The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-23 00:00:00

sees taplelehry sod q= l : meet summesemblie emese- • sios was which might be 1, tram week to I: er ro peer. is the irreepseab power plead is tie of dharrossoor. liorgois of LAIIdWIINI Aso" upplientioa =S ao qiddidtor moo lobo Om ecru am a way Math proasediles ea the portof noble ord. The asesdaa involved th ee MOM M airoodsoor, sod he (the Mega at Lenedowse) woosor por prod to torso tolerating to door who could sot alai their wi bow leis views ll ih words in exploardisa fro. Lord dtaaloy, Lord Btee~Ls, and Bishops/ Laden, UTITEY thought It ea inkielable arrogance on the Mal Ow noble lord to dasseibe the religiose scruples of • lap of their fellow aramtrymm as arising out of a so and quibbling limo otimpurrard. HelEarl Grey) dinet hold that the state mat not Interfere with religion so ler as granting &mistimes for its maintenance ; but he tholght it a very fair objeetioa that that assistance should not be given oa the condition of enquiry into the nature of the religious instruction given. He considered the alteration made by be the Privy Council strictly right and proper, and he thought it would cirried into effect with the concurrence of the great majority of members on both sides of the other house of parliament. After a row words from Earl NELSON the matter dropped. THE STANDING ORDERS. Oh the motion of Lord RIDISDALI, several amend amnia were agreed to in the standing orders relative to the private business of the house. POOR LAWS ADMINISTRATION BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the order of the day toe wondering the reasons of the House of Commons for disagreeing to one of their lordships' amendments in this bill (the mid amendment Meier struck out the clause which was added to the bill in the House of Commons, on the mo tiestof Mr. Bortliwiek, for the non-separation, in the work home, of married couples above the age of 60). The noble martinis observed, that although the Commons had m isstated that clause, they had agreed to another amendment made in the bill by Muir lordships, and which he (Lord Lansdowne) had stated at the time, was by far the more impor tent Of the two—namely an amendment negativing the clause which provided for the indiscriminate admission of rate payers to the meetings of the boards of guardians; the effect of which, he conceived, would have been to turn those meet ings into arenas of popular contest, much to the detriment of the public business. It now remained for their lordsoips to determine whether they would insist upon their amend ment omitting the non-separation clause, after the Commons had consented to their other ani more important amend ment, From all he could ascertain on the subject, the num ber of persons likely to be affected by that clause would not be many. Believing, then, that its operation would be extremely limited; believing that the insertion of it in the 611 originated in a feeling of humanity which he fully respected, without sharing in the apprehensions of those who moved it ; and believing that the House of Commode had shown a disposition to consult the feelings of their lordship' house, agreeing to the import ant amendment to which he had just referred, he was pre pared to submit, not by way of a compromise, but as most expedient for the public MINIM, that the house do not insist upon its amendment (to which the Commons had disagreed, and which struck out the non-separation clause). The Earl of STRADBROKE having opposed the motion, Earl GREY observed that if the motion were successfully resisted the bill would be lost for the present session, the country be deprived of the acknowledged benefit of its gene ral provisions, and the whole question of the poor laws would be again discussed, and perhaps angrily, at the coming elections. Lord RADNOR disagreed in the reasons of the Commons for re-inserting this clause, which their lordships had a!- ready unanimously rejected, and which he was satisti , d, if retained, would do much mischief, go far to destroy the dis cipline of, and give rise to scenes of immorality in, whatever workhouses it might be brought into operation. The Duke of CLEVELAND concurred in the motion of the noble marquis, not on the ground of expediency, but be. cause be considered that the clause wax practically good. Earl FORTESCUE contended that, in point of fact, there was no practical grievance to be remedied by the inser tion of this clause ; and, in proof thereof, referred to a re turn which stated, amonget other things, that out of 363 unions 155 were without any married couples above the age of 50, and in 92 there was but one. He believed that the result of this change would be that many aged couples, who were now thankfully receiving half a crown a week as out door relief, would come to the guardians demanding an ex travagant iscrease, or admission to the workhouse. He thought that the clause would lead to great expense and all sorts of abuse, and that, therefore, it would be better to sa crifice the bill altogether than to allow of its becoming law. Lord REDESDALE complained of the conduct of govern ment with reference to this clause. They bad at tir.t op posed it, and now for electioneering purposes sanctioned its introduction. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE contended that govern ment had only shown a constitutional deference to public opinion in adopting the clause after ao unequivocal a demon stration in its favour by the House of Commons. The home divided.—For the amendments. Aga;not The Commons' amendments were then •greed to. . BISHOPRIC OF MANCHESTER BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the adoption of the Commons amendments to the above bill. Lord REDESDA.LE thought that government had acted in bad faith in striking out that part of the preamble of the bill which referred to the future appointment of three addi tional bishops. He trusted that the matter was only deferred until next session. Loci MOIIITEAGLE, seeing the state en which the pare. child clergy of Wales stood in respect of income, regretted that the recommendations of the original coramiinion had not been carried out. To judge from the opposition which the prelent bill had encountered, be did not think the noble lord opposite need be very sanguine that government would be in any hurry again to approach the subject. The Bishop of St. ASAPII deprecated the drawing of distinelions between the bishops and the parochial clergy. His own experience led hint to believe that small dioceses were best calculated to insure vigilant supervision. Lord STANLEY thought that before the house agreed to the bill in its present form a pledge should be required from the government that they would introduce a proposition for establishing the three other bishoprics recommended by the commission in a future session. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the words struck . out of the preemble of the bill had no reference whatever to the enacting portion. He had no hesitation ie saying that the position of the government with reference to the three bishoprics was precisely the same new as it had been before the alteration was made. The Commons' amendments were then agreed to. NEW ZEALAND BILL. On the order of the day for the third reading of Cul. bill bedsp read. lama STANLEY moremed his fears that much inconve nience would arise tam the amount of power and inoon pretweapoPtion grilled to the New Zealand Company. They Wen Matt lO w = t tbat company a loan of 236,0001. free of interest, sad any essurity except the future net pro fita of **company. If theapecalation should turnout unpro fitable the loan was to be remitted, and the concern handed over tO,lllll government. Mere than this, the entire of the lands PO esepy, amesnting to a million of acres, was to be pnrehelleet MOIL Ulm at the rate of live shillings per sere. Italy hops was that the experiment would fail, that thp esnepear weal& have to wind up its affairs, end that thus the 'okay would be place(' under the undivided control of government Earl OBEY, who wee but imperfectly audible, was understood to say that the loans had been recom mended after long deliberation, by a large majority of the New Zeeland committee ; and besides, it should be reeollected that the company had sack 1.50,0001. of their own capital. lie thought that if they ultimately succeeded in establishiag a community of Englishmen in that splendid country, all the trouble and expense they now incurred would amply repaid. The bill wee then read a third time and passed. The house adjourned at a quarter to 9 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, JULY 22. The Sriteran took the chair at one o'clock. PUBLIC BUSIN PETTroir•—wf; Hr. ROM, from the gaud of Rua:elms of Trott. teiege mien agaiththe law et serierment. PETITION FROM JAMAICA. Lord G. BENTINCK moved that the petition from the bland of Jamaica be printed with the votes.—Agreed to. PETITION OF THE REV. H. F. YEATMAN. Mr. BANKES moved that the petition of the Rev. H. F. Turman, relative to the the of bread, be printed with the votes. Agreed to. JUVENILE OFFENDERS BILL. In reply to a question from Mr. Resets, Sir G. GREY said that the Lords had not insisted on their amendments to the Juvenile Offenders Bill, and the bill would therefore receive the-royal assent during the day. TREATMENT OF CONVICTS. ' Mr. T. DUNCOMBE called the attention of thrthouse to the reports laid before parliament during the present sm ith oar the date of Millbank Prison, and the treatment of convict. on board the hulks at Woolwich; be winked to know what the intention of the government was, and hoped they would bring In a bill on the subject in the next par liament. The hon. gentleman reiterated the ehatpes which he had before made with reference to the treatment of con victs at Milibank and Woolwich, and contended that they had been, for the most part, substantiated. Sir G. GREY entirely concurred with the reconuaendia tion of the Millbank commissioner', that the maaagement of that prison ought to be separated from the system of in spectorship uat present carried on. He had prepared a hill oa the subject, which, however, he had not been able to pro- ceed with In the present sedition ; but the vabjeet would re ceive the early attention of the next parliament. The result of the Investigation with reference to the hulks at Woolwich bad saddled him that there was ample you'd for a strict mid searching inquiry. The state of healt4 of Mr. Capper bad not enabled him to discharge his dues personally for some years. He had sow reigned ; the i eneent of the hulks had been put under the regular I on of the isthmuses of pneew , and new rules had been with a view to remedying many of the abuse; which had existed. He thought it would !Abetter that a berraek should be pro vided for the accosusodotice of the convicts ; but on that subject ha could say wain further at present. The mat ter was now Is die bands of persons who would devise the beet regulations that could be adopted for the future ma ef the convicts. With regard to the medical niter, It was bat jam to say that the report stated that no timelines of cruelty hied been proved against him ; he, 1 therm, wee of opinion that the duties to be per fumed by the medical °facer required that he ' , abeklik devote the whole of hie time to the convict", Ina the be engaged in private prutice as well , and a regalatthe to thm effect would be carried out, not only at t Woolwich, bet at Pate nteath and elsewhere. He loped issime the n et gallons* the hen. manbse would be quits made in =will die milulgullq** that woad be **Arks hell bees la tleated. OF PORTUGAL. Sir D. L. By Alli jiai sespelkel ers led *at, the Parttime, prieenem ¢ wer had ban asehne, the of the ppm wee ale yeeeelablhhed, sad the use °Dateless ableibile inseelnal Mee; he thseelbee, wit the soli bed at las. boa et Ote ire* t, what had bum mile with rigid le ther t of the the Pertegmaserweammt Lord P.NTl ed ltMill maid that all the bad been released; the only doily which had i haying arias in consequenee et the slain of Opera net haring been earlier brought to • 1111111011111106. The quarantine on the pass was only weeded* het till the ad of the month, and he then hepei that all restrictions on the liberty of the prat would be removed. With regard to the forma tion of a new ministry, he was usable to ay anyt ti hing posi tive at the present tie* bet the matter had Um under consideration, and he was quite sure that there was an earnest disposition on the part of the QUM' of Portugal to fulfil the egemeats which she had made; and he could amuse his honourable and gallant friend that there had ban no slackness on the pert of the govern ment of her Britannic Majesty, in claiming from the Queen of Portugal the full and complete fulfilment of the engage ments which she had entered into with regard to the Por ta/twee people. ROYAL ASSENT. At twenty minutes to three Sir A. CLIP/01U) appeared at the table, and summoned the house to tie House of Peers, to bear the royal assent given by commission to numerous bills (for which see Lords' report). On the return of the Sraa.usu, at half past three, the house adjourned. atr eriartissi. MAILS; Thu anstieul skald saga, Us Mereelnr. to the edlnawa. =MI% Yip Meg Km& Sts, Will be a. ds up MI ch. elite Ma Judy. The mils Pm Vv. Oge . X . Vaben.llll•lldra, Oadlz, and Mealier .111 he aneg• up mile et ihe MS July. The =Ms Isit PM Ow& Mee. Van Zillmeges Lod. sad N.. leehrit mil he saeggiu ea gtienetalztthe July. Ai Welt min lir Mentes. Honduras. and the Itmemh, he mede b rAhensisting of the and August. The mug lst MUM Muth Ihrmeds, and the United Melte. viellemale op es dr eiening dee trd August. inerlen mite libeler, Ma^ armee. the lonian Wank OulekTalta.Nougamsg. end Mr, Boattamptee, Mt a ut in a up en tie nereileg et the Sid Ausu.t. 'Die mei kr the Ilise Me. the Writ Me, Monte Video, Prase. bum. labia. Msdekre. and lessee Anse, be nude up on UN evening of the 4th August. TO CORIUSPONDENTS. Oar attention bat been celled to the following wages^ In the Gowns POW. republlehal front the Beatrice W. 411411: —"7lr NW both w bloaeteo Onsositin and Ge Dem Nang ere ire:t w. .reef. flpoPeenti d AAA II Yoe kin spent aw the he mil it ft 110• V Offered fur a ewer WAG( erwa.' Rabe We it Klusod toloehlevons arrtfa as INIGII4 to IM Minnie tg one not worth costredlellee. bat eve that It la a Looks paper It omen berme the pills to hem lei mit he We have therefor, Wow aided imam to Het *I weltrea g "= ledge." by loaleuetteg em sates' to write to tea is the wileeet. Wertintemete telsedel Ile Yee" laneen= s re.....e be et the Olio. by Iwo deloenen oor HIGH WATiI AT LONDON-BRIDGE i.e. Da 2-11arshag. mi. put 9 I Attems, 19 Ad. past 10. TAMO2•O O-119001 .4. WA. pre 10 ; AtlarmAa, 22 =la past 11. LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 23. IN the House of Lords yesterday, the royal assent, by commission, was given to numerous bills. The supplementary minute of the Committee of Council on Education, which appeared in this paper on Wednes day, was made the subject of discussion at the in stance of Lord STANLEY. The unqualified terms in which the noble lord spoke of the concession involved in it were forcibly met by the Marquis of LANS DOWNE and Earl GREY, the latter noble lord think ing it intolerable arrogance on the part of any peer to describe the religious scruples of a large body of his fellow-countrymen as arising out of a sophistical and quibbling line of argument. —The Commons' amendment to the Poor-laws Bill, prohibiting the separation of man and wife above sixty years of age in unies workhouses, was carried on a division by a majority of 29 to 11.—The other subjects discussed were, the Commons' Amendments to the Bishopric of Manches ter Bill, which were agreed to, and the New Zealand Bill. In the House of Commons, Sir G. GREY, in answer to Mr. T. DIINCOMBE, explained the new regu lations which were intended to be effected in the Mill bank Prison, and in the treatment of convicts at the several outporte.—Lord PALMERSTON, at the instant). of Sir D. L. EVANS, made a statement with reference to the progress of affairs in Portugal, assuring the gallant officer that there had been no slackness on the part of the British government in claiming from the Queen of Portugal the full and complete falai ment of the engagements entered into with regard to the Portuguese people. IDEAS of advanced liberalism are very different in , 1 1847 from what they were twenty or even ten years ago. Nothing can be more unlike a radical or the old school than an ultra-liberal of the new. Of old, and even until somewhat lately, the great object of such men was to work changes in the theory of the constitution, in the mode of representation, or of voting. For several years after the passing of the Reform Bill the most conscientious patriots placed all their dopes in, and devoted all their energies to, the ballot. We are not sure but that the expediency of such changes has been too much forgotten. But there is no use in complaining or running against the cur rent of the time, and this current sets towards ma terial reforms. Since the incomplete results of the bill of 1831, few care for spending years and exciting popular agitation for changes in the electoral law. We have politicians who cry still for the ballot and triennial parliaments ; but there are no zealots or Quixotes in the cause. COBDEN and VILLIERS revo lutionised public opinion in this respect, and set the popular cry after a far better aim and a far surer scent. _ . _ In their new career the liberal party achieved one of their most real and efficient triumphs, and the object of the future parliament should be to follow it up. But the men required for the task are not always or altogether the same who were best fitted to clamour for radical reform. A loud voice, an eloquent tangos, I and an unblushing front, are no longer sufficient even for the demagogue. His task requires a variety of knowledge, an amount of experience, and a of practical wisdom, which has really thrown the of vulgar class ef demagogues irrecoverably into the back ground. The days of the HENRY Hem are gone by. And had Col:sem survived till our day, for which his great and capacious intellect was well formed, he would have digested his thoughts before uttering them, and might have turned out an eminent politiod economist instead of being bat a powerful sneerer at what he would not take time to comprehend. One of the effects of the Reform Bill of 1831, which, in tory estimation, was to depose the gentleman and put the vulgar ignoramus in his place, was the direct contrary of all this It has given birth to a band of radical philosophers, and extinguished the vulgar and empty demagogue almost altogether. Some would go bother, and say that reform has killed radicalism, GM in some respects the assertion would be perfectly tem. Foremost in returning men of advanced opinion have ever been London and its metropolitan boroughs. The progres4and the results, which we have indicated as those of liberal triumphs, most have long since banished from the minds of the wealthy and pacific) electors any of those old fears of ultra-liberal ten dencies. Instead of having their pesos disturbed or their property invaded the citizens of peat towns have their libert i es extended, th trade in creased, the distribution of the weight of taxation rendered far less onerous to them. Year after year they have gained, and all through the means of returning thorough liberals to parliament, who, even if they did not always form a majority themselves, still so influ enced statesmen and opinions in these parties, used to I wield administrative power, that, in fart, the liberal armhole have pushed by turns tory aid whig to vie in doiag_their bidding. (by ef London will not this time be wanting in return of staunch and true men, most of them tried, and known. and needle= to eulogise. The me tropolitan bonsogha are nearly as well provided. lambs& and the Tower Hamlets have their old sad bind representatives. Can there, for the par liamssiagy task set forth for next moan, be float awn more apt, more necessary, for it, than Hawes or CLAY ? Finsbury has its known and useful members : no matter what the thee. retie pissetples d the party which returns each ama ado snablisid votes and efforts are always la /war jibs good and rational canes. Southwark thewe ve stri ven to d epict as the meet eminent man that have t el — Worm and of the new ideas of the time--nesd we motion the name of MOLEBWORTE ? West minster has a tried man in its old member, • tried name in that of LUSRINOTON : while the old school of radicalism, which survives Jo legislature, to say, that the merest dandy, who may take • Whey to • parliament, can get up a six months' vulgar notoriety, and on such a political stock in trade actaally go to the hustings Of all the metropolitan boroughs,.Marylebone has been the slowest to know its own mind. The abode of wealth, it at first leaned to such recommendation. Later, it has trodden in the steps of Westminster, and, for la ck of a political notability, took a naval one in the person of Sir CHARLES NAPIER. Few had bettor or more various claims than Lord DUDLEY STUART, and no men are more wanting in the house than those who take a liberal and philanthropic in terest in foreign politics. But the managers of Marylebone thought, perhaps, that his lord ship's claims and influence were such as very seedy to command his return for a more select constituency, and that a man of the people was the proper member for Marylebone. This they have cer tainly found, joined with first-rate talents, in Mr. DANIEL WHITTLE HARVEY. There seems, however, considerable indifference in Marylebone, when so few polled at the experimental election that it is diffi cult to form a judgment on the true sentiments of the electoral body. In other instances such a mode of proceeding, followed by the withdrawal of a candi date like Lord DUDLEY STUART, might in certain constituencies lead to the return of a tory. There exists no fear, however, but that in all the metropolitan districts the great liberal cause will be most fully represented, and that the example will tell with good effect on those constituencies which come necessarily later to the poll. We are not inclined to quarrel with Irish repeal. People must have playthings ; and what more inno• cent plaything can they have than an empty word ? What more useful folly can a youth indulge in than an ideal or poetic mistress, whom he may address at all times in prose or in verse, without the possibility of being mortified by her infidelity, or betrayed into the solid responsibilities of matrimony? Repeal is the most innocent of pledges : an Irishman may as safely take it, as an Englishman may vow fealty to the five points of the charter. We can, therefore, pardon even a Dublin corporation, which bears before it so very uncourteous a compli ment, as a demand for repeal, into the presence of a new Lord Lieutenant. . . . Nothing could be more bland than the mode in which the Earl of CLAREN DON received this imper tinent and insincere bit of counsel—nothing more per fect than the way in which he coolly set it aside. " No theory, gentlemen, if you please," said his lordship ; "speculations and abstractions will not cure the mate rial ills, or awaken the native energies of Ireland. Let as be practical, and set to the business of the country in the same sensible tied earnest way . that every private individual sets about his own business, and, instead of expecting government to make each man's fortune, let each man do it for himself." Such is a brief paraphrase of the very sound, very caustic, and very courteous advice, administered by the Lord Lieutenant to the corporation repealer.. We observed, in a preceding article, that not only English liberals, bat English radicals, were tired of theory, were all for practical and material reform, leaving con stitution-mongers and political changes as things to come after. The Irish are not so advanced. They do not see that if they can get wealthy, and prosperous, and enlightened, that their mere words and wills could enforce a repeal of the union, or a repeal of anything, Enetvided their sense then dictated such a measure as Bat no—they will put the cart before the .rse , and be theoretically independent before they ste really so. Instead of applying to the genius of in dustry to clothe and feed them, they kneel to the God dess of Politics to do this, which Politics never did floe any till they were well-to-do, and enlightened, and industrious, and civilised. Another illustrious body of Irishmen, being the members of the Royal Agricultural Society, has ad dressed the Lord Lieutenant in complimentary and loyal language, bat still imitating their fellow countrymen of the corporation "in making a poor mouth. Lord CLARENDON'S answer to the lamenta tions of these landed proprietors, and to their desire for measures " to increase the productiveness of the soil," was singularly apposite. In lieu of fine and empty phrases, his Lordship treated the Agricultural Society to a few agricultural facts, showing how enormously the agricultural produce and exports of Ireland have increased: " The export of grain from Ireland to England was 820,000 quarter. in 1815, 1,600,000 quartets in 1824, 3,280,000 quar ters in 184.5. Results such as these, proceeding solely from individual exertion, and capital judiciously employed, are, indeed, encouraging to the zeal and perseverance with which you labour, not only to introduce improvement in agriculture and to diffuse sound practical knowledge, but to combat the want of support and the apathy of thou from whom you had a right to expect far different conduct ; but that this blind ness to their own interests should long continue on the part of landowners in this country I hold to be impossible—for they must knew that we live in times of active competition, when all who will not be distanced in the race must exert every energy they possess, and that upon the progress of agriculture their own welfare and the future prosperity of Ireland must mainly depend." The economical maxims of the Irish rem sin gularly backward. They put all faith in the land, and look to government to render it productive. They brat themselves and their energies for nothing. Wen the worthy citizens of the corporation look first to repeal to help them ; secondly, to an English lord lieutenant; thirdly, to the cultivation of waste lands by government aid ; fourthly, to fisheries set up ander the same pay and patronage. Not a word of manufactures, or trade, or civic in dustry. One would think the members of the Dublin corporation came from the plough, in stead of from the ledger. And it is the Lord Lieutenant who is obliged to remind these citizens that the 'manufactures of Ireland, to judge from the specimens be had seen, might well compete with those of England, both in home and foreign markets, The following is the conclusion of this Lord Lieute nant's answer to the corporation : " Differing though we may as to the means, we have the mama end in view : to promote the improvement and the wet. fare if Ireland mon be *or common purpose. You may possibly consider that this imperial object can slope be se cured by the all of government and of laws ; while my be lief, founded sa expenence both at home and abroad, is, that the ism a pemeameet or a legislature interferes beyond the reemoval at elistraetions and securing of perfect freedom the Imre the the ssearausity ; because the result of legislative, iseerventica la tke again of individual" has, in most cases, bra to put a check upon enterprise, to destroy self-reliance, sad to misdirect capital and industry, and amass the best laws of resat days see atom which have impelled the legis lation et Mmes Wow To bad laws—most of in.. happily reposied—rasy of the evils of this country are doubtless s et e pp m egalo; but towards bringing about a state Acegs wersi mast le be desired kw Irrend, neither lawshe men of the executive government are indispensable. They mg indirectly mein, but they should net, In my opinion, dare be relied upon for rendering the land and the sea MN pesdustivs they they have hitherto been, fee pro =babies of err sad industry, for giving security to miners Winds, and inicouregammt to maniac =whisk, te Mr best the specimens exhibited at the Dublin Resist% right, I am convinced, successfully rawer with the imeallesperes of Ragland both i n th e h ers sad ism* rarkets. ltheirel bream, such as these, de peat hat in a small degree upon the government ; they math In realty, be the work of the people—of all classes, delselninsul to unite be the common good—laying aside, with tree perimism, these political discussions which h ave an rag Wired the preersity of Ireland, and remembering the post ray r a wears( for the future. May we not, however, .wider the present moment as auspicious for the essmenserent of a sew ere, when, from various au e, male etrilh bee rip subsided; when an awful visitation if r ie wa isse km bought different thaws and creeds into kindly ee•apseella sad sympathy ; when misfortune has taught lams, hitherto eomal4 estreaged, to li nen an d to apperiste each ether ? Lad, imtleineu, if, in be ggaring of the wish pea hays kindly expressed, I have Itemefter the sodshedea of thinking though wither pr ma elikaisg any share in their pulanellem—that, slh*ng my raidence in leased, the weir 'MUNI el thesereatrybeemse Improved—that lead wee no lesser the AM nsesoney at IM to the peen* poteent, eat tha ha ea depended he substress epos die Lowed owed geng.. the law was duly obeyed, sad atheades widely estrial—that capital was invested with sad Walley directed into the most productive shall them esesides that day the happiest of my lif e ca with roaseisatior doubts as to my own fitness, I ventured to swept the are which I have now the honour to hold." Such language u this, so well calculated to sink into the national mind, without irritating it, is that best fitted to recall the visionary and the theoretic Irishman from repeal, to rouse at once and she me the despondent into other than mere political activity, and to direct the hopes and views of the people to practical and materiel improvement. •-iisol importance, that a prinai of netwonformity may be slightly corn while some of the most eminent noncon elithorities believe such a contingency to haler* the range of passibility. The only ground Abet lir. BAINas, as a nonconformist, could have Italia for opposing the ministerial measure of national elanation, was, that it had indirectly a tendency to be- OMNI a new form of endowment for religious instruc tions had he confined himself to this issue, it would have been better for him, for his associates, and for the canoe of education generally. The question that would have been put in issue would have been strictly limited to religious instruction, and instead of dis cussing whether the English state possesses a right and duty recognised in and by every other state in the civilised world, we should have had to inquire how that right could be exercised, and how that duty could be performed without wounding the con scientious scruples of the most fastidious noncon formists. That Mr. BAINES and his allies have been hope lessly defeated is, of course, notorious ; and that they should be mortified at the result is not unnatural. But they most impute the greater part of the disaster to themselves. They very unwisely took issue, not on a question of conformity or nonconformity, but on a question of state expediency, and they maintained their mistaken position by arguments that belonged to a different cause, and weapons suited to a different kind of warfare. As nonconformists, they neither won nor lost by the issue of the contest, for they did not fight the battle on their own special and peculiar principles. As politicians, not as religionists, a great point has been decided against them—namely, that to train citizens to a knowledge of their rights, and to the performance of their duties, is the proper function of the state. Now we hold it to be of great importance, at the present moment, to keep this distinction steadily in sight. Had dissenters insisted that national educa tion should be so conducted as not to clash with any principle of dissent, and had this demand been re fused, then, as dissenters, they would have reasonable cause of discontent and dissatisfaction. But if a body of dissenters choose to set up a political prin ciple, which has no more to say to nonconformity than the repeal of the malt tax, or the occupation of Scinde, then the rejection of that principle, however it may mortify them as politicians, leaves them quite untouched in their capacity of nonconformists. It is, then, as politicians and as electors that the conduct ef Mr. BAINES and his associates at the pre sent crisis must be investigated ; if they have power to return a candidate perfectly representing all their peculiar opinions, we should at once recommend them to persevere, even though we should dissent from some of the doctrines which the candidate would be erected to maintain. But if they are clearly unable to command such a majority—if they shrink from such a test of strength as has just been applied in Marylebone, we cannot understand how rational men ahuld combine to defeat those, with whom they agree in most points, to ensure the triumph of those with whom they agree in none. We know that there are men who say, " Let tories and high churchmen come into power—let them rule the land unchecked—and they will pur sue such a course as will provoke a po pular re-action sufficiently strong to ensure the success of all our great principles to which moderate men, in these quiet times, accord only faint and luke warm support . This is just such a course of policy as if the rulers of a country about to be invaded should say, "Let the enemies advance into the country, seize its positions, and occupy its garrisons ; their exactions, and forced loans, ana contributions, will raise against them a popular insurrection, more fatal to their strength than the loss of a dozen battles." Would not sensible men reply to such a recommendation, that the predicted insurrection could not be received as anything like a certainty ; that before it could burst forth, the enemies would have occupied every available position, and every atom of vantage-ground, and that the possession of power might have enabled them to fortify their strength by new alliances, and to seduce into their ranks many who, had the invasion been resisted from the first, would have been the most resolute and determined of their opponents? Those who give such advice to the dissenting body ' calculate on two elements, in neither of which would it be safe to repose confidence—first, that a high church party would pursue a course likely to provoke resistance, and secondly, that popular reaction would be the consequence of such abuse. We believe that they would be disappointed in both results. The most ultra-conservatives are convinced that the days of rule by brute force is past, and that in order to ensure per manence of power it is necessary to win the good will of the people. By adopting, then, such a course of policy as that above indicated, the dissenters would only give the church larger means of winning popular favour and acquiring means of aggression, which, while human nature remains what it is, must be more or less effective. Dissent is not a dis qualification for office in the eyes of the law, but it may be made so by the tacit agreement of the members of a high church administration. The cant of "measures and not men" includes a palpable absurdity, for we cannot get rid of men and procure angels ; it would be possible with the best system of law in theory to have the worst possible rule in prac tice ; and it is not only possible but probable that more injury would be accomplished under the influ ence of unavowed prejudices and concealed opinions, than could be effected if principles of exclusion were openly maintained. What dissenters should most fear is an administration secretly hostile to dissent under a constitution which maintains the principles of religious freedom. The popular reaction, on which some are disposed to calculate, is a still more danger ous ground of confidence. A defeat of the liberal interests at the present moment would produce a state of political apathy from which the nation would not recover during the life-time of the youngest amongst us. There is a large and inert mass in the country, and in the constituencies, feebly interested in politics save when some great crisis arises, and so constituted that it would more readily pardon a crime than a blunder. If this body saw great and attainable advantages lost by the per versity or obstinacy of a few enthusiasts, it would pronounce sentence of condemnation on the whole liberal party, and would assert that the conservatives were the only men fit for the management of public business. There are occasions when • minority can be tyran nical as well as a majority; when parties are nicely balanced, a section of either may take an o pp ortunity of making special demands, and setting forth special claims under the threat of neutrality or desertion. Such a course was often pursued by bodies of merce naries in the middle ages, and such a course is, unfor tunately, not unknown in the political annals of recent tines. We doubt very much whether it can be deemed quite fair, but we are certain that the adop- Aun of ,such a course by the lihsenters of the present . day ivaild be aerial* injuries' to the character and interests of nonconformity. Mr. BAINES is well aware that a large and not unin fluential body of the nonconformists themselves dis approves and laments the coarse which it is said he has resolved to pursue. Does he imagine that a dii. ruption of the congregational body is the best means of securing strength ? Does he believe that his limited forces will effect less good as part of a regular army than when acting as • detached corps of con datlieri 1 He is a man of sense and learning ;he has powerfully exposed the fallacy which declares that a majority should bind a minonty ; but we hope that he has not adopted the worse fallacy of the right of a minority to dictate to a majority. History will tell him that the attempt has been frequently made, and that it has always ended in complete failure. We shall sincerely regret the result should he so far mis lead the nonconformists as to induce them, under the pretence of displaying strength, to make a lamentable and mischievous parade of weakness. The recent trial held by the Court of Peers still con• tinuod to be the prevailing subject in all circles in Paris. It is the prominent topic in our Paris letters of Wednesday. The feeling of the public, rendered more and more manifest, is one of unmixed commise ration for General Cubieres, and there is scarcely a dissentient from the opinion that the measure of punishment inflicted on him is out of all proportion to his offence ; a tam, indeed, which very few appii to his case et all. It is everywhere asked if every director of a joint stock company who has been aocessot7 to firing a donoenr to people in office to ex pedi te the objects of the enterprise were to be thus fined, degraded, and outlawed, how many mem bers would be now qualified to retain their seats in either chamber? Nay, some in Paris ask whether even the puriq. and integrity of Eng land itself would stand the test of an inquest the result of which would outlaw all persons who have been privy to the giving a douceru to members of either house of parliament, or other official func tionaries? The case in which some lords of the treasury were visited with an almost nominal punish ment on the part of the British government for some thing of a similar kind is not forgotten in Paris, and it is told on every hand how entirely exempt from any soal degradation these corrupted senators and officials were. The case of M. Teste is separated altogether from that of the other parties, and his de fence and repeated asseverations and protestations of innocence have greatly augmented the public feeling against him. Nevertheless, it is believed on all hands that if every one had an equal share of justice, M. Teste would not be the only minister of state locked up in the Conciergerie. The opposition journals speak out with unusual boldness and freedom on this subject, and do not con fine their charges of corruption to vague generalities ; but give them form and substance, by 'Assigning places, dates, circumstances, and persons. The fol lowing extract from the Notional will inform the English reader of the odour in which the Guirot- Duchatel cabinet is now held in France : We know, as well as the Elands, the reserve imposed on the press, both in criminal proceedings and before the great culprits, on whom the hand of justice has weighed heavily. But is it hoped to take advantage of that reserve to make us accord an amnesty to crime ? Because two ex ministers have been visited with speine infainante, is it to be concluded that it is they only who have been weak ? that perversity hu taken up its place in their hearts alone ? that the atmosphere of the government is not poi.oned ? and that public opinion, aatisfied by the verdict of the Court of Peers, ought to cry out :--!! Justice has been pronounced ; there is nothing more !" Nothing more, indeed ! Do you I imagine you have put down all these accusations of corruption I which have been made from the open tribune ? M. Testa is degraded for having received 100,0001. ; M. Duchltel con ducts the affairs of the Home Depart went, for having allowed a theatrical privilege to be sold fur 100,000 f. The former put the money auto his pocket, and the infamy, we allow, Is greater. But if M. Testa took 100,0001. for himself, M. Duchatel allowed 100,000?. to be taken by his friend/. The concession of Gouheaans could not be refused, since it was favourably looked on by the engineers and the Ponts-et- Chaussees. The theatrical privilege like wise, according to the assertion of the minister, could not be refused, u a favour able report had been sent in, and the claims of M. Adam were admitted. However, M. Teste required 100,0001. in the first case, and in the second, 100,000 f. were taken by writers in the pay of the ministry, with the consent of the minister ! A publif trial proved this to be the case, and one of the persons who fingered the money acknowledged it. Are there in the chamber ten members not convinced that this corruption took place with the connivance of M. Dst chitel 7 Is there an individual knowing how to read who has the smallest doubt on the subject ? Yet M. Duch:Bel is not proceeded against; he preserves his portfolio; it was sufficient for him to deny less audaciously then his old e,ol - M. Teste, and the clamber passed on to something else ! After that, boast of equality before the law ! Will any one dare maintain that the ministry is innocent, and knew no thing? Why then has it not prosecuted the persons who caused 100,0001. to be handed over to them ? There is, however, no medium; either the minister is guilty of prevarication, or wretches have made improper use of an imaginary credit ; if these are not prosecuted, it is because they are thought in nocent, but their innocence proves that the Minister of the Interior is guilty. And now is a man, ou whom rests the suspicion of crime, exalted by a considerable majority, when two es-ministers are punished with degradation? Is that all ? Have the charges which remain uneontradicted been forgotten ; • memoir redeemed fur 30,0001. ; a bill offered for 1,200,000 f. ; • nomination to the peerage rendered de pendent on a condition against which the demandant rebel led ? Hu M. Hebert prosecuted the sellers of bills ? Has M. Delengle been moved by what has been done ? He was superb the other day in branding with reprobation the crime of corruption ! Does he believe it more honourable to corrupt electors than to purchase a minister ? The man who pays with his money for the concession of a right commits a vile action, and which it was perfectly right to punish with severity ; he is a wretched corrupter. But what name does M. De!angle give to the man who discounts his position, who pays for votes with the favours of the budget, and who outrages public morality in lavishing places or the state. money? The conduct of the two ex-ministers, one of Octo ber 29, the other of March 1, is abominable and justly repro bated : it proves that there has been no interregnum in the course of corruption. But what shall we say of the CaMa vance of a minister of justice and of a procnreur-general, both hearing public allegations of swindling made, and re fusing to stir in the matter, because they are not convinced ? Is there not is such conduct one of those failures in duty which the penal code qualifies and punishes ? Is that also equality before the law ? A minister who should take rail way shares would commit a shameful action, according to M. Duchael—an infamous action, according to U. Guixot. Two days after the very numbers of the shares subscribed for in the Northern Railway, by M. Cunin-Gridaine, father and sun , are published. There were no less than 500 of them, which means that with them the mall premium of 200,0001. could have been obtained. The action is no longer shameful or infamous, it is a matter of course, it is a specu lation entered into by M. Cuain-Gridaine, father and son, at Sedan, whence it results evidently that M. Cunin-Grideine father has nothing to say to it ! And remark, that the firm of Cunin-Gridaine, father and sou, had SOO definitive shares. What firm, of which the partner is not a minister, has been treated in such a way by the companies s It is all very fine for the Dibots, in speaking of the Taste trial, to say that it would be wrong to attribute to the ministry the responsibi lity of a fault which is quite a private one! Is the ministry ignorant of all the facts which we hare just mentioned? Does not M. Duchfstel belong to the ministry ? And M . Ceuin4ridaine, and M. Hebert? And tbe Mal who got the 100,000 fr. for what coethim nothing ! And the man who received SOO shares in a railway ! And the man who re fuses to prosecute acts so plainly set forth ! Are the facts, thus made public, the only ones ? No. The press has al ready spoken of a concession of mines in Algeria, the details of which equal, nay, go beyond, the Courrser Francais says, those of Gouhenans. No doubt, explanations will be given thereon ; an investigation will be instituted to discover the whole truth. There are also deputies, high functionaries, and even ministers, in all this affair. They will not r.onsent, without doubt, to remain under the weight of an grave an accusation. But when each day appears to throw light on some new scandal ; when the memory becomes fatigued with retaining them; when the mind feels sullied in thinking of them, must we not admire the impudence of the minis. terial print, which demands that public opinion should be satisfied, because two ex-ministers have been degraded by the Court of Peers ? A change in the cabinet continues to be the subject of general conversation. At the cabinet council on Sunday, that subject was the sole question. It was discussed whether the resignations of Marshal Soult, as president of the council, and M. Cunin-Oridaine minister of public works, which have been more than once tendered, should not be accepted. Nothing was definitively settled until the sentiments of the minis terial isarty could be ascertained. A meeting was accordingly held at M. Delessert's, the banker, at which it ts said the retirement of the two ministers above-named was approved of. It was also decided, according to Le Commerce, to establish a new semi official ministerial journal, in place of the defunct Epoque, which is to share the defence of the cabinet with the Dikes, and to be directed by M. Murat de Bort, a deputy, who has lately been con sidered as a candidate for an office in the cabinet. The Gazette dee Tribune= gives the following reverting MM. Teets and Pellapra : 24. Test., whose features bear the profound mark of the terrible emotions which he must have felt during the trial which ended in a manner so fatal to him, appears to have recovered all kis calm since the delivery of the judg ment. As soon as he arrived at the Conciergerie he demanded that there should be procured all that is necessary to occupy himself with a work which he began several years ego, and Thai, be says, he will now finish. Orders were im. sedllately given that his request should be complied with. 14epra arrived at Paris on Sunday evening by the N Railway. He came from Lie, and paned by Breseels. The akimbo, in which he has been placed is the mar as OM whisk was occupied by Gen. Cubiires. All decree relining groundless, smolt as the signification ot the of his helegget it the ester essenstisa, the intemeptery. Ohs shies of as Ihd, were M_ plated with nowt to M. Pellapra lane secretly left Paris; and ilk constituting himself a prikonse at the Petit- Luxembourg, beady is execution et the =meat for his arrest issued by the Chamber of Pesos ea Liss ilth rely. It will, conseaueally ii no . kreurmasesser. taxisl 'IsbAa.. esd to stay a h lt s w b r ei t it e a remembered. *seen the adesseas /11•1110. man. It is supposed that the mini Ile be empbeted on Friday, and that on the next day the dmisise of Ms mart will be given. A meeting of the principal ossrebantn and traders of Paris took place on Tuesday, at whisk Count de Rambnteau, Prefect of the Seine, delivered an address in which he mentioned several facts of interest con nected with the food crisis of the present year, which is the first visitation of that kind which has occurred in France since the Revolution of July. It was ex pected that in a season of en much distress, the opera tions of the Mont de Pike (the national pawnbrolung office) would have b een l arge ly a ff ecte d . O n the con trary, however, the amount of the sums lent in the first six month; of 1847 exceeds that of the first six months of 1846 by less than 20,0001., while the amount of the pledges redeemed in the same period was only 6,0001. less than in 1846. The savings' bank received 100,0001. leas and disbursed 200,0001. more than in 1846.. The Chamber of Deputies have adopted the lam modifying the contract originally made with the P. and Lyons Railway Company, and granting the corn. pony an extension of their lease more or less accord, mg to the amount of the capital they will have to expend. The Centre Railway of France, connecting Orleans with Bourgea having a length of 210 kilometres, equal to 150 miles, was opened on Monday. For further particulars, we refer to our railway depart. ment. M. Testa was removed on Monday evening to the Conciergerie. It is, however, understood to be the intention of government to transfer him to the fort ress of Ham, where Prince Louis Napoleon was lately confined. The report of the expected arrival of Marshal Bo rend in Paris is contradicted. La /it:forme save, that within the last few days placards were stuck up in certain quarters of the city, to the following effect:—" On demande dee hommes pour boloyer une eour et nettoyer deux ehanahrea." (Wanted,—Men to sweep a court and to clean two chambers.) Similar placards were afield., before the revolution of July. According to La /2;:fortne, th e police have not only torn down these bills ; but in the excess of their zeal, have maltreated those who were found reading them. MADRID. JULY 16. The competition of contractors for Senor Salamanca's exchequer bills, to the amount of one hundred millions of reale came off to-day; or rather there was no competition at all, the contract being adjudged, without any opposition, to the Union Bank, whose offer I sent you some time back. Despatches from Gen. Concha, dated the 9th, are published I in the Gazette of to-day. The evacuation of Oporto by the Spanish troops would commence on the 10th. The ht and sth battalions of Chasseurs, with the regiment of Maria Christina, would be sent to Braga, with the object of main taining free communications with Galicia, and being in a convenient position. The first notice in the Gazette of the 15th is a melancholy one. The Queen's pardon of the two Carlist prisoners who were condemned to be shot at Burgos on the 12th, although signified by telegraph, arrived too late. The reprieve was despatched at 11 ; the men were executed rat 12. It is fear ful to think of the terrible aggravation of suffering thus oe easinned to the condemned by the gradual extinction of a de lusive hope of escape from death. - Undoubtedly, the respon sibility of that aggravation rests with the captain -general, who might., without any ineonvesience, have put off the execution of the sentence till the result of the application to the Queen was known. Don Felipe Rivero has followed up this stroke hr a pro clamation, dated the 13th, in which he declares that every rebel not presenting himself for pardon within eight days, if caught, will be judged and sentenced according to the law of April 17, 1821—which means, that he will be tried by court-martial and shot. The royal ere9uatur having been granted to M Brunelli, it Is said, that a committee of &even per sons has been named by the government to treat with the nuncio, of which Senor Pacheco will be president. The first subject for definitive arrangement will be the resignations and appointments of bithops. The Popular published, the day before yesterday, a list of toe bishops to be ; but the Correa denied the accuracy of these conjectural appointments, sad the Popular has withdrawn thins. The Queen sets out fir the royal seat of St. Ildefonxo oa the 17th ; she will be accompanied by Pastor Diu, minister of instruction, and her private secretary Don Ventura de la Vega. The monument to Arguelles is to be erected at the Queen's private cost. Shortly alter the death of this diqinguished progresaist in 1844. his party formed a committee for the purpose of erecting some suitable memorial to record his virtues and services; but their design was atopp:d by the political chief of Madrid. It remains to be seen whether this act of the Queen. so welcome to the pragmatist party, has any political meaning. The Herald° relates a pleasing trait of the Queen. An old superintendent of the royal carriages, named Gati, who bat been in the service of the palace 68 years, moved by that fatal spirit of officiousness which is a pathetic characteristic of his elan, ventured some time ego to visit the King. Consort at the Pardo, and to express his desire to see the royal pair reunited, and living together in harmony. For this naive impertinence, or for some other reason, Gati was dismissed. His children were dead, but there remained to the old man a little grandson, the solace of Lis age. He caused a petition to be presented to the Queen for a small pension to educate this child. Hearing no answer he resolved to !intent an other himself. The Queen upon seeing him said, with some surprise, " What ! do you bring me so soon another petition? But a day or two back I granted yon one." The old man. had heard nothing about it. " Well, let us see this one, that I rely settle this affair for you on the spot." The head majordomo advanced to receive the petition and to write the royal stunt " No, no; I will write it myself," said the Queen ; and taking the paper presented by the venerable suppliant, she sat down at a table:and wrote upon the margin of the petition a decree, granting to the grandson of Gati as employ in the service of the palace, with a salary of 6,000 reals a year, elmmar.ding this sum to he applied in the meantime to his education till the boy was of age to under take the place. ATHENS, JULY 10. Blood has, at last, flowed. Magnesia is in a state of revolt. The ministerial parties are fighting amongst themselves. The Mavromichali par- y are protected by the court. The Teanetaki party are the bosom friends of M. Coletti. They joined together to oust out the opposition, and now they are killing each other. The eldest son of General Mavrocalchali is amongst the number of the victims. The Teanetakis have the government troops and a portion of the authorities to support them ; the other portion of the authorities are under the orders of Mavromichali. The government are alarmed, and have sent General Vlach*. poulos to take the command of the troops in that province, and restore order. Agreeably to expectatien, M. Colette has been returned for several colleges. Of this there could be no doubt; the means which he employed ensured this result. The grand aim of Coletti has been to prevent a single member of the opposition from entering the future chamber ; this, thanks to the sets of violence, and the in fringement of the law, he has nearly succeeded in doing. There will not be ten opposition members returned. The next packet, of the 20th, will bring you a detailed account of the result of the elections, if they are finished by that period, and their probable effect on the country. CONSTANTINOPLE, iI:LT 7. The courier expected from Vienna, with despatches from Prince Metternich for the Porte, arrived here late on the evening of the 28th ult. He was also the bearer of despatches from Chekib Effendi to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. As we anticipated, the interview between the Turkish ambassador and the chief of the Austrian cabinet had not a satisfactory termination. Chekib Effendi adhered to the terms of the ultimatum, and rejected the modifications pro posed by Prince Metternich. In the despatch re ceived at the Porte on the 28th ult., the chief of the Austrian cabinet says that he had received a letter from M. Coletti, containing certain proposition' for the settlement of the difference existing between the Turkish and Greek cabinets. He, however, thought it more advisable that this letter should go direct to the Porte and not be transmitted through his handa. therefore, sent the letter back to M. Coletti with his opinion as to the manner in which that minister ought to conduct the negotiation. Immediately after the arrival of Prince 'Metternich'. courier on the 28th a cabinet council was held at the Porte, and on that and nearly every day since interviews have taken place between the representatives of England, Russia, and Austria, and the Grand Vizier. Prince Metter nich has not sent a copy of Coletti's letter to the Porte, nor has he even alluded to the tone in which it is written. Count Stunner, the Austrian re presentative, like every one else at Constan tinople, is ignorant of its contents. It is this myetery on the part of Prince Metternich, coupled with the details of the interview which he bad with Chekib Effendi, which are given in the despatch of the Turkish ambassador, that lead the Porte and the foreign representatives to the conclusion that M. Co. letti's letter is not of a satisfactory nature. July B.—An Austrian man-of-war steamer arrived here yesterday from the Pincus, with a letter free M. Coletti to the Iteis Effendi, under cover to Count Starner. It is the (ac-simile of that which had boa addressed to Prince Metternich by the Greek arr ester. M. de Bourqueney consequently ordered the departure of the French packet to be delayed that he might be enabled to communicate to MI government the effect of Coletti's letter epos the Turkish ministers. Yon can easily imagine tl* that indgrn — K. won Colettiprod,s letterucd a co t th ntain e P e o d ite noT wh e en sin i g t ie was wati foo n l 3 IMagy, on the contrary, was written in a tom insolence. He rejects almost is got ths il =fle ultimatum, and uses the WOW °I an aocioner rather than of one who has committed a fault. This is the dMouement of M. de Metternich . ' mystery ; this is the secret be was anxious to beg from the sight of the gross world. The pellet!! which appeared in his communications with the Porte on this subject is now accounted for, by the wound which his self-love must have r eceived m finding that his much-lauded es=nebssf entirely failed with Coletti. It was that which* one of the peculiar features of the school of ticians of which Prince Metternich la the chrs which made him shift the humiliation of um' Toying the news of his ill success to the Ports fret his own shoulders to those of Count Shame'', au the mystery which attended all his procee din g .," evidently the result of the same spirit. The Poe! have decided upon immediately adopting cower" • - . Till' EXAMS* FAIP4T4EMITIO , MY OP 1 " 7 . in Widaginder ikin•,`"vt .11 tka bdwKM:of tu snip* pals fisrmard theretantions st s esisild env gawks* Leeds, hi of the disasion song.i. Mr,lol"Fitnesli Mehl data; the sessfat siseptates 40 oom sableatt of national to the honour of reprammitog • the met Injorlast e4stakiosjiave introdampato tbs liberal ranks; Mr. district of the eipital, we would not hoot hislersot for Sluts itad his follow's* threaten that they will boyish freaks. But it is really • serious ipabjt to the stand apart frost those with whom they formerly rem- Isaias sad to the district, which is the seat of geirera- bawd for the maintenance of civil and religious meet sad the legislature, to say, that the Era boy, rie liborty,beesems oa one debateable point, of no peso- the merest dandy, who may takes few to •be in Beal importance, Mr. BAINES believes that a 2