The Express. — London, England, 1851-05-30 00:00:00

(Continued....---.-, interruption, and cries of "Question.") I made, and ask the opinion of the house on these and these thew - . Be maintained mat it was almost impossible they could I only. (Cheery.) But, sir, why is blame to be imputed to c ave maenad the vitiation. (" Question" and laughter.) Lord Torrington w ith respect to that insurrection ? Bo it we me m eav thatesolidering the , grave nature of this in. observed that the news of that insurrection eame suddenly . e 5,, , ,, ne e th e pat i ent attention with which . the accusation on the governor, who immediately sent for Col. Fraser, an 11: e alece teamed to on that (the rninisterial)side of the home, officer who had *treed in the previous insurrection, and i t w as a link too bail. (The remainder of the sentence win whose discretion and exp erience be could well trust iu so b et a mid the the ironical cheering and interruptio ns .) li e important a matter. ! le solicited Col. Fraser's opinion, „ e el again that it was almost impossible that gentleman and having obtained it, he acted in accordance therewith. e h ee ld have taken the trouble to master the evidence. lie immediately saw the general commanding the forces, (l eterr eption, and cries of e Which side ?") Ile would and to o k a ll t h e requisite measures to have th e tell them which side. (0h,0h.) Those who had come to troops at once sent to the point at which the vote without consideration °nth, conduct of two public men. outbreak had occurred. lie took every other means (Oh.) The matter had been referred, and properly, to a 17 which the rebels might be promptly and effee sommittee, because it was next to improeible that in the course I ninety met, and by which the rebellion might without Of debate they meld muter the voluminous documents. I delay be suppressed. With the c oncurrence o f G enera l (The hoo. and learned gentleman's continued r ecurrence to , Smelt, Mr. Selby, the Queen's Advocate, and Col. Fraser, this point created great excitement and interruption Ihe had martial law proclaimed in the district which was l amed with latightei from the opposition.) The propose- I disturbed, and the effect was immediate anal most boo of the hose member for Inverness was submitted gratifying; because, as the right honourable gentleman to the committee. mu their resolution was that they had' says, in a very few days the armed rests not sufficient evidence to enable them to come to a satisfac- tance had ceased--those who had been collecting tory conclusion. That was substantially their decision. in order to proclaim a pretended king, and who had They added their regret that • commission had not been been destroying the coffee plantations and devastating the sent out, but they said that they had not evidence to justify building' of the colonists, were dispersed in various three •delinitive conclusion. The hon. member for Inverness Chins ; and although four thousand men attacked a post complained of the conduct of that committee, but the held by the British troops, they were promptly driven Were his own selection. (.' Nu," from Mr. &tithe. back and dispersed. (Cheers.) So far Lord Torrington At least he was the chairman. (Loud laughter./ was not to blame for the steps hr had taken; but the right In the first place this fact was proved, that, as soon as the hon. gentleman says that he continued martial-law when pretender was taken, Lord Torrington immediately con- the continuance of martial-law was no longer justifiable. ceived the intention of putting an cod to martial law, and But the right hon. gentleman omits the important &CUM. that he brought the matter under the notice of his adviser. stance that Lord Torrington in this matter acted in concert Lieut.-General Smelt took an objection to that proceeding. with his executive council. No doubt he bad the opinion lie declared, in a written remonstrance, addressed to the of one member who was strongly opposed to the confine executive council, that although the pretender had been am* of martial law ; but the four others were in favour of taken, and nude revelations, it was highly probable it, making with Lord Torrington a preponderance of five he would make still further revelations as to others who to one. The major -general commanding in the district bad been mixed up in these rebellious transactions, and was also strongly in favour of the continuance of martial that, until these were made, martial law ought to be law. lie did not think that tnuiquillity could be restored continued. 'rhea was addressed to the council in proper unless the offenders were captured and brought to punish official form. What did the governor then do ? lie sum- went. (Cheers.) It is a totally different tiling fur Lord mooed the legislative council, and, in an address, total them Torrin g ton to have acted in a manner which thi s that it was his intention to put an e nd t o martial law. The resolution says was arbitrary and oppressive, from assembly approved of that intention being carried into his sole will, from his sole caprice—(hear, hear) — effect as soon as possible, and they approved of and con- and taking deliberately the advice of his executive council, curved in all that the governor had done up to that period. the advice of those men best acquainted with the colony ; The hoe. member for Montrone had asked what the and with their advice, and in concurrence with their Council had to .lo with the acts of the Governor ?—an ex opinion, continued martial law for a short time. That traordinery question, seeing that Oils house repeatedly in- martial law was continued for ten weeks. Bat I admit it teetered with governors. (hear, hear.) We bad the is a most serious resolution to come to, to establish martial general in commend, the executive council, and the legin law in • district or in any part of a country. I admit its lative body, all approving of Lord Torringtores conduct. effects, which have been gone into in great detail by the It was remarkable that the resolutions of the hon. mem- hon. and learned member fur Abingdon, whether correctly her for Inverness differed from each other. Ile began by or not I will not at this moment inquire, but I will admit eying that It; heal been executed and 150 punished • then that irregularities of taking evidenne and many of those dir ks said that 18 had been executed and 145 punished; and curnstances are inherent anal inseparable from a proclama thirdly, he said that 18 had been executed anal 110 punished. tion of martial iaw which the hon. gentleman took upon These might not be great inconsidencies, but, in a case of himself to continue. But at the same time the government this kind, accuracy was highly desirable. (Hear.) What had to consider, and this was the question fir the govern would the house say when he (the Attorney-General) told meet at home, sod this will be the question for this them that the actual number convicted or punished, house to-night in its more general features whether capitally or otherwise, with reference to that if, on the one hand, martial law cannot be this rebellion, amounted to only 64 ? (Hear, hear.) continued without the risk of punishment, which may reach Sixty-four might be considered a large number, not the most guilty, but those who have appeared in arms, bat, however large it might appear, let it not be swelled to and are guilty according to the law of high treason and of 158. (Hear, hear.) Eighteen were capitally punished, and rebellion ; if well may be the consequences, on the other the rest transported and imprisoned. Ihe honourable hand the consequence of refusing to continue martial law, member for Montreee had startled them by stating anal the consequences of refusing to put it in force may be that no less than 3eo persons had suffered punishment in this—that insurrection, which at first is weak and may be connexion with the rebellion. At first he (the Attorney- easily crushed, may become formidable; thatthe whole order (leneral) woe utterly at a lon to discover the cause of this of the colony may be destroyed ; that the allegiance that is extraordinary error ; but he had persevered in the search, due to the crown may be withheld, though property to an and at last he believed he had bit upon it. The first list indefinite extent may be spoiled and ruined, but, above all, gave 120. The second lid gave 126. The list of 126 that humanity for the sake of which martial law was with was divided into two portions : 47 persons were tried for held—that humanity itself may be lost sight of, anal that offences in connexion with the rebellion, and 79 persons were many more lives may be lost in the struggle that might en tried for utfeucce not in connexion with the rebellion. Put- sue than would have been lost if martial law had fur a few tang these together they gut another 126; and the house weeks been continued. And that was the question that would find that all these figures male 372. Then the house Lord Torrington had to decide. That question came next Could add to this the 18 who were tried in the proper en- to the government at home. Lord Torrington is accused in mired courts ; mad they would give ;Zia Then deduct the these resolutions of departing from the usual merciful ad -10 acquitted, and it brought the result down to 3.10. ministration of the penal laws of his country ;he is censured (Great laughter.) Were the hon. gentlemen who had for pursuing conduct which is arbitrary and oppressive. I made these 'Mistakes at all fitted fur the fame- ask how eau any man have such a censure cad upon him, lions of public prosecutors ? (Cheers.) The question and say it passes over his head, and only strikes at the go ought, at least, to be considered, fairly. Hon. gentlemen veenment of which he is an officer ? That question was con mid, " You must protect your colonial subjects from your sialeredbyehe government, and it shows the blindness and arbitrary colonial governors." But, then, let care betoken, the prejudice under which I must say the hon. member fur while emanating ii colonial policy, not to be protective at Inverness has generally shown himself to act that that the expense of an innocent Mall. Let not a man be con- dispatch contains two remarkable paragraphs—the one demised hastily, who hail been proved to have done his with regard to the measures that Lord Torrington had best in trying circumstances. He (the Attorney-General) taken for the prompt suppression of the rebellion, and the admitted that sixty-four persons had been punished, other related to the punishment to be inflicted, and the and that eighteen had been capitally punished. hon. member for Inverness read the part which rebated The question was, had this severity been excessive ? Ile to the prompt suppression of the rebellion, but would admit, looking only to this particular rebellion, that omitted that part which related to the punishment it did appear that a eunsidereble rigour had been exercised. to be inflicted. The noble lord then read the But he contended that it was the duty of a governor, placed paragraph in question, in which Lord Grey stated as Lord Torrington hail been pieced, to look to all the sue- that he concurred in Lord Torrington's opinion, that it Was rintOding tircumstatweg. They did not punieh a num simply be- necessary to punish with severity' the leaders and promoters came he had been guilty of an offence; they punished with 9f the insurrection, which would (prone the most merciful • further view to deter other men from the repeti course in the cad; but while it was necessary to vindicate lion of a similar offence. And in this Mae they and maintain the law, it was desirable that acts of justice had to consider the people they had had to deal with, and and severity should be strictly limited to the w all the circumstances surrounding the particular trainee- cosiest. . ask, (the noble lord proceeded to Cons. This might have been a comparatively bloodless say,) whether these are riot sentiments befitting rebellion, which had been suppremeal with but little effort, the Colonial Secretary, and whether it Cis right that and but slight outlay. But the house must look to the • member of this house in bringing an account of wanton merit of the people as it had proved itself over a long period. severity should have totally omitted the paragraph 1 have What was the fact? That since the establishment of mad. (Hear.) It is quite true, as has been said by an hon. the British dominion in the Weed of Ceylon there had number, that the government have not collectively ex been no less than six onopirecies and rebellions. The pressed any disapprobation of the conduct of Lord Toning subjugation of the island was completed, partly by force ton. In the last despatch which Lord Grey wrote, and and pertly by negotiation, in 1815. In ISIS • dangerous which has been read by my hon. and learned friend, it is rebellion broke out, and it cost many months of warfare stated that the government still believed that Lord Toren:m ond the lives of many hundreds beton the government ton was guided by the opinion he had conseindously formed succeeded in repressing it. Had the affection of the people supported by tbose who ought to advise him in the colony, for the British rule been improved between that time and that in proclaiming martial law, and in punishing those the date of the transactions now in question ? All the who had offended, he was acting as he believed in the only evidence was directly against ouch a proposition. Past in- way to maintain the tranquillity of the colony, and to stances of emopirary and revnit, engendered by a dislike of promote the welfare of her Majesty's subjects. That is forsign dominion, hail shown that energetic measures were still our belief. (Hear, hear.) It is our belief that when the true remedy with a hostile and discontented population you send • governor to a distant colony, when you find that —far the taxes were a mere pretext -with disaffected head. be is zealously performing his duty—thathe is endeavouring men and priests, and with the experience of the past, it by all the means in his power to preserve the colony in idle was the duty of the governor to mete out punishment with glance to her Majesty, we think that confidence ought to be regard to all these circumstances. Having alluded at some held out tu that governor, and that we ought not to paps length to the improvement brought about in the hammed any censure upon a question on which we believe, if there condition of the island by Lord Torrington's measures, the could be any difference of opinion, that he is more likely to learned member went on to contend that if, instead of pro- come to a correct judgment than we are here. 1 believe claiming and prolonging martial law, Lord Torrington had we come to a right conclusion, I believe, looking at colonial punued a different course, and the result had been unfair- governors in general, that we and this house ought to tunate, where would have been the limit of reproach? After come to an entirely opposite conclusion from that to rating a letter (rum Lord Torrington, denying a statement which the hon. gentleman (Mr. Baillie) would invite us. male during the preceding debate by Mr. Horne, he con- I for my part should wish that no one should eluded with an earnest appeal to the house to lose sight of Join in this censure on Lord Torrington, Lord Grey, env consideration that would prevent it from doing justice and the government, but those who, having looked to the character of the accused. at all the merits of the case, find they have no alter- Lord HOT Ileal denied that he had any private under- native. If that should be the case, I shall cheerfully leave standing with the government in drawing up the report, the decision to the house, believing whatever that decision wheel was subsequently ado ated , with altetationa , by the may be, that those rules and maxims which we have laid committee. The noble lord concluded by saying th.it h e down, by which any government must be guided that seeks could net vote for the motion of Mr. Baillie. because he to preserve this empire, are just, by which we refute to take was aware that there was a great amount of evidence which the part of sacrifiting a governor because there is a clamour was most important, and which had not been brought be• got up against him with great perseverance and industry — fore the committee. I believe that the government, while it would be sacrificing Lord J. ItIeSSELL.—As no member of the cabinet has the colony, would meet with the deserved reprobation of the addressed the house during this long discussion, I cannot people of England. (Cheers.) allow the debate to close, without explaining shortly the Mr. DISRAELI admired the statesmanlike spirit of the veers of the government in reference to Lord Torrington's First Minister of England, who had determined not to conduct, and in reference to the motion of the hon. member sacrifice a governor to public clamour, but why had the (Mr. Willie). It will not be necessary for me to go through noble lord grunted the committee so easily? (Hear, hear.) these p o ints which h ave been argued with great ability The character the noble lord had given woe that either on the one side of the house or the other, of a perfect governor. He found a deficient re with respect to particular acts of Lord Torrington, but two venue, he left an ample surplus. lie encountered a bon. members who have spoken on this question on the great rebellion; he delivered to his successor a peaces' other side of the house have so narrowed the matter to community—yet this was the governor who at the first pints of great magnitude no doubt, but still to points which moment • rumour was raised in the House of Commons, may be Woman into very small compass indeed. (Bear, this same minister ignominiously deserted and handed hear.) The hon. member for Donietehire, who addressed over to a committee. The noble lord blamed his hon. the house last night, said that if government instead friend (Mr. Baillie) for not quoting that paragraph in the of revelling Lord Torrington, on the ground of despatch which the noble lord had read. He thought his inability to keep harmony among the official servants hon. friend had shown good taste in omitting that para of the eolony, had recalled him with an expression of die- graph. Then the noble lord instead of entering into approbation at the continuance of martial law and the the merits of the case or vindicating his own eon eeseutions which took place under martial law, he would duct two years ago, had favoured them with some km tilt satisfied, and no motion like the present would observations on the duty of • minister of the ' have bean thought necessary. (Hear, hear.) The right crown not to sacrifice a governor to public clamour. boa. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, as The noble lord in his very ingenuous speech had blamed I understood him, said he was willing to admit that there the lion. member for Inverness because he had taken no we an insu rrec ti on i n C e yl on , that ten thousand men were notice in his resolution of Lord Torrington as • successful in arms against the government and their authority, and fiscal and financial administrator. But what was the reason attempting to set up another authority in the colony; that he did not ? Why, the committee on Ceylon had been pre the proclamation of martial law in the first instance was a vented from entering upon the general policy of fit teethed of meeting the insurrection, and so tar he did Lord Torrington's government by • warm nape not blame the governor or the government. that it (Hear, hear.) porter of th o : too rvernment, who The right hon. gentleman laid th e whole blame on the con- was • covert upon free trade. (L i a l ff eded etmers.) They balance of martial law, . and the number of execin had heard plenty of the feelings of colonial secretaries, boas which h a d t a k en place under it. It is ob- chief justices, and of governors, but nothing of the inhabi. nous that this question affects in the first in- tants of Ceylon. (Cheers.) The hon. member for Sheffield stanc e Lord Torrington ; in the next place Earl Grey, (Mr. Roebuck) had laid down a most extraordinary principle. anal in the third place the whole of the gov enema (Hoar, He said Ceylon was not a colony, because we had gained it bear.) Speaking shortly with to e e ither of th aw: by the sword, and that we must keep it by the sword. three meats 1 mee t b ee t h e h omes t o cons id er what has (Cheers.) Hang them! Burn them! Confiscate! lie been the general character of the administration of Lord questrate ! Let the Governor do all this, and if he is only Torringtoa. (Hear, hear.) He was sent to Ceylon—a successful , neither the ministry nor the _parliament have colony• as described by Si r Emerson Tennent, in which all any right to interfere. (Loud cheering.) Those, however, the civil servants were in such a state of dissension that it were prinsiples which the hon. members who sat on these was difficult to obtain aid from them and imposs ible to se- enlightened benches could not patronise. (Cheers.) The cure anything like harmonious aid. finances Cingalese, continued the hon. and learned member, WeeV in such a state that the expenditure exceeded were of a different race. They had had priests and ways the income by about 80,0001. Ile found that he was in- of their own ; and tberefore they were incapable of th e strutted to impose an entirely new system of taxation. He laws of nations or of nature. (Cheers.) The hon. and carried these instructions into effect, and he reduced the learned member for Honiton had also put forth an extra. expa liditure by more than the sum it had previously ex. ordinary principle. He said that an absent governor was evaded the revenue. (Cheers, and " Hear, hear.") He not to be called in question. Why, that was • princi ple complied, I say, w i t h t k e i netrue tk ete he received with re. for Verret ! (Cheers.) Yet these were the liberal mo m. Prat to the mode of taxation, into the wisdom of which it is ben, the champions of popular rights, who sought seateenary that I should enter now. Bunke it to say that to destroy all political responsibility. (Loud cheers ) the result was, that at the end of three years he left a surplus Strange anomaly ! the government now staked its exist. in the treasury, and had the satisfaction to reflect that in ence on the support of a man whom they had recalled, and the course of ten weeks he had not only suppressed a rebel- not for the very acts of which he was now accused. (Hear, Lon, but had completely eradicated the seeds of that rebel- hear.) lie agreed that the noble lord had been very much Lon. That he left a colony prosperous which he had found ill-used. But by . whom ? (Cheers.) The perfect governor, embarrassed—that he left a people tranquil whom he found the hest administrator of finance ever kn own, the on the verge o f a rebellion, and b an d e d over th e govern- can who had put down a rebellion, and had meat to his successor in such a state that that sue- delivered the dependency in a state of unparal le led ca seer has declared that he is indented to the conduct peace and prosperity to his successor, had been of Lord Torrington, for the easy way in which he is recalled. Ungrateful government ! (Cheers.) But w h y , enabled to c arr y on the government. (Cheers.) Now, sir, There were two letters to persons who had been colonial that is a plain description of what was done by • fn secretaries, one of whom the noble lord, he believed, had experienced in the previous government of a 7, who called a fool, and the other • knave. (La ughter.) The found no assistance from those appointed to sad the letters might have crossed one another, and the wrong men a la h • but there was some misers i ~78"liftirovme' but te on n dime th neione e cm' w '• grast prev a ail bstaa ed les ans a iZg aPtalte them an — dal ( , tha ug t ). an old maid in a country 'a , to. (Cheers.) I must say, that any hon. gentleman town could only have listened to ; and for the bringing before this house • motion with respect to Lord petty malice and prying interest of some unknown, Torrington as governor of Ceylon, ought to have extended It obscure and forgotten individual they had sacrificed this to the whole scope of thatgovernment government; and if he had Painted able statesman, who had done what their own Chancellor of his resolution fairly, should have said what was that general the Exchequer could never do give.u o t e a ru w rLl t ura ir owe , e— ftselt. It is not fair for any hon. member to dwell on any g oorotory oud laughter )--- and w h o h a d a for Foreign Affairs could hardly do, con one or two paint. on which ha think, objections ma be THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 30, 1851. trived to keep them at peace. (Renewed laughter and loud cheers.) The honourable gentleman then ed to criticise various details in the debate. sat it had not been denied that when tranquillity was restored in this district, and there were no men in arms, these tribunals still pursued their dreaded course, and there were executions by the score—not of chief., not of priests, not of leaders of the rebellion, but of the poor peasantry of the country. (Hear, hear.) B u t, if th e y were to believe the statement of ministers, all this discon tent, disappmhation, and disgust of the proceedings, was essentially factitious—had been made up by some discon tented cotery a year after the event,—sent over the water to Englund,—fostered in the House of Commons,— and brought forward merely as a means of party annoyance. They haid been told that public opinion in Ceylon itself was not at all arrayed against these proceedings ; that the press was silent, or did not disapprove of them ; that it was only in England that the press was so venal and corrupt as to do so ? But what said the Examiner of September 23, 1848, the government paper of Ceylon, the paper familiarly styled there Lord Torrington 's paper ? The Rebellion Butchery" was the title of the leading article. (Hear, hear.) It expressed feelings of sorrow and humiliation at hearing that 17 persons lay under sentence of death at Kandy who had been recommended to mercy by the Chief Justice, and implored the governor to spare the lives of these misguided people. It stated that 21 persons had al ready been shot under the sentence of the courts-martial, to the horror of every one in Kandy, and called on the rulers to stay their hands from slaughter by arresting these bloody proceedings, which were a disgrace to a civilised country. (Hear, hear.) How then could the government say that no public feeling, as evinced by the press in that country, had been expressed against the proceeding. of the military courts ? The circumstances of these courts-mar tial were fresh in the recollection of every one in the house. He looked upon them as perfectly unjustified, and as dan gerous to our tenure of our colonies. Of all others this was a case in which the parliament of England should interfere. Lord Grey bad declared, in April last,—" I will not hesitate to express my opinion that true humanity was consulted by the measures of my noble friend." It was bemuse he (Mr Disraeli) did not believe that the interest. of true humanity were consulted—because he believed that the policy pursued was a policy of panic; that it resorted to desperate measures, which were unnecessary and dispros portioned to the exigency; and that the consequence of en couraging such policy (aa would be dune by allowing it to pass uneriticised and uneensured) was indeed perilous to the empire, ho should support the resolution of his hon. friend. (Cheers.) Mr. BAILLIE rose to reply amidst loud and general cries of "Divide." Ile said the proctors of Ceylon had been charged with refusing to defend the priest who was tried. The question arose out of a statement made before the committee by Sir E. Tenncnt ; but Major Lushington, in reply to a letter from the governor, stated that the prisoner had addressed himself to Mr. Wil mot, a government officer, and nut to the proctors. The alteration in his resolution as to the numbers of persorut tried had been occasioned by the various reports from the colonies. Sir Herbert Maddock stated that 18 hail been exe cuted, and 146 altogether had undergone punishment. The reports sent by Cul. Drought and Lord Torrington, each contained statements differing from this. The house then divided-- For the resolutions 202 Against 202 Majority for Ministers The announcement was received with loud and protracted cheers from the ministerial side of the house. STAMP DUTIES (IRELAND) CONTINUANCE DILL This bill was read a third time, and passed. BRITISII WHITE 11EltRING fISLIEILY BILL. Thin bill was read a second time. The house thou adjourned, at a quarter to threo o'clock. ghe erpregiO. regretted its too exclusive terms of union. So long as it occupied that neutral position, the pecuniary results of the QUEEN'S Letters reached even 30,000/.; but gradually, as priestcraft and its sure accompani ment, hostility to the state, have been gaining ground therein, the collections under the regal documents have been falling oft; until at last 30,000/. arc all they have produced ; and, though this decline and the con current withdrawal of hosts of old subscribers may to some extent have been compensated for by tractarian liberality —and tractarianisin always finds money for its objects--still the pecuniary prospects of the National Society are seriously endangered by the false position it has assumed—nay, unless re leased from that position by the adoption of Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR'S resolution, a crusade against its claims to pecuniary support, either by indivi dual subscription or by a QUEEN'S Letter, must and will follow. But the adoption of that resolution is not all that ia necessary on Wednesday. What is further wanted is that a sound resolution be committed to the care and for the guidance of a committee friendly, not hostile to its spirit. Quite as, if not more, import ant, then, is it that the annual vacancies which now occur in the committee should be properly filled up. No claims of church dignitaries for re-election on this emergency ought to be allowed to prevail over the necessity of providing fur carrying out a great prin ciple by proper men. And before Lord Itolimir GRoSVENOR . S resolution can be said to be really suc cessful, the whole tone and spirit of the committee of the National Society must be revolutionises"; for a mere change for the better will not be sufficient. Less than thorough will not do it." At present, the prospect of the movement thus boldly headed by Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR and Sir JOTIN PAKINGION is very favourable. Numbers of those who at first assented to the claims made by the committee of the National Society in its correspond ' ence with the Privy Council, now that Mr. G. A. 1/I.:Nisox has shown them to what such claims logically lend, wholly repudiate and reject them; and amongst this class it is to be hoped will be found Sir W. I'AGE WOOD, the Solicitor-General of the whig administration, which has so resolutely asserted the right of the laity in education. In Liverpool, Manchester, and other largo towns, there exists a strong desire to aid in suppressing the offensive pretensions put forth; and from them there is every reason to expect parties will come up to support the resolution. Many of the country clergy attached to the protestant and comprehensive character of the Church of England who can ill afford a journey to town, have resolved to incur it rather than be in any way nr in any degree responsible for a continuance of the present state of things. Aud with a little energy and activity from other 9uarters, the victory is certain. But activity must be the order of the day, and exertion must be made, for noiselessly, butcagerly, the church unions throughout the country are at work to reassert on Wednesday the principles they have suc ceeded in making the National Society adopt on its two preceding anniversary meetings. There is, however, still time fur all who take an interest in checking priestcraft in its career to become members of the society; and all that such people have to do to enable them to vote in support of Lord Itouv.fir GaosvExou's resolution is to pay a guinea before Tuesday, and attend at the Central School-!louse in Westminster. MAT master politician—w•hoec supremacy is owned by almost all the kings, whose influence is felt by all the governments of Europe, and whose übiquitous hand may be seen alike in the wording of a Siberian ukase, or in that of a leading article in a London journal—the Uwe of ltussts, is said to be prepossessed for the present by one exclusive idea. This idea constituted his sole anxiety and aim in his conferences with the King of PRIN:,IA at Warsaw, as it will absorb all other cares at his conference with the minister of Austria and his four royal dependents at ()lmutz. The Emperor of Russia, who saw nothing but Hungary in 1449, and did not turn his eyes from Germany in 1850, in the middle of 1851 can contem plate no object, save France. The Emperor of Russi has the great advantage common to all monomaniacs. lie pursues his one idea, whatever that i s , for the time being, unswervingly, directing to it his whole soul, vigilance, and power. The EMPEROR has all three. But what he wants is a true appreciation of the state of other countries, and of the spirit of the times. The Emperor NICHOLAS, like Lord .111Ettozz.v, and the writers on foreign policy in the Times, bus not stirred one peg, nor learned one truth since 1815. That is the great epoch of their political science; the Congress of Vienna, and the Frankfurt Diet, are with them the nr plus ultra of political wisdom. Nieno- LAS, however, is more consistent and honest in his efforts than his English gossips and allies. For whilst they would renew the Holy Alliance, and the anti- Gallican league, which in 1815 was truly that of people as well as kings, the good but purblind Russian supposes that France is what it was in 1814, and that Germany, with a little compression, may be also forced back into the old stone jar. The Russian policy is, therefore, nothing but a monstrous anachronism. A statesman endowed with a grain of wisdom, might surely say, let us settle the affairs of Germany in some fair, and solid and satis factory way, which will allow of its development, which will content the people, and gratify within rational bounds their love of unity and their desire of freedom. Doing this, German statesmen and sovereigns might go on the supposition that France did not exist, or was too busy at home, to mind foreign interests or impulses. The sapient Russian, however, takes himself, and insists on German sovereigns taking also quite another view. Germans, he says, are nobodies. They are a flock of sheep or a herd of slaves. Kick them and crush them, tax them and gag them—they are of no account. But look to France. The French must have a revolution in 1852. Revision or no re vision of the constitution leads to revolution, and when that devil has again broken loose, it will as suredly fix its claws upon Italy, and drive its teeth into Germany. Never, we believe, was so glaring a mistake. The French, we arc confident, will settle the question of their executive without revolution or collision. There is some blunter, but the dream and the thought of every man, aye, even of the soldier, is peaceful adjustment. For the very soldier knows less than even the civilian, what the military element itself put in fermentstion might produce. Even if there were revolution, what tri umphant party could dream of aggression or war ? Certainly not the . 4 4.s•islists or Red Republicans— they mock at the idea of conquest, and contemn the soldier's trade ; the Bonapartists :—they do not form a party; and their chief has shown far more wish to embrace the knees of European despots than to beard or to invade them. None of the monarchic parties desire war. And we may depend upon it that u long as the rest of the continent leaves France alone, France will leave them alone. But that Russian policy, which prevails all round Europe, is not contented with this view. It will have France considered as a bete feroce, against which governments are to league ; and whether such leagues may not end by offending the French, and rousing their sensitive nature, may still be doubted. In the meantime, all we know is that the sole pre occupation of the crowned heads at Warsaw was how best to resist aggeesiaa from France. We do not be lieve the King of PRUSSIA at all affected by the fears of his imperial relative. But, as the Czar NICHOLAS might indulge io a vein of thought and policy far more disagreeable to Prussia, it was evidently the cue of the King of PRPASIA to humour the CZAR, and to affect to join with considerable zeal in the new Holy Anti- Gallican alliance. Forming a league for an end that will not be reached, for a purpose that will never be required, is very harmless policy ; such, we dare say, was Prussian policy at Warsaw; such, we dare say, ' will be Austrian policy at Olmutz. And the four Kings of Bregents, with him of Wurtemberg at their head, will no doubt draw their swords, swear once more fealty to the imperial houses, and eternal enmity to that French imperialism which put their crowns on their heads and made them what they are. The great object, however, of those fidgety politicians who foresee for certain the overpouring of the French volcano in 1852, is how to get the French out of Rome before that dread period arrives. Our readers have perused the Roman note to Austria. The . greatest pains have been taken to render the position of the French untenable at Rome. Bravoes have been hired to insult and assassinate them. And then, when the French blood was up, the Roman police besought the aid of the French troops to beat, hustle, and insult the Roman population. The French general GEMEAU, who seems as brainless es Olin Nor, has been the dupe of their matueuvres. We doubt, however, the final success of the plot. It seems as difficult to get the French governor out of the Castle of St. Angelo as it would be to eject Louts NAPOLEON from the Elysee. The result would be scarcely worth the risk. The French are thus equally an embarraa where they go, and where they do nut go. The patriotic party in Italy abhors them, and the absolutist party equally suspects and would be rid of I them. There are, in truth, at present, no more inoffensive or unambitious people than the French. AU they want is to be allowed to manage their own affairs as they think best ; not to have their toes trodden upon, nor to see that the in fluence and authority abroad allowed them under the monarchy is denied them under the republic— ' this the French will not stand, because they consider it an insult. But the idea of making a league against France is the most preposterous of modern absurdi ties. A league against Russia, or against Austria, might have sonic reason in it. But renew i ng t h a t against France is but another sample of the pre vailing epidemic of this age, which is to resuscitate all that is stupid, monstrous, and retrograde iu the We trust the French will have the good sense and magnanimity to laugh their enemies to scorn, and that the English will have nothing to do with that superannuated twaddle in the shape of foreign policy, which is to be found at Warsaw, in the speeches of Lord ABERDEEN, and the columns of the Times. FRANCE. PARIS. TEMRSDAT EVININO, It is probable that no motion for the revision will be presented before the vote on M. Morin 's motion, which is expected to take place on Monday next. The committee on the Municipal Bill adopted yesterday a series of resolutions relative to the regis tration of citizens for the municipal elections. In each commune a register is to be kept by the mayor, on which are to be inscribed all Frenchmen having attained their majority, who have satisfied the law of recruitment, and resided three years in the commune; all Frenchmen who have residjd three years, but not satisfied the law of recruitment; all Frenchmen who, having satisfied the law of recruitment, and not con tinued their residence, have returned to establish themselves afresh, and have resided for at least a year; lastly, all functionaries and religious ministers • for life, whatever be the term of their residence. M. de Larochejacquelin has addressed a manifesto to the electors of the Morbihan. The report of M. Moulin on the procedure to be established in dealing with motionsfur the revision is such as already to give the Elysee a foretaste of those impediments which its plans scent destined to meet from the Assembly. The project submitted by the committee, and laid yesterday on the table of the Chamber, proposes that a committee on revision shall be appointed in the bureaux eight days after the presentation of the that motion. A month is allowed the committee to frame its report. If the motion for revision be rejected it may be renewed at the expiration of three months. If the motion for revision should be renewed at the expiration of three mouths after its rejection, a fresh special committee shall be appointed in the same way, and under the same conditions as the first. That is to say, that the second committee shall be also allowed a month for framing its report. Now if this project be adopted by the Assembly, the renewal of the motion for revision may be de ferred till the middle of October. If it puss then, and at the two succeeding monthly intervals, by the required majority of three-fourths, a law may be brought forward before the end of the year for fixing the period of the new elections. The Bonapartists arc naturally vexed at the tedious delays accumulated by these provisions of the committee. They will try to reduce the interval before renewal front three to two months. Great have been the labours of Nlontalembert and de Broglie to bring over the legitimists to some com mon proposition for revision. But hitherto these efforts have only served to reveal the deep schism which divides the two great fractious of the majority. The legitimists scout to a man the motion for revision formulated by the Rue des Pyramidcs. First they quarre! with the form, and point out the imprac ticability of its adoption, which would be merely an affirmation by the Assembly that certain of its members, with certain views, beg it to declare in favour of revision; whereas the form should declare that the Assembly demands either total or partial revision. Now, as the last paragraph of the 111th art. limits the operations of the constituent to the task of revision, for which it is convoked, the legitimists hold that it is essential for the Legislative Assembly to specify clearly, beforehand, in ease the revision should be partial, what particular clauses arc to be changed. Of course a precise declaration of that sort would not suit the book of the Bonupartists, who only want a motion for the revision to be voted by as large a majority as possible as a base for agita tion dunng the three succeeding months. The clearer and more defined their views the greater their interest in clothing them at present in the vaguest expressions. The object at the present moment isi to arrive at a fresh stage of the question without any sacrifice of footing on either side of the two fractions. Hence the impracticability of coming to an under standing, as the legitimists insist on keeping the words " total revision," and look on the omission of the qualifying adjective as equivalent to a complete abdication before Bonapartism. Here, then, for the moment the matter rests, and no compromise is The article of M. Granicr de Cassagnac is the most daring and vigorous appeal to the government to cut the Gordian knot of the situation, which has yet ventured to appear even in the licensed colums of the Constitutionnel. The outline of his argument is worth giving : Nothing is so easy, according to this writer, as for a new power to be strong after a revolution. In times of security • people is stiff-necked to the greatest government; in peril it is submissive to the smallest. Look at the beginning and end of the empire, of the restoration, of the government of July ; they flourished under difficulties, and died when the difficulties vanished. All that a new government has to do is to find the current of a nation's wishes, and throw itself with resolution into the stream. What more instructive instance than the directory ? All France rallied about five obscure men, so long as they stuck to their mission of restoring order, security, law, religion; all France abandoned them when they became indolent and disunited. Or take a Later page of history,still fresh in all minds. What power was ever more absolute than Oen. Cavaignac. The country was literally at his feet. But when be became blind to the wish of the nation, and embraced the policy of the clique of the National, he sunk into obscurity. Like a traveller who arrives too late, he sees far a-head the coach which he might still have driven, but never will drive again, unless it upset first. But what is it that France wishes now ? She spoke her wish by the organ of 63 councils general last year ; she is speaking her wish in countless petitions at this moment, from all the great commercial cities, from all the communes of France. Millions of voices cry from the four winds to the President and parlia ment, that France wishes not to be strangled in the coil of an absurd constitution. What France wishes is to change a constitution when it is bad, and to keep a ruler when he Is good ; to belong to herself, and not to coteries ; to make pretenders wait till she calls them, instead of choosing their own hour to obtrude their pretensions on her. Such is the wish of France. As to the means of being saved she is not squeamish, any more than a drowning man is particular about the shape of the spar that is flung to him. Let the government have but a grain of that sort of faith in the state of public opinion which made Durand air " If as [made triumph at Paris' I will march agamskit with four men and a corporal." In setting out to give satisfaction to the wishes oft ranee, let the government take the start without counting its followers, Before the end of the expedition a nation will be at its heels. In con clusion, a word to the cabinet, which is meant for warning and not opposition. Those who study the public mind with attention will find that there is very little enthusiasm fur that abuse of representative government which may be called parknientorisme, nor for that tradition of the exam noreratio even nsof 'B9 for thatwhich e wet t e :y lied the l ti a e w n o a f t ta nal gguu y 31. Nowhere do the people take any of these things for their flag. Therefore, to make any of them the base of a policy, and the condition of a ministerial career, when 1852 is at the door, and concentrating the eyes of all France, is as silly as the prate of the Byzantine theologians in Santa I Sophia, while Mahomet 11. was battering the walls of Con- I stantinople. It would be much to be regretted if Front* I stood on one side and the cabinet on the other ; if, while the I country demanded, with the passion of despair, clear, ener- 1 getic, decisive measures, the cabinet were screwed down to ' s and questions out of the sphere of public quips tErs7What France wished was to be saved. Such is ' briefly the substance of this outspoken appeal. 1 The results of the expedition against the Kabyles, as detailed by the Moniteur, given elsewhere, are such as to justify the fears of those who pointed out the ruinous increase of expenditure which would attend the moat successful campaign, The ministry will be obliged to apply to the Assembly for a con ! siderable addition to the budget of war. To-day being the feast of the Ascension, the 'Assembly held no sitting; neither was there any Bourse. TO CORRESPONDENTS. A Second 'ldition of " The I:sprees," containing •he seine evening's Gazette," le published every Ttnaday eei FrWay night, In LIMO for past Advertisements intended for "The ►aprees, ^ l.o.don Feening piper, most be at the Unice. id, Bosiveric•aarest, by Two o'clock en the day of piou.aiwa. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tot. Dtt. —Wooing. Ih. 35 ol Alterman, le. SSA. To.mos.aolr —Mornig, 21t. lies. _Aftersous, 21t. 3.1 a. LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 30. AT the annual meeting of the National Society, to be held on the 4th of June—that is, on Ile.dneselay xert—the following resolution will be moved by Lord ltoue.ur GttosVENOU, and seconded by Sir JOHN PAKINGTON That the cause of sound religious instruction, and the in• Wrests of the church demand, at the pree.ent juncture, the friendly ea-operation of the National Society and the Com mittee of Council ; and this meeting, satisfied that such co operation must be fur the advantage of the National Society, as well as of the church ut large, desires to express its earnest hope that the two bodies may act cordially together. And this resolution, so appropriately moved and seconded, will, we are assured, be supported by Beyo nd peers, by a large body of the clergy, and by a strong muster of the laity: with a view either to purge the society of the offensive principles adopted at its two last general meetings, or to leave it entirely in the hands of priesteraft ; when, of course, it will be completely denuded of all pretensions to a national character, and with them of any claim on a triennial royal appeal to the English people for its support. So that, on the 4th of June next, the National Society will have to pass through a crisis, on the solution of which depends in some measure its future usefulness. What part the bishops will take in the discussion no one can say; for such is the timidity and caution, sad want of courage of the majority of the bench, that little dependence is to be placed on support from them, even in a movement of which they approve; sad it is no secret that, even as a matter of policy, three-fourths of them would very gladly see the National Society relieved from a position in which conserva tive stupidity, in its dislike of whig interference with education, first placed it, and in which tractarian craft, availing itself of that political stupidity, con firmed it. There, for example, is the venerable primate ; a man, good and pious, and sincere and humble beyond most Christians; a prelate of toler ance and liberality in their best sense ; to whose mild nature there is scarcely anything positively hateful but sacerdotalism ; yet the excellent and able Archbishop SUMNER yielded, as President of the Society, to the pestiferous pretensions of its trac-1 Whin committee, and gave his high authority to its earlier correspondence with the Privy Council ; and it is on the pretensions of that correspondence that Mr. G. A. DENISON'S resolutions, condemnatory of the course pursued by the Privy Council, have been founded. There can not be any real community of object between the Archbishop of CANTERBURY and Mr. G. A. DENISON. But, nevertheless, so skilful has been tractarianiani in its stealthy movements, • i that logically Mr. DrNrisos's conclusion s the natu nil and inevitable result of letters bearing the ho noured signature of Dr. Srxsua. With all due reverence then both for the person SA the office of the venerable primate, we must think that, on the 4th of June, some further explana tion of his views as to the right of the laity in the eaanagement of parochial schools connected with the National Society, which they partly support by their nosey, is due to the country. It is neither fair to tie church, nor the community generally, nor to the society in particular, that its president, the chief bishop in the land, should leave them all in doubt, whe ther he accepts Mr. DENIsoN'S resolutions carried two Tears successively and the present spirit of the society's committee as the legitimate and proper consequences of the correspondence which he, as president, com menced with the Privy Council, but did not, we are happy to add, carry on to its disastrous conclusion. In the midst of oar present ecclesiastical troubles; it is not right that either party in the society should be in a position to claim its archiepiscopal president in supporting their very different, indeed, their anta gonistic views ; and neither can be unreasonable in expecting on Wednesday next some further explana tion frun Dr. SUMNER. These are not times in which silence is true wisdom ; even if it be the more com fortable worldly policy. But, whether or not Wednesday will be found a fitting occasion for a fuller statement of archiepisco pal opinion, it will be the time to act ; gladly, with the high sanction of Dr. SUMNER, if it be given; with out it, if it be withheld. The laity will no longer subscribe their money to, or submit to tri ennial collections under royal authority, on behalf of a society, the committee of which is engaged in supporting a principle destructive of all lay partici pation in the conduct of education, and which in a discussion with the state (whose money to the extent of half a million it has taken in the last eleven years), has practically asserted the absolute predo minance of the spiritual power over the education of the poor ; for either at that the position of the so ciety in the controversy aims, or else the whole cor respondence on its part is a piece of idle, senseless verbiage. Formerly the National Society was common ground on which all parties in the church could meet and act together, even though many deplored and SPAIN. MADRID, MAY H. The Gazette contains a royal order with respect to the Concordat, announcing that it is not intended for immediate execution, and that until a fresh promul gation of the arran ge m en t s established therein takes place the old order of things must be considered as still in vigour. This is signed by Gonzales Romero, Minister of Grace and Justice. M. Mayans is the ministerial candidate for the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies. It will not be a new bill on the debt, but the old one, which will be brought before the Cortes. ITALY. Lord Palmerston has addressed a note to tho Tuscan government with energetic remonstrances upon the expulsion front Tuscany of Mr. Pak e nh am , who busied himself with converting Tuscan subjects to protestantism. This affair is expected to becomo a serious question. The report of the protest of the pontifical govern ment against the order of General Gemean, com manding the Itoraan infantry to evacuate the capital, is confirmed. GERMANY. (By Meetric Telegrupb.l • BERLIN, MAT 28. There are manifold rumours afloat of a trt.h too bilisation, and the placing of a corps of 120,u(5) Ger man troops on the Swiss frontier. Of the.. , Prussia would supply :16,000. Th e PowasisheZ dung de clares itself authorised to state that the report of a mobilisation of the army corps is utterly groundless. The resignation of M. Itabc, the late Minister of Finance, is, says the Krent: Zritung, accepted; and M. Bodelschwingh is mentioned as hissuccessor. FRANKFORT, MAy 28. General ltochow returned yesterday. woe court. Her Majesty and the Prince Albert, with the Princess Alice, accompanied by the Duke and Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha and Duke Enwst of Wurtemberg, continued their inspection of the Works of Industry of all Nations yesterday morning, arriving at the Exhibition at half-past 9 o'clock. In attendance on the mutust party were the Hon. Eleanor Stanley, the Hon. Beatrice Byng, the Baroness de %% - anicenheim, Colonel the Hon. CLarles Grey, Lieut.-Colonel Francis Ilugh Seymour, and M. 11. do Treskow. Her Majesty, Prince Albert, and the illustrious circle remained till near 11 o'clock, and then returned to Buckingham Palace. Prince Alfred, the Princess Roval, and the Princess Helena took a drive iu an open carriage and four yesterday forenoon. The Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha, attended by Baroness de Wangenheim, and Li eu t.-Col. F. Seymour, vented and inspected the Chinese junk yesterday. Prime Albert, attended by Licut.-Colonel F. 11. Sey mour, rode out on horseback yesterday afternoon. The Queen has signified her intention of accepting tho invitation of the Lord Mayor to a banquet, to be given in the Guildhall, on the 2nd of July. A committee has been appointed to make the necessary preparations, which are to be on a scale of unprecedented magnificence. 11cr Majesty and Prince Albert, accompanied by their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Save Coburg Gotha and Duke Ernest of Wurtemberg, honoured the Royal Italian Opera with their presence last evening. Tho Royal suite consisted of Viscountess Jocelyn, the lion. Matilda Puget, the lion. Mary Seymour, the Burliness du Wangenheim, Lord Dulfcrin, Coloael the lion. Charles Grey, Lieut.-Colonel Francis Hugh Seymonr, and M.D. do Treskow. The Duchess of Kent, accompanied by the Prince of Leiningen, and attended by Ludy Fanny Howard and Lord James Murray, honoured the performance of the French plays with her presence last evening. A deputation from the Ophthalmic Hospital, eonsisting of the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Granby, M.P. Lord Enfield, M.P., Lord Ashley, M.P., Mr. T. Wakley. M.l'., Hon. Rice Trevor, M.l'., C o l one l Wood, Sir Du Lary Evans. M.l'., Colonel Thonial Wood, and Mr. G. J. Guthrie, had an interview yesterday with Lord Seymour at the office of her Majesty's Coruniissiuners of Woods and Forests in Whitehall-place. Mr. John Gordon, of Demerara, had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday at the Colonial-office. The NS estminster Bridge Commission met yesterday at the office of her Majesty's Commissioners of Woods and Forests. Present -Lord Seymour, Lord Robert Grosvenor, Lord Sudeley, Sir Robert li. Inglis, and the Right lion. C. Tennyson d'Eyncourt. Mr. Sloane Stanley had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home-office. The Transatlantic Packet Station Commission had a meeting on Wedneolay at the Board of Trade. Present— Earl Granville (chairman), lion. Wm. Cowper, M.P., Sir James Gordon, Sir John F. Burgoyne, Captain Stephenson Ellerby, and Lord Hobart (secretary) The Earl of Albemarle had an interview with Earl Grey on Wednesday at the Colonial-office. The Bishop of Nos a Scotia had also an interview with the noble earl on Wed nesday. • De4,atehel were received at the Colonial-office on Wol neaday from the Governor of Malta. THE GREAT EXHIBITION. Yesterday the crowd which thronged every tho roughfare leading to the Crystal Palace was larger probably than on any day since the Ist of nay. From 9 to II o'clock, the road from Park-lane to the south entrance was covered with omnibuses and cabs so closely packed as to move in one slow moving mass. The park was traversed by great numbers of pedestrians, who preferred its cool green to tho noisy, hot, dusty road. The appearance of the Crystal Palace itself at once gave promise of a very crowded attendance, which was realised so early, that by eleven o'clock 13,500 persons had entered. As many more passed in during the next hour, so that by 12 o'clock 27.000 visitors had been admitted. The next hour brought 8,500 visitors, and the increase was maintained during the day. Although probably more persons passed in at the doors than on any previous day, the building .was by no means inconveniently crowded ; and the commission ers may yet find that even more than their hypothetical 60,000 may be received. Order, and a disposition to give and take, impart a wonderful elasticity to the accommoda tion of crowds. At the shilling price, too, the proportion of visitors who love to pursue their observations for a few hours during a larger number of days, rather than protract their stay in the building, is much greater than before ; and as some of these prefer the morning, and others the after part of the day, a continued stream to and fro is main tained. The galleries remain the least frequented part of the building, from the natural indisposition of most persons to ascend them before the interest of the objects on the ground floor has been comparatively exhausted. It might become a question for the executive committee, in case of an inconvenient overcrowding, how to compensate this dis advantage of the upper portion of the building so as to relieve the lower area. The sum taken in shillings at the doors was 2,3791. 7s. Her Majesty the Queen paid another visit to the Crystal Palace yesterday, accompanied by Prince Albert, the Princess Alice, the Duke and Duchess of Sem Coburg Gotha, and Prince Ernest of Wurtemberg. It is stated that Her Majesty and Prince Albert have forwarded, with their usual liberality, a cheque to pay the expenses of the children in the Royal Asylum of St. Ann's Society in visiting the Great Exhibition this day (Friday); and on Monday next Mendelssohn's oratorio of Elijah will be performed at St. Martin's Hall, under tho support of H.R.H. Prince Albert, in aid of the funds of that PROTECTIONIST CANDIDATES FOR NORTH LANCA 'num.—A meeting of the protectionists of North Lanes. shire was held at Preston on Monday, having for its object the subscription of money wherewith to fight the battle of the constitution in the registration courts at the next revi sion. It is stated on good authority that the protectionists have chosen, as their candidates at the next election, Sir ' Thomas ()core Ilesketh, of Rufford Park, and Robert Townley Parker, Esq., both extensive landowners of tho county. The selection is not considered a happy one by those who have a knowledge of parties. Mr. Wilma Patten. the present senior member, was elected in the tory interest many years ago, and has ever bee n th e p e t o f t h e country gentlemen, and held to be a model of consistency and up rightness amongst all parties. Mr. Heywood also stands well. Both gentlemen have sinned deeply, inasmuch as they have supported free trade ; but it is doubtful whether the impression created by their general conduct would not . bear them through the contest against much more pop men than those selected. ROYAL LONDON Y.ACEET entries Ittit been made for Mr. Wickes's silver cup. 'rho course sti lsctetl is from Faith to tho Chapman Heed. "•4:1 .1