The Express. — London, England, 1851-12-27 00:00:00

to h amenity ; because we in Europe area pparentlfon the eve ath„, d a y, when either the hopes or the fears of oppressed autos w ail he crushed for a long time. Having stated so t he difference of the situation, I beg leave now to state that it is eaterely an unfounded supposition, that the doc trine of teunsinte rterenee lit foreign matters had been, to bio pic of the Uuited States, by your great Washington, bequeathed to be a constitutioual principle to you. No, thar is aot the case. Firstly, Washington never even TO- OtallattlOled DOI interference, or indifference, to the fate of ether notions to you. He hue only recommended ncutra:ity. Aced there is a mighty difference between these two w ee , Neutrality is an idea *rich has reference to a gat, of woe between two belligerent powers; and it O. 0;4 r y e which Waeleiagten contemplated when he, ise farewell address, advised the people of the United states, nut to enter into entangling alliances. Let quer &lief power*, let quarrelling nations, war—you consider y o ur own concerns, stud let foreien pnwers quarrel about set:idiom topics, or scanty, partieular interests. Neutra lity is • m itter of convenience—not of principle. But even as. neutrelity has reference to a state of war between pester*, the principle of rinn-interference ho.l, on the pet;gen century, reference to the soyereism right of nations to dopme of their own domestic con woo Therefore, thsse two ideas of neutrality and non interference are two entirely different idea., having refer. ince to two entirely different matters. The sovereign right a whatever nation to dispose of itself, to alter its inetitu. nuns, to change the form of its own government, is a coal men medic law of manias, common to all, and, therefore, put under the common guarantee of all. This sovereign teat of , very nation to dispoee of Ruff, you, the people of the United States, must recognise, because it is a common law of mankind in which, being a common law of mankind, every nation is u s ually interested. You must recognise it, secoudiy, because the eery existence of your great republic l a aim the iudepeneleuce of every nation, rests upon this bins—rests upon this ground. If that sovereign right of le gions w, re no common public law of mankind then your owe iudependent existence would he no matter of right, but Daly a matter of fact, Irides might be subject, to whatever time, to whatever chances of power and of violence. And where is the citizen of the toiled States who would ne t feel revolted *gaited the idea, that the existence of this great republic is not a righteous nor a lawful one, but only a mere accident—a mere matter of fact? You may well remain neutral to every war between two belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to the violeieee, of the euminoa law of humanity. That indifference Washington has never taught you. I defy every man to show me, out of the eleven volumes of AVashingtott's wridor, a single word to that effect. He re oeumeneleel neutrality in the case of foreign wars; but Le never n.esenuemoled indifference to the violation of the CWIIIIIOII jaws of humanity, by interference of foreign powers with tit! soy. reign right of nation. to dispose of to melees. And he could not have recommended this inidlerince witeout easing to be wise as he wits, because ih, le is, without justice, no wisdom on earth. Ile coed 1 not have recommended it without becoming in consistent, because it am this common law of mankind which your furchithers invoked, before God and man kind, when they pi...claimed your independence. It wo he himself, your great W.ohington, who not only ace purl, hut asked agent and aetain foreign aid—foreign Lip fur the support of that common law of mankind, In re -peel to your own Marie:nth nee. Knowledge and in -;ruction ere so universally eereml amongst tire en lietiteuml p.opie of the. United Stites; the history of your country u seed' a household science at the most lonely heertio of sour remotest settlements, that it may he sub ut fur sue to refer, iu that respect, to the instructions and torn:spun knee between Washington and the mintage at Faris—the equally immortal Franklin—the modest man, with tie proud spit oil% which tells the world that be wrested the lightnine from heaven, and the sceptre from tee tyrant's hands. One word more to prove that Waslungton never attached to his doctrine of news trent; more than the beast, of temporary policy—l refer to one of his letters written to Lafayette, wherein Ls .r, Let us only have twenty years of peace, and out country will onus: to such a degree of power and wealth the; we well he able, in a just cause, to defy whatever paver on earth." "In a just cause." Now, in the name id eternal truth, and by all that is sacred and dear to man, taut the lustery of mauisind is record: 1 there has been nu use more just than the cause of Hungary. Never was the is- people, without the slightest reason, more Petri ., e.eusly. more treecherouely, and by . fouler memo at. tasised than Hungary. Never has crime, cursed ambi t ,n, despotism, and violent* in a more wicked 1111Itlef uneeel to crusts do cie freedom, and the very life, those avenue lbsugary. Never was u e onetry more mortally ~led than Illungury is. All your offerings—all your europlaists, which, with so much right, 'trove your lore- Wee rs to take up 'rot., are but slight grieerences rn compose ti-,1 WWI thaw deeti Muun,l, nut of which the hi are of Itinerary bleeds! if the cause of my people is not suttiv:ently just oi insure the protection of God, and the support of geod.williag men—then there is no just cause' ana nO justice on earth. Then the blood of no new Abel will move towards !leaven. The genius of charity, Chris. Sian hre, and justice will inourningly fly the earth • a heavy cane will upon mortality fail- iipao.osed men sk spair, and only the Caine of humanity walk proudly, with impious brow, 'dent the. ruins of liberty on earth ! I have saewn, gentlemen, that Washington has never bequeathed to his country the doctrine uf not caring about the violation of internatimial law ; has not bequeathed the doctrine el indeiferentiem to his countrymen , but only neutrality. At the pres e nt time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Atlantic is no se,mratiou, but rather a conneet.ng benefit —the facilitating source of that commercial intercourse which brings the lute rests of Europe home to you, couu..cting you with it with every tie of moral as well as material interest. It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to speak so, because New York is by innumerable ties cou nected with Europe—more conneeted than several parts of Burnes itself. It is the agricultural interest of this great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now, it is far more Europe than the American contiuent to which you have to look in tin respect. This very eir elltnitilllCe cannot allow you to remain indifferent to the fate of freedom°. the European continent, because, be sure gentlemen—and let me have spoken this chiefly to the gen tlemen of trade—should atewalutieni gain ground in Europe, it will, it must, mike every ponlile obstacle to the eommerviel intereourse of republican America, teaauso cotninereial intercourse is the most power. lel locomotive of principles; and be aura the vietery of absolutism on the European continent will iu no quarter It eve no more injurious national consequeuces than in the vast extent of your agricultural and commer cial inter( sts. Then why not prevent it while yet there is p esibility to du so with none or comparative small sacri. sites, rather than to abide th at fatal catastrophe, and to moans the immense sacrifices it would then coot ? Even in political eousiderations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives to feel interseted in the fate of Eines than even in the fate of the central or southern parts of America. Whatever may happen in the institutions of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions affected by it. But let Europe become aboolutistical—as without the restoration of Hungary to its independence and the betel= of duly so strongly connected with Hungary, to be sure it will—and your children will see those words, which your national government spoke iu 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were meant; that " the absolutism of Europe will nut be &pleased until every . vestige of human freedom had been obliterated even here ' And oh !do not rely too fondly spi e s your power. It is great, to be sure. You Lave not to fear whatever single power On earth. But look to history. Ancient Rome has fallen, and mighty empires have venisheil from earth. Let not the enemies of freolorn grow too strong. Victorious over Europe, and then united, t h ey would be too strong ev.n for you. And be sure, they hate you with an infernal hatred. They must kite you eoeu more then me. They consider you as their most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot tranquilly she p while the eepublicun principle has such a mighty re presentative as your country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the bar from the political reaction of absolutietic principles which huhu:eel your great etatesinen—that principle which they professed tar Central and Southern America—not to extend to Europe also, and by no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your public life out of those times shows that I am right to say so. And what sort of men are your minions? Are they ooly native born Americans ? No, European ems presets th e y are ; men, who, though citizens of the te:ted States, are, by the most sacred ties of Mk. tienship, attached to Europe's fate. That is a consideration worthy of the reflection of your earnest and wisest men, who, alter calm reflection, must agree with me, that in your present condition you are, at least, as much interested in the fate of Europe as your fathers twenty-eight years ago declared themselves interested in the fate of Central and Southern Aim rice. And really so it is. The unexampled, immense. prodigious sympathy for the cause of my country *Lich I have met with in the United State's proves that it is so. Your general interference with the Turkish capti vity of the Governor of Hungary proves that it is so. And this development rather than change is your foreign policy, is not even more an instinctive ebullition of :public opinion, "bid , is called by-and-t y to import a direction to your na tional governmental policy ; the direction is already im parted, and the opimon of the people is already an avowed -principle of the p o li c y o f the government. I have aped, 1 ate a most decisive, authority to rely upon in say ing 10. It the me-sage of the President of the United States. His Excellency Millard Fillmore com municated to Con tress, a few days ago—there I read the 'Portieraph—" The deep interest which we feel in the epread of liberal principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy with which we witness every straggle against oppression, forbid that we should be indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign power is 'evoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit of freedom in any country." Now, gentlemen, he» is the ground which I take fur my earnest endeavours to hen tit the c 'use of Hungary. I have only respectfully to ask, is a principle which the public opinion of the people of the United States so resolutely professes, and the govern ment of the United States with the full sentiment of its re- reensibility &chines to your Congress to be a ruling prin ciple of your national government—is that principle meant to be serious ? Indeed, i confess that it would be the meet "nee rtieeut outrage towards your great people and your national goveromeot, to entertain the offending opinion tied what the people of the United States and its national government in such a solemn diplomatic manner profess to be a ruling principle of your policy, should nut be coaid to use but a joke about the most sacred interests of humanity. God forbid that I should feel the hapertiuent arrogance to think so. Therefore I take the principle of your policy as I find it established, without any interference—and I conic in the name of op preseal humanity to claim the natural, logical, unavoidable, practical come qui flees of your own freely chosen govern- Mental policy, which you have avowed to the whole world ...the right to claim the realisation of those expectations that itca/ t( 4• that, e irsti an it nu t eau mn rya THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 27, 1851. fee the ffienisii reader, M. Keteauth went on as fel lows :—So you me, gentlemen, that there is a very great 'difference between puns and ours—it is in our , favour. I have swore, before God and my nation, to ° endeavour to maintain and secure this act of independence. And to may God the Almighty help me as I will—l will, until my nation is ugaiu in the condition to dispose of its 1 government, which I confidently trust, yea more, I know, will be a republican. And then I retire to the humble ! condition of my former private life, equalling in one thing, at lenst, your Washington, not in merits, but in honesty— that is the only ambition of my life. Anion. So my third humble wish is, that the people of the United States would Ihe pleased, by all constitutional mows of its wonted public I;fe, to declare that, acknowledgiug the legitimate character of the declaration of independence of Hungary, it is anxious to greet Hunger" amongst the independent powers of the earth, and invite the government of the United States to recognise this independence at the earliest convenient time. That is all. Let me see the principle announced ; the rest may well be left to the wisdom of your government, with some confidence in my own re spectful dirocretioe also. And so, gentlemen, I have respectfully stated what are niyhumble requests to the sovereign people of this country, is its public and political capacity. It is that the people ol• the United States may be pleased by all constitutional means, to declare—First e that feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of nations, acknowleelgi .g the sovereign right of every peo- ple to dispose of its own domestic coneeras to be one of these Uwe, and the interference with .this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations, the pro ; pie of the United States—ready to respect and to make respected these public lows, regards the Russian past in terventien in Hungary to be a violation of these )ewe. which, if reiterated would be • new violation and would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the United Sates —that you, theretore, invite your government to act accord ingly, and invite Great Britain to unite with the United States in this policy. Seeena, that the people of the United States is rewired to maintain its right of commercial inter course with the nations of Europe, whetlar they be in a state of revolution against their government or nut; and that with the view of approecliiug scenes ou the continent of Europe, the people incites the government to take appro priate in. usures Mr the protection of thu trade of tile people on the Mediterranean. And third, That the people of the United States pronounces its opinion in respect to the Twe eter% of hidepeudence of &Imagery, so us I had the honour to state. I hope nobody can reproach me to have done by this anything inconeistent with the high regards which I owe to the United State., or not appropriate to my capacity. I would regard it as a very judicious and beneficial thing, if derma generous men who aympathive with the cause of Hungary would form committees threaten the different parts of the United Satter, with the purpose to occasion appropriate meetinge, to pass such rieolutions as I had the honour humbly to suggest. So much for the generous people of the United States, in its public and political c elect:). ; and if that sympathy which I have the honour to meet with in the United Sates is really intended to be come beneficial to the cause of my poor native land, then there is nue humble wish more which I anxiously otter , tabu; but that is a private busiuess—it is a respectful ap peal to the generous ferliags of individuals. Gentleeten, I would rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on lurcien aid ; but fur my country's freedom I would not be :ashamed to go a begging from door to door. (Great cheer ing.) Genttemen, I ne AO financial aid—money to aunt , the canoe of freedom and independence of Hungary. I tsok the advice of some kind friend., if it he lawful to ex pre, such an humble requent, because I feel the honour able duty neither to offend nor to evade your laws. I inn told it is 'aunt'. There are two means to see this, my humble wish, accomplished. The first is tram epontancoue subscription, to put the offerings of kind friends at my die ' posal for the bent fit of inv country's cause. The second is a loan. As to this loan, that is a business of a more private nature, which, to be carried on is au appropriate way, requires private consultation in a more close circle. So here I only mention that if there are such generous men who are willing to enter into the idea, movided it will he arranged iu an acceptable ' way, 1 would must humbly entreat them to enter into a pri vate commueication about the subject with me; aml, se condly, I express my conviction that even this matter of luau could be efficiently promoted by the other measure of free, gratuitous, subscriptions, which would afford me the menus le e e risee for the practical initiation of the loon busi ness itself. Now, as to these sulacripticnie. The idea was brought home to my mind by a plain bat very generous letter, which I h-id the honour to receive, and which I beg to read. It is as follows: "Cincinnati, 0., Nov. 141851. M. Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary.—Sir,—l have authorised the office of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Comeiniy. in N. w York, to honour your draft on me for 0114 thousand dollars. Respectfully your% W. See in."— I beg leave here publicly to return my moot humble thanks to the gentleman, for his ample aid, and the delicate mutter in which he off, red it; and it came to my mind, that where one thigh: individual is ready to make such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may perhaps be moray who would give their small share to it, if they were only apprised that it will he thankfully accepted, however small it may be. And it came to my mind then that drops of millions make an ocean, and the United States number many millions of inhabitants, all attached with warm feelings to the principles of liberty. Agglomerated by single dollars, is even so one million of • dollars, as if it were one single draft, to me yet more pre cious, because it would practically show the sympathy of the people at large. I will consider it highly bene fi cial , should I be so happy to sec that generous men would form committee* throughout the United Suites, to eel, out of the free offerings of the people some material aid to assist the second cause of freedom and independence of Hungary. It is a delicate matter, gentlemen, for me to sped( so. It is, perhaps, one of the greatest sacrifices to my country teat Idu see (Great applause.) But I love my country. (Renewed cheering.) And nattily I will undergo even this torturing humiliation for her sake. Would I were so happy as your Waehington was, when for your glorious country'. sake, in the hours of your need, he also called for money in France. Sir, I have done. Conscious of no personal merit, I came to your shores a poor, persecuted exile, but you poured upon tie the triumph of a welcome such as the world has never yet seen ; and why ? Because you took me for the representative of that principle of liberty which God has destined to become the common benefit of all humanity; and it is a glorious sight to see a mighty, free, , powerful people, come forth to greet with such a welcome I the principle of freedom, even in a poor, persecuted, penal lees exile. Be blessed fur it ! Your generous deed will be recorded through all posterity; and, as eve. now, millions of Europe's oppressed nations will raise their thauksgiving to Geed for the ray of hope which you by this, your set, have thrown on the dark night of their fate ; even so, through all posterity, oppressed men look to your memory as to a token of God that there is a hope for freedom on earth, because there is a people like you to feel its worth and to support its cause. The following is from our New York correspcm dent : NEW YORK, Dec. 13. The Humboldt, which sails today, will carry hews of the increasing admiration with which the I Governor of Hungary is received in this city. De- putation after deputation daily waits on him, and to , each he replies in the most pertinent and eloquent mariner. As he finds himself reinforced by the good wishes and prayers of the people, he advances in his steps towards his object, rising higher every moment in the public view. The resolution of welcome introduced into the United States Senate still hangs there. It has met with opposition from the abolitionists at first, and is now under the parliamentary control of Mr. Seward, the great protagonist of that party. c have received news from Mexico to the 16th of November. It tends to create apprehension that a different policy is likely to prevail there from that marked out by the President Arista. We are not entirely satisfied (says a leading jour nal) that the information can be fully relied upon as impartial, but wo have seen letters from the capital of that republic, speaking in strong terms of repro bation Cof certain contemplated measures, and ex pressing the opinion that pronunciamentos may be the result, or, if carried out, possibly a renewal of difficulties with the United States. Mr. Letchcr is sure to be personally acceptable to the government, and his return gave great satisfaction. It released Mr. Smith, the Secretary of Legation, from the duties of the embassy. After the reception of the news relating to the retreat of Caravajal, who besieged Matamoros, and the success of General Avalos in repulsing the insurgents, the danger which threatened the northern frontier was nearly forgotten. The House of Representatives, however, dis cussed several propositions—the one relative to a re ward to be given to the defenders of Matamoros; the others concerning the commercial movement to which the plan of La Lobe gave birth. Some mem bers of the house proposed also to raise Avalos to the effective rank of brigadier-general, and Matamoros to receive the name of Heroic City. These resolu tions were all rejected, and Avalos did not receive any advancement, for the reason he did not consent to the increase of the temporary duties imposed by the Mexican government. One of the members pro d the following resolution, which was rejected amajority of 38 votes against :—" The govern ment will declare, in the sitting of the 16th, if they have given orders for the re-establishment of the tariff of the republic to Matamoros, the arms of the government having now been triumphant on that point. The prostunciamento of .Conloba has, at the latest date, completely failed. Romero, its principal leader, took flight to the mountains, with only ten followers, who were faithful to him. Two other leaders, Gomez and Sarnbia, made prisoners, were thrown into the fortress of Perote. A summary of the seventh census of the United States has just made its appearance. Since the census of 1540 there have been added to the terri tory of the republic, by annexation, conquest, and purchase, 635,988 square miles ' • and our title to regions covering 341, 40 8 square miles, which before which your sovereign people of the United States have chows, out of your own accord, to mime in the bosom of my countrymen and of oppressed humanity. I do no: now intend to enter into an explanation of the particulars of our struggle, which I bad the honour to di rect, as the chosen chief magistrate of my native land. his highly gratifying to me to see the cause of Hungary is—cx eepting some ridiculous misrepresentations of itl.will—cor reedy understood here. I will only state one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence were crushed down by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power —the principle of all evil en earth—Russia. And stating this fact, I will not again intrude upon you with my I own views, but recal to your memory the doctrines este blished by your uwn statesmen. 'Firstly, again I retuin to your great Washington. Ile sacs, in one of his letters to Lafayette, " My policies are plain and simple ; I think every nation has a right to establish that form of govern ment under which it conceives it can live most happy, and that no governments ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another." Here I take my ground. I take my ground upon a principle of Washington—a principle, and nu doctrine of temporary policy, calculated fur the first twenty years of your infancy. Russia has interfered with the internal concerns of Ilungary, and by doing so has vio lated the policies of the United States, establish,ol as a last ing principle by Washington himself. It is a lasting prin . ciple. I would invoke in my support the opinion of every statesman of the United States, of every party, of every time; but, to save time, 1 come from the first president of the , United States at once to the last, and recall to your me mory this word of the present annual message of his r Excellency President Fillmore .—" Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its political institutions to , snit its own condition and convenience." Here, again, I take my ground upon this principle established 'by Washingtou--makiiig the basis of your own existence, and profissed and aeknowledqed by your vary present gosern ment—only to show that L am aware of the policy and p. , 11. tical opinim of your present government ; a:so, t beg have to quote your present Secretary of State (51r. Webster's) statement, who, in his speech ~ n the Greek question, speaks so:—"'the law of nations maintains that, in extreme caws, resistance is lawful, and that one natiou has no right to interfere in the affairs of another." Well, that pre- eisely is the ground upon which we Hungaiions stUnd. But I may, perhaps, meet the objection-1 am sorry to say I have met it already—" Well, we °um that it has been yin. latest by Rllgli3 in tho case of Hungary, but, after all, shat is Hungary to us ? Let every people take cure of itself, what is that to us ?" Sa some speak, it is the old doctrine . . of private egotism, "Beery one for himself, and God for all. ' 1 will answer the objection, not by my own humble views, but again by the words of Mr. Webster, who, in his alluded—to: speech on the Greek question, having professed the sovereign right of every nation to disuse of its own con cerns to be a law of nations—thus is going on, " But it may be asked what is all that to us ?' The question is easily answered. We are one of the nations, and we US a nation have precisely the sumo interest in international Lw us a private iml,vitle.tl has in the Lori of his country." It is a matter of fact tat the European conti nent ix on the eve of a new revolution. It is nut nc- cessary to be initiated in the secret preparations of the European democracy to be aware of that approaching con tingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself, prescrising a new presidential election for the next spring. Now, suppose that the ambition of Louis 'Napoleon, en couraged by Itussian secret aid, awaits this time (wliich scarcely believe), and suppoee that there will he a peaceful solution; such as would make contented the friends of the republic in France ; of couiso the first act ul the new French President must be, at least, to recall the French troops from Rome. Nobody can clon . lit that a re• volution will follow, if not precede, this recall, in Italy. Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolu tion, then every man knows that, whenever the heart of France boil up, the pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more rise, and Russia media in terferes. Now, I humbly ask, with this view of these cir cumstances before our eyes, can it be convenient to such a great power us this glorious republic, to await the very outbreak, and then may to discuss and decide what direc tion you will be willing to take in your foreign policy ? If you acknowledge the light of every nation to slier itsinstitu tions and government, to be a law of nations—if you ac knowledge the interference of foreign puwe.a in that cove reign right to lie a violation of the law of nations, as you really do—if you are forbidden to remain indifferent to this violation of international law, as your president openly professes that you are, then there is no other course possible than not to interfere in that sovereign right of nations, hut also not to admit any other powers whatever to intern re. But you will, pert lops, object to ine," That is as much as g oing to war." I answer uo—that it is as mull, as to prevent war. What is wanted tu that effect ? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of Europe, your national governmeut should, as soon as possible, scud in structions to your minister at London, to declare to tho English government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of its own do mestic concerns, have resolved not to interfere, but also nut to let interfere any foreign power whatevs r,with this laOVOll ign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in any country. Consequently, to invite the cabinet sat Saint James to unite with the United States iu this policy, sod to declare that the United States are resolved to act conjointly with England in that decision, in the ease of that upproociiiug crisis un the European continent, which it is impossible not to foresee. If the citizens of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their hospitality, wool I be pleased to express this their will, by paesing convenient resolutions, and ratifying them to their national govern- ment—if the people by all constitutional means—if the in dependent press would hasten to express , the public opinion in • similar sense—if in consequence of this, the national go vernment would instruct its minister in England, accord ingly, and by a convenient communication to the Congress give, so as it is wont to do, publicity to this step, I am en tirely sure that you would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction ot policys—nobody in the world could feel especially offmdeil by it, and no existing relation would be broken or injured—an l still the interfe rence of Ituseia in the restoration of Hungary to its inde pendence (Virtually declared in 1849) prevented. Hessian arrogance fold pia ponderance checked, and the oppress ed nations of Europe soon become free. There may - be some over-aux ions men who, perhaps, would say, " But if such • declaration of your government will not be respected, and Russia still does interfere, then you would be obliged, by this previous declaration, to go to war, end you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems to me like as if somebody would say, " If the vault of heaven breaks down, what will we do )" My answer is, " But it will not break down." Even so I answer: but your declara tion will be respected-14114a will not interfere —you will have no occasion for war, you will have prevented war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, to pro voke against itself, besides the roused fury of nations— besides the legions of republican France—also the English " Lion' and the etar-surrounded " Eagle" of America. Please to consider the fact that you, united to England, have mule already such a declara tion, not to admit any interference of the European ab solutist powers into, the affairs of tho formerly Spa nish colonies of America; and has this declaration brought you to a war ? quite the contrary • it has pre vented war. S it would be in our case kso. Let me therefore, most humbly entreat you, gentlemen—let me ' entreat you, on this occasion, by the means of publicity, 'the people of the United States, to be pleased to give I such practical direction to its generous sympathy for Hungary, as to arrange meetings and pass such resolu tions here and there, and in every possible place of this great union, as I took the liberty to mention above. The nations of America and Europe are at this day so de pendent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately telt on the other side. 'lle result of this community of interests, commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America—of this frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is tnat it becomes as difficult to point out the geographical degree where Ameri can policy shall terminates and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates. Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the ascendant in Europe and in America? The second measure which beg leave to mention has reference to commercial interest. There has, in latter time, a doctrine stolen into the code of international law which is even as contrary to the commer eial interests of nations as to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world has the faculty to exclude per commerce from whatever port he pleases to do so. He has only to arrange a blockade, and your commerce ki shut out ; or, if down-trodden Vcuice, bleeding Lom bardy, or my down-oppressed but resolute Hungary, rises IMatiake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke, as surely they will, tbat tyrant believes to have the right, from the very mo eaent, .to exclude your commerce with the risen station. Now this is an absurdity—a tyrannical invention of tyrants, violating your interest—your own sovereign in dependence. Your glorious declaration of independ ence proclaims the right ot every nation to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and natures, (sod entitle them. The political assistance of your glorious republic is founded upon this principle, upon this right. My nation stands upon the same ground, and there is a striking resemblance between your cause and that of my country. On the 4th July, 1776, John Adams spoke such in your Congress, " Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I am for this declaration." It is inthe beginning we arrived not at independence, but "there is a divinity which shapes our ends." These noble words were present to my naiad on the 14th April, 1619, when I moved the declare- tiers of independence in the National Assembly of Ilungary. Oar condition was the same, and if there be any difference I dare say it is in favour of our ourselves. Your country Was before this declaration not a self consisting, independent state. Hungary was. Through the lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude of this long period, while nations vanished and empires fell, the self-consist ing independence of Hungary was never disputed, but recognised by all powers of the earth, sanctioned by treaties made with the llapsburgh dynasty, when this dynasty by the free will of my nation, and by a bilateral part was invested with the kingly crown of Hungary. Even more, this independence of king was acknowledged to make a part of the international law of Europe, and was guaranteed not only . by the foreign European governments, such as Great Britain, but also by several of those when yet constitutional states, which belonged formerly to the German, and, after its dissolution, to the Austrian empire. - "sis independent - defined This in, _ r condition of Hungary is clearly in one of our fundamental laws of 1791, in these words : llungary is a free and independent kingdom, having its own Pelf-consistent existence and constitution, and not sub ject to any other nation or country in the world." This, 'therefore, was our ancient right. We were not dependent from ' nor a part of, the Austrian empire, as your country was dependent from England. :Haring rapidly glanced ever the emu of the Hungarian war, in terms so familiar I properly beloeged to us, but was claimed and par ' tinily occupied by foreign power, has been esta blished by negotiation, and it has been brought with in our acknowledged boundaries. By such means the area of the United States has been extended during the past ten years from 2,055,163 to 3,221,593 square miles, without including the great Lakes which lie upon our northern - border, or the bays which indentatc our Atlantic and Pacific shores, all i which has come within the scope of the seventh census. The amount of our present numbers, some , what the result of imperfect estimates, appears to be as follows:—Assuming the population of California • to be 165,000 (which we do partly be estimate), alai • omnting that of Utah, estimated at 15,000, the total i number of inhabitants in the United States was, on the lit of June, 1830, 23,240,301. The absolute in crease from Ist of June, 1840, has been 6,176,848, and the actual increase per cent. is 56.18. The table given below shows the increase from 1790 to 1830, without reference to intervening periods Absolute Ismer ii;e7e;t7in ctm 1790. 1330. GO years. 60 years. Nomlrr of whites 3,172,144 19.63' , ,019 16,157,335 32.797 I,w cAoured 99.466 4.3.637 .369,171 61.744 blo.es To; a tree coloured and I.l2Ten 'rota polutdre 3,9.9,5:7 113,246,301 19,310,117 1911193 Sixty years since the proportion between the whites and blacks, bond and for, was 4.2 to 1. In 1850 it was 3.26 to 1, and the ratio in favour of the former race is increasing. Our domestic news, beyond the reception and acts 'of Kossuth, is not particularly interesting. Congress is calling for information on the subject of our di plomacy with your government in relation to Nica ragua. The affair of the Prometheus stands out in bold relief to our eyes as a most singular violation of the treaty, and this document reads so plainly, we cannot conceive why you still assume the right of molesting our trade and transit in that quarter. A private letter from San Francisco gives the fol lowing version of the recent expedition to the Sandwich Islands. A few days since an emigration took place whose destina tion and designs are too important to be overlooked. A coinpsny of some two hundred were organised in San Fiahnsce, among which are many of the most prominent and wealthy citizens of thut city and Sacramento. This company has gone to the Sandwich Island, with no less object in view than to take possession of the islands, draw down the ensign of monarchy, and elevate instead a tag of independence. It is conjectured that the king had become .o plastic upon the subject of a change, that his mind will '.ye most susceptible of any impression which the party of civil invasion are disposed to impinge upon him mental pre mises. The persons who have gone do not anticipate any danger in the startling design, which they have avowed to persons in conti lenee. Their constitution has been made in San Francisco, and contains the requisite ingredient fur making the islands a slave-holding country. Indeed, from reliable sources, I have learned that this is the great prin ciple and aim of the projectors of this scheme of invasion. Persons in the secret are now looking fur advices from there with intense suspense and interest. [For Markets see lad page.] Irto (Court. WINDSOR, DEc. 26. THE PRIVY COUNCIL _ Her Majesty held a Privy Council at Windsor Castle, at three o'clock this afternoon. The council was attended by Prince Albert, the Marquis of lansdowne (Lord President), the Lord Chancellor, Lind John Russell (First Lord of the Treasury), Sir George Grey (Secretary of State for the Home Ho partment), Earl Grey (Secretary of State for the Colo nies), the Right Hon. Henry Labouehcre (President of the Hoard of Trade), the Right Hon. Fox Manic Secretary at War), the Marquis of Clanricarde ',Postmaster-General), Lord Seymour (First Commis sioner of Public Works and Buildings), Earl Gran ville, and the Marquis of Westminster (Lord Steward). Her Majesty having been pleased to appoint the Right llozi. Granville George, Earl Granville, to be one of her Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, he was this day, by command of her Majesty, sworn one of her Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State accordingly. Mr. U. Greville was Clerk of the Council in Waiting. The Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord John Russell, and Earl Granville had audiences of her Majesty. Earl Granville received from the Queen his seals of office as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The court was attended by Lord Edward Howard, Vice-Chamberlain ; the Marquis of °monde, Lord in Waiting; and Colonel the Hon. N. Hood, Groom in Waiting. The Earl of Westmoreland had an audience of the Queen. Thu Lord Chancellor, Sir George Grey, Earl Grey, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Right Hon. Fox Maule, Earl Granville, the Marquis of West- ! minster, Mr. C. Greville, 'and Lord Edward Howard travelled from London by a special train on the Great Western railway to attend the council. Lord John Russell travelled from Pembroke Lodge, Rich mond Park ; and the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Seymour arrived from &wood Park, Wilt shire. The Right lion. Henry Labouchere came from Stoke. After the council, the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Seymour returned to Bowood. Lord John Rus sell returned to Richmond, and the Right lion. H. Labonchere to Stoke. The Lord Chancellor, Earl Granville, and the rest of the ministers and officers of state, returned to Lea -1 don by special train on the Great Western Railway, taking their departure from the Castle at 20 minutes post 4 o'clock. Luncheon was served to the official circle in the Castle previous to the Privy Council. The Queen walked iu thy: flown Park sad Slopes this morning in i;rince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and younger members of the royal family, took their accustomed pony and walking exercise. l'r‘nce Albert went out hunting this forenoon attended by Licut -Cien. Wemyss and Col. Bouverie. The following had the honour of dining with her Majesty last evening:—The Duchess of Kent, the Lsdy-in-waiting to her Royal Highness, the Baroness de Speth, Lady Caro line and Miss Barrington, Col. Hon. C. B. and Mrs. Phipps, Col. Hon. Charles Orey, Sir George and Lady Coupes, Mrs. Bouserie, the Rey. Mr. Birch, Mr. Clover, and Mr. t h a t I Becker. On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last, the Queen's Royal Charities to nearly one thousand of aged poor at this season were distributed at the Alrnonry, in Whitehall, under the authority of the Lord Bishop of Oxford, Lord Hiuh Almoner, assisted by the Rev. Dr. J elf, Sub-Almoner, and by Josh. Hanby, Esq., Secretary and Yeoman of the Almonry. The Chancellor of the Exchequer arrived in town yester day evening, from his seat, llickleton Hall, near Doncaster. Despatches were sent off last evening to the Governoreof the North American Provinces from the Colonial-office. MINISTERIAL MOVEMi:STS•—It will be seen by the report of the Court newsman, given above, that Lord Pal merston was not present at the council at Windsor, yester day, when Lord Grenville was formally invested with the authority of the Foreign Office. Lord Stanley, of Alderley, the tinder Secretary for Foreign Affairs, has resigned. The ministerial Wobe last night places in the most prominent position amongst its leading articles a statement to this effect in Paris on Tuesday:—" The only thing talked of is the retirement of Lord Palmerston from the English ministry. It has created great sensation, but there is almost a general feeling of satisfaction at finding that the Whig cabinet remains. The frequenters of the Elysee assert in the most positive manner, that the French government has done nothing, directly or indirectly, to produce the re signation of Lord Palmerston, and that the statement of his having given instructions to the Marquis of Normanby to demand guarantees from Louis Napoleon as to his future policy, was utterly unfeunded. Lord Normanby, they say, has had no official interview with the President since the 2nd instant. He has been frequently with him, but not officially; and everything has indicated the determination of the -rinse to cultivate friendly relations with England." TUE WIFE OF THE NEW FOREIGN SECRETARY ig an Italian lady of coniideraule rank and wealth, and a Roman catholic. LORD NORMANBY.—With reference to a para graph quoted in Wednesday's Express from the Morning Galignani of yesterday s.qa :—" We can positively state that there is no truth whatever in a report given in several of the English jeweils, to the effect that the Mar quis of Normanby is about to be replaced by Sir Henry Bulwer, as British ambassador in Paris." - - DEATH OF SIR WILLIAM B. COOKE, BART.—We have to record the demise of Sir Willi on Bryan Cooke, Bart., of Whutlaphall, near Doncaster. The deceased gentleman was in his 59th year, having been born in 1792. HOLIDAY AMISSEMENTS. " BOXING-DAY." DRURY-LANE. Mr. Bunn, once more lessee of this theatre, com menced his new course of management last csening. The house having opened on " :roxing night," it was filled to overflowing with a holiday audience, attracted by an abun dant and attractive bill of fare. The entertainments commenced with " God Save the Queen," sung by the principal singers of the operatic company and a chorus of remarkable strength and efficiency. When it finished, Mr. Bunn came forward and briefly addressed the audience. Ho began by taking deserved credit fur the transformation he had effected in the interior of the theatre, which, a fortnight ago, was a muss of dilapidation and dirt, and was now what te audience saw. Ho might wed speak self-complacently on this subject, for the house is de corated with great splendour and taste, and is made most comfortable as well as beautiful. Mr. Bunn went on to say that it was his intention to em brace every branch of tho drama, and to exert himself to do every branch the greatest possible jus tice, trusting that the patronage of the public would furnish him with the means of ,doing so. This address, which was enlivened with some good-humoured jokes, was loudly and cordially applauded. The play was Milinan's Fazio, with Mr. James Anderson and Miss Glyn iu the characters of Fazio and Bianca. This play was not happily chosen; it is one of the heaviest tragedies in our language; the hero and heroine excite no interest, the ono being a contemptible profligate and the other a fierce virago ; and the dialogue is full of twin 1 common places. Mr. Autiersou and Miss Glyn exerted themselves meritoriously, and earned considerable applause in the principal scenes, but the piece went off very heavily, though there was less noise in the upper regions than is usual on a " Boxing-night." Then caine the en tertainment of the evening, the new grand comic Christmas pantomime, called Ilarkquia ilagartit ; ur,tlie Tics London 'Preatires—" a dish," as the bids had it, " partly served upon Hogarth's plates, with extra seasoning to suit the times." As usual it has an allegorical beginning. Wu have Idleness and Ignorance presented in bodily torn, and contrasted with Industry and Knowledge; the one pair laying their heads together to check the advance of Indus try and Knowledge, while the other counteract their designs. After sonic scenes of this kind, which sooth to say, arc not easy to comprehend, we arc introduced to gath's two apprentices. They first appear on Blackfriars bridge, as it was a hundred years ago (a very tine scene), having come up from the country to be bound apprentices to a shop-keeper on Ludgate:hill. The bop (acted by the two Messrs. Payne) show their dispositions in a thousand grotesque fashions ; . the cue all fuss and bustle, the other lazy and sleepy. They go to bed in their double bedded room, and have dreams of their future life, which are are represented in tr insparent copies of several of llo garth's pictures, executed iu a masterly way. Then the two into bad began to follow their different course ; the hilt falls had company, and is introduced into a society of a thieves kitchen,where he is enrolled a member of un associa tion "for the diffusion of property." The industrious 'prentice falls in love with his master's daughter, and their flirtation is one of the richest scenes in the piece. The young lady (Mr. Chapin) and her lover give a burlesque of Carlotta Urisi and Perrot's famous Pas de fasei,,ation m Banicrattim. so perieet, and yet so ludicrous au imitation, that it pro duced roars of laughter. The idle 'prentice at last resolves to rob his master's till; cud being surprised in the act by Miss Juninta, he carries her into the vaults under the shop. Here he is discovered by his industrious companion, and after a ridiculous combat, the reprobate is worsted, and the young lady rescued There ends the introduc tion. The fairie- Industry and Knowledge re.uppear, and tranidentu the personages into the ususl pantomimic cha racters. The two Messrs. Marshall perform Harle quin and Clown; Miss Palmer, Columbine; and Mr. Barnes, Pantaloon. A long series of pantomimic tricks toll rffs, which have no relation to the earlier part of the piece, an any connexion with its title. They were accompanied, of course, with abundance of kicks, slaps, I; axis, tumbles, and other rieCer , of prac tical humour. Sonic of them were ingenious and sew; Milers were trite and threadbare, the standing common places of pantomime from time immemorial. Gee of the happiest things was the hit at " Bloomerism." A great many young ladies, in full Bloomer eestume, are en gaged in masculine occapatiuns, while a number of men are employed us nursery maids, unit in other teinale duties. At another time we had the submarine telegraph bringing the latest iwws from France : Monday, Paris very gay, and abundance of bails." " Tuesday, Paris in a state of siege. and abundance of bullets." Mr. IL Marshall gave most laughable imitatioas of some of our violinists, Ernst and Sivori in particular, showing, at the same time, wonderful command of the instrument. His " Carnival of Venice," nht Siruri, produced shouts of laughter. His whole performance of the Clown was excellent. His bro ther, too, was a capital Harlequin ; and alias raiser was a pretty and graceful Columbine. The scenery, which tun :dined chiefly of street views in Loudon, was beautilul ; particularly the view of a line Street by moon light, and of a railway station. The conclud ing scene, the interior of the Crystal Palace, was one of the most gorgeous things we have ever been upon the stage. On the whole, we have no doubt that this pantomime will be very successful. But it is too long, and a good many heavy things might be advantageously lopped off. The machinery worked well for a first night; but, after a few performances, the piece will of muse move nom lanuothly AS well us more rapidly. IIIYNIARKET. The Bevan' Opera went oft' last night as the Beggars' Opera always does, whenever there is a present able Polly, and a Macheath not absolutely absurd. Mr. Harrison's impersonation of the latter character is well known. The Captain is to be sure somewhat gigantic ; and his voice is occasionally rather flat. Nevertheless, Mr. Hera son has made the part his OWII, and deserves cm the whole to keep it. The Polly of the evening was Miss Louisa Pyne, who is not a mere singer, like to many young ladies who are entrusted with this character, but is also an actress of considerable pretensions. The Lucy of Mrs. Fitzwilliam is so well known tothe public that nothing need be said of her performance on this occasion, except that the points and breadth of the character lost nothing in her hands. But the great event of the evening was the production of a new romantic fairy extravaganza, by our old friends the Brothers Brough. la the absence of Madame D'Anois, who is considered to be in a very bad way from previous depredations of the comic tribe; in the °lncase of classical stories, used up by the same cause; in the absence even of historical subjecta, like the " Ivanhoe," for example, the Messrs. Brough have been driven to a new source. The fairy - tales of Count Anthony Hamilton, the delightful author Of de Grammont's Memoirs, although not very readable, yet contain much that is ingenious ; and the authors have not only selected their subject well, but dealt with it better. The Story of Mayfrucer, for reasons shove indicated, may not have been read by everybody, and certainlv the version of the Brothers through would be anticipated 6y few. We are introduced in the first place to the spirit of Count Hamilton—materialised by Mr. Caulfield—who introduces us to the principal personages of the drama in somewhat hazardous, but always happy verse. The authors, by the way, in this as in some other portions of the piece, have de parted from their most usual style, and introduce a description of rollicking and rattling metre that is equal to Ingoldsby himself in wilful and perverse &yin- ing. But to the story : King Hardbake the Great— one of those mighty potentates whom Mr. Bland has made !disown property—rules over the people of Kandy, in whom are included his daughter, Mrs. L. S. Buckingham, that is to say, the Princess Radiant. The l'rincess is a most amiable and respectable young person, but has a most awkward way of killing her admirers—by looking at them. Her eyes, in fact, are so dazzling that no man can stand their gaze, and the returns of " killed and wounded " be come something tremendous. There is, however, a " coming man," who, unlike our old friend of that appella tion, does come, and comes to some purpose. Mrs. Fitzwil , IMm arrives in fact—a green satin prince, in boots of most bewildering polish. Dropping the princely title of Bull finch, the young adventurer is content to travel under the mystic name of Pooh-Pooh, his object being to discover a hitbrother,PrineePlicenix. Ile starts a new object, however, new, and determines to overcome the fatal fascination of the Mem& A pair of green spectacles enable him to do towards this object as far as he himself is con cerned; this is not sufficient. He has a good genius— the Fairy Serena—on his side, and a bad genius—Mr. Buckstone, most filicitously transformed into the witch Dentata—against him. In order to remove the charm from the Princess it is necessary to remove sundry substantial objects &maths witch—namely, a beautiful girl, named May flower, who has long suffered by the domestic tyranny of the witch, by whom she is held a prisoner; next, a certain magic mare, who keeps discreetly behind the scenes throughout the piece; and, thirdly, a magic hat. The Prince, having accomplished these objects, with the aid of Mayflower, falls in love with her in due course, and elopes. This is the material of the first act. In the next we find Dentate, disguised as n Bloomer lecturer' (Buckstone in Bloomer costume—need we say more), ac complishing, a coup (fetal, in Kandy, with the assistance of the Princess and a band of Amazons, whom she has induced to rise in defence of woman's right!. Pooh-Posh and Mayflower fill into the despotic power. In the meantin c, Prince Phoenix, who had been changed by the Fairy Dentate into a comic parrot, at an early period o' the proceeding., and has been hopping about the stage and sharpening his beak in the most approved manner in the course of the first act, gets up a sentimental attachment with the Princessosho, although prevented by popular pre judice from marrying him, " respects him as a friend" in the orthodox way. But not to fatigue the reader with onvenient smi wlls a details, rere. T u c tli a ce by i t t ir t e n r a n ay y se ( v si er a a; fivoewryerinfoc: instance, returns to her natural character of a Princess, and Pluenix, ' ceases at last to be a bind) , and everybody comes in for the usual share of theatrical happiness. For the rest, we may add, that the dialogue is perhaps more pointed, arid certainly more elegant, than in roost of the Messrs. Brough's former productions. The Lord Chamberlain has sadly curtailed political bits ; but hits of a general kind were plentiful and well applied. It may be presinned,eko, that the piece met with distinguished success--euthusiastic would perhaps be a bane word—that the authors and the principal actors were loudly called for and profusely welcomed at the can , elusion; and that it was anno unced for re p etition ever y ' evening. In these days of burlesques, extravaganzas, and fairy dramas, adherence to the old practice of producing a pantomime for the benefit of the Christmas holiday folks is gradually becoming rare. Mr. C. Kean, however, does not believe in the downfal of pantomimes, and the audience at the Princess's lost night confirmed the manager in his disbe lief. To judge from the laughter and applause, the visitors of the Princess's arc determined to uphold the ancient practice. As is common on such occasions, the first piece— the Merehan:or Venice, with 3lr. C Kean, as Shylock— was very much cut down, and was got through with I great rapidity. The pantomime was founded on the adven tures of the celebrated Billy 'fayler, of Tooley.Arcet, whose adventures are so frequently sung by street ballad-singers. Oily Taylor was s gm young fellow, Egli of mirth and full of Klee, And his mint he iLd disaiver lo a maiden fair and free. Much additional romance is added to the historical records contained in the old ballad, and in the pleasant jumble of periods, character., and places, which pantomime writers are allowed to effect, a genial humourous Christmas pro duction has resulted. Billy Taylor, his fond devoted sweetheart, tho Flying Dutchman, and the King of Haritongo, are associated with brilliant effect. Of course, the introduction to the adventures of the unfortunate Billy Taylor is a conspiracy of certain maliciously merry Tritons, fairies, and other beings of another world, visible only at Christmas time, who, burning to influence the destinies of the unhappy knight of the needle, concoct a plan for bestowing on him a spouse, and subsequently a couple of dozen of' small pocket editions of himself. Their plot is discovered and frustrated by Britannia, who causes Billy to be pressed and carried to sea on board the Thunder Lomb. Terrific stru:s4les and sanguinary combats now take place, followed by hia seizure, and the naval en gagements in which it was his unhappy late to figure. Ho is finally transformed into Harlequin. After the trans formation, the ordinary pantomimic games of Harle quin, Clown, and Pantaloon, with their tricky, slip pery proceedings, engrossed the attention of all. Bloomers, Punch, patent locks, smart lessons in drawing, inedel farms, and other well-known subjects appeared and ilisspreared, providing plenty of opportunity for fain and mischief. Many of the tricks performed and characters introduced were of • novel and remarkably ingenious nature ; they all worked well, an unusual circumstance on a first night's perform ance. The dialogue in the first part displayed • good amount of jokes and happy allusions, notwithstanding the L .rd Chamberlain's interference. The authors of the pantomime are the Brothers Sala and Mr. George Ellis. Mr. Flexmore. the favourite c! iwn, danced a novel "pas de paraphde," which gained mach applause. His imitation of several stars of the ballet wan very good. Miss C. Leclercq merits notice as au excellent Columliine. While advising all lovers of pantomime by all means to pay a visit to the Princess's, we must call their attention to the brilliant scenery and decorations, which fully equal anything that has ever before been accomplished iu this branch of art. LYCEUM. The brilliant promise of the Lyceum announce lit was brilliantly fulfilled by the spectacle of last even ing. After The (range of Speoration, in which Mr. C. Mathews sustained the part of Affable Hawk with his usual ability, the audience were pre•i•nted with a splendidly bound edition of " Planehe upon d'Anois," under the title of The Prince of Hopp, Land; er, the Fawn in the Forest. According to the emnbined authority, the Grand Duke of Vert and Venison(Mr. F. Matthews) has a beautiful &sighs ter, the Princess Desiderata (Miss Laura), who is immured by his paternal care in a splendid chamber underground lest she should suffer from the spells of the malignant fairy Carabossa (Mrs. Foote), who owed her a grudge in consequence of some difference of opinion with her mamma. But though close her concealment the Prince of Happy Land (Miss St. George) has heard of her charms, and renounces, us her favour, Niaretta, Princess of Ethiopia (Miss Grove) to whom he had been betrothed by his father. By a device only known to fairy tales ke gets introduced to the under ground palace in the shape el his own picture, the princess is immediately smitten, and a treaty of marriage is the re sult. But a difficulty intervenes. Serest suns must yet ciao before the Princess will be out of Cie power of Cara- Mesa, and hence there is great risk in attempting a journey to join her husband in Happy Land. The Prince's ambassador (Mr. Raker) suggs do a carriage so close as to exclude the sun's rays, and the procession de parts. But Nigretta has not been idle. Under the advice of Carabossa, she raises a troop of Ethiopian sert•nattera, and waylays the royal party. Tho capers charm the attendants with their innsie, and Nigrata, seiz ing her opportunity, cuts away the curtain, when the Princees thus suddenly brought to light, sutlers tho promised penalty of the larks' malignancy, and is isnmedi ately changed into a white fawn. By some unaccountable process, the l'rince is brought to hunt in her sylvan haunts. and, as might b expected, is unlucky enough to shoot at and wound his betrothed. Affairs are now M•ginaing to ' look rither gloomy, but Florctta, the Princess'a waiting maid (Madame Vestris), is lucky enough to possess a talis man which brings the fairy Pine Apple to the rescue, and ' the Princess is restored to life, I ive, and humanity, Nigrette is filially nonsuited, and the Prince of Happy Land ' made as happy as any man iu his dominions. An alkenee of allusisn to the topics of the day was felt in tho course of the time, an otnission for which we suppose we may thank the Chamberlain's recent • sudden attack of seal for critical revision. Nevertheless the audience were in ths last humour, cheered one or ' two hits immensely, and found ample fo od far admiration in the splendour of the scenery and decorations. Mr. Beverley has already obtained the palm for realising tho glove., of fairy land, and certainly his efforts in this ( Inas niece fully justify his reputation. The scene of " Peer less Pool," with its gorgeous tropical foliage and splendid a tmaigherictflects, drew down thunders of upulause ; and , one or two sylvan landscapes that followed were objects of , quieter but more discriminating admiration. The magnifi cent concluding scene, which is now regularly expected at the Lyceum, was as brilliant as usual, and brought down the curtain amid loud and general cheering. The piece must he said to have achieved success in a very crowded house. SADLER'S WELLS. Tho Lady of Lyons having been performed in dumb show, the audience :it this admirably-managed theatre were introduced to Itarttquin and the Yellow Dwarf, or the Enchanted Oran:le Trec stall Me King rf the Gold Woes. 'rho opening scene was the Ancient Hall of Revels, in which the Abbot of Ws:ale, the old Morris dancers, King Arthur, Anna Boleyn (without her head), S:r:Julin Falstaff, Sir Walter Raleigh, Tom Thumb, and number of other mythic and historic personages, performed a Sir Roger de Cuverley" under the supervision of Ohl Style. Their revels, however, are interrupted by the ap pearance of New Style, who exhibits a specimen of her quality by the sudden introduction of some helf-dozen little Bloomers. Nevertheles , , Old Style repudiates all new fangled devices, and insists on a pantomime; whereupon follows a fairy tale of such surpassing absurdity as to defy analysis, but which appears to turn on the wooing of the Princess Allfair by California, and the rivalry of the Yellow Dwarf. Somehow the latter, in spite of giants and tuousters of the most frightful mien whom he had retained in his ser vice, is worsted, and the transformations take place. The de mand of the Lord Chamberlain to have the tricks submitted to his approval does not appear to have impaired the vir consieet of the author, but, on the contrary, the jokes are unusually numerous and good. A grand ve..:etarian banquet is advertised, but subsequently the house is in formed that the vegetarians are " not inclined to meat." The lato gastronomic feat of the boa constrictor is exhibited and improved on—the serpent being made to disgorge not a blanket only, but bedclothes stillicient for it moderate family. Master Roches, who appeared as Sprite, and Master Stilt, who was supernumerary Clown, performed a great number of wonderful gymnastic feats. Mr. Fenton was the Harlequin, bliss De Vero the Columbine, and Mr. Naylor the Pantaloon ; all of whom acquitted themselves witk credit. ADF.I.I'HI. The contribution to the stock of Christmas amuse ments given by this favourite theatre consisted of The Forest Rose, My Precious Betsy, and The Lilts Red Biding Mod, the last being the Christmas offering. Silsbee's humourous delineation of Yankee peciLiarities in the first, and Messrs. Wright and Bedford's no less amusing representation of homo scenes in the second piece, would have disposed the audience to a rod humoureil reception of the new Christ mas talc, had it required any extraneous aid, which was not at all the ease. No doubt many a Christmas novel'y has ex hibited a greater variety of brilliant scenery, better sea soned wit, and more spirituel dialogue; but if there is not a great deal in Lillie Red Biding Rood to be in rap tures about, there is scarcely an thing to call for censure. The Little lied Riding flood of the Adelphi has little in common with the nursery tale of that name, being a bur lesque of Ludwig Tieck's tragic version of the story, by Mr. Tom Taylor. The plot is a very intricate one. A cer tain Wolfram, surnamed the Wolf of Biberich (%tr. Paul Bedford), is the owner of a stronghold on the banks of the Rhine, of which the rightful heir, Otto von Rosen (Miss Woolgar), has been dispossessed by the combi nest villany of the Wolf and his seneschal, Orimbold (Mr. O. Honey), aidcd not a little by the machinations of Aldebaran (Mr. 0. Smith), who is in fact the " old gentleman " with an alias. Into this stronghold all travellers " up the Rhino " who are sus ' petted of having more spare cash titan a Virgil's way farce, arc decoyed, and amnngst others a party of nuns, one of whom happens to be Kindheart (Miss E. Harding), the sweetest and pretticat of Uudines, and Otto von Rosen, 1 whom she had saved from a watery grave. An instan taneous affection sprinvs up between Otto and the daughter of the Seneschal, Little Red Riding Hood (Mies Kathleen Fitzwilliam). The kind water nymph takes Red Riding Hood beneath the waters of the tibiae, and introduces her to her "submarine pavilion," a scene full of blue and gauzy beauty. Hither Otto follows, and obtains a charm by which he discovers the s.:cret of his birth and the injustice of which be has been the victim. He resolves to act, and the occasion of a " brilliant archery meeting," another spirited see " near the Castle of Biberiek, is so lected. I he surrounding peasantry are assembled, and Otto addresses them with so much elmoienee on " St. Alban's bribery," and on "liberty, fraternity,and equality," that their allegiance is quite transferred from Wolfram to himself; and when the former appears the archers are reedy to shoot at him. This, however, Otto prohibits, but nevertheless he eff:cts his coup d'etat, is installed in the Tuilleries of Biberich, marries Red Riding Hood, and imprisons Wolf ram. The potent spells of Aldebaran, however, set the old baron free, who disguises himself in the habit of a monk and takes to the woods, and from this point the plat takes a new starting. It is falsely suggested to the new lord that Wolfram bag been liberated by his pia ad ow I of hat re.t to bli• torn. : „at* al•Trij your una tint!