The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-29 00:00:00

. 4 J Admiral G • _ _ WIDUY proposed Lord Viscount Duncan as • fit a roper priori to represent the electors in parliament and H r , P, Aerie semaded the nomination, and called upon the rectors act to desert • tried and faithful servant. Ma W. HUNT proposed Mr. J. A. Roebuck. R TiCillaollt4l seconded the nomination. Mr. W. SUTCLIFTI nominated Lord Ashley, and was rtce'Ted with mingled sheen and hisses. Mr. Goes seconded the nomination. Lord DVNCAN then presented himself, and was received wick load cheers. He rid be bad ?remised to do everything his power to effect an alteration in the window-tar, suss be had brought the matter before parliament. There was one ortioa of the greatest importance to the peopl e of that loge city, among whom were many members of the church, for which he had the greatest reverence, and others who members of different dissenting congregations. He re ferred to the question of church-rates. Ile always had voted, nod always should vote, that those rates ought not to be im posed upon those who differed from the church. (Cheers.) li e thought it a disgrace that the members of the church did ne t ' l ppon their own churches, as the dissenters did. Kr. ROLBITI. came forward amidst much cheering. After Te eming to tha cirturastances connected with his first intro dunce to thin constituency, he said he had for 15 years served them faithfully, and had kept every pledge he had made to them. Mr. (lore asked what he hack done, and talked of g nat professions and no performances. He had told T h e m, upon the carrying of the Reform Bill, that they ought to have a reform of their corporations—he had voted for that reform, and one of the most venomous shafts that rankled in the hearts of their opponents was the throwing down of the dose corporations. He told them that they would have the Book of England reformed ; and had they not got it? (Cheers.) He told them that he would vote for removing one by one all the restrictions on trade and commerce ; and bad he not done it ? (Cheers, and " Yes, thanks to Peel.") Yes—thanks to Peel—the fact was, they ked secreted their old opponents, the Tories, and there sons net one of them of the old sort now alive in Bath—they sB ppo w d to be of their opinions, and they disliked their r am (Laughter.) Had they not given them • cheap Wass press, and such a cheap mean, of commuuieation by Mtn as the world had never known ? What reform had ever been brought forward in parliament which lie bad not supported ? He told them he was in favour of the education of the people. lie Caw the dafieuit part of the question—the existence of various sects holding different religious opinions. He had endea voured to get schools established to which any conscientious parent might send his children. For that he had been called an infidel. and had been accused of being • foe to every man's faith. He would divide the noble lord's (Ashley's) political life into two parts; the first before his leaving Dor seakire, and the second after that. Up to the period et his leaving Dirserhire, he was, with • single excel,- fina, a strong adherent of what were called conservative preiples. There was one point upon which he changed his Mind, end, as he bad told him before, he told him now, filanged it suddenly and at the will of the minister —(cheers asd" No, no.")—and having given • pledge to his Mastitnents be retained his power and voted against his =(Cheers, and " No.") He was returned to the as an opponent of the catholic claims, and gave a Osage so support church and state as by law estab:ished. The'Dake of Wellington happened to change his opinion, and so did Sir R. Peel. Sir R. Peel was then member for the University ofOxford, and he gave up his trust when Ire changed his views, and again stood for election. The old uni versity, however, told him that it had no further occasion for hie serrieee. The noble lord did notdo the same, but he broke his pledge. 1 Hear.) In 1811 the liberal ministry went to the country, and appealed to them upon the question of free trade in ooru. The noble lord went down into Dorsetshire, and was returned as the opponent of free trade, and as " the farmers' friend." He gave a pledge—newest to parliament —he ousted the liberal ministry—but time went on : the great leader of his party changed his opinion ; and, by a singular coincidence, Lord Ashley changed his also. (A laugh.) But, on that occasion, he followed the example of Peel, and returned his trust—and, further, did not find it desirable to go to the poll. An insinuation had been thrown out about the " suspicious unanimity of the London pre-." What was meant by that? Was it meant that , he had bought that which could not be purchased—the peer of Engiand ? The London press expressed the voice of the pebple of England, and it felt that when a min had acted for fifteen years with indefatigable industry, with in tegrity, and with unswerving fidelity, he ought not to be rewarded with disgrace and contumely. (Cheers.) The hon. and learned gentleman went on to refer to the efforts he had used in the cause of humanity, to unshackle the slave, to give relief to poverty, for the just rights of the people, and the proper security of society. He did not believe they would desert him. If they rejected him, they would cast a stigma on his character, and on that of the people at large. They would not do that, he knew, and to-morrow, under that blue and yellow Hag, he would lead them to victory. (Cheering long continued.) Lord Asauty then came forward, and was meted with partial cheering and some disapprobation. He said he would, in the first place, answer a question which had been std it placards and insinuated in !speeches "What brought you here ? " His reply would be the same, no doubt, so Mr. Roebuck's, when ne first went to Bath—be cause he hail been invited by a number of respectable elec tors. It was the right of the constituencies of the British empire to invite any one to represent them whose character might recommend him to them. He attended there in com pliance with a numeronelysigned requisition, and in fulfil ment of it he should, he believed, be returned es their repre sentative. (Cheers, groans, and cries of "?lever.") It . would not have been necessary for him to have occupied much of their time, bat that he had to be a kind of scavenger to clear away the rubbish which had been rut be fore him. lie had been asked if he still retained the force of a sentiment which he had uttered in the House of Commons, that that which was morally wrong could not be politically right. He did maintain it still ; he avowed it now. It wan applicable to all the relations of life, end not least of all to elections. (Hear, hear.) Something had been said about tesercion ; but he never had been, and never would be, a party to the coercion of a conservative voter. He had been sawed of having been influenced by the will of the minister fa the course he had seen it right to take in regard to the corn-laws. It was quits true that in 1841 he was elected to represent an agricultural constituency, and that he did state upon the hustings his opinion that the corn-laws should be maintained; but he gave no pledge. Circumstances arose—there was the famine in Ireland and other matter', which indeced an alteratiou in his views. He never in any way communicated with the minister or the minister with him. He took that course which he thought beat for the interest, of the country, and especially the working classes. He differed from Ur. Roebuck on great public principles, and therefore it was that he was there to oppose him that day. (Cheers.) Upon the window-tax, he was of opinion that it was an injurious tax, and ought to be repealed ; and when Lord Duncan asked his advice upon the introduction of his motion, he told hint so, and that he was glad he was going to bring it forward. Lord DCSCAN said he asked Lord Ashley to be in the house when he brought it on. He believed that was all he said. LAM ASHLEY reiterated that Lord Duncan naked his ad vice —very likely he asked him to be present, but he did not remember it. (Oh, oh.) The noble lord went on to state the course he had pursued, and denied having been privy to a placard put out, imputing infidelity to Mr. Roebuck. Mr. EDWARDS said he could prove that a chief member of Lord Ashley's committee had so stated. Lord ASHLEY said he was not privy to it, and, aPer some further remarks, said, if they elected him to-morrow, he should attain the object of his wishes: if they did net, he should only look blue, and that was the best colour after all. (Cheers and kiwi.) A show of hands was then taken, and was immensely in favour of Roebuck and Duncan. A poll was demanded on the part of Lord Ashley. LEEDS. The election for this borough commenced yesterday, Mr. JOHN Gorr stood forward and proposed the re election of William Beckett, Esq., as one of their future representaires in parliament. (Loud cheers.) Mr. JOSEPH RonEHT Atm MN seconded the nomination. Mr. BAINES, in proposing Mr. Joseph Sturge, said that they were met to discharge an important public duty. On this occasion all present were entitled to the franchise ; every man was entitled to hold up his hand for the candidate of his choice. The candidate that he had to propase for their ac e e was one in every respect worthy of their choice— ct (ge:s c )—the friend of his country and of the human raze. Mr. PETER FMK/lAA/AN seconded the nomination of Mr. Sturge. Mr. Taos. W. Tome proposed Mr. James Giith Mar shall as a tit person to represent the borough in the next parliament. Mr. lIANER STANSFELD seconded the nomination. Mr. Bactirrr, who was loudly cheered, said, shortly after his election in 1841, when seconding the address to the throne, he had to describe the paralysis under which trade was then suffering. His statements were confirmed, and that state of things led to that extensive system of fiscal reform which led to the retirement of the minister of the day. In the removal of those restrictions he bore his part, because lie thought that the removal of many of those re. striations would give an impulse to trade and commerce ; and believing that a larger area than England presented was required to produce sufficient food for the people, he had not hesitated to vote for the free importation of articles of foot, and of the staple product of trade. But the attention of parliament had not been confined to that; it had entered the mines and bleach-works, the mills and factories, nail had made regulations which would relieve the half-formed child and its maternal parent from those toils to which they had previously been liable. Parliament had also given its attention to the pre vention of crime ; and is the extension of religious establish ments and the promotion of national education. Upon this last point he mutt be permitted tosay that he was delighted with the ability with which that question had been sup. rtsd in Leeds, his own mind having been from the first hrmly made up to support the education of the people by the aid of the state. He could not at all see the force of those objections which were made against the ministerial plan. Mr. frriAtor was also loudly applauded by his friends on presenting himself. Ho began by thanking them for the good feeling and temper with which they were appearing to conduct the election, and for the courtesy that he had per. senally received. Ho should speak of those who wero now opposing him, bat with whom ht. had formerly acted, more in sorrow than in anger, as it wes for principles rather than =that they were contending. (Cheers.) Ho ed to no party. It was no party consideration. Ht repeated that he belonged to no party, unless it he the party of pace and universal brotherhood; and he contended that that principle could not be carried out without re cognising commercial, civil, and religious freedom. (Cheers.) Mach remained yet to be done in the way of free trade. They must have the navi ga ti on l aws r ep e aled, by which the 4 .4 ,1 of one country had advantages ovor the ships of another country. As to education, he contended that the ministerial scheme was not to tax the rich to edu cate the poor, hut tax the poor to educate the comparatively rich. Fur it wax only where two-thirds could he raised that one third was to be given ; but, in places too poor to raise anything, nothing would be given. Upon this question he would much sooner trust to the legislation of the tories than of the whist& He was strongly opposed to the principle of centralisation which pervaded the scheme. Mr. Idastanam. had ever given support to a large ex tension of the franchise of the people. In the spirit or ;LIU !w the people he had never shrunk from maintaining the duty of acting in accortt= with p u blic opinion ; and if he had looked fOrward hopefully to the come when persons can have the franchise which they do not now poetess, it was below., he looked forward to • vast improve ment in our social, moral, and political pre-eminence. (Loud cheers.) He believed that hope to be as certain of realisa tion as it was delightful. He believed that the people of England were in the way to obtain a large, a just, and a greatly improved system of education. (Loud cheers.) If rt was proper to make the property of the country responsible in the first instance for the bodily wants of the country—to say that no man Atoul I be left destitute, was it not also right to say that the people should not be left in want of that more delightful mental food which added so much to the dignity of mankind? He was favourable to the mainte nance of the' union between church and state, but he was desirous to see anything that was narrow and sectarian in that union placed en • broad and general basis. In that I view he was opposed to church-rates, and to any further en dowment of religious establishments. If slut to parliament, he should make it his effort to carry out the great scheme of commercial freedom which had been commenced. At two o'clock, after the proceedings had occupied about four hours, the Mayor was about to call for a show of hands, when Mr. James Richardson, solicitor, stood forth, to put a series of questions to the several candidates; but the audience refused to hear him ; and after a contest of some duration, Mr. Fairlaairn undertook the duty, but being unable t t make himself heard in putting thequestiona which the multitude had refused to hear from Mr. Richardson, they were handed forward in writing, but elicited no an swer, the crowd being unwilling to allow anything to inter fere with the show of hands. Mr. Richardson and Mr. Fairbairn attempted to pass through tho mayor's compartment and that of Mr. Beckett's friends towards Mr. Marshall's compartment; but that was prevented, and the two gentlemen, amidst much confusion, attempted to guilt, and to some extent euxteeded in g doing admission to Mr. Marshall's compartment by its separate entrance. They left the questions with Mr. Marshall, who answered them seriatim. They related chiefly to the negotiations which had passed between the committees of Mr. Sturgis and Mr. Marshall, for • friendly ballot before the nomination. The mayor then called for a show of hands for each of the candidates, which he declared to have been in favour of Mr. Joseph Sturge and Mr. William Beckett. A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Marshall, which the mayor anncunced would commence at eight o'clock on Thursday morning, and the declaration of the result would be made on Friday. Mr. BECKETT then asked the araemblage to give three cheers for the mayor, which was accorded, and his worship having returned thanks, the several candidates and their friends left the ground. TAMWORTH.-RETURN OF SIR R. PEEL. WIDICESDAT.—The election for this borough took plane this morning. As it was known that there would be no op position, and as the principal candid de had already en planed his principles and intentions, in his letter to the constituency, there was but little interest excited. One or two fiags hung out from the wiudowa of the chief hotel, and the presence of the mayor, attended by the officers of the town, and the candidates and their friends on the hustings, together with some 200 very quietly-disposed persons, con-' I gregeted in front of the Town-hall, were the only iadica tions of there being an elect r i: s njoing on. Mr. J. BISAMALL pro , and Mr. H. ROBINSON seconded, Sir Robert Pee so one of the candidates ter the borough. Major BenFORD proposed, and Mr. E. Fantexii seconded, the nomination of the Right Hon. W. Yates Peel. Sir R. Peet then stood forward, and was received with loud cheers. He said .--Gentlemen, in conformity with the established usage of these occasions, I shall proceed, having been proposed and seconded as a candidate to represent you I iu parliament, to make a few observations to this assembly. I But, gentlemen, I ought to hare left myself but little to say on this occasion, because I have already felt it to be my duty to anticipate my speech on the day of nomination ; and in a letter which I addressed to all the electors, I have fully explamod the course which I have pursued during the last parliament, and the course which I intend to pursue there again, if, by your confidence, I shall be again reterned. Gentlemen, I felt it my duty to address that letter to you because it has been my lot, during the last parliament, to propose measures of the utmost importance to the interests of this country, which measures have been the subject of severe attack and condemnation, and motives have been nil- puted to me for having produced them ; and as I did not wish to possess your confidence, except on public grounds, 1 I did not wish to get your votes by surprise, I was anxious not to leave it till this day to explain my conduct. (Hew.) I wished you to hays the opportunity of deliberating maturely on that which I had done, and upon that which I intended to do, in order that if it did not meet with your approbation, you should refuse me your confidence. Gentlemen, I attach the utmost importance to that trust which is committed to you. You are, in this borough, amongst some of the privi leged electoral elutes. Out of • population of about 7,000, there are some 400 or 500aelected from you to act on the part of the whole body. The law presumes that you who are thus selected ate more intelligent, more exempt from undue and corrupt influences, and more able to form a corren judgment on the motives and conduct of public men than the rest— and I did not wish that you should vote for me from motives of private friendship or private property, but upon public grounds only, and that if you disapproved of my views or my conduct, I wished you to have an opportunity of expressing your judgment. I attach the utmost importance to the maintenance of the electoral privilege by the smaller boroughs. (Hear.) We have seen new boroughs, such aa Manchester, Birmingham, Finsbury, and Moylebone, called into the possession of electoral privilege., and yea grudge them not their possession. I should be the last man to disturb the settlement of 1832, but I should deplore it deeply ; and, with regard to the borough of Tamworth, I should think it • fatal blow to the constituencies of the country if that ancient borough ceased to possess the else• ties franchise. (Cheers.) You are exempt from many of the influences to which mane of the manufacturing towns are subject. You arc enabled to give your confidence to your representatives without tying them down with specific pledges. You are not the mere mushrooms called into exist- ence yesterday. (Cheering.) You date your privileges from the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Foe 300 years you have exer cised the right of sending members to parliament, and that right you have never abused. (Cheers.) No man can i say you have ever been influenced by bribes. (Hear.) So long as you continue so to discharge your duties es eleetun, so long will you retain your ancient privileges ; but I tell the constituencies of other boroughs that if they disgrace the powers they hold, by making their votes dependent upon bribery And corruption, those privileges will not be continued, but, like Sudbury and other places, the electoral franchise will be taken from them. (Hear, hear.) But it was because you ha,. always exercised your privilege in dependently, and free from corruption, that I was dis posed to lay before you the motives by which I had bees guided, and appeal to your deliberate judgment in ask ing you again to return me, without reference to private feeling, and without reference to our relations as neighbours and friends. After referring to the length of time he had been connected with Tamworth (50 years), and his determi nation to live on teems of equal cordiality with thou who opposed as with those who supported him, he alluded to the address presented to him by the Tamworth electors, in which they stated they had watched the measures which he, as the chief minister of the crown, had proposed, and his votes as • member of parliament, and rejoiced at his broad, liberal, and enlightened views with respect to the important foreign relations of the country, as well as to its internal and commercial interests, which they believed would prove, es they were intended, for the benefit, the prosperity, and the glory of the British dominions, and would command not only the approbation of his constituents, but the admira tion of a great majority of the people of this ex tensive and powerful empire. This was the answer he had received to his appeal from nine-tenths of the electors of Tamworth. If, then, he had satisfied them, they must not suppue that be came there to make apologies to any one for the course he had pursued. So far from feeling that he bed been unfaithful to his prin ciples, he stood there with a proud consciousness that he had done his duty to his country. (Hear, hear.) He hsd had no object of a personal nature to gratify in any aware he had proposed. He had ever been ready to aunties power--to sacrifice party, or personal connex , lons—to endure calumny—or reproach rather than abandon his public duty and neglect the interests committed to his charge. (Cheers.) What high principle of policy had he departed from ? (Hear, hear.) When he addressed them before, he had told them that he was • loyal and de voted subject of the Queen—that he wished to see every prerogative of the crown preserved. Had he done aught to entrench on those prerogatives? (Cheers and " No.") It was true, ho had not advised state prosecutions for libel and sedition. He wished to see the power of the crown resting on the contentment and loyalty of the people, and on that affectionate devotion to their sovereign which this country would he most ungrateful if it did not manifest to that Queen who now reigned over us (Cheers.) He had always wished that the church should be maintained in its legiti mate influence. He wished to see the church gain ing on dining; but he wished to see it so gaining, by extending its ministry among the people. He did not want to ate the church supported by unjust laws injuriously affecting those who dissented from its doctrine& lie thought it perfectly compatible with an affectioaaln attachment to the church to consult the feelings, the decreas e the habit., aid the rights of those who dissented boa if doctrines. (Hear.) These were the objects of that true UMW native policy which he wished to hold. (Hear.) He wished to sec also the House of Lords in possession of its just sod due authority. He attached the utmost Importance to the maintenance of hereditary nobility. He believed that the aristocracy had done at least as much to viadicate the liberties of England as any other class, and it would be truly destructive of the mixed form of government which we lived under if the House of Lords should cease to exercise its authority 411 a branch of the legislature. He wished to de , courage the desire for • democratic change in the House of Commons. He did not wish to see such a democratic change as should interfere with the prerogatives of the crown and the authority of the House of Lord.. (Cheers.) He had compared this country with others in which • mixed form of government voting, on pure democratic principles, prevailed, and he found that we bud a more perfect security for the liberties of the people. for the freedom of the press, for expression of thought, and for action under a government c insisting of an ancient monarchy, a hereditary House of Lords, and a House of Commons, representing, not the ma jority of the people as told by the head, but the magistracy, the clergy, the great corporate bodi e s, th e intelligence, and the wealth, as well as the mere numbers, of the people. He had desired to maintain public credit—to extend commerce ; and in what respect had he failed ? (Hear.) What injury had he done to any one of the high legitimate objects of con servative policy ? (Hear.) Had the public credit suffered by the way in which the finances had been administered by him? Had the House of Lords or its influence suffered ? (Hear, hear.) Had the church or its influence suffered ? If it had, it had been in consequence of its own internal die-- ''-'- •"d not by any acts of hie. (Cheers.) Well, then, did they disapprove of the policy bad pursued ? That was not the place to enter into disputations about figures; but ke should make what he had dune perfectly clear to every man, woman, or child who listened to him. In 1841, he found high duties imposed on the import of flour, while cattle and meat were prohibited ; so that, if from a dis order among the cattle or sheep—and that there was a diminished supply of sheep to the extent of 216,000 in one half-year sent to Smithfield market was proved—the supply was limited, the state of the law was such that we could not import a single cow, a bullock, a sheep, or a calf. We could not import meat, or salt provisions, or bacon, and there was a high duty on rice, and even on lard. All these things were now duty-free; ant if the home supply of cattle failed we could import a limited quantity (and a limited quantity it must be) from abroad. (Hear.) Had they found the price of meat so low in consequence that they thought it ruinous ? (Cries of " No, no 1" and laughter.) In many cases the duties on the import of provisions had been reduced one-half, and in ethers more than half; the duties on butler, cheese, coffee, and sugar, had been reduced one-half. Oa those articles some of which entered into the consumption of the family of every working man (and he wished they all did), u bacon, lard, butter, coffee, sugar, the duty had been either repealed or reduced one half. (Hear ' hear.) The duty on timber had been reduced one half. Yet Canada had not been ruined, as had bees predicted, in consequence of the introduction of Baltic timber. (Hear.) On the contrary, the import of timber from Canada had been greater since the reduction than be fore. (Hear.) Upon articles, too, that entered into the manu factories of this country, as cotton wool, sheep's wool, flax, hemp, as well as articles used in our manufactures, as indigo, raw silk, and oils of all kinds, skins, and fun; in fact upon all the raw materials of manufacture, without excep tion, the duties had been altogether repealed. Was that incon sistent with true commercial policy ?—had it ruined anybody or diminished employment in any of our great manufactures, or rendered them lees capable of entering into competition with the growing manufactures of other countries? (Hear, hear.) In 1842 the articles paying customs duties were some 12,000 or 13,000 ; before the late government left office the duty on 727 of these was reduced, and upon 503 it was altogether repealed, and the majority of those articles on which the duty was so reduced Sr repealed were articles which con cerned the food, the clothing, or the comfort of the people (hear), or were the raw materials of our manufactures, and as such contributed to the employment and subsistence of the people. On the whole number of articles dealt with duties to the amount of two millions were wholly re pealed, and from these no revenue could afterwards be expected ; but as the removal of those duties would leave the manufactures of this eanntry free to com- pets with those of other countries, he anticipated that the loss of revenue would lie more than compensated by the in creased consumption of other articles arising from increased employment. It mitht be said, then apply this principle to the whole 50,000,0001. of revenue ; but none but a madman would do that. Hear what I said when I proposed the renewal of the income-tax in February, 1815 " I have that reliance upon the elasticity of the resources of this empire that I do expect, before the termination of three years, thin repeal of taxes will have produced beneficial effects, and that we shall find an increase of revenue probe bly enabling us to dispense with the income-tax. But let the house remember that the principle on which we have gone— and gone advisedly—is the absolute repeal of taxation in many cues. We do not diminish • tax—on glass, far in stance—keeping on one-quarter or one-half of it; we do not lower the duty on auctions, on wool, on cotton, or on many articles of smaller import; but we propose the abso lute repeal, expecting from the increased consumption of other taxed articles au equivalent improvement in the revenue." That was his expectation ; and what had been the result. Between 1811 and 1846, though 7,600,0001. of duties had been removed, the revenue of the latter year was very nearly equal to that of 1811. (Cheers.) Front this he excluded the income-tax altogether, and merely spoke of the revenue dr rived from the customs, excise, and other sources. If they cut the chains which bound the commercial industry of the country, and left it buoyant to its own energies, he was persuaded they would snake up any deficiency arising from such reductions and the experience of the last year had proved that he was right. Look to the state of the revenue of the financial year ending the sth of April, 1617, and compare it with the revenue of the year 1811, putting the income tax altogether out of the question , and it would be found that, although in the interim 8,000,000 of taxes had been repealed, the revenue of the last year had been 1,000,0001. better than that of 1841. But it had been said that we had been blessed with a succession of good harvasts, and that to that circum stance was attributable the prosperity which had followed and not to his commercial policy. Ile did not mean to deny the effect of good harvests on the prosperity of the country. He believed, when the beneficence of providence gave us a succession of geed harvests, a most material influence was exercised on the enjoyment and happiness of the people, and on the state of the revenue. But was it true that we bad had such a succession of good harvests since 1842 till now? Was the last remarkable for being a good harvest? Why in that year we were obliged to send 10,000,0001. to the support of the Irish people to rescue them from starvation. Was that • good harvest ? Was it a good harvest when corn was at 90s. or 103 s. a quarter ? Last year there was a bad harvest, and what had been the result of the trial of his measures during a bad harvest ? During the last year—he could hardly believe the figures when he read them--the re venue had increased i by 2,600,0001. over that of the pre ceding year ; and of that amount 1,808,0001. was an increase in the excise and customs, notwithstanding the enormous reductions which had taken place. But he was glad to hear the argument that good harvests were the cause of increased revenue. What was that but an admis sion that cheapness and plenty of food were essential as well to the happiness of the people as to the support of the re sew, Was it not evident, therefore, that it was unwise to impede, by legislative restraints, the bounty of Providence ? Having referred to the difference between the plenty produced by good harvests and the plenty produced by foreign importations, giving the preference to the former, the right hon. baronet said, that it would be abound In him were he to tell the farmer to have no fears as to price—that corn was 80s. now—that it had been 100 s., and that meat was Bd. per lb., while cattle brought a fair price Nothing could be more unfair than to use such an argument The price of food was high in consequence of the failure of the potato crop, and no fair inference could be drawn from present prices as to future prosperity. Neither was it just to form an inference, in the present condition of things, on the influence of free trade on manufactures. No doubt the exports had not increased, nor was there the same demand for manu factures that there had been. Bat how was this to be accounted for? Had Ireland been able to make her usual demand on our manufactures? We had been obliged to send 10,000,000 of our money to relieve that country. He wished that they might get 5,000,000 of it back, (Hess, hear.) But under such circumstances, could their demand have been so great as usual for our cottons, our silks, or our hardwares, there again came the high price of provisions to diminish the demand. The same scarcity had, more or less, prevailed in France, Hollaad, Belgium, Poland, Prussia, and the whole of Western Europe. Tnose countries upon which we had been used to depend for own were themselves obliged to send for provisions to the United States. This had contributed to diminish the demand for our goods. But see what took place when these years of scarcity came. See the involuntary compliment which every country paid to the principle of free trade which we had laid down. There was a scramble which should be the first to apply it. All were contending together for supplies in the United States. He had felt it his duty, then, to propose the repeal of the corn laws, and so far from making any apology for it—so far from believing that ho had sacrificed the landed Interest to the commercial and manufacturing interest— his belief wee that he had rescued the agricultural interest from a great danger, and had conferred on them a great benefit. He gave the constituency too mask credit to suppose that they believed all the shameful ="which Ind been levelled against him. He did not that they believed him to be a Roman - catholic, or a sedicel, or that he would sacrifice the agricultural to the 'sealed interest. His prosperity was connected with the land, and he did not know why he should injure it; hut, as • landed proprietor, he rejoiced at the present condition of the country, and the present temper of the public mind ou the subject of the corn-laws. He rejoiced, as a landed pro prietor, that that source of discord had been closed up. He did not believe, after the double suspension of the corn-laws which had taken place, in consequenes of the famine in Ire land, that it would be possible to law without a state of affairs occuring In this country for which any increase in the value of corn would be but a most inadequate compensation. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend who proposed him had said he (Sir It. Peel) had been put to the helm to steer the vessel of the state ; but some people seemed to suppose that he was to steer the skip with his bands tied behind him—(" Hear," and a laugh)—and while he saw the rocks and shallows by which they were encompassed and the tempest approaching, he should exercise no discretion as to how the danger should be avoided. (Hear.) What did such people suppose that office was ? That it was a life of continued enjoyment—the welfare of the country being but a minor consideration. Office was nothing but a succession of toils, heavy responsi bilities, and a tax upon the mental and physicist energies, which few men could bear for many years together. What would it be if those who were called upon to make these sacrifices were prevented from consulting the public interest according to their own conecientiens convic tions, and told that if they dared to take those measures which they believed to be essential to the welfare and safety of the state, they would be denounced as apostates and traitors? Believing that it would be for the benefit of the people—and seeing that the state of public feeling, and the Snowing opinion that the corn-laws did not conduce to the welfare of the public—and seeing the agriculturists of Scotland, a wise and far-seeing class, had already tome to the opinion that protection was of no advan tage to them--he did believe that it was for the benefit of all clue's, and of the landed aristocracy in particular, that the corn laws should be repealed, or that the foundation of that repeal should be laid. And as a landed proprietor, having no concern in money matters or manufac tures, he rejoiced that he had not left the landed interest still exposed to a troublesome conflict on that question. It was said that confidence in public men was shaken when they changed their opinions. To a certain extent that was true. It would ho bitter if they all could be so sagacious as THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 29, 1847. to see in mixed political questions what was right, and never to depart from it. But be would tell them what ought rather to shake public confidence In public men-- it was when public men bad not courage to change their course when convinced of thei r error. I t would subject this country to peril if public men were to say, " We will steel our minds against conviction—we will disregard the progress of public opinion—. we will listen night after night to debates in parliament, and, having bad out ears open to what is said on our own side, we will close them to all that may be said upon the otber,and we &rep:waived that not alone en questions of religious or constitutional policy, but on mere questions of trade we will adhere firmly to our own opinions ; that we will nail our colours to the mast; and that whatever may be the change of opinion, whatever may be the weight of ergo. raeni, we rather than change, will sink with the sinking ship. (Cheert.) That was no doubt the way to conciliate the good will of a party, and to telly round the minister those who looked to party interests as the first conaiderit'oca• To change an opinion for the purpose of maintaining power, or for party purposes, was to bring dishonour on a public man ; but if he (Sir It.) had changed his opinion, he had changed it in favour of the interests of those who could make him no other return than that of their silent gratitude. If he had changed his opinions, he had renounced the goodwill of the powerful. By a contrary course, he could have maintained himself in power ; he could have combated the Anti-corn law League fur four or five yearn; and if he had lost power, it was because he had conscientiously believed that the mode by which he could have retained it was injurious to the inte rests of the empire. Mr. Huskisson, the author of the sliding. scale, had changed his opinions on the subject of the corn laws more than once. And a statesman for whom he had the greatest respect the noble lord who had suc ceeded him in power— had, in the year lBi2, se vere)y censured those who laidi the foundation for subvert ing the principles of the corn bill altogether and introducing foreign corn at all times into the market, and said, " That if foreign corn were admittsd, even if we had scarcely any taxes to pay, it would not be easy for the farmers of Eng land, who required to lire in a certain degree of respect ability and comfort, to compete with the lords of Poland and Russia, whose vassal peasantry were unacquainted with the wants of a civilised state."—Yet, in 1816, when his attention had been drawn to the potato disease in Ireland, he was of a different opinion. In his letter from Edinburgh, in that year, Lord J. Russell said the struggle to make bread scarce and dear, when it is clear that part at least of the additional price goes to increase rent, is a struggle deeply injurious to an aristocracy, which (this quarrel once removed), is strong in property, strong in opi nion, strong in ancient associations, and the memory of irn. ' mortal service,. Let us, then, unite to put an end to a system which has been proved to be the blight of commerce, the bane of agriculture, the source of bitter divisions among classes, the cause of penury, fever, mortality, and crime amongst the people." Having dilated to some length on the advantages of free trade amongst nations, illustrated by the free interchange of commodities between towns, the right hon. baronet concluded by a powerful appeal to the principles of free-trade as being far better calculated than the vain glories of war, or the lust of conquest, to promote the happiness and welfare of mankind. He was loudly cheered on resuming his seat. Mr. W. Y. PEEL explained his opinions, which coincided with those of his right hon. relative, and expressed himself favourable to the application of the surplus revenues of the church to the increase of small stipends. No other candidate appearing, the mayor declared Sir R. Peel and Mr. W. Y. Pet I duly elected. LIVERPOOL. Ten o'clock yesterday morning was appointed 17 the mayor for the nomination of candidates to represent Liver pool in parliament. As all parties, however, had agreed to avoid election display, there was neither music nor proces , sins. Sir THOMAS BIRCH was received with mingled cheers and hisses, and a slight waving of hats. He said that he had been connected in some degree with their affairs, and there fore he looked with confidence to their support. He be longed to that party, a liberal party, whose motto was pro• gramme legislation. (Cheers.) The object of that legisla tion had been to extend our commercial intercourse—to re duce taxation—to ameliorate the criminal code—to effect for the people reform in parliament, and also give them a system of education, by which the morals of the people, their social improvement might be promoted. He had been asked if he would support a property-tax instead of the income-tax. His answer was, that he should, with all his heart, although be himself should suffer. As to the endowment of the Roman catholic clergy, he thought there was a sort of armoury somewhere where election cries were treasured up. The present cry had come in with Mr. Pitt, and had been treasured up for forty-seven years ' • and it had served the purposes of a certain party, when there was no better cry, to go to the box, and bring out this. (Laud laughter.) The Roman catholic clergy was divided into classes, and it was impossible that the lower class could be included in the grant. It must not be suplesed that he had any disrespect to his Roman catholic fellow countrymen. There was no one in Liverpool who could not bear testimony to the patience and drudgery of the Irish la bourer. In regard to the navigation laws, they had been revised again and span. He did not understand their details, nor had he yet found any gentleman in town who did. Their niterest and his were closely bound, and he should be happy at every time to consult their interest. All his pre dilections were worthy the people of Liverpool. His grand. father was a merchant here, his father was also a shipowner, and a great deal of what he possessed was also derived from the same source. (Applause.) Sir DIORY MACAWORTH next stood forward, but amidst the cheering of his friends and the booting of his opponents, not two consecutive sentences reached the reporters. Lord JOHN MANNERS then came forward, and was re ceived with several rounds of cheering, with Kentish fire. As soon as sileace Gould be obtained he remarked that the acute researches and the literary tastes of those gentlemen who have acted as friends to some of my competitors, and the untiring energy of their bill-stickers in this town, have already placed the great body of the Liverpool people in possession of all his demerits. It has been said, continued his lordship, that, when a younger man, I published some poems, of which the sentiment was some times faulty, and of which the taste was some times bad, and of which the poetry was worse still. It has been said that in other publications I have expressed with ovemfranknees my opinions and my principles on various subjects ; and it has been said I have not the honour of being a native of this great town, and that I have not the staid satisfaction of having passed the grand climacteric. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I admit all this, and own it demands explanation and apology. The explanation that I have to give is, that older and better men than myself have written indifferent poetry. That, perhaps, in public life, more mischief comes from an over-desire to conceal one's thoughts than from an over-hastiness in üblishiag them ; and, I believe, that when I, a native of Leicestershire, am seeking your suffrages, you, the people of Liverpool have no right to complain, for a native of your great town is now seeking the suffrages and soliciting the support of the constituency of Leicester. (Loud cheers.) I suppose it is the Spirit of commercial freedom which has in vited Sir Joshua Walmsley to solicit their suffrages, and has brought me here to address you. (Cheers.) But, gentle men, it is not upon these private, personal, petty grounds that I came here. I come to vindicate great public princi ples; and I ask you to throw away these minor eon- siderations, and decide this election upon public princi- ' ples and upon public interests alone. (Cheers.) As one of that great constitutional party which for 200 years has studied, through good report and through evil report the best interests of the people of this country, I ask you now to say whether you are prepared to support the national party of England and a national policy, or whether you are prepared to give in your adhesion to a policy which would make no difference between the interest of Prussia and the interest of England, or if you will support a system of legislation which has promoted the social, physical, and intellectual improvement of the people of England, or will you give in your adhesion to the system which is founded on the dogmas of an experimental philosophy. As a test of this gnat argument, I will take the question of the navigation-laws. We regard the navigation-laws as a code which have provided honourable . employment for great masses of the industrious Engl ish population, as laws which have secured IL magnificent mercantile marine for this country, and in securing that mercantile marine have afforded for ages a nursery and storehouse for the tailors who man our English fleets and our English navies in times of war and danger. (Loud cheers.) We say that we aro perfectly aware that the navigation-laws are in theory and in practice highly repugnant to the philosophy of the political economists, although I know it will be said that free trade may be compatible with the existence of the navigation-laws. I know it may be said that it is only free imports of corn, cotton, and cattle that a great party in this country are disposed to consider as free trade. (Hear) I will take, for instance, the town of Coventry—and we heard a geed deal at Coventry about free trade. They were for fete trade in corn ; but when they found out that free trade meant the free importation of French ribbons. they sent up to London to remonstrate against that which they thought would be their ruin ; and, what is remarkable, the gentlemen from the town of Peeping Tom were successful in their re monstrance, and Coventry is protected by a duty against that dreaded French invasion. But the people of this country have been labouring under tome delasion in this matter. I have no desire to uphold enormous and oppres sive duties. No such thing. (Cheers.) I wish to see a truly national commercial policy which thinks it right and fitting to take moderate duties on foreign produce and foreign manufactures, and by the help of the revenue thus created, to repeal exorbitant and oppressive duties which cramp the energies et oar own iedustrial population. Now we have not heard much lately upon the subject of the big loaf and the little loaf. (Loud laughter.) But we heard a twelvemonth ago of a most beau- tiful picture drawn by the prime mirister of this country, which was reproduced the other day before the electors of the City of London: in one corner a farmer of the Ohio is seen looking with satisfaction at the surplus producer of his farm, and, in another corner, is dis covered a Manchester manufacturer gazing upon his super fluous productions that were to clothe the Ohio farmer in return for his corn. This is indeed the feature of broad Utopia, in spite of broad Atlantic. (Laughter). And now, is it not the fact, that the corn of the Ohio has been paid for not by English manufactures, but by English `old? Five years ago, I heard Mr. Irving, one or the greatest and shrewdest of English merchants ay—" People may ray what they please about this barter between England and Ainerith, but I know enough of America to know that nothing but gold will be taken in return for our manufactures. Now, merchants and practical men of Liverpool, I ask you, is it true that the exports of English manufactures have not in creased in consequence of the repeal of the enro•laws ? Is it true, or is it false, that far the first five months of 1435 the exports of cotton manufacture' amounted to 10,300,000 i. in round numbers, and in the fi rst five I months of let; they had dwindled down to 9,820,000/. ? I I will ask, had not a similar reduction takeu plane in the value of linens and woollens exported ? I will leave it for others is answer the question. (Loud cheers ) I say we are not prepared, and I never said I was prepared, to re-impose heavy duties on any article. I have told you that I am most anxious to reduce to a moderate amount the outrageous duties upon tea and upon tobacco ; and I believe that, by a wise and systematic tariff—by placing some lo per cent., for instance, upon the manu factures of France and of other countries, and by carry ing out a system of modern import duties of that nature — we can raise a sufficient revenue to permit us gradually to modify and then to repeal those anomalous and vexatious laws which at present make a poor man pay 2d. a pot more for his beer and 2. per pound for his tobacco than he would otherwise pay, and that which warps and fetters the industry of our own people. (Cheers.) On the subject of religion and religious convictions I must trespass for a moment on ; your time. Great and injurious suspicions prevail u pon this ; subject. No one is more att:.ched thzr. I em to the church of Engl2:.e., tier forr,iularies, and her discipline. During the short time I have been in parliament I have suppoited every measure which was brought forward for the surcea sed efficiency of the church of England. I hear in the crowd the word "endowment." Should • national endow ment of the Roman catholic church in Ireland out of the funds of the established church be proposed —and everybody doubted that—or out of the consoli dated fund, or out of • tax levied compulsory on the land in Ireland, that proposition I will heartily oppose. (Loud cheers.) I agree with one of the speakers who has previously addressed you, that you must almost be sick of hearing these questions discussed and de bated; but I have now told you fully end frankly tay opinions on that subject. (Loud and continued cheering.) Now, gentlemen, I owe you an apology for saying so much upon the matter of self; for, after all, gentlemen, it was not to gratify any personal wish or vanity of my own that I came to Liverpool, but to tight a great battle, in which f believe the interests of every man in Liverpool is concerned. (Cheers.) It is fought by IMO, though fought by a most inefficient and experienced soldier —(" no, no,") ; and I ask you now, if you believe my heart is in the right place, if you believe that system of national policy which I have endeavoured briefly to sketch out, is that policy which is most conducive to the late eats of all classes of this great community—(a voice " no!" responded to by cries of "yes, yes")—if you think the church of England ought to be permitted to increase her effi ciency, so as to meet the increased spiritual wants of the people—if you think a policy should be adopted and sanc tioned which places in the van of the duties of government attentions the physical, the material, and the social wants of the people —if you are not disposed to place everything at the mercy of • new angled system of political philo sophy (laughter) if you are opposed to that system of a centralised bureaucracy, and new fangled depart ments of state —if you think the old immemorial local and parochial ins'itutions of the country, and these which have tended most to make this great English nation the independent, the energetic, and the active nation ebe has become—then, gentlemen, although I fairly and fully admit my own great personal deficiencies, I ask you to disregard them, and to give me your suffrages to. morrow—(applause)—and to enlist under that glorious and triumphant blue banner which for many years, on so many contested eleetisns, has waved in triumph over the docks and quays of this great emporium of commerce and of trade. (His lordship retired amid loud and protracted applause.) Mr. CARDWELL next presented himself, and was received amid great applause. After a few preliminary remarks, he said he rejoiced that the phraseology of party had fallen into something of disuse but he would endeavour to state plainly the grounds upon which he had ventured to ask for their suffrages. They had been referred to a beautiful picture, in which they were told the farmer of Ohio was on the one side of the water and the operative of Manchester on the o:her,rejoicing in the interchange of the produce and the manufactures of each other. Of commerce, no lees truly than of mercy, it might be said, it was twice blessed, its quality was not strained,—it blessed both he who gave and he who received. He thought, however, the picture was not complete. If they had drawn it in this part of the world there would have been a third person of considerable import ance introduced. They would have placed the farmerofohioon one side, and operative of Manchester on the other, with the merchant, the shipowner, the shipwright, and the artisan of Liverpool in the centra; they who were the means of trans ferring the coin of Ohio to the industrious operative of Man chester, and *ho transferred the produce of Manchester to the families of Oh'o, and who derived maintenance and we ilth by the reasonable payment for doing so. He had been perfectly astonished when he heard, at this particular junc ture, theiparticular question was selected for the advocacy of the restrictive principle. They laboured under an unprece dented scarcity of corn and of cotton, two of the direst visit ations to which a country like ours could be subjected. Yet much as they had suffered, no other nation had been so greatly blessed, in commanding the granaries of the western world (Applause.) It had been said, on the other hand, that our exports had fallen off. Of course they had in some degree; but let him ask them in what degree? The gen tlemen about him would be able to tell him the figures—but, he might venture to say, not a tenth of the exports had fallen off. (Hear.) Had the noble lord (Lord J. Manners), taken the pains to analyse these export+ ?—to nay bow much of the falling off were due to the impoverishment of other countries like ourselvei. A more conclusive case in reference, to extending our commonly.' intercourse with those countries —to substitute the cloth manufactures of England for the corn of America, could not by possibility have been given. Prejudice had been attempted to be excited against him upon the supposition that he meditated a change in the navigation laws prejudicial to their Interests. He had given upon every occasion the most impressive negative to this. Would they be blinded by a cry, or would they be guided by facts. (Cries of "facts.") He reposed in their judgment with the meet perfect confidence, and felt assured they would look with pleasure upon the adoption of the measures which had tended to increase their commercial prosperity, and benefit so materially the shipping trade of Liverpool ; and seeing him with the chairman of their docks upon his right hand, and the chairman of the shipowners associa tion on his left, they would know by the company he kept that he was sincere in the advocacy of their commertial prosperity. (Applause.) Hie gallant predecessor (Sir Digby) hadsaid the proper way to extend their commercial prosperity WAS to make a railway from one side of India to the other. (Much laughter.) He (Mr. Cardwell) would be glad to see a railway from one side to the other; but he should not be content to wait for the amplification of our commercial re sources, for the increase of our commercial prosperity, until the mouatains of Tebit should be tunnelled, and until the vast plains of the Inc us should be embanked. (Tre mendous applause.) So much for the commercial principle. He would ask them plainly whether they were for going backwards or forwards? (Cries of "Forwards!") Gentle men (said Mr. Cardwell), the varlet of the state rides upon a stormy element, and has to conflict with much danger ' • by the blessing of God upon the skill that guides her, and the energeticel hands that man her, give her sea-room and she must be safe. There are two things she must not do, she must not be allowed to make sternway, or suffered to take ground upon any of the shoals of prejudice. I (Applause.) These were - his commercial principles, and upon them he would stand or fall. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Cardwell then made allusion to the comple. mentary terms made in reference to him by Mr. Earle, which called forth tremendous confusion, and great tumult ensued. If, in the order of divine providence, he was pleased that a large sandbank should be formed at the mouth of the Mersey, they would think it the severest trial that could be inflicted —would they, then, he would ask, allow parliament to frame laws by which the great estuary of that noble river should be effectually closed to free trade? (Much cheering.) He came, knowing the difficulty ho laboured under, to offer himself to represent this great town, and he begged leave to thank the electors for the patient and candid hearing which he had received. An ELECTOR here asked for Mr. Cardwell'e opinion on the endowment question, which was met by cries from the opposite party of " Bring Sir Digby forward." Mr. CARDW SILL, however, came forward, and said that the course he had adopted was, that be would not intrude his sentiments, but, on being asked, would not withhold them. He bed stated to hundreds what he had stated to thousands, that he did not approve of it, but not being asked, he thought it his duty to maks as little reference as possible. (Cries of " the Peel shuffle.") He was not easily intimidated, cad he stated it with plainness. (Cries of " Let Sir Digby route forward, and "No, no.") There were some who called " No," who appeared to him to resemble the mutes in an Eastern tyrant's train, who reserved their breath to strangle others. He would make this remark, in conclusion, though he appeared before them young, he would, he hoped, lire to see the pesio.l when religion. feeling would no longer be ex- ercised to influence elections. (" Heir, hear," and cheers.) Mr. HARDY, L. an elector, then asked Sir Digby Mark worth if he would be prepared to vote, if returned, for the removal of the remaining diaabilities on the Roman Catholics. —Sir Digby : No, sir. Mr. D. HODSON then rose and put a similar question to Mr. Cardwell.—Mr. Cardwell said he had already stated that he would vote for the removal of all obsolete and offensive penalties. (" Hee?, hear," and cheers.) Mr. 1101)080x endeavoured again to put a question to Mr. Cardwell, but could not succeed, from the commotion which ensued.—The mayor here interposed, and said that when, at the commencement, he allowed any question to be put, he distinctly stated that it must be clearly expressed, and the answer requird a decided " Yes" or " Igo." Mr. J. SMITH asked Lord J. Manners whether he was prepared to vote for the removal of these disabilities. Lord J. Manner Quite prepared. WOODROOFR asked Mr. Cardwell if he was prepared to vote fur the endowment of the Roman Catholic church, either out of the funds of the state or otherwise ? Mr. Cardwell said that he did net approve of it, and therefore he would not vote for it. . _ _ The MATOR then called for a chow of hands, which was declared in favour of Sir. T. B. Birch and Sir Digby Mack worth, and adjourned the meeting until to-morrow morning at S o'clock. DUDLEY. The nomination took place yesterday. Lord Ward's in fluence predominates; and the general expectation was that Mr. Benbow, his lordship's nominee, would base bein re elected without oppoei'ion, but the chartists brought for ward a candidate at the latest hour. After the usual ceremonials had been gone through , the Rev. Dr. Brown stepped forward and put Mr. Ben bow in nomination. The grounds upon which be asked for a renewal of the confi dence of the constituency for the hon. gentleman were, that he had given them a new burial-ground, which (be said) was the best gift Dudley ever had; that he had been the means of various school-houses being erected; that he had been instrumental in providing accommodation for the magistrates, and for the public as well. [The rev. gentle man referred to the erection of a now gaol.] Further, he declared that Mr. Benbow was ready to do as they asked him—to sacrifice his own feelings to their wishes; and to leave any thing undone which they asked him to leave undone; in short, said the doctor, "he will vote 3 for anything." —Mr. Cornelius Cartwright seconded this nomination ; after which Mr. Cooke, a chartist, came forward, and put in nomination Mr. Joseph Linney, an ope rative of Bilston.*: This was seconded by en elector named • Parsons ' and theteupon a warm altercation took place be tween the chartist candidate and the returning officer, the latter objecting to allow the former to address the electors unless be produced his property qualification. Ulti ma t e l y the officer gave way, and it was agreed that Mr. Linney should be allowed to speak. Thereupon Mr. Beabow came forward and proceeded to addreu the electors; but as the hon. gentleman could not speak louder than a whisper, Dr. Brown undertook to repeat aloud every sentence be uttered This was proactive of a ludicrous mistake or two. In ono part of him speech, Mr. Benbow remarked that he should en deavour to promote the trade of the town: his expositor bawled oat, "He'll vote for railways to go everywhere." This was too mush for the honourable gentleman, so the Doctor explained. There was little in Mr. Benbow'e speech worth reporting. He said, he was in favour of the established church, but friendly to religious liberty. He declared himself ready to vote for all measures which might have a tendency to promote the trade of the country, and to ameliorate the condition of the people ; that he was opposed to any grant of money to the college of Msy nooth ; in favour of the gradual removal of all duties, and of a more equitable system of taxation. He denied that he was the nominee of Lord Ward, and concluded by declaring his complete abhorrence of the doctrines of the chartists.— Mr. Linney neat addressed the electors in advocacy of the" six points." A scene of considerable uproar ensued, in the midst of which a show of hands was taken, which the returning-officer declared to be in favour of Mr. Linney. A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Benbow; but the chartist can didate not being provided with the funds to pay his share of the expenses, Mr. Benbow was declared elected, amidst groans and laughter. The proceedings thereafter terminated. —Mr. Benbow was elected four years ago as a tory and a protectionist; but having supported Sir Robert Peel's mea sure', he succeeded in conciliating the respectable members of the liberal party in the town, to which fact may be attri buted his unopposed return on :his occasion. WWAN. The proceedings yesterday resulted in the return of the Hon. Col. J. Lindsay (one of the former members), and Mr. Thicknease, an extensive coal proprietor in the ntigh bonrhood. Mr. Crosse, a tory, who was unseated after the election of 1841, retired front the field last night, finding that from the state of his canvass there were no hopes for him. A mere formal opposition was offered in the nomination of Mr. Dixon, a charust, whereby an opportunity was given him to enunciate the principles of chartism, which he did at considerable length. The show of hands from about 5,000 people assembled in the market-place, fronting the Town hell, was almost unanimously in his favour; about two-thirds held up their hands for Mr. Thieknease ; and not more than 100 for Col. Lindsay. A poll wax then demanded on behalf of the bon. colonel, which was accepted on the part of Mr. Thicknesse, but declined by Mr. Dixon. NOI - TINWIAM. Mr. Alderman Birkhead proposed, and Mr. Smith Fowler seconded, Sir John C. llobhouse.—Mr. Alderman Vickers proposed Thomas Oisborne, Esq., who was seconded by Mr. Alderman Birkin.—Mr. Mott proposed Mr. Feargus O'Connor, who was seconded by Mr. Hemm.—Mr. John Rowley said that he also had a candidate to propose. Not tingham had never been so well represented as it wan during the brief period John Walter, Esq., was one of its members ; he therefore proposed that gentleman's son, Mr. John Wal ter. Mr. Redgate seconded the nomination.—The show of hands wan in favour of Mr. O'Connor and Jjhn Walter, Jun., Esq. KIDDERMINSTER. The nomination tOolcXtuyesieldi;y in the Town.hall. J. Hooman, Ecti , nominated Mr. Godson, and Mr. J. Cole seconded the nomination. No other candidate having been brought forward, the learned gentleman was declared duly elected. After this he deliced an unusually frothy speech, and the proceedirgs terminated. COVENTktY. -- - . The nomination took place yestertit.y. Alderman Turner proposed, and Mr. T. Good seconded, the nomination of the Right Hon. E. Ellice. Mr. H. Browett proposed, and Mr. H. Gardiner seconded, the nomination of Mr. Williams. Mr. Turner, the tory candidate, was proposed by Alderman Cope, and seconded by Mr. Rotherham. The show of hands was declared to be in favour of Kr. Ellice and Mr. Turner. The polling takes place this day. MA LTO N. The election took place yesterday, hen the borough bailiff, having addressed the electors,called on them to DlMinate fitting candidates. Mr. Denison and Mr. Childers, haying been pro posed and seconded, were declared duly elected. EVESHAM. The nomination for this borough took place yesterday. Mr. Cheek proposed Lord Marcus Hill. Mr. Ald. New seconded the nomination. Dr. Beele Cooper proposed Sir Henry Willoughby, who, though he was not personally known to the elector:, was yet not an untried man, Al he had sat in parliament, and his votes were such as entitled him to the confidence of the electors of the borough of Evesham. Mr. Robert Blaney seconded the nomi nation. Mr. R. Hughes proposed Sir Ralph Howard. —Mr. A. Martin ItC3IIII the nomination.—Lord Mucus ' Hill then addressed the electors. Ho said this was his fifth ' appearance before them, and be anticipated a triumphant re election upon the present occasion, because his unanimous reelection last year, and his reception on his Clove.% con vinced him that be had not in was forfeited the esteem and respect of his censtit nents. He vindicated the government from the charge of having done nothing during the last session of parliament, and called upon them for a renewal of their confidence.—Sir H. Willoughby intimated his intention of opposing all further grants to the College of Maynooth, and moat decidedly objected to the endowment of the Roman catholic clergy. Sir Ralph Howard was brief in his re marks, avowing himself a free trader to the back bone, and in some measure an opponent of the government scheme of education.—On a show of hands, the election was declared to have fallen on Lord AL 11 ill and Sir R. Howard. IVAHWICK. The nomination of members for this borough took place Yesterday. The Rev. Mr. Ilarris prop sed Sir Charles Douglas ; the nomination was seconded by Mr. Witnishurst. —Mr. Twamley proposed the re-chection of Mr. Collins, which Mr. C. Redfern seconded.—Mr. Keys then stepped forward to propose Mr. H. Roberts, which was se conded by Mr. Pickett. Sir Charles Douglas then ex plained at length his reasons for the various votes he had given, and the circumstances which gave rise to his appoint ment as Master of Greenwich Hospital.—Mr. Collins made a few remarks, but did not explain his political career ; he spoke as to the welfare of the town being his chief considers tion.—Mr. Roberta expressed in strong terms his disapproval of the income tax. He proposed placing a duty of one half penny per mile upon all first-class railway travellers, and half that sum on second class passengers.—The show of hands being declared in favour of Sir C. Douglas, and Mr. Collins, Mr. Roberts demanded a poll. BRIDG WATER. The nomination took place yettcrday. The candidates were Mr. Charles J. K. Tynte, and Mr. Stephen Gazette (liberals), and Mr. Henry Breadwood (toryl. The show of hands was most decidedly in favour of the two liberal can didates, and, a poll being demanded, the election takes place this day. LANCASTER, Yesterday Mr. Edmund George Hornly. of Castle-park dcousin to Lord Stanley), proposed Mr. Samuel Greg von, eputy-chairman of the East India and China Association ; John Armstrong, E.q., the unsuccessful liberal candidate at the last election, seconded the nomination. Mr. Greene, the late member. was nominated by Dr. de Cite, and se conded by Mr. Dockray. Mr. Samuel Simpson, a retired solicitor, and ex-poor law clerk, proposed Mr. E. D. Salis bury ; Mr. Jonathan Dunn seconded the nomination. Mr. Gregson is a liberal in every *ewe of the term ; Mr. Greene, a reelite conservative ; and Mr. Sali s bury, a high church tory. Each of the candidates addreseed the electors at con siderable length. A show of hands was taken, and declared to be in favour of Mr. Gregsou and Mr. Salisbury; Mr. Greene demanded a poll. SCARBOROUGH. At noon yesterdsy, Johnstone, Bart., and the Earl of Mulgrave were proposed, and sleeted without oppo sition. The former is a liberal conservative, the latter (eldest son of the Marquis of Normanby) if a whiz. The government gain a seat in this borough. DORCHESTER. This election did nOlescl;e — isTlCY interest. No other candidate being put in nomination, Col. Darner and Mr. Sturt were declared duly elected, and severally returned thanks, amidst cheers, and the proceedings terminated. The new members were afterwards chaired. WAltitllVG lON. The nomination for Warrington took pima yesterday. The candidates were Wm. Allem d, Esq., for the liberals; and Gilbert Greenall, Esq., on behalf of t►e conservative party.—Mr. Ald. Stubbs proposed Mr. Allcard.—Mr. Ald. Allen seconded the nomination.—Mr. J. Clare proposed Mr. Gilhert Greenall ; Mr. W. Nicholson seconded the motion. —Wm. Alleard, Esq , said he was opposed to all class legis lation. In taxation he was opposed to all protective and dif- P•rential duties. Re was the firm and unflinching advocate of civil and religious liberty.—Gilbert Greenall, Esq.. was the next who came forward, and was also loudly cheered. He said that as to his opinions on commercial policy he thought th►t the legislature and the country had pronounced their decision, and he should join in no obstruc tion to the course of the experiments mvking on that ques tion. The ahow of hands was declared to be in 'favour of Mr. Allcard ; and Mr. Clare having demanded a poll , thy pto ceedinge terminated. WALSALL. The nomination tookplaccyWterilay at the Town.hall. Mr. Richard James, a magistrate of the borough, nominated the Hon. E. It. Littleton ; this was seconded by Mr. T. P. Brettel. Mr. John Day, another magistrate, prop.scd Mr. Charles Forster; this was seconded by Mr. T. Haste dine. Mr. W. H. Cooke was put in nomination by Mr. Howard Fletcher, seconded by Mr. John Cooke. The show of hands was is favour of Mr. Forster. A poll was demanded on behalf of the other two candidates. RIPON. The city of Ripon election took place yesterday, when the lion. E. Lavelles and Sir J. Graham were elected without opposition. They are both eooeereati•ee. The Councillor dictate. • ter P. • SHEFFIELD. The election commenced rester " . .,:„.1V A Dann nn nominated John Parksr , the motion. Mr. W. Flail( • • Ward, • Mr. E.g., who was seconded by ' 4- Councillor Briar nominated- r r can- didate. Mr. Parker defended • chea- ter bill. Mr. Ward would ea `.}:;;?7" . 1.. as a wholesome check upcL 7 - • itikp n"44 10 Ita - Vv r • OF • •