are, it seems, to be nil—to be broken in the case of Turkey. If so, by the same rule they must become worthless in other instances, and in relation to other frontiers. Russia and Austria, and even Prussia, not standing by the letter of the trea i ties in one eabe, cannot claim theprotection of treaties in others. If the Ottoman dominions are insecure under the 1 existing international arrangements, then other , States—as Belgium and Prussia,—are insecure also. 1 Treaties being waste paper, Russia may absorb Austria and the small German states when she pleases, and England is absolved from all future 1 responsibilities on their behalf. It compacts are to be trodden down as worthless in the East, the English must be insane before they ever hereafter permit anything like war to be waged for the upholding of dynastic or frontier arrangements in any other part of Europe. Henceforth we have nothing to do with frontiers in Belgium or on the broken. France, our nei g hb our , h as lines' to keep her bargains—all e done nothing. Th e d eserters, Rhine, or in any. other country defined by such trea of the compact, a n d l e f t us ties as that now* alone shown re& the other States ita.v therefore, have gone °us' free from their encumbelii.*:4 alliances. Such a solution of the question will have it s con . solutions. Meanwhile the de.nial of information on the part of the Government is ontamount to a de claration that the people of this country are unfit to be trusted with a knowleege of their own affairs. Mystery, the ally of Falsehood, and the parent of Crime, is to be the order of the day, and when the Cabinet Oracle does condi seen& to speak, it may perhaps say, that we are a t war without our knowledge or have been made parties to another Polish parti tion without our consent. Justice and expediency both require the fullest and most candid explanation of our present true position—but Cabinet complica Lions may render silence most convenient. No silence is to be the order of the day. Mr. DisaxEtr, with the keenness of an adroit parliamentarian, hit the Ministry on a tinder point when ho found them so quietly bottling-up Mr. LAYAUD. It is only a week (said Mr. DISRAFLI) since the First Minister of the Crown in this house wished that this sub ject should bo brought forward, and himself fixed a day for its discussion. Very injurious effects upon public opinion may follow from what has taken place to-night, unhiss they be removed by her Majesty's ministers ; for if the niible lord (J. Russell) was anxious that this subject should be brought forward a week ago, and to bring it forward would now be injurious to the public service, it would seem that in one week circumstances have occurred which have changed the opinion of her Majesty's ministers upon this subject. Ido not say that such circumstances have really occurred. I hope that they have not; but the only infe rence to be drawn from the fact which I have stated is, that matters in reference to this question are in a more critical position than they were a week since. (" No, no," from the ministerial benches.) I hear a murmur of " No." It is not by murmuring " No, no" that this impression can be removed; the house and the country ought to be better in formed on the subject. (licar, hear.) We ought to know what circumstances have occurred of such gravity that her Majesty's government had altered the resolution which they expressed such a short time since. These thrusts at the Ministerial benches had re ference of course to the rumoured differences in the Cabinet and tho possibility of their being cultivated into something profitable to the Opposition. But the truth is still the same—that Ministers are sud denly desirous of being dumb on the vital ques tion of the hour, and that this Ministerial silence deprives the public of information which they are fully entitled to demand when their interests are so deeply at stake, and which it is unconstitutional to refuse to give. THE India Bill came again before the House of Commons last night. " There is "—said Sir JAMES GRAILCM in concluding his speech against Lord STANLEY'S amendment—" there is, on the part of Government, erery disposition to meet any objections with rfference to details in a spirit 41 the utmost candour." Let us then accept this spirit, and, laying aside all thoughts but the improvement of the con dition of India, examine the details of the Govern ment Bill, with the simple and disinterested view of consolidating and perpetuating the counexion be tween India and England by those best of all ties— the reciprocal and mutual interests of both. In that way we shall put the professions of the Cabinet to a proof that will best try the sincerity of their pro fessions. Though the double Government of India has at present escaped formal condemnation, and may, in consequence, last some years longer, even its warmest friends and advocates have admitted that it cannot remain permanent; and, if it fall not sooner by tho weight of its own vices, the operation of the Security Fund will in 1874 bring it to a stand still by paying off the capital stock,—by virtue and possession of which only a constituency is formed. With such a prospect before us, it is above all things desir able to make timely preparations for the change that, sooner or later, is inevitable—to pave the way tor its future occurrence, and make the needful approaches for the facile and easy absorption of the India House in the Board of Control. Now, in this point of view, the Bill is defective. It continues the two dis tinct bodies; it keeps just as wide apart and as se parate and distinct the old corporation that first won us India, and the modern Board which directs and iontroLs its proceedings, as if they were to endure to the end of the Indian Episode in British history. It prolongs that jealousy and antagonism between them which will always be proportionate to their separation; and it does nothing to diminish—on the contrary, it will probably considerably increase—the present enormous cost of the Home Government. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, having then undertaken that the Cabinet will receive suggestions in a candid and liberal spirit, the most obvious, perhaps the most im portant, of all that can be mode, is to bring the Eost India Company and the Board of Control under the one and the same roof. The prolonged maintenance of two great establishments is a flagrant absurdity ; it involves far worse consequences than waste of time and waste of money ; it begets waste of power, want of unanimity, want of cordial co-operation, and general ignorance in each establishment not merely of what the other is doing, but of what the other is thinking about. At present, the " Chairs" of the Court of Directors pay a visit once or twice a week to the PRESIDENT of the BOARD of CONTROL, and talk over the subjects of the day. With the other directors, how ever superior in information, the President has no official intercourse; all the rest of the business, that is, all the real business, is carried on in writing. The " minds" of Leadenhall•street prepare elaborate de spatches which the " minds" of Cannon-row criticise and alter, but the " minds" rarely meet except in literary conflicts. Three miles of streets divi3e them almost as effectually as oceans ; and the greatest of all probable impro‘taneulb would be, if not their union, at least their greater vicinity to each other. So little of ordinary business is there to do at tho Board of Control, that Lord BROUGHTON told the Committee on Official Salaries the clerks there came in the morning and left in the afternoon at whatever hour they pleased; "they did the work that was all he cared about." Now, it is quite clear that, though there is to be no amalgamation of " minds" at pre sent, there might very usefully be a union of 0 pens," and that the gentlemen who don't think, might very advantageously and economically be all brought together to work. By this means, too, the "minds" would be more accessible, become better acquainted with each other, work more cordially and efficiently. The President and Secretaries of the Board of Control would have opportunities of being in constant communication with the Court of Direc tors, the committees, the chairs, and individual direr• tors. There would be co-operation, concentration, time and money, all gained by all working under one roof ; and, when the time for the great change ar rived, it would be smoothly, fairly, and almost si lently made. Nor ought the expense of providing ono great establishment to be in the way, for the com• puted value of the India-house is about 300,0001., —a sum exceeding the cost of any now buildings reasonably required at Whitehall. To ono part of the qualification of the Crown Directors there is, we think, a strong objection. They are, first, to have beer, for ten years at least in the service of the Crown or of the Company in India—s requirement that is full of promise and hope. But, next, they are to have the same quaiiti• &also II quired fa conceesi ° pees a ga inquire [Cl' out fj, surely of the Pr usefulues tion._ nitl sock 111 what ma, will be 6 wealth t . Owe stn jectionab And so or will, we I The Bi Committi a nd in . . the plat s o w, the and so hi eompellir tent from either, in Secret presented to refuse Pnr.stnE: sign his secret Ct have the At pre Rotator Tuc " hints ;" permit o the Bear retests, responsil Rill be for thet papers 8 the qttesi position out any sibility c practical PaEstpr whilst • under th the deer him a si the Ti, Your added tho ob ?mums the mol lization damn( interest pay for It co burgle] better gentle: on hon the po: have b not to in cn squat pred( thou stinci a gre Ar progl have iliac Chat, thod inevi