The Express. — London, England, 1851-11-13 00:00:00

KOSSUTH BIRMINGHAM. (num ova ORN IMPOR Last night the great midland honour of Louis Komuth, which commenced at Birming ham on Monday, was brought to a termination by a grand banquet in the Music Hall, before which, however, the pre sentation of the following addresses was proceeded with ; BIRMINGHAM—By Mr. Scholefield, M.P., chairman of the Hungarian committee. This, which was signed by many thousand persons, was as follows : t , Illustrious Sir,—We, the undersigned inhabitants of Birmingham, have no fitting words wherein to express our pride and pleasure at hailing as our guest the leader of one of Europe's noblest nations and the most glorious repre sentative of liberty throughout the world. We veuture to express our hope that your visit to this town, while not altogether devoid of satisfaction to yourself, will not be without advantage to the cause of Hungary. Since your arrival in this country you have more than once congratu lated our nation on the vigour and intensity of its peal life. Your visit to this town gives us occasion to hope that you recognise in the part its inhabitants have taken in the hepolitical destinies of England and the world, the existence re of that great principle; and it may be within your knowledge that on one memorable occasion we were first to give evidence of its activity amongst us. But the prece dency which we are most proud of is, that we anticipated every other English town in rendering homage to the cause of width you were the illustrious champion, and in express ing sympathy with the nation of which you ore the glori ous representative. We would fain believe that you will not be sorry to tread the very ground whereon was kindled the earliest sparks of that holy fire of sympathy for Hun gary, which now glows in every English heart. This day, which b,mows on us your presence, so long desired aud ear nestly looked for, will he • day precious in our memory. It is our hearty wish and earnest prayer, that your visit to our town may not only he to us • source of honour and delight, hut may yield the noble fruits of encoariagement to oppressed humanity, so nobly personified in yourself, nor remain without avail to that glorious cause, and that heroic nation, to whose service you have consecrated your life and genius." This address, which hail been beautifuily engrossed on vellum by Mr. Preston, had the arms of Hungary em blazoned upon it in magnificent style. By the French residents an address was also presented. Coe r By the Rev. Mr. Lilly. rains. -By Mr. Mel. Muss. N1111.11A111•TOS,—By the Mayor, who wore his gold chain of office. . . WonerATlLl4,—From the Town Council, by the Mayor. WAIIIWICK.—By the Mayor. KIUDZILMINSTEL—From the inhabitants, by the Rev. Mr. WAKEFIELD.—This address was presented by members of the lawn Council ; their nouns did nut transpire. TM. ceremonial over, and NI• KOSSUTH having briefly replied, The deputation withdrew. THE BANQUET. Immediately after the presentation of the addresses the oesepany assembled fur the banquet. The hall pre. seated a splendid spectacle. Suspended from the walls were • number of Hungarian Harts. The fronts of the galleries were tastefully eleennlted with evergreens and dowers, and on a score of brunets, wreathed round with laurels, the ereatest names in Iluogarian history were duly honoured. Ainnniest them were the immortal Bern, l'erezet, Xlapka, Guyon, Count Louis Dattliyariy, Lasrosski, Baron Jessensie, Dembinski, Major Muriaan, Wyereke, Vetter, and others. Over the barmen denoted to the memory of the great departed crape was thrown, in tribute of respect for the noble deeds which they had achiever iu life. The side galleries were filled with ladies in full dress, all of them displaying the Hungarian colours. Such had been the anxiety of the fair sex to be present, that the tickets at first issues at 5.. rose ultimately as high as 155., at which they were disposed of nu the day preceding the banquet. The oreari and great saliency were densely crowded. The Will of the hall was:crammed ; nearly :100 persons sat down to dinner. . . Mr. Si itimarixtn, M.P., presided, having M. Kossuth on his right ; and in addition, at the principal table, there were Lord Dudley :Stuart, Mr. Hunts, M.l'., Mr. (leach, M.P., Mr. Charles 11. Bracebridge, M. Pulski, N. I'aul Iliejnik, Mr. Lucy (ex-mayor), Mr. Alderman Weston, Mr. R. K. Douglas, Mr. Algernon Masaingberd, General Vetter, General Wallbrigge, Colonel Gal, Colonel Kim, Baron Kemeny, M. Karacsay, Mr. George Dawson, Robert Wright, and other gentlemen. The table at .chick the illustrious guest sat was decorated with handsome candelabra and plate, which tired been lent for the occasion. Grace before dinner was said by the Itee. Mr. Vaughan, and this over "God Save the Queen" was sung by the fi ne choir in attendance, Ir.Stimpson accompanying cm the unrivalled organ. After dinner grace was said by the Rev. Brewin Grant. The CIIAIRSIAN read letters from several noblemen and gentlemen expressive of regret at their Inability to be present. Amongst these was one from the newly eleeted mayor, who, deploring his unavoidable absence, said that in the spirit of the object of the meeting he entirely eon. tuned. From Mr. Walter Savage Landor, who said "how happy I should he to sit or stand in the presence of the only statesman whom 1 revere or respect." From Mr. M. D. Hill, Q.C., expressive of his sympathy fur Kossuth's noble struggle to preserve the cause of freedom throughout the world. From lord Ilatherton aad Lord Leigh; from Messrs. Villiers, M.l'., Thornely, M.P., Foley, M.P., Benbow, M.P., Sydney, M.P., and Collins, M.P., all of a similar character. The CI L tII I M N, in proposing " The Queen," said— Long may we cling to that system of monarchical govern ment which has made this the freest country in Europe. The toast was drunk with three times three vociferous cheeria lThe iIAIRMAN neat gave the health of Prince Albert, who had (be laid) endeared himself to the people of this country, especially because since his residence here, he had kept himself free from all Party cabals. (Cheers.) Mr. ()EACH, M.l'., who was very warmly received, pro posed " The healths of the Sultan of Turkey and the Pre sident of the United States." This toast was (he said) a very odd combination, but in connexion with the glorious event of the day it was a very appropriate one, for it was to the Sultan of Turkey that they were in a great measure in debted fur the presence of their illustrious guest that day; but for his magnanimity, courage, and firmness, Kossuth would have been banded over, as others had been before him, to an untimely end. (Cheers.) Al though Englishmen did not admire altogether the govern ment of Turkey, they could not help admiring and properly appreciating the conduct of that monarch in this country. (Chet's.) The President of the United States was also en titled to their thanks The toast having been enthusiastically drunk, General WALLB It IGOE responded on behalf of the President of the United States. _ Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, M.P., next rose, and having called on the company to fill • bumper, proceeded to say, that eight and forty hours ago they witnessed one of the most sublime instances of popular sympathy for a great cause that he ever remembered. From high and low, from rich sad poor, the glad welcome was offered on every side. And who was the object of all this? A man of ancient name and aristocratic birth ? No. If he had been, the English aristocracy would have been the first to do him homage. (Cheers.) He (Mr. 8.) was not one to slight the just claims of the aristocracy of this country. They had many a time stood true to the great principles of freedom. The numbered still many a proud name friendly to liberty. lint to their present shame be it spoken, almost with the single exception of that distin guished friend of liberty, Lord Dudley Stuart, not one of our high aristocracy had befriended the exiled patriot of Hungary. (Immense cheering.) No matter. There was another aristocracy—an aristocracy of high deeds and high aspiratious, wearing neither ermine nor jewels —a noble and patriotic people. (Cheers.) It was only necessary to tell them that a nun was coming among us ennobled by nothing but brave deeds, and overwhelmed b- undeserved misfor tune, and they poured forth in their thousands and tens of thousands to do him honour. (Immense cheering.) After some observations of a general character, which were much applauded, the hon. gentleman concluded by proposing " Our illustrious guest, Louis Kossuth." The recital of these words by the Chairman, was the sig nal fur an immense display of good feeling and enthusiasm. The company ruse spontaneously, the ladies in the galleries waved their colours and handkerchiefs, and for several minutes the cheering was tremendous, and this partially subsiding, the choir, amidst most intense display of enthu siastic feeling by the company, sang the following Imes on Kossuth'a Voyage to Amenca, which had been written expressly for the wagon by Mr. Walter Savage Lander : Rave over other lands and other seas, HI-omen'd black wing'd Breese! But spare the friendly sails that waft away Him, who was deem'd the prey Of despot dark as thou, one sending forth The torturers of the North, To fix upon his Caucasus once more, The demi-god who bore, To sad Humanity heaven's fire and light, Whereby should re-unite In happier bonds, the nations of the earth ; Whose Jove-like brow gave birth To that high wisdom, whence all blcsaings flow On mortals here below. Rack not, 0 Boreal Breese, that labouring breast On which half dead, yet rest The hopes of millions, and rest there alone. Impiously every throne Crushes the credulous ; nom else than he Can raise and set them free. O bear him on in safety and in health! Bear on a freight of wealth Such as no vessel yet bath ever borne ; Altho' with banner torn He urges thro' tempestuous waves his way; Yet shall • brighter day Shine on him in his olio reconquered geld; Relenting Fate shall yield To constant Virtue. Hungary! an more Thy saddest lees deplore; Look to the star-erown'd Genius of the Wort, Bole guardian of the opprest. 0 ! that toe only nation dared to says Kassa*, the true and brare! THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 13, 1851. the true revelation of mankind's divine origin. It is there fore, that the people is everywhere highly honour able, noble, and good. But, though to me, as to • Hungarian, that sort of sentiment may not be becoming which befits a British man, who, whatever be hill personal merits. puts—and with right—his greatest pride in the idea to be a citizen of Great Britain; mill allow me to prostrate myself in spirit, before the memory of my suffering people ; allow me to bear witness before you, that the people of Magyars can take with noble self esteem, a place in the great family of nations; allow me, even in view of your greatness, to proclaim that I feel proud to be a Magyar. (Great cheering.) While, during our holy struggle, we were se cluded from the world, our enemies, wanting to Cover their crimes by lies, told you the tale that we are in Hungary but an insignificant party, and this party fans ticised by myeelf. Well. I feel proud at nay country's strength. (Hear, hear.) They stirred up by foul delu sions to the fury of civil war our Croat, Wallach, Serb, and Slovsck brethren against us. It did not suffice. (Hear, hear.? The house of Austria poured all his forces upon us; still it would not do. (Cheers,) We beat them down. (Cheers.) The proud dynasty w as to stoop at the foot of the Czar. He thrust his legions upon us, and still we could have been a match for them One thing there was which we the ' plain children of straight uprightnesa could nut match— that is the intrigues of Russian diplomacy, which knew how to introduce treason into our ranks, (Cries of "'Shame.") This caused us to fall, combined with Russian arms. But still we were styled to be only a party fanaticised by me. Well, " I thank them for the word." You may judge by this what will then be, when not a mere party but together all the Magyars, also all the Croats Walachia, Serbs, and Slovarks melted in one body will range under the standard of freedom and right. (Hear, hear.) And be sure they will. (Cheers.) Humanity, with its childish faith can be deluded for a moment, but the bandage soon falls from its eyes, and it will be cheated no more. Aud yet, though we are oppressed, they are op pressed and deceived. (Hear, hear.) Afterwards the scorned party turned out to be a nation, and a valiant one. But still they said, it is I who inspired it. Perhaps there might be some glory in inspiring such a nation, and to such a degree. (Cheers.) But I cannot accept the praise. No; it is not I who inspired the Hungarian people—it was the Hungarian people who inspired me. (Loud cheers.) What ever I thought, and still think—whatever f felt, and still feel—is but a feeble pulsation of that heart which in the breast of my people heats. (Hear, hear,) The glory of bat tles is ascribed to the leaders in history—theirs are the laurels of immortality. And yet on meeting the danger they knew that, alive or dead, their name will upon Ma lips of the people for ever live. Let me there**, hold the consoling faith, that, in honouring me by your sym pathy, vou were willing to give your sympathy to the people of the Magyars. But let me ask what can be the meaning of this sympathy of the English people ? Is it but a funeral feast, offered to the memory of a noble dead? God forbid! The people of England are the people of life; their sympathy belongs to the life. The hurrah which greeted me on your shores —the warm, sincere cheering of the hundred thousands in your streets, so generous and still so modest, so loud and so sincere, so free and still so orderly—l take for the trumpet-sound of the triumph of freedom, justice, and popular rights. To be sure, sleep is the sorrow which weighs on me : it is, as I have said, the concentrated woe of millions; but do not think, I pray, this sorrow to be that of despondency, which knows nothing better than hopeless complaint. No, this sorrow is such a one as enlarges the horizon of hope and of perseverance, getting, like the Ant;eus of the fable, new strength from every fall. Let me, therefore, assure you, gentlemen, that the penile of llun• gary has a future yet; let MC confidently state that the people of England have not spent their sympathy on a corpse. (Hear, hear.) But, well may , you ask, " What are the motives of this hope ?' The first basis of my hope is the Almighty himself —(hear)— the God of Justice who cannot grant a lasting victory to wickedness. Ilietury has to be sure recorded the downfall of mighty empires, of nations, to whom compared, we Magyars can scarcely claim a name. But the fall of those nations was precisely the revelation of the eternal justice of Goal. They fell by their own crimes. Nations die, but by suicide. (Hear.) That is not our case. Hungary is not the sacrifice of its own crimes. An ambitious woman had in the palace of Vienna the sa crilegious dream to raise a child to the seat of power upon the ruins of liberty. Well she knew that God would not be with her, hut she knew that the Czar would be with her ; and what du they care for God if osly the Czar be with them ?—the Czar who dared to boast that he has the calling to put his foot upon mankind's neck. Arrogant mortal: thou dust before God. No, gentlemen, b such an act a nation may su ff er but not die. The God of humanity can not admit this. Let them not rely on their Czar ; his hour also will come. The millions of Russia cannot be doomed to he nothing else than blind instruments of a single mortal's despotic whims. Humanity has a nobler destiny than to be the footstool to the ambition of some families. The destiny of mankind is freedom, sir, and the sun of freedom will rise over Russia also; and in the number of liberated nations who will raise the song of thanksesing to God, not even the Russians will fail. So let thebome of Austria trust to his czar. The people of Hungary and myself we trust to God. The second anchor of my hope is my untowering faith in the destiny of hums aity. The realisation of this destiny can have no other basis than the people itself. I have the firm conviction that every state's organisation is perverted, perverse, and doomed to be turned up, where single individuals or single classes have the pretension to constitute the basis of the society. They are rebels against God who believe the great pyramid of mankind but for the purpose to exist that they may proudly stand on its top, having the pretension to doom the pyramid to immobility, only to serve as a pedestal to them to look down haughtily from the height. One shivering only, and they are ahaked off, and hurled down to the dust. There let them lay. Truly, on throwing one unpreoccupied regard on the greatest part of our continent, sir, on looking to Germany, to Austria, to Hungary—on looking to the in dignities of Rome, or to that of Naples, the horrors of which Mr. Gladstone has lately with generous indignation shown— on looking in general to that Italy which cannot forbear to be , come furious when with its glorious remembrances it casts but one look into the mirror of its present horrible state— on casting aglance even over the great French nation, which the fairest fruits of three great revolutions the glory outside and the freedom within one by one beholds absorbed by centralising omnipotence—upon seeing all this, It is not passible, sir, that the unpreoccupied observer, to whatever party he may belong, should not be convinced tiussituation to be so unnatural, so much in contradiction with the laws of nature and the destinies of humanity, it is in such striking opposition to the most sacred interests of millions, that it is entirely impossible to endure. And, be sides, when we see the great and the petty tyrants, how they have paid their people for having been merciful to them, when the people might have been butjust ; and when we sec how they are incorrigible, how they have nothing forgotten, nothing learnt; when we see, on the other side, how nations have by common suffering learnt that their fate is bound one for another in perfect solidarity; and out of this conviction what Christian brotherly love sprung up instead? The unhappy rivalries of old which formed the sole strength of the oppressors. Sir, it is quite impos sible not to feel that we are already on the eve of those days when the oppressed nations will hold the greatest court day ever seen, before the verdict of which all artificial buildings of mankind's oppression will fall to dust. The third anchor of my hope is the history of my nation. Our country has seen already many a storm, and still the Magyar lives, and still Buda stands. There was a time when one half of Hungary was under Turkish dominion, the other half under the iron rule of the Bastes or the Canatas, the model after which the Haynsus of the day— or I should rather say their reasters—were formed. (Cheers.) _Thu hewn of Arad arc not the first bloody leaf in the lease of Hapsburg's history ; end dal the Magyar is alive. (Cheers.) The house of Haphisog has daring more than three dreary centuries exhausted mama as open force as well as all sorts of craft. It hes fbeeeatail ear discords, poisoned our habits, under mined our mitional ammeter, lopped our freedom, robbed us of our rights. It las impoverished, weakened, oppressed us ; and my nation hes net perished yet. (Much cheering.) The single genius which was to be found in the house of M•pdrarg Joseph (but he of old, and not the modern P oeeph)—bent his powerful mind to the design of OMMendeing Rosary, sad of melting it into his empire ; Ma ••= i mil wit alreedy by the et weveashi Marla T heresa cast leek C I V I L . of the poor, did but with renewed strength IM si the Ordeal arise. (Cheers.) And even we, three yeas ages the labia elipirkp of mightier times, there we Wed derides aelidei bat yew, he eider that the ant-like ladadry et the were new sirSat r o ry a paradise OW es yd, awed in its proven by sufferings. There IMP only not and royal per- Jay, but even then not : I.Bl l ll e ' believe it, when it ought to have been believed ; and, beams not believing, there we stood unprepan d to meet the danger which gathered in a frightful manner over us, and so we were attacked—and you know, gentlemen, how we were attacked, and we, secluded from the whole world—alas! forsaken by the whole world—without friends, without an army— four scanty ranks filled with treacherous elements, who delivered our fortresses--without money, without arms, without ammunitions—still we beat back the unjust assail ant, yea, beat him down, that he flew to the foot of the Czar, mendicatiog his assistance to his impious design; which he obtained it is true, but bad to pay for it all his hopes, all his future honour, independence, and dignity. Francis Joseph, what has he, the blood-stained child, to give to the down-trodden nations? Oppression at home, shame and curses abroad ; one-and-alai( milliards of debts; an approaching bankruptcy; the monopoly of Illiteetio,• heavy stamp duties; consumption taxes (the very awe tells the nature of it) ; and all his other glorious in ' Vallffiens to drain the life sweat of the people. These are Mete. And when the blunt murmurs of groans raised gifts, in spite of martial law, the hangman, and state of siege, rises so high as to reach even the impe rial palaces, do you know, gentlemen, what the consoling answer is I will tell you with the very words of the most deekled of Viennese politics : " It is told the Mag got, MdMmbasted. We know it well; but it was not our data gums them contented, but to see them pay." Horrible! Me word gives the key of the unavoidable future bi Warheads, gentlemen. The house of Austria will set be heed, but paid. Wel!, Hungary will pay a all it wee to them. It will pay them, I mom in dui saute of the honour of my native l and. There are sem mations, air, the situation of which, though very painful Weft the whole, promise sfill some duration to the pewee; brow at least some classes there are, the iss tundte d elm are not hurt. In Hungary, air, except trei hv a functionaries, there is not a date, whose interest were not son 'MINA ie the nation's heart, tddedesee, Re ligion, honour, nationality, freedoms, memory—wounded in all that it held 'scrod cad dear. Besides, wounded is the material interest of every clue. The landlord and the agriculturists, the citizen and the soldier, the artist and the scholar, the workman, the merchant, the professionist—all cut down to that poor Wallachian who lived upon some plum-trees which he now ruts down to free himself from the heavy duties laid upon. Elsewhere whole classes may be found who dread every change. In Hungary there is not a single class which the wise and honest Austrian govern. ment, by his paternal cares, had not driven to the point, to be forced to desire the most complete change, how ever desirable it may be. And we have yet one thing not to forget. The people are merciful and generous. They can forgive those wl.o govcru many a fault, us long as the faith to the rulers is not plucked out from their heart. But where there is no more such faith, there is no power on earth again to knit a lasting tie between the rulers and ' the ruled. Now that is the very case with Hungary. It experienced such a faithlessness, such an injury from the dynasty, that the faith in the morality of this dynasty is to the ,ast root plucked out from his heart; so much, so, that the nation bolds the reign of right, law, and justice impossible under the Hapsburgs. How should it not? Every day even now brings new falsehood, new treachery; every premise has turned out to be a lie, the imperial word has become equivalent to perjury, and in addition the people have been told that the Hmoburghs will have mo ney and not love. A. the Czar has brought the Hapsburgs to us, so Monk once brought the Stuarts back to you ; but the faith was lost in their morality, and where are they now? Forsooth, I say, there is much ' , kenos in our histo ries. We are now where you were atter 1664. Only time went on. It will not last so long. Look to history. Re stored dynasties have no future, sir; and in Hungary, after what it experienced, no monarchical combination has a fu ture. But tLe House of Austria can have no future even be yond Hungary, because it has lost every natural basis of its existence, and that is a bail reason to claim further life. Let, therefore, the House of Austria, proudly relying on its bayonets and its Czar, trample upon oppressed nations. I know that armies of to-day are not the condotticrics of old —I know that the light has spread, and even bayonets think—l know that all Clara of the world are but mean dust in the hand of God—and so I firmly hope, nay I um certain, I shall yet see Hungary independent and free. You have to judge, gentlemen, by what I have had the honour to expose, if there be serious motives for that hope. But still one I have to add. The last not least of all. It is the sympathy, not only of every oppressed, but also of every free nation ; it is the sympathy of the mighty En glish race, called to be the pillar of oppressed humanity, the younger offspring of which glorious race, those in the mighty republic of the new worlu, has put under the ban of mankind the oppressors of Hungary and sent a war ship to conduct we out of my prison, while the elder brothers of that mighty race here in these glorious isles raised its powerful voice to break the chains which lettered my acti vity; and, upon my arrival on its happy shores, bouours me with an attention almost unparalleled in history, and this to in the very moment when the blood-stained Haps burgs, raging like an impotent furious child, let nail my same to the gallows. I feel not offended, fir ! My honour is not dependent on Ilapsburgian folly, Hapsburgian rage. There may be rather some glory in the idea to be bated and feared by bloody despots whom nations curse. I vow to do all where I can to merit this hatred, this fear. I have the honour to represent a principle, sir! The English race, in honouring me with its generous sympathy, has pronounced in favour of this principle. The Hapsburgs nail it to the gullows by a hangman's hand. I am a man of justice, right, and liberty, air, and will be so my whole lifetime. Little do I care (or, how the sworn enemies of justice, right, and liberty may call me, sir. Your Hampdena, your Russell,, and Sidney', were also called revolutionists in their turn ; and so, may God bins me, I will never be longing for a brighter fame than theirs ; still less would I see this disavowal applied to the future, Sir. To be sure I take a revolution for a very great MLA fortune, air; but also highly I own that an oppressed people, seeing every other means of preservation fail, has a right to make a revolution. The people of England must acknowledge this truth, because the freedom and greatness of England derives from the practical success of this truth. Highly I own that my oppressed people is in this very case. We have struggled fairly and openly, by the arms of truth and justice, fur the social and political freedom of the people, as you have struggled for all those mighty reforms which helped to preserve your country from all dreadful concussions which never fail to arrive, where even progress and reform have no fair course, we tarried our reforms peacefully, availing ourselves of the opportunity which God has given, and which we made ; we knew to be just to the people, without regarding to what tongue he wreaks, or in which church he prays, but the Hungarian people becoming master of his fate, was mode ' rate enough to reserve nis Dort to time, contented with gra dual progress. With us there was nothing done by violent commotion, no equitable interests trodden down, and gene rously spared even those which though insignificant their ori gin, were interlaced with the private fortune of a whole class. The people of Hungary was rather inclined to undergo many eacrifices, than to punish the sins of former ages in the present generation, or the crimes of some few by the sufferings of whole classes. There was with us no trace of anarchy. In the midst of our war, in every pant of Hun gary which our victories brought back under our rale, order and security of person and property was far greater than that of which the " undermining " Austria can boast even now. And this was not my merit, sir, but the people's. Struggling on nine different sides, atter the storm of battles passed from our region, and still it was for weeks not within the reach of my government ; but the moral sense of the people, and their noble instinct safe guarded order and security. Very seldom was I in the case to use the authority of command; and when so, it was not the people but others who required it. To the people a word of advice, pointing out the necessity of the country, sufficed. The greatest force of our army was composed of volunteers; the stock of my financial operation was made out of free offerings; our cannons were east out of bells, which were offered in an embarassing quantity. We de fended ourselves, but attacked nobody; and secret designers were far from the straight spirit of my land. Austria and Russia took the neighbouring' Turkish provinces for a basis of aggression against us. Whole armies of theirs have we thrown back from these fron tiers ; we had but to follow—and we had a right to do so, because the duties of neutrality had not been maintained—. and the theatre of war would have been changed, yea, brought home to Russia itself; and yet we stopped; we respected the international rights, though towards ourselves nobody respectedthem. Austria concentrated all her dia. pmable forces against us. Gallicia was entirely denuded. Had I but a feeble force thrown in, the flame of revolution might have been blown up amidst that heroic unhappy nation—the noble sacrifice of the morality of kings, as Johannes Midler has stated, which looks an fervently, and with so much right, for the day of retributise— and the flame of that revolution might have sp.imd over Russia itself, but I took it fora crime to play with the blood of nations, and I refrained the sympathy of my heart and scrupulously avoided to afford the slightest pretext to the ambitious news of the autocrat of the north. Vain to count on morality . in those quarters ! Sir, they knew full well that the heroic Polanders desired to flock in thou sands of thousands to join us . • but I did not accept them. I told them that we had a thousand times more hands than ' arms. The Czar knew very well that the heroes of Poland, who fought so valiantly in our rinks, scarcely amounted to four thousand men ; but still Ike styled the Hungarian struggle a Polish conspiracy, and with plotting against the security of his empire. deemedlie us was enraged at the idea that it was a Polish hero (now lying in the cold grave of far Alepp) who beat down his lands in Transylvania. He wanted a pretence to set his impious foot on Europe's neck ; and not finding a pretence, ha took it, sir. Suck was that Hungary, gentlemen, which See despots of Austria and Russia, and their numerous Satellites eahumniated as the focus of disorder and anarchy. Hahappilp the people as well as the government of England, has ail W e well informed, at the period of our greatest as*, chest the true nature of the Hungarian war; about fits tip Importance to Europe; its importance to that ' Orient, which in so many respects enters into the dearest iiterests of Britannia, so as to be nearly its Achilles' heel. We were hermetically secluded, and chiefly at the very tleme when our struggle rose to European height. So Ohm we were not in the case to afford the wanted explications, or the effect of those we could give was paralysed by adopted rules of diploma tied ismasildes. And have the kindnese to ex cuse mg jeer country daring to make one humble remark: The people of England—the public opinion in England was not very wont to be occupied with foreign affairs till now. According as things actually stand, I dare confidently affirm, that amongst all your interior questions, there is not a single one which could outweigh in importance the external. Nay, mart., I am persuaded that all your great interior questions them selves are independent of your Foreign-office. Dan ger can gather over England, not from within, but only from abroad. Do not doubt me, gentlemen, that Albion, in its insular position, and with the self-confident know ledge of its immense power, does but laugh at the ambition of all conquerors of the earth. I know it, sir. Full well I know that Britannia,with the mighty trident in her powerful hands, is fully entitled, even more entitled than of yore, to proclaim with your great Shalupeare, Thi Woad sem did nor enr shall U. et the proud /wt of a °mime or. I know this very well. But give me permission to ask yonder glorious thing which we call the greatness of Bntannia is it but embodied within the material shores of these isles ? Freedom, civilisation, your parliament, being the senate of whole ppaarrtts of the earth—the principle of free trade—your due inguence on the eondition of Europe—your India, and many other considerations, am they not so many life arte ries to Britannia ? Let but cos °Mese arteries be cut, and Britannia will not only no mare be what it is, but these foreign questions will also powerfully react upon your in terior. The naming' of freedom and civilisation abroad cannot fail to bring esasemions home to you. Yea, these only things can call forth suit concussions within which might endanger your owntra plitv,yourownwelfare,yourown happiness. To break Dsllannia, it is not neaewp to eon quer these gloriosa isles, The very moment that Britannia should not weigh se awash la the balance of the world ea it must weigh, Britannia w be broken. The greater a body, the more vulnerable Oats it has. However you may trust to the present or any foams t, or to the vigilant* of your parliament, I Imam most elision% sale-point of your and hist your goory to be that prhseiple,—that yaw parliament venummt reeds* direstien tem the public opinion, instead el dinestiso to Ars& I am fully cosillient, that w. gracious Cliawns, as wall as all genlityled sates • can but be glad to see the gaggle goommas la turns their will which might comps then la lie Mangrand Fiche mote, the gloat at wbialt &swig Mt la W e p air. The fuser of Gotta seer binge elostebwil est. Thwe are but two M. KOSSUTH then rose to address the meeting. The moment he was upon his legs every person in the room stood up and hailed with a shout which must have been heard far beyond the walls of the building. Again and , again the cheering was repeated, the ladies being quite as i enthusiastic in their demonstration of sympathy as the gen tlemen, but exhibiting it in the quieter way of waving their handkerchiefs. Silt nee being at length obtained, the illustrious Magyar proceeded to speak as follows ; Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen,—Three' years ago yonder house of Austria, which had chiefly me to thank for not having been swept away by the revolution of Vienna in March, 1348, having in return answered by the most foul, most sacriligious conspiracy against the chartered rights, freedom, end national existence of my native land— it became my share, being then member of the ministry, with undisguised truth to lay before the parliament of Hungary the immense danger of our bleeding father land. (lieu, hear.) Having made the sketch, which, however dreadful, could be but a faint shadow of the horrible rea lity, I proceeded to explain the alternatives which our terrible destiny left to us, after the failure of all our attempts to avert the evil. Reluctant to present the neck of the realm to the deadly snake which Rimed at its very life, and anxious to bear up against the horrors of fat:, and manfully to fight the battle of legitimate defence, scarcely had I spoken the word— 's:arcs:ly had I added the word. that the defence would re quire 200,000 men, and eighty millions of florins, when the spirit of frecelem moved through the hall, and nearly 400 representatives rose as one man, and lifting their right arms towards God, solemnly said, " We grant it—freedom or death." (The solemnity of gesture and voice with which M. Kossuth uttered these words produced a powerful effect on the meembly.) Thus they spoke, and there they swore, in a calm and silent majesty, awaiting what further word might full from my lips. And fur myself: It was my duty to speak, but the grandeur of the moment, and the rushing waves of sentiment benumbed my tongue. A burning tear fell from my eyes, a sigh of adoration to the Almighty Lord fluttered on my lips; and, hawing low before the majority of my people, as I how nos before you, gentlemen, I left the tribunal silently, speechless, mute. (M. Kossuth here paused for a few moment+, overpowered by his emotion, with which the company deeply sympathised.) Pardon me my emotion—the shadows of our martyrs passed before my eyes; I heard the millions of my native land once more shouting liberty or death. (Loud cheers.) As I was then, sirs, so am I now. (Hear, hear) I would thank you, gentlemen, for the generous sympathy with;which, in my undeserviug person—(" No, no !")—you have honoured the bleeding, the oppressed, but nut broken, Hungary. (Cheers.) I would thank you for the ray of hope, which the sympathy of toe English people casts on the night of our fate. t would thank you, gentemen, warmly .s I feel, and as becomes the dignity of your glo rious land. But the words fail me ; they fail me nut only from want of knowledge of your language, but chiefly because my sentiments are deep s and fervent, and true. (Loud cheers.) Could I dare to say something about my humble self without becoming presump tions, I would beg leave to state that it is not only from to-day, but even from my early youth, I have been spiritually connected with Britannia. Sear, hear.) I was yet young, sir, under rigorous Ireurnatances, almost antialidactically, preparing soy soul tsr the duty, which is a cominun one to us all—to be useful se far as possible to Fatherlend and to humanity. (Hear, bear.) The great things that have since occurred 1 could met then anticipate. I could nut anticipate that it woo I mho weeld have by my sufferiugs to break way to the Maim of thought in my native laud—that it was I who, by applying to several special objects of association which hes produced so many wonders in this glorious country — should have unprecedented influence on my nation's life, aerobic of leading from the indifference of despondency to the cheerfulaces of activity, and by activity to self- confidence (hear, hear) that the libera tion of my people from those hereditary burtheus that have weighed them down for 500 years; that the pulls the* emaneipation which transformed the close hall of pri vileges isle an open temple of common liberty ; that the modes ef the great principle of equality in duties and rights, should over be associated with the recollection of my humble name, or that it should be my lot W reconcile the stubbornness of past ages with present necessities and the exigencies of modern times. I could not anticipate that it was 1 who should at one time of my life be the shield of protection to the head of the proud house of Hapsburg iu his sun imperial residence, and that, seeing this service returned by a war of eetennivation to my native bad, it shftld be my destiny to lead on Hun. pry in such • gigantic struggle fur independence— that struggle which but fur a moment—yes, with un shaken trust in the justice of God, 1 swear—ter a moment only even the combined powers of the despots of two large empires were able to overcome, by getting for an ally a traitor in our own ranks—that it should be my destiny to lead on Hungary in such a contest, which, spite of its mo mentary misfortunes, will mill prove the death•blow to the bundags of feutlality, the turning point in the future of at least one half the European continent, a cry of alarm to all nations to unite in the cause of freedom against the union of absolutism (hear, hear) and to raise my nation out of the narrow proportion of a provincial vegetation to such a rank as would make her an element indispensable to the triumph of civilisation and liberty, and at last that 1, the insignificant son of modest Hungary, should be honoured with so much notice from this shamus land, that such us, since Hungary was a nation, no Hungarian, or perhaps any other stranger, was ever honoured with. (Cheery) 'these and many similar things could never have entered into my early dreams. (Loud cheers.) The sphere of activity which was then open to me was narrow as my faculties, and mo dest as my condition. Ambition never troubled the peace of my mind. (Cheers.) I knew that it is not given to man to choose his position in the world, but I knew it is given to him honestly to fill the place which Provi dence has assigned to him. (hear, hear.) So I rested contented with the idea that the great architect above knows best what use to make of the meanest nail, and endeavoured to prepare myself to become a feeble in strument in the hands of Providence to do some little good work. (Hear hear.) In this endeavour 1 had for my teacher that (Hen, of life, history. (Hear, hear.) It was the great examples of the classical past that warmed the susceptible young heart to noble aims and instincts; bat the thirst of scrutiny pushed on the mind to look around for mew other master than the ruins of vanished greatness, or these mournful monuments of the fragility of human *Wm. (Hear, hear.) 1 looked round not for ruins but foe life, and to be able to teach my nation how to live. (Cheers.) It was then that my regards turned with admi ration ups. the Anglo-Saxon race, this living wonder of both hamiephstss, the glorious Albion. cheers.) Hither etmabon was drawn by the striking resemblance and eoinaidmeo of institutions which the observer cannot fail te mei in the histories of our past ; hither my atten dee wee draws by the fact that the fatal sickness of Bumpiest stenmenanship, inherited from ambitious con. queron—tb• ty to centralise every power, and to govern the like imbeciles, even in their domestic concerns. is boss. It has nut yet extirpated the germ of municipal *ilk life, without which—l repeat the word, which ay bed yeenadation made not quite well under stood ea waft" amesion—l mean that without a munici clireemirti believe p i rzcti r ca „ l po tte i t i n ties can , exist ; and fro uter a pitiful equivalent. ebeye e r=te my at b t m e t ation forcibly drawn by the memisrfei grestaess of your country. And I was ttestbisti flu Marge of it, and I found it, not alone in your isaltothiss, because these, as every human thing, can no 'boo be eatirely perfect, but I found them, together with Lem meitetiene, la that public spirit which pervades every Mee epee Belie& air, like the spirit of God, which, on emirs day spread over the waves, I found it in the *seism yes enjoy. Yes, sir, 1 found England not free beeneles mighty, glorious, and great ; but I found her mliffily,piret, and glorious, because free. (Loud cheer io.) Yea will allow me, gentlemen, to state that is se place of England have I met the el,- =Ma of = your country's greatness on more solid basis their activity ; in no place I more confidently teen that sympathy which I meet, to have a prac deg gegralt, than here in Birmingham. (Loud cries of "War, bear.") I have not the pretension to tell your own ideleiy to yen. It is one of your particular glories to call sMsMis William Hutton your own, and I like to prove Mint I my, so you will allow me briefly to state the motives tibia lmsls me look to your city with that mist end that bap. Ober, hear.) Industry is a chief element of mat elots vihre, power, and might. It is industry which shim ,anneal rake to science. In other branches friiMeptent, human faculty appears to be a power, but industry is a creating pew; awl being so, it is the most efficient locomotive eiltprignee. Mar, bow.) But industry, highly bene kiii"eas a poilemal to the public order of a cal a babe melee of public and private welfare, 1161M111.1 met only largely diffused, but also connected with netbdependent madams of the manufacturers, which inde grandmiteamming • substeamial position to entire classes, MEMO ga=llllolll9 alleaniabarisiff man that self mmum, pat, awl diet matanteat of proved dignity Isiah is the mark of a free man, and the richest sasses of private sad pub& virtues. I saw with sisairatiou the crystal pause, fiat mag nificent hall to humanity. The meeting was in bat I was lost in a woeilenesst et aismiesheeil estonishing industrious mew. I maw sail arlmfrei the crystal fountain, the most ressinfareat tiefllbe Industry. I know Birmiagbant ta be tie of the great railway system. I knew Asa bees ham which preceded by its locale:MS*la the idea WI Ow weld's Exhibition. (Cheers.) I know dist Is Is Pr = tb pe villiii gave, by the genius of its lid of (Hear.) I know that man ftswanke INN bun Irma Were the power-loom was inblielei *him I Issint that here was the workshop etWallooline effinm-aughses blot the word " distance ' eats else Air [luny. (Cheers.) But what I the imeefbilmiee is Mae yes lave even made the steam—this eenelbeene pew of ass lime—Waservient to the porsliar tismele asst We- Criamb. of your na e im irril snick = di trglheete. . 01 'The dmilliregpe lades*, makes me combite 164= It eat stromily- spitt l e/I Istrier_ead Om it it n i s r felt =it MIT pus* eases possible—the one is, that the crisis of approaching events will place the established governments one against another on Europe's continent. In chi, case England can not rest indifferent. &mild the fate of Europe happen to be decided without England's rote, England would be a European power no more. And should, iu this crisis, re action and despotism be the victors an the continent, it were not necessary to see the Cossacks watering their homes in the Thames in order that England should no more be great, glorious, and free. You arc aware, I trust, that there is a solidarity in freedom now a-days, because that struggle will not turn about particular points. The question will he, what principle shall rule over Europe—liberty or despotism ? I kai..w that in that case the people of England will not side with despotism, but that it will side with liberty. But then the people of England, I humbly trust, will pronounce their will in time, that her silence might not he taken for irresolution or indifference. The second case is, that in the approaching crisis there will not stand states against states, nations against nations; but that the nations will make up accounts with their (own rulers, and settle their own domestic affairs. What is it humanity expects in that case from Britannia? It expects that the people of England may not only respect (that is out I of doubt), but shall make respected the natural rights of na- I lions ; and should the Czar—requested or not requested, that cannot alter the matter—should the Czar once more threaten oppressed humanity, should he once more be willing to violate the sovereign independence of nations—should he ...• • . once more be willing to take any pretence to put his loot on whatever people in the world he chooses, and to drown Europe's liberty in blood—humanity expects Eremitic people of Englund that it will shake its mighty trident, and shout out a powerful " Stop !" like yonder Pertilius of old. Be sure, gentlemen, this single word—spoken with the resolu tion to be as good as your word—this single word will suffice. It will cost you neither money nor blood. Yea, by that single word, by the will to speak so, made known in time, you will have saved the lives of myriads, averted much bloodshed, and given liberty to the world. A glorious power! A glorious call ing!—nearly divine! The short moral of my long speech, gentlemen—there it is. The Russian intervention:in Hun gary has put the foot of the Czar upuu Europe. As long as Hungary shall not be restored to its sovereign liberty and independence, as long as Italy shall not become free, that foot of Russia will rest on Europe's neck--yea, it will step from the neck upon the head, and there will be in Europe neither peace nor tranquillity, but a continual boiling-up volcano, and Europe a great barrack and a great bloodfield. The cause of Hungary is the cause of civil and religious liberty. (Cheers.) I say of religious liberty, and there ' fore not religious exclusion or seeturiinism—(hear, hear) — but free liberty to all—common liberty and protection to every religion alike. (Renewed cheers.) I, as you know, am a protestant—(hear, hear)—and not only a protestant by birth and education, but a protestant by conviction —(cheers)—but 1 here declare that I would struggle with equal enthusiasm to obtain religious liberty for catholics as for protestant', and for the protection of all men in the exercise of their religious convictions. (Cheers.) My opi nion is that the clinrch should not meddle with politics, and that government should not meddle with religion. That is my creed. (Great cheering, waving of handker chiefs, and cries of Bravo.") I wish nut to be misunder stood. It is possible that, with my inadequate command of the English language, I may so express myself as to convey an impression different from that I intend. Yesterday, and on previous occasions, I have said that the papal priestly government of Rome is the worst of hu man institutions, and I am led to fear that I may have given some offence to some well-meaning persons, who may have understood these words in a different sense from that in which they were intended. What I meant to say was, that the church should not meddle with politics, and that as a political government, a government for secular purposes, a priestly government was the worst government ever in vented. (Hear.) But I say, on the subject of religion, I object to any one interferring with mine, and I wish not to interfere with that of any other man. (Hear, hear.) I differ in my view with many us to church property. To me the principle of property is sacred. When I was in power in Hungary there was no confication, no meddling with church property, but an autonomy of the whole church. I would have the church to dispose of its own property by means of its own dignitaries and its own offices, but I would have them:dispose of it so as to promote the efficiency of the church, and not leave the working curates on 30f., which it is clear no man can live on, while bishops are re ceiving thousands. (Cheers.) Some have questioned the capabilities of Hungary to maintain herself as an inde pendent nation. But she has all the elements of inde pendence. She has 4,000 German square miles. She has a population brave and industrious. (Hear, hear.) She has no debt of her own—and Hungary is not liable for the debts of Austria. True we created a debt during our recent struggle, but the House of Austria burnt the greater part of it, so (thanks to them) we are free from that. (Cheers and loud laughter.) Then Hungary is, in consequence of her municipal institu tions, accustomed to cheap government. Municipal go vernment is always cheap, while centralised governments are always dear. Again, she has great resources ; she is rich in mines, so much so that she could supply the whole world with the purest salt for ten thousand years. Then she has large national estates which might he distributed so as to increase the revenues materially. The principle of self-government is so strongly implanted in the Hungarian that nothing wall eradicate it. I would impress on Eng lishmen that the freedom of Hungary is intimately con nected with the question of freedom en Europe and the principle of self-government, and I hope that Englishmen, while they will not interfere in the self-government of foreign nations, will determine not to allow other countries to interfere. (Cheers.) To this extent I wish to see the people of this country turn their attention to foreign affairs, and that they may exercise their influence to spread the principles of freedom and self-government. Mind that with every down-beaten nation ono rampart ut liberty falls. (Cheers.) The people of Birmingham have ever been the champions of freedom. In Binningham the political union which carried the Reform Bill emanated ; and in olden time, when the principle of liberty was threatened by Charles 1., Birmingham made a successful stand against Prince Rupert. I rely, then, on the sympathy— the active sympathy—of the men of Birmingham. (Cheers.) I rely upon it confidently. I rely upon it in the name of all who suffer oppression, and languish for freedom, like my people and myself. All they are my brethren whatever tongue they speak, whatever country: they call their home. Members of the great family of mankind, the tic of blood is strengthened between us by common sufferings. To be sure I have not the pretension to play the part of Anacharsis Klotz before the court of France. You are not the court of France, and myself also, humble as I am, still I am no Anacharsis Klotz ; but my sufferings, sir, and the nameless woes of my native land, as well as the generous reception I enjoy, may perhaps entitle me to entreat you, gentlemen, to take the feeble words I raise to you out of the bottom of my own desolation,—take at for the cry of oppressed humanity crying out to you by my stuttering tongue. People of Eng land I do not forget in thy happiness our sufferings; mind in thy freedom those who are oppressed; mind in thy proud security the indignity we endure ; remember the fickleness of human fate—remember that thaw wounds with which our nations bleed, they are so many wounds inflicted on that principle of liberty which makes thy glory and thy happiness; mind that there is a tie iu mankind's destiny; I thank youfor the tear of compassion you shed for our mournful past, but have something more than a tear, have a brother's hand to our pressure to give ! M. Kossuth resumed his seat amid loud arid protracted applause. M. Pumice responded to the toast, "The future of Hungary," and effectually dispo..ed of all the accusations made against Koesuth by the Timm. "To the memory of the brave who fell in Hungary" was proposed by Mr. Ononost Dawsort. "The borough members" was re sponded to by Mr. Murrz, who declared, amidst much cheering, that we were disgraced as a country by our go vernment not having declared war against Russia when the armies of the Czar marched into Hungary. The conduct of Koseuth had been perfect throughout, and had displayed every virtue and high principle. The MIMI newspaper he denounced as a pounds, shillings, and pence money-grub bing bcastiality. (The whole company instantly rose and cheered the sentiment). Lord DVDLItY STUART condemned all interference with the particular form of government which any nation adopted. The voice of the English na tion had, however, been heard, and he was hopeful that it would not be without due influence for the future. He be lieved no other government was possible in Hungary but a republic. Mr. WESTON proposed " Our municipal institu tions;" and at half an hour after midnight, amidst the en thusiastic plaudits of the crowded hall, the illustrious Hun garian took his leave. The following is an extract of a letter from Lord Har rington, which was read by Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P. After expressing his lordship's regret at his inability to be present, which (said bis lordship) " I deeply regret, be cause it is the proud duty of a Untish peer to support the oppressed, and to advocate the liberties of men of all sects, colours, end nations. In so doing he should look far into futurity, and endeavour to avoid all measures which lead to dangerous extremes. • • • Had the Emperor of Austria ruled according to the ancient constitution of Hun gary—legally reformed by the representatives of the people —as he bad sworn to do, he would have been firmly en throned in the beans of his subjects. Instead of this, he has made the most loyal and ancient people of Hungary, and the friends of liberty all over the world, his most dire enemies. It is for these reasons that the people of Eng land are devoted to the cause of Hungary, and to that mighty spirit of light, Kossuth, who directed the reforms and the victories gained by that renowned people, Sand who was ea great in defeat or in banishment as he was when he directed the destinies of his country, or as he now is, in pleading with matchless eloquence in a foreign tongue for the rights of humanity." Thus terminated, after midnight, one of the most enthu idiotic demonstrations of any kind ever held in Birming- In the course of last evening, Mr. Robert Wright, the vice chairman of the committee, presented to M. Kossuth a medal, which had been struck in honour of his visit to Biz mingham. The manufacturers were Messrs. Ryder and English ; on the one side are the words, " Kossuth is free—Hungary has hope." On the reverse are the arms of Turkey, Hungary, and England, surrounded by a shield, with the words, .. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." In connexion with the visit of M. Kossuth to Birming ham and the north, it is proper to state that the London and North Western Railway Company placed a royal car riage at the disposal of M. K.ossuth, free, throughout his entire journey through the provinces, and hank to the me- TIIE BREAKFAST AT MR. lIENRY'S, M.P. Yesterday about two-hundred gentlemen ast , em. bled at the residence of the lion. member for East Lllheil bhire, to pay their personal respects to M. Kossuth, and to hear from him a few observations which ho hail previ ously stated he was anxious to make before leaving the manufacturing districts. The company assembled com prised as large a selection of the wealth, intelligence, and manufacturing enterprise of the northern district as had probably ever been assembled in one nom on any similar occasion. There were present some of the most extensive manutictur-re from Manchester, Liverpool, Oldham, Ash ton, Bury, Bolton, Stockport, Bradford, and Leeds, toge ther with several heads of American firms. M. Kossuth on entering the room bowed to the gentle men around, and proceeded to make the following remarks : Gentlemen, 1 am very happy to have this opportunity to make a few observations on a matter offset to so distinguished a company. You cannot but have observe I that the whole continent of Europe is discontented with its condition, While. as a matter of fact, England is entirely content. Except Belgium, England is the only country which does not seek revolutionary movement. It will not have revo lution, but it will have progress—progress through the institutions which you already enjoy, and which, together with the public spirit of England, ill carry you on day by day in a peaceful way I consider the state of Europe now to be such that France, for instance, having failed in obtaining the prac tical results of three revolutions, it is natural that three such failures within GO years should push the people on to new doctrines to regulate the fuure of the world. These doctrines by some are called communism, by some, socialism. Now I can understand communism, but not socialism. I have read many books on the subject, I consulted many doctors, but they differ so much that I never could under stand what they really mean. However, the opinion of the world is ruled by the sense which is attributed to certain words. It may be tho true sense or it may bo the supposed one. But socialism, as I understand it, is inconsistent with social order and the security of pro perly.. (Loud cheers.) That being the case, lam entirely convinced that it is important and beneficial fur humanity, when a man, plain or simple, however undeserving, can somewhat influence by his seta and by his activity the issue of the nest struggle in Europe. Now, it is not my merit, but from the state of the case in ray country, that I can somewhat influence the next revolution ' which is un avoidable iu Europe. And I declare that I have the most determined resolution to influence in such a way as that it shall not take a direction contrary to those principles on which I believe social order is ba•ed---(loud cheers) — that it shall not take a direction contrary to the great prin ciple of security for personal property, But to succeed in a contrary direction of course one thing is wanted, that the rational expectations of the nations of Europe should as soon as possible be fulfilled, because not only my opposition, but that of more important men, will have nu effect if the nations are discontented. The contentment of the people is the only security for rational progress. (Loud cheers.) Now, in the revolutionary movements of discontented nations, arising from the disappointment of their just ex pectations, nobody can • answer for what fluctuations the public excitement may take. It may be illustrated by the ancient history of the Sybelline books. Take Hungary, for instance ; three years ago we would have been extremely contented with the laws as made by our parliament in 154 which laws did not break the tic between us and the house of Hapsburg. But then Austria assailed us by arms, and it became impossible for us to go on with that constitution. Then Austria called in the aid of Rus sian arms, Hungary was then under the necessity of break ing the tie, and only the third book remained. Hungary did not even then declare against monarchy, but gave in structions to her representative in England to say to tho government of that country, that if they wished to see monarchy established, we would accept any dynasty they proposed ; but it was not listened to. Then came the hor rors of Arad, and destroyed all our faith in monarchy. So the last of the three books was bunted. (Cheers.) And so it is wherever the rational expectations of the people are not fulfilled, it is not knows when their fluctuations will end. Therefore it is the duty of every ra tional man who is anxious fur the preservation of person and property to help the world in obtaining rational free dom. All these new doctrines will vanish if the people are allowed to settle their affairs in a peaceable manner. That is the first point; and I am firmly decided to use all the in fluence which Providence may place in my hand in the mat great struggle in such a manner as that no doctrine should rule the destinies of mankind which arc subversive to social order. But to succeed in that direction the nations of Europe must become free; and if not, humanity will look for other means; and where the excitement will subside I do not know. But men who, like me, merely wish to esta blish rational freedom, will in such circumstances lose all their influence, and others may get influence who may become dangerous to that principle. (Cheers.) The second point is that I believe the people of England, but chiefly the influential classes, aro deeply interested in bringing this principle of freedom to a happy issue. (Hear, hear.) England loves her Queen—(loud climrs)—freedom of speech, fri.salom of the press, and the mighty power of holding such meetings asp have lately had the honour to address. England has her parliament, which is more or less the representative of public , opinion. (Cheers.) By all these means peaceful progress is secured. (Hear, hear.) But you know that history, that book of life, teaches us one thing, that every age has had its ruling principle, and that these principles have directed the WW/111 world. There were the crusades, for instance ; then feudality; and lastly the reformation. All Europe was shaken by these principles, and so it is with those principles, that if one of them starts up no nation can avoid feeling its influence. The direction of the present era is freedom. (Much cheer ing.) The human mind is more developed, and the past expectations have failed in the direction of freedom. In England freedom has always been the direction of pub lic opinion, and under its influence you have peacefully de veloped your institutions. But their further development depends on the condition of the principles of beedum throughout the world. Should absolutism succeed on the contii7ent, it will recoil upon you. M. Kossuth then pro ceeded to point out the connexion between the commercial prosperity of England and the freedom of the world, and afterwards said: In a few week* hence it is intended to have a reform meeting in Manchester. Suppose it were to adopt such a resolution as that the meeting declared itself to be. entirely convinced that the peaceful development of freedom connected with the security of social order at home, is strongly connected with the principle of freedom on the European continent, and being so connected, the meeting declares its opinion that every nation has a right to dispose of its domestic affairs, and that secure those interests it is the duty of England —not to interfere, but not to allow other powers to interfere, and that this meeting considers sucha principle to be necrssaryto the peaceful development of itself. Then such a declaration of a mighty meeting could not fail to influence the destinies of humanity. Going fur ther, might not the Chamber of Commerce petition parlia ment, declaring themselves to be alarmed at seeing the commerce of England on the Continent decreasing from year to year ; and that knowing what is the cause of this decrease, they have come to the conviction that it is the absolutist principle, and out of that consideration they petition government to actin such a manner as that nations shall have full facilities for using their natural rights and disposing of their affairs on the basis of natural free dom, and not to admit of armed interference de priving them of that right. If such a declara tion were to go to parliament from such places as Manchester and Birmingham, in a word, of the peaceful agi tation were to go on as it did on every great question, I be lieve that the position of England as regards freedom would be concerned, and that the destinies of Europe might be pro tected without the shedding of one drop of blood, or the expeuditure of one shilling of money. But if this does not go on, if public opinion falls asleep, of course the despots will not care for it. They will consider that England fears war and will not interfere. It is not the first time that I have heard the public opinion of England pronounced in favour of freedom without effect. The treaties of Vienna have been abolished entirely, and I believe a great reason has been the secrecy of diplomacy. Secrecy is the great agent of absolutism, and if you allow absolutism to go on, you may depend upon it that free trade will soon suffer. The next point is, that the slightest material interest of England is in immediate connexion with the freedom of the world, the proudest and most honourable position to which a nation can raise itself. (Loud cheers.) M. Kouuth concluded by bidding a kind farewell to all the gentlemen present, and shortly after proceeded to the station. M. KOSSUTH (says our Southampton correspon dent) will not leave this port fur the United States until the 20th of this month. THE LEEDS CORPORATION Al nitE,s.—The address of the Leeds Town Council to M. Louis Kossuth was for mally presented by Mr. Aldermen Carbutt, last week. Since the alderman's return from London the following reply to the address has been received by the Town-clerk of Leeds: Eaton-place, Bth November, 1851. Sir —I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of an address adopted by the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the borough of Leeds in council assembled. It cannot but be highly gratifying to me to receive from municipal isudics these testimonies of appreciation of the course whit* my country and myself as its chosen representative, have pur sued. Institutions of which the whole body of the people have felt the enjoyment and value cannot be permanently suppressed by any i armed force. The time cannot be far distant when the independence of Hungary ,hall re-assert itself, and when its national institutions shall he adjusted and maintained by the only lawful means—the will of its own people. I have the honour to he, sir, your obedient servant, LOUIS KOIISUTH. — The Town-clerk of Leeds." Yesterday, at a meeting of the committee for com pleting the arrangements for the ball and concert to be given for the benefit of the Polish and Hunaarian refugees, a statement was read, in reply to • letter signed "Quere," published in the Times, and stating that M. Kossuth had moved in the Hungarian Diet that a contin gent of 48,000 men be granted to support the Austrian arms in Italy, which, on the authority of M. Komuth him self, denied that he had owed any such resolution. SINGULAR DISOOVHRT Op A MITHDERED CHILD. —Yesterday evening Mr. W. Carter held an inquest at the Marlborough Arms, Camberwell, on the body of a male infant found in Myatt's-lane, Camberwell. A labourer deposed that he was strolling down the said lane on Sun day a ft ernoon, when he was drown to look into a hedge by the pertinacity with which his dog remained barking at some object lying there. On approaching it it proved to be the body of the child now produced,apparently about four days old, wrapped in an old apron, and bearing marks of violence. The jury returned a verdict of " Wilfd Murder against some person unknown." I I