The Express. — London, England, 1853-07-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LOItDS.-TrESDAY, arLY 5. The Luau CHANCELLOR took his seat at 4. o'clock. PETITIONS PRESENTED. Somali rs' Corers. —By Lord BROUGHAM, from Ayr 11111,1 oth , r places in Scot'aud, against the 101 l L.:Mee the house for tte reform cf Sheriffs' Carta. RANEiturrcr •sn Isoui.vLscy.—Lord BROUGHAM, from the Bradford Chamber of Commerce. in favour I of the bill before the house for the improvement of the batiktupt and insolvent law. Anne* TT CAT uT Wm, "..4.—By Lord BROUGHAM, from two wte of workmen iu Glasgow, against &treatment of wages for debt. PERTH AND DRUMMOND PEERAGE. Lord LYNDHURST mused that the standice order No. LOG in relation to the gm tine of the committee for privileges ' he considered in order to its being dispensed with, and that ; the committee meet on Monday neat. Agreed Is. CONVICTION OF ALI MORAD. The Earl of ELLENUOROCti II wished to call the at- Dation cf the Preacknt of the Council to • matter in emersion with a ease brought before their lordships two or three years of Ali Moved, one of the , Ansetrs of Sciade, a large portion of wit .se territories were ituatiscAtini is eussequeser of his having been con- , virted of foroery. Ile (the Y. irl of Ellenborough) took ex ception, at the time, to the constitution of the tribunal—to the wane of eituity--ansi to the extreme nature of the punishment indicted. The west important witnem who appeared mama Ali Mond was the Sheik Ale Iloc i eein, who had been the Prime Minister of Ali Morad. Now, it appeared from • Desert hilliest' of the Bumlniy Gaza:, that Ali llooeein died we the st'i of May last, and that previous to his death he in .do • cosfee.sioe to the effect that all he had sworn to against Ali Mired was untrue. AU he wished to ark the ir.tior earl was, if he would have the goodnesa to undertake that en inquiry should be mad* into the truth of thus 'Urged ; and if it turned out that such a coates.ion had really been made, that the government would consider how far the t u tor. of the evidence of Ali Hoosein might strict the solidity of all the testimony upon which Ali Muriel was consicted. Earl GRANVILLE said the only knowledge which he bad of the fact was derived tram the source to which the noble earl referred ; an inquiry should, however, be made into the matter. THE INDIAN ARMY. The Earl of ELLENBUlt01;011 begged to lay on the table a bill, which comprised one clause in the Government et India Bill now in the House of Commons. It was not • clause of which he originally approved, but he certainly thought that he stsould tail in endeavouring to induce their lordships to come to his own conclusions on the subject. It was • clause by which the East India Company wise allowed to Menu. their European force from 7,500 men now in their service. The Turco at present employed by them under the existing law was 12,000 Europeans, but the bill in the other house enabled them to employ "..0,000 Euro pean. ; and instead at having in this country 2,000 troops, they were to have 4,000. He saw the importance of losing no time in increasing the European force in India, and generally increasing our military force there ; and he therefore thought it desirable that their lordships should at once pass, as a separate bill, the clause he had referred to, and send it down to the House of Commons, so that it might become law six or eight weeks sooner Marl it would if it coutiuued in the government bill. The recruiting might instantly commence, and from two to three thousand men be immediately sent out. The bill was read a first time. COWL AND BANDON RAILWAY BILL. The Earrof BANDON moved the second reading of this bill. Lord REDESDALE objected to the power by which, in reference to Irish railway bills, a guarantee might he given by the barony through which the line might pass. It would be opening the door to jobbery and oppression. He should move the second reading that day three months. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY thought the bill ought to be read a second time, and referred to &select com mittee. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE made some observations across the table, which wf re quite inaudible in the gallery. The Earl of WICKLOW concurred in the opinion of the noble baron. who thought the bill should be referred to vita committee. The house then divided, when the numbers were : Contents Non contents l2-17 The bill was then read a second time. JUVENILE MENDICANCY BILL. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY. in moving the recom mitment of the Juvenile klendicancy (No. 2) Bill, drew a powerful picture of the present state of mendicancy in the metropolis ; showed its connexion with crime ; and *specially urged the importance of checking i: in its juve nile rather than its matured form. For this object he con sidered the bill to be eminently adapted. Tree house then went into committee on the bill. The LORD CII.I,NCELLOR said after the interesting speech of the noble earl it might seem very prosy to come down to the details of the bill, but that wee necessary. In the first clause the words t. any child" were used. Surely there ought to he some clearer definition as to the persons who were to he brought under the operation of the bill. The Earl of SHAY' ESBURY observed that the Va grant Act contain d no definition whatever. Lord CAMPBELL also thought there ought to be some definition. Who could tell what a child wu? Why, Childe Harold was a child. (Laughter.) He earnestly weeommended his noble :blend to reconsider the bill, and any assistance that he could render him should be at his service. He should like to see the object of the hill carried out; but this oils a bill that would not work. Lord BROUGHAM, while agreeing with the observa tions of the noble earl, said he thought the best course would be to withdraw the bill for the purpose of remodel ling it. The Earl of HARROWBY thought the difficulties in the bill might be surmounted, and suggested that it should be referred to a select committee. Lord CAMPBELL said there was a law in Glasgow which enabled the magistrates to summon before them, and to imprison for any period, not exceeding sixty days, the parents or other persons having control of children who sent them out to beg, and that law, he believed, had worked well. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said he had brought for ward the measure for the sole purpose of exciting discus sion. He wanted to bring before the public an enormous amount of evil, the length and breath of which was not fully understood, in order that it might excite the attention of the active spirits of the country. He was now willing, either that the bill should be thrown out or referred to a select committee. The bill then passed through committee pro forma. THE INCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read • third time ; and on the motion that the bill do pus, some amendments moved by the Lord Chancellor were inserted, after which the bill pasesd PUBLIC WORKS LOAN BI LL This bill paused through committee. WHITTLRWOOD. OTHERWISE WHITTLEBURY, FOREST BILL. The amendments to this bill were considered, and agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at 25 minutes past. 7. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Jett 3. The SPSIMIIt took the chair at 12 o'clock. NEW WRIT. Mr. HATTER moved the 41Mea a new writ for North Derbyshire, in the room of Wm. Evans, Esq., who wee Maud to have accepted the Chiltern Hasdrida.—Agreed to. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and pseud : —Llanelly Railway and Doak (No. 2) Bill; South Devon and Tavistock Railway Bill ; South Staffordshire Railway Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. METROPOLITAN BRIDGES. Mr. ouvi BA paepoaediii aotiao 7. Pos . the Metro pohtea Bridges till this day week, la consequence of the absence, from indisposition, of the First Cosmaireioser of Works. - SOUTH STA RAILWAY. Os the motion for the third Wadies of this bill, Mr. F. FRENCH 'moved that the bill should be read a third time that day six menthe. There was no instance in which a railway company had sated as this company had. Six years bad elapsed since the company bad obtained powers under their act, and the y bad not yet done any thing they bad contracted for. Us was not connected with the eompaay, and he had been requested to oppose the third swadiag_of the bill. sir J. HAFT supported the bill, and said that the powers glees under the act of 1847 had not yet expired. He iieettore hoped the amendment would not be pressed. Alter a conversation, the amendment wee withdrawn, and the bill was read a third time and passed. MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. The clauses up to clause 29 were agreed to with mom or less discussion. Oa clause 29, which provides that British vessels might be navigated wholly by foreigners, Capt. SCOBEL L moved that the clause be negatived, on the ground that it would tend to denationalise the British seasson. He looked upon this as a national and not as a party question. The merchant shipping owners were themselves interested in opposing this clause, because it would create a feeling amongst British seamen that they were sot trusted; and in addition to this, nothing was more dangerous in • gale than to have a ship's crew con sist of meows of different nations. lie had received state ments from British seamen, to the effect that if this clause they would go and tender their services to the trit: d States. (Hear, hear.) If this were so, the house should pause before they passed the clause, Mr. LABOUCHERE was anxious to say a few words in reference to this clause. His main objection was, that for the sake of securing to the shipowner advantages scarcely appreciable, they were about to take a step which might wound the susceptibilities of British seamen, and involve the country in serious difficulties use regarded the national character of British vessels. He would be glad to hear whether the learned Judge of the Admiralty Court had been consulted with regard to this clause. Mr. CARDWELL was happy to inform the right honourable gentleman that the clause had aot Men bowed in the bill without the authority of the learned judge to whom he had referred. The last year was the year in which the greatest Dumber of British seaman had been employed it was the 'ear in which the greatest amount of shipping had been added to the mercantile navy of this country ; it was the year in which there had been the greatest entry of British ships outwards and inward., and consequently it was the year in which the mercantile navy had been the greatest nursery for naval defence. (Heir, hear.) Oa turning to the coastino trade, he found that in 1851 the entries inwards in that trade amounted to 12,391,000 tens ;in 1352 it rose to 12,175,000 tons. lie had the returns fur the first five months of this year, and although wages bad risen and competition increased, whereas •in the first five months of 18.52 the amount was 5,420,000 tons, in the first five months of 18.53 it was .5,490,000 tone. With regard to the coal trade, he found that the coal imported :nto London by railroad in 15.51 was 247,000 tons, and that it increased in 1852 to 377,000 tons. Notwithstanding the railway competition, however, the tonnage of coals in the coasting trade increased from 3,2341,000 tons in 1851, to 3,3.30,000 tons in 1852. In the first Ws months of this fear tho tonnage again rose more than 27,000 tons, as compared with the corresponding Iperiod of last year. In the tare of railway competition freights had risen from ss. 4d. to 5..10d., to 75. 63., to Si, 6d. I(Hear, hear.) Surely this did not show that there was any cause for apprehension. (Hear, hear.) Tney had been told I that there was a falling off in the number of apprentices. so doubt the number of apprentices in the merchant navy had at one time diminished, but it was now increasing • seam. The standing order of the house and the clock re ' minded him that he must conclude. The right hon. gentle man was proceeding to make some further observations, when, it being four o'clock, the Chairman left his seat, and TLe house adjourned till sin o'clock. The house resumed et 6 o'clock. - JAMAICA. Sir J. PAK INOTON begged to put a question to the noble lord the member for London with regard to the Afairs of Jamaica. He had put a question to the noble lord en the subject a little time ago, and the noble lord's answer was, that the noble duke, the Secretary for the Colonies, would shortly make a statement in another place, and he uodentood the noble lord that he also would make a state ment in that house. lie (Sir J. Pakington) also asked the noble lord if ho bad any objection to lay any papers re'ating to the circumstances in which Jamaica was placed on the table, to which the noble lord replied that he would not undertake to do so until after the statement referred to had been made. That statement had now bean made by the noble duke in another place, and he should be glad to be informed when the nob:c lord proposed to make a communication on the subject to this house, and when he would lay the papers on the table. lie should also like to know whether those papers would contain a full statement of the present financial affairs of Jamaica. Lord J. RUSSELL bad delayed making any statement solely on account of the pressure of public business, but he would do so on an early day on the government moving the house to go into committee of supply. The papers should be laid before the house, and be thought that they contained sufficient information of the state of the finances of Jamaica. THE CAMP AT CHOBHAM. Mr. HUME wished to ask the noble lord whether any estimate would be laid on the table , f the expenses atten dant on the military msnieuvres going on at Chobham, as some persons thought they would be considerable, althou,th, if they would not be large, it would be scarcely worth while to hare an estimate. Lord J. RUSSELL—The Secretary at War had stated on a former occasion that the army estimates included all the sums required for the operations at Chobhadi. If at any future period, when the monmurres were over, the hon. gentleman made a motion on the subject, there would be no objection to lay an estimate on the table. THE BOARD OF CONTROL AND THE EAST THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 6, 1853. INDIA DIRECTORS. Mr. FIUME inquired of the President of the Board of Control whether he bad any objection to lay on the table any recent correspondence which had taken place between the Board of Control and the Court of Directors ? Sir C. WOOD bad signed a letter only five minutes be fore. He should not object to lay it on the table. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) Mr. Serjeant SHEE begged to ase the Secretary for Ireland if he had any objection to lay upon the table of the house, and to have printed for the use of members, a paper on the Roman and foreign laws, considered with reference to the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland, lately communicated by him to the members of the committee on the Irish Land Beds. Sir J. YOUNG—There would be no objection. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. Mr. COLLIER moved for leave to bring in a bill to transfer the testamentary jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts to the courts of common law and to the county courts. He adverted to the great number of ecclesiastical courts ; the uncertain nature of their jurisdiction; their in creased expense; their deficiency of machinery; their abuses, such as sinecurism ; and their deficiencies as regarded the registration of wills and provision for their safe custody. His object was, that all wills with regard to which there is no dispute shall be proved in the county courts, the circuit of each county court judge being formed into • district for ecclesiastical . purposes. The will to be proved within the distr ict where the testator diet. The same courts shall provide registration, and suited shall take place in London. In cases of disputed wills he proposed that where the property does not exceed 3001., the dispute shall be settled in the county court of the district where the property is situated. Where the property exceeds 3001., be proposed that the case should go to the com mon law courts. He also proposed that an appeal from the decisions of the inferior courts should be to the courts of coin ' man law. There could be no doubt as to the applicablity of them marts to decide such matters, and the pecuniary ad eneleges would be very great. The circumstance of the memos law court being moveable was another advantage. These courts at present decided questions of fact ; and be now wished to extend that jurisdiction, leaving equitable questions to the Court of Chancery. He proposed to attach to each of the common law courts an officer to be called the clerk of probate, who would generally be an officer dim charging similar duties in the ecclesiastical courts. Witt regard to compensation, he would limit it to those who as' tually hold office. As to proctors, they might be permitted to practice as attorneys in any court in the kingdom. For ' the purpose edmiebats, he would consolidate the metro politan ernegy marts into one. lir. SHIM said that, having seconded the motion of hie ban eel learned friend, who had introduced this subject ea a home emit= with so much ability, he begged to do VII Nal ille the nt occasion. As his hon. and learned Mead bed waited to know whether the government would bike any step in the matter, he was justified in bringing in Me bill ; and, as the abuses which be had pointed out were admitted by all, he trusted that the government would give bin the opportunity of laying the bill on the table of the bean. (Cheers.) Viscount PALMERSTON said he should with great pleasure support the motion of his hon. and learned friend. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, he should say that the house must feel anxious to see the result of the working of a mind which had shown itself so capable of grasping the whole of this complicated and difficult subject, and proved by the speech they had just heard, that it had the pewee and ability to dive into the deepest recesses of the matter. (Hear, hear.) At the come time his hon. and learned friend had shown, by his able and comprehensive speech, that the subject to which the bill related was of a very complicated nature, and one full of considerable difficulty. (Hear.) His hon. and leered friend said it was one of the peculiarities of law rennin that they had no meetings at Exeter-hall or Covent.garden on the subject. Now from this fact, which was not to be questioned, it was fair to infer that, however cumbrous and complicated their pre sent system might be, the ends of justice were well and effectually obtained. (Hear, hear.) But though this was the case it did not remove the fact that those ends were often arrived at by a circuitous and thorny path, leading through many sloughs and quagmires of delay, in which numerous persons were borne down, and came to the end of life without ever being able to reach the desired result. (Hear, hear.) There were difficulties sad complications in the way, but that was no reason why they should not apply a remedy. (Hear, hear.) The hon. mad learned gentleman had clearly pointed out the evils of the resent system, and indicated a remedy, and he (Lord P.) could assure him that her Majesty's government were no less sensible of those evils, and of the necessity et applying • practical remedy to remove them. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman bad shown that there might be many different ways of applying a remedy which would be more or less effectual to cure the evil ofiwhich he complained, and this circumstance would in itself show that the govenumat would not be justified in dealing with the subject without t deliberation, in order that the remedy they might be the best. (Hear ' hear.) He had stated beim that the government would be pre pared, though amt Immediately, to introduce a measure ; het the timed the been had been so engrossed with other twin et damsons that it would have been hopeless, even theybed a masers aetnally prepared, to carry it through duke the present envies. But, besides, there was • com ing/rim appointed, he believed by the late government, to consider the subject, and the government thought it would be better to wait for their report, which would no doubt throw light on the matter, and offer suggestions which would be worth the consideration of the government. (Hear.) All he could say was that if the government had not proposed a measure themselves, it was not from any indifference to the subject or from any change of intention, but it arose in Use first place from the great pressure of other public business, and in the next place because they thought it better to delay any measure till they bad the advantage of the report of the commissioners who were considering the subject. He should therefore agree to the motion of the hon. and learned gentleman, and be trusted that her Majesty's go- vernment would be able, early next session, to propose • measure which would be well calculated to correct the evils which the bon. and learned gentleman pointed out to the house. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HADFIELD was glad that the hon. and learned gentleman had again introduced this matter, which ex cited great interest amongst the people of this country. Sir B. HALL said that when his bon. and learned friend moved for a committee to inquire into this subject, the government opposed, and very properly, that motion, because in the year HMO a voluminous report had been laid on the table with regard to the ecclesiastical courts, which rendered any further inquiry unnecessary and inn:- pedient. (Hear.) His noble friend said that the subject was complicated and full of difficulties. Was not that • reason why the government should take it up themselves instead of leaving it to a private member to do so ? (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had not stated when it was expected the commissioners would make their report; but be (Sir B. Hall) concluded, from what the noble lord said, that it would be laid on the table by the end of the present session or early in the recess. so that members might have an opportunity of considering its suggestions before the government introduced any measure founded upon them. (Rear, hear.) The ATTORNEY-OENERAL said that all men were agreed—and even Doctor'. Commons did not raise a dissent ing voice—that the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts did require a groat and complete reform—(bear, Isear)— Int tie mode of carrying out that reform was a matter of eleedderable difficulty. Under these circumstances he did met think the government were to be blamed for waiting to eel what their report would recommend. Tear, hear.) Great good would come from having the question discussed and ventilated, and be trusted that another session would not pass over their heads without a reform of the ecclesias tical courts. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DUNLOP said, that as far as Scotland was cos crereed, they already pome.sed there a speedy and cheap mode of administering justice in these matters by means of the Sheriff.' Courts, and he was happy to sly that they did not require any measure on this matter for that country. Mr. A. PELLATT thanked the hon. and learned mem ber for Plymouth for introducing a bill to remedy the loboes of the ecclesiastical caurts, which would prove a great boon to the commercial portion of the community. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. HOURS OF FACTORY LABOUR. Colonel SIBTHORP presented several petitions in favour of a Ten Hours' bill. Mr. COBBETT said ha rose to ask for leave to bring in a bill for the purpose of limiting the hours of labour of womenend children in factories to 10 hours on the first five days of the week, and to seven hours and a half en Satur day ; practically speaking, a bill for the purpose of restoring the ten hours' bill of 1847, including children of from eight to 13 years of age, who were excluded from that bill. The reason which had induced him to offer himself to the house on that occasion was that he had been strongly urged by a large number of his own constituents, and of other persons in the factory districts, to bring in a bill which should shorten the hours of laLour, and also secure a perfect inspection of factories. The object would pried pally be to restrict the labour of all those who were at pre sent restricted to ten hours in the day, that limit not to be exceeded by women, children, or young persons. That was the first main provision, and the next was a pro posal that the motive power in factories should be stopped from half-past five in the afternoon of every one of the first five days in the week, and on Saturday, so as to limit the working, nine to seven and a half hours. Now, many members of that house who had spoken to him seemed to fear much mischief from the stoppage of the motive power. (Hear, hear.) They seemed to imagine that it was some crotchet of his, but the fact was that it was as old as the agitation of the factory question. The late Mr. Fends' had frequently said that there never could be an efficient factory act, until there was a power to stop machinery, but he sought to obtain from the legislature in the first in stance a recognition of she principle that labour should be restricted, well knowing that that principle could not be carried out without a subsequent law, regulating the time for stopping the motive power. If hon. members would only read the reports, they would see how utterly hopeless it was to expect the carrying out of a ten hours' act, until a stoppage of machinery was enacted. When the factory commissioners sat in 1833, one of the witnesses examined before them was Mr. John Cheetham, the present member for South Lancashire. That gentleman was in favour of a ten hours' bill, but said it could not be car ried out without restricting the moving power, and a prohibition of making up lost time. The members for Salford and Ashford-under Lyne, brought in a bill in 1835, the third clause of which limited the labour of all persons under 21 years of age to 10 hours, and the fourth clause provided that the hours for working the ma chinery should be the same as those permitted for the labour of women and children. The house would thus see that there was plenty of authority for his motion, and he could assure them that the question was making a great stir in the manufacturing districts. The people who worked in factories were, ho believed, perfectly unanimous, and wishing the limitation of time he proposed, and also that the moving powershould be restricted. The petitions had been moat numerous in favour of his bill, and not one hod been presented against it. The petition from the borough which he represented had the signatures of 21 master manufac turers, including the mayor; the last-named from having adopted the ten hours' system without any legal compul sion. (Hear, hear.) He had informed him (Mr. Cobbett) that it would be impossible fully to estimate the good that had resulted from that proceeding. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobbett) had also consulted the overlookers, an important and respectable class of men, and they had informed him that little or no loss would result from the substitution of ten hours for twelve. They said that when women and children worked 12 hours they became so faded, that the work of the last two hours was exceedingly bad, and the consequent abatements coun terbalanced the increased amount of wages. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the recovery of fines, he proposed to give a direct encouragement to information and power to recover the penalties in the County Courts. He proposed that the informer in giving notice to the inspector, should have power to proceed by action or information, provided he did so within a certain number of days. To show the necessity of legislation he would, in conclusion, quote the report of an eminent surgeon in Bury, by which it appeared that of tqe children of factory operatives 60 out of 100 died in infancy, while in other classes the proportion was only 33 in 100. ' (Hear, hear.) The surgeon had informed him that the real cause of this frightful mortality was that the women were obliged to remain to long in the factory as wholly to neglect their children. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member concluded by moving for leave to bring in the bill. -Mr. FEILDEN seconded the motion. Mr. WILKINSON looked upon the principle of the bill as dangerous. Lord PALMERSTON did not intend to oppose the introduction of the bill of the honourable mem ber, but would reserve to himself the right to take whatever course he might think fit on the second reading. He intended himself to bring in a bill for the purpose of limiting the hours for the employment of children in factories. (Hear, hear.) What he should pro pose would be to enact that children should not be em ployed before six in the morning, nor later than six at night. (Hear, hear.) At present it had been stated by the hon. gentleman who brought forward this motion, young children might be brought out to work in the mills as early as half-past 5 in the morning and kept there till half•past 6 or 7 o'clock at night, and he really thought that where little children of eight or twelve years of age were brought out from their homes at the early hour of five or half-past five in the cold winter; mornings to find their way to the factory where they worked, and then again at night had to find their way home again alone in the dark winter's night amid snow and rein—he thought where such a practice prevailed no one could be surprised at the ex treme mortality amongst the factory children, to which the hon. member for Oldham had referred. (Hear, het ) It was undoubtedly a matter of considerably delicacy to inter fere by legislation with the employment of persons who were of full age, and who must be considered free agents, to determine when and how they should work. (Hear.) But his own opinion was that the mill owners were not pursuing their real interests by dealing with the persons in their employment as if they were mere machines, which the longer they could work the more they could make out of them—setting aside an other considerations but what was the largest . quantity of work that could be obtained in a given number of hours. (Cheers.) Employers generally, he thought, would do better—and he was happy to say that he knew of many who did act in that spirit—they would do better he thought to reflect that these workmen were moral and intellectual agents, and that a moderate degree of leisure was essential to their well being, and that by allowing them that leisure they were not diminishing their usefulness, but really enhancing the value of their labour. It was said that the limitation of hours that he proposed for the employment of children would indirectly tend to limit the employment of persons of a more advanced age. All he could say was, that it was so essential to protect the children from being over-omployed that he could not look at that result, which it was saidj by same would follow from it, as any reason why they should not be so restricted. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, without pledging himself as to the course he might pursue on the second reading of the bill, he should offer no objection to its being introduced. Lord JOHN MANNERS did not wish to enter into any lengthened discussion of the merits of this question ; but, after the declaration of the noble lord opposite, be thought it would be only can did in him to state that, while admitting the credit of the measure which the noble lord proposed to intro duce, and which to a limited degree would meet the evil complained of, he still could not regard it as a permanent settlement of this important question. No, the noble lord might depend upon it that nothing would set the question at rest but returning to the spirit of the set of 1847; and he must therefore express his earnest hope that the house would consent unanimously to the introduc tion of this measure, and be prepared to consider its details with a geserous feeling when the proper time arrived for going Into them. (Hear, hear.) Sir GEORGE GREY deprecated any measure which would disturb the settlement of 1850. He would say nothing now with regard to children, because the pro position of the noble lord was wholly distinct and sepa rate from the proposition now before the house, hut he must be permitted to express his regret that his noble friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department by assenting to this motion had induced an impression that the government were favourable to its principle. Parliament had never yet sanctioned the restriction of power in lac tones, or interfered with the hoer. during which adult labour might be employed, and he hoped before the second reading his noble friend would have so far reconsidered the matter, as to be prepared to refuse his sanction to the entire principle which this bill involved. (Hear, hear.) Mr. I. BUTT contended that the reports of Mr. Horne and the other inspectors distinctly proved that the act of 1850, which was a disgrace to parliament, was continually being violated ; while the reports also showed that the ma nufacturers resorted to the most scandalous means to defeat the inspectors. That .proceeding was a disgrace to the honour of parliament, because if protection was due to the operatives in 1847, why, in the name of common sense, should parliament, in 1850, turn round upon them and say, " No, we will not give you such protection unless you give up the half hour which you now possess." And yet the right hon. baronet said the question was settled its 1850. It was no such thing, the question—the great ten hours' question---never had been settled yet, and it n ould be upon such a basis as that. (Hear, hear.) Mr. W. J. FOX trusted the house would allow him to say a few words, feeling, as he did, that he owed it to many thousand of the inhabitants of the borough which he had the honour to represent, to express his entire concurrence in the object contemplated by his boo. colleague. He could bear witness to the intensity of the interest which they felt upon this question, it was almost the burden of their thoughts ; while to many of them it had been a matter of earnest exertion through 20, 30, aye even 10 years. The regarded it as paramount to all political questions, and there was no subject whatever in which their feelings were so deeply and so firmly entwined as they were in this. He heartily concurred, then, in the object of the motion, understanding that object to be the restoration of the bill of 1847, and giving but to the labouring classes in factories the half hour of which they were so unjustly deprived by the act of 1850. Mr. W. PATTEN said that nothing could be more mis chievous to the interests of the manufacturer than that the motive power should be used to carry out the law which it was net impossible to enforce by other means, and he hoped it would not be resorted to as long as there were any other means of enforcing the law. Lord PALMERSTON said the only motive power he had talked was the motive power of children. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Mr. LA.BOUCHERE trusted that some member of the government would state that however they might desire to amend the factors acts, yet they were determined steadily to oppose any attempt to limit adult labour in the manu facturing districts. Mr. BOOKER, while unwilling to interfere with the motive mechanical power of manufactories, would yet heartily and cordially assist in passing any measure involv ing the principle of enforcing laws which the legislature had deliberately passed, and he should give his support to the present bill. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to correct a misapprehension which appeared to rest on the minds of his right hon. friends, the members for Taunton and Morpeth. They seemed to imagine that his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) had held out false hopes on the question of the restriction of motive power. The fact was, that his noble friend, in assenting to the introduction of this bill, said nothing about motive power, and reserved any opinion on tho bill till the second reading; and the only observation he made which bore on the question of motive power was, that he would not consent to any restriction on adult labour. That was a principle which, although supporting restriction of labour in the eases of women, young persons, and children, he (Lord J. Russell) had always admitted. There was no necessity for restricting adult labour, and it would be such a violation of all the principles which governed legislation ' on that subject, that he would not assent to any provision of the kind. It was shown in the statement of the hon. gentleman the member for Oldham that there were many evasions of the present Factory Act, with regard to which it would be advisable to adopt increased fines or other means in order to obtain an observance of the law. That appeared to be • legitimate mode of introducing a bill, and one according to the forms of the house. When the secund reading came on the principles introduced by the bill would be open to discussion. The bill of ISSO had been alluded to, and he entirely supported the statement which had been made by his right hon. friend the member for Morpeth. The ques tion was, then, not as to the mere verbal amendment of the bill of 1847, but it was intended to interfere with a system of relays, which had been carried on in manufactories, which was injurious to those who were protected under the bill of 1847 ; and it was true that his right hon. friend bad agreed to extend the number of hours to ten and a half. The whole matter was then much considered, and his right hon. friend had consulted the interests of all parties in the support he gave to that bill. Mr. NEWDEOATE was not desirous of interfering with motive power in factories, but as the law was systematically violated, not by a mwjority but by a minority, of manufac turers, it would be an injustice to those whom they had sought to protect by factory legislation, and to fair traders, who abode by the provisions of the act, not to enforce the law, and if there were no other means effectual fur that purpose, then he would be prepared to consent to restrictions on motive power in factories—at all events, in those where the law was systematically infringed. Mr. E. BALL having hitherto appeared before the house, chiefly as the advocate of the agricultural interest, was anxious on an occasion like the present to express his sympathy for the working classes of the towns. It was a very remarkable circumstance that he should have been se lected for the honour of presenting petitions from Man chester, complaining of oppression. 'Why had not those petitions been sent to the members for that city ? (Hear.) Really, if be should ever quarrel with the constituents of Cambridgeshire, he should give the members for Man chester a turn, for the many good turns they had done him— by turning them out. (Laughter.) With respect to the question before the house, he bad only to say, that if any persons had been guilty of any oppression of the poor, it was the most terrible transgression that men could be guilty of; and the reports of the inspectors showed that there was great reason for concluding, that the law had in too many instances been infringed. (Hear, hear.) Leave was then given to bring in the bill. THE DOCKYARD PROMOTIONS AND THE LATE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY. Mr. KEATING rose in pursuance of a notice he had placed upon the paper to move the following resolution : — That, referring to the report of the select committee on dockyard promotions, and the evidence upon which it is founded, this house is of opinion, that during the adminis tration of the late board of Admiralty, the patronage of dockyard promotions, and the influence of the Admiralty, were used and exercised for political purposes, to an extent and in a manner calculated to reflect discredit upon that department of the government, and to impair the efficiency of the service." Before, however, the lion. and learned gentleman commenced his address, Mr. DISRAELI interposed—The motion was one of censure upin the late government's administration, and especially upon the Board of Admiralty, for a course which in the hon. and learned gentleman's opinion had impaired the efficiency of the service. The hon. gentleman would hardly with at that hour of the night (a quarter- past eleven) to bring forward a motion of such a character? (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Disraeli) could assure him that the lots government were ready and anxious to meet any charge. that could be made against any branch of administration for which they were responsible; and with respect to the particular branch which the hon. and learned member thought had been impaired, he need only in reply refer him to the fleet at Spithead. (Loud cries of "Order, " and counter cries of " Hear, hear.") Mr. KEATING— If the right hon. gentleman has any question to ask me, or any intimation to convey to me under the present circumstances of the case, I for one shall be most happy to hear any proposition which he may have to make ; but it stems, I must submit, scarcely ia order—(cheers)—that he should anticipate the subject mat ' ter of the motion, and ilo, what he supposes I am about to do—make au ex parte statement. (Loud cheers.) I trust, ' therefore, the right hon. gentleman will confine himself to directly a-king me any question, or making any proposition he may wish, or else that he will allow me to proceed with my motion. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—I believe that I shall be In order, if I move that the house do now adjourn. (Loud cries of " Oh," and counter cheers.) I wish— Sir J. SHELLEY—I rise to order. (Tremendous shouts el "Oh ! " and confusion.) I wish to appeal to the chair whether, while the hon. and learned member is in posses sion of the house it is competent to the right hon. gentle man to move the adjournment of the house until the hon. sad learned gentleman has made his motion ? The SPEAKER was understood to say it was not regular to move that the house adjourn after he had called ea the hon. and learned gentleman. Mr. DISRAELI—Web, I did not intend to make that notion; but I rose to ask the hon. and learned member whether it was fair to make such a motion at that hour of the night, when it would be impossible that the answer to the charge could be given ? (Hear, bear.) Mr. KEATING—I have very great pleasure in answer lag the question which the right hon. gentleman has put to ate. I certainly should be exceedingly sorry to have the appearance of doing anything in the slightest degree unfair, especially upon an occasion which involved a motion of as ordinafy importance. At the same time, the right hon. gentleman will recollect this— that as a private member of this house, I am in a very considerable difficulty. We have passe d—l do not say it is not a very usual thing—but we have passed now some four hours and a half or five hours in a debate about bringing in a bill as to which there seemed to be but one opinion. (Loud cheers.) At the same time I should be extremely sorry to do anything which, as the right hon. gentleman says, would have the effect of making a statement ex parte, and without hon. gentlemen having an opportunity of answering it ; but I am in this peculiar position, if I put it off I know not when I shall be able to bring it on. (Cheers.) Mating given notice of it, I thine I am bound to proceed with it now, I unless the right hon. gentleman can assist me in any . way I in fixing an early day for the purpose ; in which case it will I afford me great pleasure to accede to his wishes. (Cheers.) But in the absence of a certain day being given me for bringing it on—by the only power that can do it—by the government, I mast proceed to lay it before the house. (Cheers, and erica of " Oa on.") Mr. DISRAELI—The hon. gentleman must know that it is not in my power to give him a day ; but perhaps he can induce his friends on the Treasury bench. Perhaps if he appeals to the noble lord he will be successful. (Hear.) Sir J . PAK INGTON —(l.Jproae)—l rise in pursuance of what has fallen from my right hon. friend, to make au appeal to the noble lord who sits opposite, and I hope I am not out of order in making that appeal. As a member of the late government, I feel no hesitation in saying that I shall be rejoiced if the noble lord, consistently with his views of his public duties, can allow a day for the discussion of this question. (Bear, hear.) I beg, as a member of that government, to say that I do not shrink from this dis cussion, and that I shall be prepared to meet both the terms of this resolution, and—(Cries of " Order.") Lord J. RUSSELL—I beg to say 01 it the government business before the house is of such vast and pressing im portance that I cannot assent to a day being fixed for this motion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. KEATING then proceeded to move his resolution, which he did at considerable length, detailing circum stances already known to the public. Sir J. PAKINGTON rose to move the adjournment of the debate, a step which he said was rendered necessary by the extraordinary course the hon. and learned member had felt justified in taking. (Opposition cheers.) The hon. member might be learned in the law, but he certainly had but slight knowledge of the principles of justice. (Opposi tion cheers.) The hon. member had, in a speech of two hours duration, charged honourable men with dishonour able conduct, and the late government with misappropria tion of their patronage at a time when he knew it was physically impossible he could receive an answer. He (Sir J. Pakington) had come down prepared to contend that Lord Derby's naval administration had entitled itself to the gratitude of the country. (Loud cries of " Oh.") He had come down prepared also to take ex ception to much of the report of the committee, and to show that the committee, while declining to give an opinion, had insinuated sarcasms which were most difficult to grapple with. (" Oh," and "Hear, hear.") He should also saw been able to show that his hon. friend the member kr Northamptonshire had been most harshly dealt with, sad that no man had been more anxious fen the good d the naval service than his grace the late First Loot 1 of the Admiralty. One of the harsh expressions ha the report referred to his rank and station es keying been deemed sufficient security for the upright management of the naval affairs of the country, There were other subjects connected with that department, and patronage was one of them, and he contended that the distribution of patronage by the Duke of Northumberland was moat unobjectionable, and he instanced the appoint mpocirtsmeefutidtmo i e r o a m l l a a n n sli de a o w f se,hAipt. Admiral ma Parker, jority and o dth os e e ahpe appointed having bean either of no politics at all or of poli ' tics adverse to has own. Not only, therefore, could there be no charge against the Duke of Northumberland on this score, but his grace deserved the thanks of the house and of the country. lie appealed also, es showing the attention his grace paid to his de partment, to the steps he took by the appointment of a committee, and otherwise for the purpose of improving the mode of manning the navy, which step was now about ,to be carried out by the present board. He took credit for the late Board of Admiralty, also for the measures they had taken to protect the South American Fisheries. Mr. DISRAELI thought there was very little prospect of the debate being renewed, and the:efore he hoped his right hon. friend would not persevere in his motion to adjourn the debate, but that they should be allowed at' once to take a division on the main question. (Cheers.) He could say there was never an instance where more energy, more ability, and more devotion brought to the discharge of any department of the government than had been brought to bear by the Duke of Northumberland as First Lord of the Admiralty. His grace bad been only in office tea months, and during that time he had protected the ports, defended the coasts, and manned the navy. Lord SEYMOUR defended the report of the committee, which, he said, was not open to the animadversions of the right hon. baronet. If the debate was not adjourned, how was it possible the right hon. baronet could prove the charge he brought against it ? lie contended that the re port woe fair, by no mesas overstrained, and in all respects fully borne out by the evidence. (Hear.) He should, at the proper time, be prepared to defend the conduct of the committee, and, therefore, he should vote for the adjourn ment. The house then divided on the question that the debate be adjourned : Fur the adjournment iP Against it Sir T. D. ACLAND said it was too lute to move the pre vious question, and he would therefore move that the house do now adjourn. Mr. LABOUCHERE did not think the house could ac cede to this motion with credit to themselves, and while ho regretted the tone and temper in which this question bad been discussed, he must object to disposing of it in the man ner now proposed. Not only had charges been made against the late Board of Admiralty, but the dockyard committee had been unjustly attacked, aid he did not think it would be for the interest of any party in the house that, the ques tion should be stiffied. (Hear, hear.) Sir B. HALL having first brought this matter before the house was anxious to make a few observations. Ile denied that the dockyard commitee was nominated for a party purpose, while as for the charge that its members were vainly selected. ho need only mention that it was not nominated until the names had received the sanction of the secretary of the late Board of Admiralty. As for the report of the committtee, which bad been unjustly attacked to-night, he begged to remind the house, that although the committee represented every shade of political opinion, they were per fectly unanimous in the conclusions they came to, and therefore, in justice to the committee, an opportunity ought to be afforded them for justifying their report, which he was prepared to do. He could show that the words of the report were used by the witnesses examined before the committee, and he therefore hoped the house would ad journ the debate. Lord PALMERSTON said there were two points in this dispute about which there could be no doubt : first, that after the course which the debate had taken, there must be a considerable discussion upon the topics which had been introduced into it; and secondly, it was impossible that the discussion could take place then. The best course to take, under these circum stances, was to adjourn the debate, and make some arrange ment to resume it again on Tuesday next. - - ---- . . Mr. DISRAELI said it was quite clear that a change had come over hon. gentlemen opposite since midnight, fur now they were all anxiety for discussion, while then the hon. and learned gentleman was urged on in his manifesto of spite by the cheering of his friends, although they well knew that at this period of the session not a single member of the late government could have an opportunity of saying one word in reply to this unjust attack. (Opposition cheers.) He should not himself countenance any attempt to evade the decision of the house upon the original motion, and if hon. gentlemen opposite chose to sneak out of the unenviable position in which they had placed themselves, why the country would know who it was that shrunk front coming to any vote upon this question. (Renewed cheering.) Sir J.V. SHELLEY retorted upon the right hon. gentle man that his charge, which had been conveyed in such elegant expressions, came with an ill grace from him, seeing the line of policy which his friends had adopted. Sneak ing indeed l why the right hon. gentleman's own colleague the member for Droitwich moved that the debate be i adjourned, and then voted against his own motion. That I fact alone would show the country which side was anxious to shirk the discussion of this question. Mr. E. BALL expressed his surprise at the noble lord the member for Tiverton saying that the subject of his motion was unimportant. He must decline to give up the ad -1 vantage he now possessed, of bringing on that motion on Tuusday neat. The house then divided: For the adjournment of the house 0 Against it Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE moved the adjournment of' the debate. The house divided : For the adjournment Against it On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. DRUMMOND addressing the house, and proposing to move as an amendment to the original motion, "That referring to the report of the dockyard committee, it ap pears that during the administration of every Beard of Ad miralty—(great cheering from the Opposition)—patronage and influence have been used and exercised for political purposes, and that the report of the Chatham election com mittee states that there has been no instance of an election ' in that place not terminating in favour of the government candidate." (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. B. OSBORNE thought that, from the high stand ing and character of the lion. member for West Surrey, that he would not have stooped, at that hour of the morn ing, to make a bridge fur the late Board of Admiralty to escape. (" Oh, oh, ' and cheers.) Since the truth must be spoken, it was not the Duke of Northumberland or the late Secretary to the Admiralty that were on their trial, but the character and conduct of that house. They had ap pointed a select committee, which had made a report on the facts; and the right hon. baronet (Sir J. l'akington), at two in the morning, deprecating debate and moving an ad journment, voted against his own motion, and took the op portunity of making the strongest charges against the com mittee. Ile (Mr. Osborne) had not a word to say against his predecessor, who had been ill-used and thrown over by his party, who only oared to worship the Doke of North umberland. ("Oh, oh," and cheers.) He put it to the right hon. gentleman if he did not wish to sneak from the debate to use the little influence he had to bring the matter to a full debate, to use his influence with the hon. member fort Cambridgeshire, who was one of his few followers. (Laughter.) Let them bring the matter to a full discus -6ioo and do not let it be met by a shabby cour , e of pro ceeding which would damage the character of the house. Lord D. STUART said they had got into a difficulty, and he did not see how they were to get out of it unless they had a full discussion, for the country would other wise not be satisilsed. There had been grave charges against the late Board of Admiralty, and against the committee, and for both reasons it was desirable that they should have discussion. The bon. member who brought forward the question no doubt commenced it at a late hour. Ile did so because of the difficulty of getting a day. There were those in the house who might get them out of the difficulty. It was in the power of the government, and he hoped out of regard for the character of the house the government would grant a day. With that view he moved that the debate be adjourned. Lord PALMERSTON regretted the matter had been brought forward at all. lie thought it might have been left in the report of the committee. Nevertheless, as it had I been brought on, he put it to hon. gentlemen opposite that there should be a full discussion. It was obvious that the feeling of hon. gentlemen opposite was to weary out the house, and to take a division to-night. If they had a division now it would not be satisfactory to the country, and they would gain nothing, as the parties might bring the matter forward again in order to have the discussion. His noble friend, who had left the house, said the state of the business was such, that he could not give a day. The motion of the hon. member for Cambridge was not of such importaace but he might postpone it and I bring it on on some subsequent Tuesday ; and there would be no lack of Tuesdays. (Laughter.) At all events let there be an adjournment. Sir J. PAKINOTON said the course the noble lord had indicated was the best that could be taken—namely, te take a division now and leave it open to have a discussion afterwards. He certainly had proposed the adjournment because he did not with the house to come to a decision without discussion ; hut he was now against the adjourn ment, because if it was adjourned it would be to an indefi nite period. Mr. BALL said the Secretary to the Admiralty had ad mitted that his predecessor was exonerated, but they were ' not to screen his superior. That was a condemnation of the I report of the committee. (" Divide.") , I Mr. PIOOTT said, if they divided now they would he i in just the same position. There-was no motion for Tuesday week, and if the hon. member fur Cambridgeshire would take his motion on that day, this might be taken on Tues day. Mr. HILDYARD said he had himself, at half-past ten, I earnestly urged on the hon. member not to persist in bring ing forward the motion at that hour. Ile, nevertheless, thought proper to persevere, and it would be a salutary lesson to the bon. member for going against the general I wish of the house, that they should take a division to . night. After a few words from Mr. C. BitucE. The house divided on the question of the adjourn of the debate : Ayes 64 Noes 9B Mr. PIGOTT then moved the adjournment of the debate. He put it to the government whether it was to their credit that these divisions should be continued. Sir W. JOLLIFFE thought the house ought, in common justice, to be allowed to come to a decision to-night. Mr. C. BERKELY moved that the orders of the day be now read. Lord PALMERSTON was afraid that the house was getting into • very unseemly position; he would ask th e bon gentleman to adjeurn the motion to this day. Mr. DISRAELI thought it would be best to fall in with the idea of the hon. gentleman (Mr. IliPlyard) who had proposed the adjournment of the house. Ile would eon, eider the amendment, that the house do now adjourn, w as in effect disposing of this question, leaving the h en , and learned gentleman (Mr. eating) at liberty to bring forward another motion on this bultject. Mr. KEATING said that the late hour at which he brought forward this motion was caused by hon. gentle men on the other (Opposition) side ; he charged them with having spoken against time on the Factory Bill. Lord J. MANNERS retorted this cl.arge upon the ministerial side of the house. After a few words from Lord GALWAY, Mr. C. Berktler motion not being second.d, the house then ditnied upon Mr. Hiltlyard's motion, " that the house do now adjourn." The numbers were— Ayes Noes The house then adjourned at taeuty unnulLs foul 10 , 1 PAIR.—Mr. Bennet has 'mired with the II"n. Henry Fitzroy till the 12th July. Mr. I'ii,;ll with Mr. Bus; against Mr. Keatinu's motion. v i tit Tu CORRESPONDENTS. •.evmot Edition of "It! Lipree.," oontaAlx4 the same centre. CL.rette," pub:lobed every Tt.z.day oni Friday stab; in lime Mir poet• k tveructeptcateinter.ded for " The Eipre."Lor,lor. most e at tLe ttthoe. 10. Louvetiv.atroct, by Tao tA:ocl en tbe may oublication. BIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. TAUS DAT—Morning. Si. 1m......—...Ararna05, 2b. T3.llollMCW—Mununb. h. 37m. ...... Afternoon. 34. stn. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 6. Two remarkable documents appear in our co:muns this day—one the offspring of despotism, vicious and gloomy; the other begotten of freedom, buoyant and cheerful. The first is the address of the Cz.ut to the fanaticism of his people, pointing to his burglarious designs upon a neighbour; the second is the Balance Sheet of Great Britain for the year and quartet ending last evening, July the 3tli, showing what the honest industry of a manly people can accomplish under the influence of free commerce. This "Ab. street of the Net Revenue of Great Britain" tells a very remarkable story, as will be seen by its figures given in the opposite page. The happy results of Free Trade are still in course of steady growth. Out of the ten lines which describe the sources of our national income, and tell their amount, we have only two with entries under the heading of decrease, and these entries both of trilling amount. All the other eight exhibit for the quarter a very large measure of improvement. 'they Lay be thus marshalled in columns : X 111,173 1)2,101 .}g,:i•?o 6,776 DLcreaEc. Customs Excise Stamps Taxes . . Property tax Post-Office. .. Crown lands Miscellaneous Imprest monks Repayments of ad vances .£3,964 21,000 140,888 44,071 2(17,921 111,652 Deducting the 3,9614 deficiency under Property Tax, and the larger item that comes under the bead ing of Miscellaneous, we have the remarkable fact of an increase on the quarter's revenue of no less a sum than 1,146,6:;8/. This large total is doubly welcome when we come to note carefully the sources whence it is derived, and to remember the indications thence arising. First, we have a sum approaching half an extra million, derived from Customs, and telling a story of increased power of consumption by the people of tea, sugar, and other foreign products. Next, we have the still more certain indication of a comfortable population—an extended demand for exciseable articles. The growth of revenue under this heading is seen to amount to something over a third of a million sterling on tho three months! Notwithstanding the pending change in our Stamp law—for pending changes always check consumption—we see the activity of business indicated by an increased revenue on Stamps to the tune of 48,322/. ; the Post-office, the Crown lands, and " Repayments" coming in to make up the re markable and eminently satisfactory sum total. So much for the quarter. _ _ On the year ending yesterday we find a similar result, told in equally satisfactory though different figures. For the twelve months the headings pre serve the relation of eight for increase, and only two for the reverse. The figures stand thus: Customs.. Excise.... Stamps Property-tax Poet-office Crown-lands Imprest monies Repayments of Ad vances Increase. Decrease. 4.57,112 .t 531,195 474,487 31,343 225,169 25,000 172,888 143,066 163,783 479,583 After all the ameliorations of our fiscal sys tem, to find the National Exchequer flourish. ing after this fashion surely encourages men of all parties,—but especially the Reformers to whose exertions all these changes are due,—to persist in their wise determination not to rest until our sys tem of taxation is so adjusted as to press as lightly as possible on the energies of industrious people, whilst supplying all that may be really needful for the national service, or really necessary for the honour and dignity of the country. The total surplus on the year approaches two millions sterling ! This English Balance Sheet may well be taken to illustrate the results sure to follow the steps of a nation that grows up in intelligence, industry, and freedom. Where men are permitted full scope for their industry and safe enjoyment of its fruits, national wealth is sure to accumulate, and national spirit and power to increase. On the other hand, where men are serfs and in ignorance, we see them made the ignorant tools of irresponsible despotism. In place of winning wealth, intelligence, and independence for themselves, demands for their obedience and appeals to their fanaticism are seen to be only forerunners of the outpour of evil passions, the shedding of blood, and the spoliation of provinces unhappy enough to become the objects of that insatiable greed which impels tyrants to the ruin of others—and (happily) oftentimes to the ruin of themselves also. Tue. Manifesto of the Emperor Ntclicouis, which we this day publish with less surprise than regret, affects to proclaim against the Ottoman Empire a religious war. As far as the impious invocation of the name of the MOST HIGH, and the impudent pre tence of zeal on behalf of fellow-worshippers at the Holy Shrines, are concerned, it is the summons to a new crusade. It is an appeal, direct and un disguised, to the fanaticism of a bigoted priesthood and as ignorant population. There is throughout a studied disclaimer of political motives and of national views. " Russia does not Desk conquests or require them;" as if the whole