The Express. — London, England, 1847-12-10 00:00:00

111: % '36 •5:',.,41114.,, "3.... • 2 -? The Merquis of LikkIBDOWNE.—In that part ot the country Lord FARNHAM.—Yee. Tho writer moods : It is ma cnyon, to ]arisen Madero to hie krona in this diked. AN of tabu, Du nwelead • threeknbilt Mater, itamonnekag him tor le doing. tank with his lam faaolly, he teak getkeshis, and siulame, 11 walks, to lens WS Comma. The II ail of LANSDOWNE, haylag loin the letter, wand the boas that the nose of the writer woo the beat authority for the correctness of the statements it coatained. Their lordship adjourned at a quarter to oil o'clock till DOUSE OF COMMONS...-THORSDAY, Dec. 9. The SrSAW took the chair at four o'clock, when three saembees wars ewers. NEW MBITL—A mew writ our sedered se le Mead or far New. the elegem eta wiewhw h ee sive la wires& foe Ms lamp Om ire et Mr. Mimi Clarity, wbe writ hes vesalis themesies of Onhenress, a new imegiewl he the akeeloa ot a marahwr le ewes la peellsmsat for the Ifillemay, in his (Mr. tresseners) else, le Wise been retersedese Kilkenny and tamiriett, awl barbed *Mei to sit for the letter city PUBLIC 21111110111 1 . PETITION& —Tly Mr. & Cuwrostm hem Nodular. ligullet coerc ion, end In favour immital easemess Intamt—lir. Arr. ern, from Confederate Club of thegholla to ems ewer.—Lord Drs- CMS, from Bath ; Seas, ham the Merl of the Rot* and another phew Mr. I. WIWI," tem $ll amines of Maryheam; Mr. C. LTSBMT ) S, from St Asa% litale, sad Paul's, Covent Gerdes; In favourer the elaiewlias says& re Sattara—Lced Ne haus Aylesbury. fee Mohnes et Unfelt retem—Mr. Drverr, frees D a p tl et coneverradem Bleiter Trill for. and hy Mr. Peewee, from Hampshire, gist. Ow gametal/ at Jews to Par liament. SECOND READINGS.—Crtme end Outrage (Ireland) ; Public Works (Ireland); Bill, NOTICES OP MOTION.—Cants AND Omura (Immure) &U.— Mr. RAISIN in committee on this bill, to move a steem by which m emories atter teenier shall be readered nil to punishment, although the principal may not be convicted or token, watch was the Proamt state of the law with regard to socemortee before the fut. THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Lord DUNCAN asked the noble lord at the head of the Woods and Forests at what period the new House of Com mons would be fit for occupation ; also why the buildings, such as the library, not immediately connected with the other house, were cot ready for Lhe reception of members ? and, thirdly, why , further progress bad net been made in tialshing the officio, residences ? Lord MORPETH said he had been informed by the architect that within from Ii to 18 months of the period when the ventilation, &c., would be complete, be should be able to finish the new house. The government had thought fit to deeire that Dr. Reid's system of ventilation should be carried into effect. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the sub. sequent questions, it was thought best first to devote the sums appropriated by parliament to the entire completion of the shell of the buildings. The residence of the Speaker, and the official servants of the house, could not be very agreeable tietil the dust was all cleared off. (Laughter.) METROPOLITAN BUILDINGS ACT. In reply to • question from Mr. B. OSBORN), Lord MORPETH. said it was his intention, after devoting his best attention to the THE C subjectHO , to introduce an amended bill. LERA. In reply to a question as to what precautions her Majesty's government had taken against the cholera, Lord MORPETH observed that the act of 1832 was still in force, and that, on the least ground fir alarm, it would be enforced. It was then under consideration whether the pro clamations issued in 1832 might not be advantageously moi• fled or altered, in case that ca l a mity should make its ap pearance. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Sir G. GREY made an appeal to the hon. member for Youghal not to press on his motion with regard to foreign affairs in order that the government might be enabled to proceed with the Crime and Outrage Dill. Mr. ANSTEY said that if the motion of which he had given notice related to terser interests than those of the empire, or affected anything of less importance than the cha racter of the assailant and that of the object of attack, he would yield ; as it was, he felt it due to his own reputation and to the country that he should proceed. (Cries of "Oh.") Mr. HUME said he also bade motion on the paper, but as parliament had been assembled for the express purp se of despatching necessary government business, he should not proceed with it. (Cheers.) Mr. ANSTEY said he would not persist in placing him self in collision with the feelings of the house. THE CIVIL SERVICE IN INDIA.. In reply to a question from Mr. ORIPPS, Mr. C. LEWIS said that a despatch, dated July last, had been sent by the court of directors of the East India Company to the supreme government of India, requesting them to state their opiuton on the subject of leave of absence to civil servants of the company. No answer had yet been received. NAVIGATION LAWS. In reply to a question from Mr. Herr, Lord PALMERSTON said, that the government were in posoresion of the document oa the subject of the navigation laws, communicated to the senate of Hamburg by the Zell- Term, and would lay • translation of it on the table of the house. AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. Mr. HUME wished to knew, from the noble lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whether the government had withdrawn from the protocol entered into with France and Spain on this subject ? lard PALMERSTON said the house would remember that by the protocol in question certain engagements were entered into by the crown of Portugal towards the allies. Two of those engagements were that the elections of the members of the Cortes should take place with as little delay as possible, and that the Cortee should be assembled. Of course, until those engagements were fulfilled, which at present was not the cue, the English government mold not withdraw. Mr. HUME wished to know if any communication had been received from the governments of Fresco or Spain? Lord PALMERSTON mid there had been no formal com munication from the governments of France and Spain that they had withdrawn. At the same time he could not dis guise the fact that there might be a shade of difference of opinion between those governments and her Majesty's go vernment. EAST AND WEST INDIA COLONIES. Lord G. BENTINCK postponed his motion on the subject of the colonies until that day fortnight. INCOME AND EXPENDITURE. Mr. HUME postponed until after the reuse the motion of which he had given notice, fir a select committee to inquire into the iota of the public income and expenditure of the United Kingdom. THE SCOTCH BANKS. Mr. J. A. SMITH, who spoke in a very low tone, mid that there appeared to be a misoonception with regard to some expreuions which had been attributed to his right hon. friend the Chalmetter of the Exchequer in his speech the other evening with reference to the Scotch banks. His right hon. friend, in alluding to the het of the recent dial's., stated that several Scotch banks had applied for assistance to the Bank of England, and it was attributed to him (no doubt erroneously) that he said that the B sok of Scotland had been one of the spplicants. He thought it desirable to mention the subject in order that his right hon. friend might be enabled to cermet that missosieeption. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER mid that he thought it unnecessary that the Bank of Soiled should disclaim having applied for such assistance. He used the words " that some of the banks is Scotland had applied for asaistanoe," bat be did not mean that the Scotch gameally had done so, and not wishing to p?int to any partilsz bank be had used an indefiaite expression in allud. to the enbject. CRIME AND OUTRAGE (IRELAND). On the motion for the order of tie day for the second reading of the bill for the suppression of crime and outrage in Ireland, Mr. J. O'CONNELL roes to bring forward a motion of which be had given notice. The SPEAKER said he hail called on the hen. member in his turn, and having gone through the motions on the paper, aid come to the order, of the day, it was not compe tent to the hon. member then to bring on his motion. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he dal not rise tithing forward his motion, but to ask the right bon. gesdismen, the Home Secretary, if he could now hold out any primped that the re medial measures for Ireland, which had boon so long pro mised, would be brought forward, and whether any imme diate steps would las Skin Si provide employment for the people, and by employment &alga them to procure food in those parts of Ireland where hirer rowelled, and if he could give say definite answer Ile the question he (Mr. O'Connell) boil put to him some days ye, ea to when the bill for settling the relations of landlord ofd tent, would be brought `sward ? Sir OEM mid be could not give the lea. gentleman any other 111111•11, dm the one he had given kW some days ince. Is as der poor-law unions a/ Inaba& the atten tion of the gemerammt had been directed to Or emedition of the penis, and then were means in thepemeeile of the go yernmentamply secheisat to meet any emergemey which might mime in those diseriele. It was not the Masthead*. govern ment to come to pegilusent to ask for grmili milmeney either for the reennsptios el public works or for gesmisig gratuitous relief. With roped to the landlord and Meat hill, he could only repast that it bad ariergono rug eemsideration, sad email sager the mashlwation et Or govramost, and it was their Marisa to legit IS thit Mk der boon when it bag ten masiknod as Is be li=tt itawatd in oath • Mgr so lito entitle them re esomeal r i thr lid aismiss els r pm:Omani This mil ether bib maid Ism Ms may at the time of the orlinary loollirg se ealthmatie mai they would still lso possrad to the home Imes ova on the arrival of the tfmo when alrilmt. He thought it would be gawks so& merely on account of re velled gartionse . nt to them on the subject, for the glOwummuk to • RI& sad mligosted bill on the table al Ito bonne. t3lhm he ion ailed ba fix • definite day for ltda&g Irma that mama ha orahl ail/ say that it was setoshisilisis ef the grramst to being hrward any beriesss arbkh word inimbao with Om bill Sr the suppress ion of arm s the n . a t iag=fo In baked. no eight Ma g'ee' Us Yemen thou to we meadmead oaks of dot tad mil he alma Immo fir a that Ors en the et Yr hem, in mem to Imam am ~,..Julwialsh with road to peat tho re. Zi a t mower smear snamakas whisk had bra with regard to it. Tbe Yap** to elfish he should allude, ro. Mod to the km. member Onsignithooltiallas weak spin of ths harmer the pollooraing emi eaproosi bis (Mantle( that the rib of bind Mises! that so email as ineralla only err tomiesi. 'no boa. member bad re Mar hthma • Walla beEG. (hey) Mil Mom so& • thin_ o retil md the Airlift kw as No log eana IMIMAPIS Wog tre mall, nod mg . it amid be anhadod ia leg/t bat Or WPM wool* WM mom all Moak lom the nem Marion et the Loraliontsatat. With r existing law of 6 WM. IV., c. 13, the Bait o7rtt kto that arsor the or or NB WO TM to the di to t►e tablas =Pgll, ll r WWWFWIF I r i 0..... 6 ..ee0tna •- . . ",. Z j -.44`51/ X 41-•-r -. 4 . --- - --- -- . . 11 . Nir 1 31. . . ~'~~ 'N. • \ \N. . a 4.1‘- x NI • "•-••••• A A •_, • , ~w~~. . TI7T-* .t.".• r , ~ • . _ Mr. E. B. MOMA ti tiba Ohmlbileat it lisemiq act to veer say t ardier la Mr. 7 . O'CO add L persist in his ogesgtion. The committee on the bill was fixed, se we understood, for this day. The house adjourned at half-past twelve. hc erpreOls• MAILS never Ye /Ip, Lab= Madeira, Oats, sad Gibraltar ell be me= = the =era= of the 17th Demob= sasimm llte Wat u reb odia.. /ki= l. aati c.. ehhei leraeheasaNateaport Risi.Hatamma,..a lealeMeet thee kr Jamei. Sesta Nerths, Clw Parre. Wast Oteit = ham= a= et. lea=dr. we he =de = the et the l7= Deamber. In te g" Zo en MIA Nee* /ma= 111111 the UMW Mal= =I he weft = tie =WM el The weal= mils Mr 011isikor lhette,Clr a eee. the lei= Mr= Mr " nie ldit ea= 4 igen= ena go ad eetr ina".". ? =L I e d fia akmays. the illedlaeneseah, aenWeitrisrt ire& la. will be aade ai = the The silt he New IMO inks% V= Moir = mud Kew I Zeal= wale Mill up ea the =is ef the Slat Demeabw. The soilt be the 111 am the hi= Plate, Kam Video, Terms. 41=2111=1161111114 1111111iinsi Ayres, will be nada up a 411111111117. TO COWPONDEPITi Atlvollontola olwaiwt tar Zoom,. Load. main paper. soffit •. M at Or wile% lat Downe-amt. Two oreldek ea Oa do of pub Beaton. NIGH WATTS AT LONDON SAMOS T•l4 D• • — 1143ML1,3. SS WS. pen 3 , ANancea, 44 rata. put 4. To.114•••••-41.44•SaN. I WA. pat 4. A144444NA. .44 4 144 44 4. LONDON, FRIDA Y, DEC. 10. IT is quite certain that no part of the inquiry con cerning the currency, which parliament has just dele gated to select committees, will be more delicate or more difficult than that which refers to any alteration in the administrative economy of the Bank of Eng land. It is net to be supposed that the extreme sen timents of apprehension and censure which appear to prevail in many quartets out of doors, as to the power and policy of the Bank directors, will com mand so large a share of the sympathy of these com mittees as to deprive their consultations of that degree of dignity and calmness,without which the decisions of no tribunal can be either reasonable or just. But it is not altogether unlikely that the investigation will be not entirely free from the collisions and the hot dis sents, which can hardly fail to diversify the disputa tions of men who hold diametrically opposed opinions ; but under the temporary influence of that decorous discretion and that predominant disposition to keep in view a practical point, which hitherto has, gene rally speaking, so honourably distinguished these courts of inquiry, there will be little danger even in these fiercer differences. The adherents of the indiscriminate and incoherent impeach ments familiar to the readers of the nnea and the Examiner may, with the greatest safety, be left to unravel their own bewilderments, and slay their own giants; and we conceive that be yond now and then supplying a seasonable question, the party who hold the belief that an important re form would be accomplished by the entire abolition of this great corporation, will find themselves alike unable to appropriate the influence of the committee, or obtain the support of the evidence. It is peculiarly fortunate that so important a topic will undergo discussion at a juncture when so many circumstances conspire to preserve the scrutiny from the unwholesome pressure of excited and extreme persuasions ; for, while we most freely admit that the administrative detail of the Bank stands in need of revision, we are equally sure that the legislature will display its sagacity much more by a circumspect and prudent reconsideration, than by the adoption of any new and untried hypothesis. The great question of the virtual abolition of the Bank, by the erection of a government office of issue, does not properly belong to this division of the sub ject. Assuming, however, that as a practical mea sure, a scheme of that complexion has no chance of being adopted at present, there is the somewhat ana logous proposal to subject the B Ink, even upon its present independent basis, still more directly to the supervision of the government of the day. It is proposed to do this by placing an active control over the election and retirement of the governor in the hands of the Treasury. In point of fact, to render the appointment of chief officer of the Bank one of the great prizes of patronage which are at once the stimulants and the embarrassments of political parties. Now, to any scheme of this kind we feel that the opposition cannot be too decided. It may be true that the existence of a single and responsible head would introduce that element of permanence and cer tainty, the deficiency of which is, by general assent, the weak point of the present arrangement But then at what a risk of all the worst evils which can befal such an institution, would the benefit of these altem- tions be obtained? We should prefer rendering the office of governor more permanent, and to do so entirely without the interference of the government. We would not even give the more permanent officer a legal life te nancy of his office, or a legal tenancy of it for a long term. We should like to see established, a moral understanding that while the technical dun tion of the governorship shall be three or four years, he shall be re-eligible and re-elected at the expiration of every legal period, unless circumstances have arisen to east a doubt upon his ability and efficiency in the dis charge of his duties. It is quite possible to conceive the occurrence of circumstances of OM kind, every way sufficient to justify a refusal of re-election, while they' may be so decidedly minute and impalpable as to ren der it impossible to inflict the disgrace of a formal and public degradation front an important trust. Associated with the officer-in-chief, there might be two vice-governors, holding office upon the same tenure and with the same agreement of continuance. To these three persons it might be prudent to grant a certain latitude of prerogative over all the greater and weightier questions connected with the manage ment of the Bank. Suppose, for example, that they were invested with the exclusive initiative of proposing alter ations of the rate of interest, and of fixing the amount and the ratio of the periodical divisions of profit among the proprietors. To the measures thus pro posed it might perhaps be advisable to allow the in terposition of a negative by the general body of the directors, but then any counter resolution ought to carry with it the weight of some overwhelming ma jority, such as four-filth' or five-sixths of the whole court. We should also be disposed, with a view to concentrating the responsibility and giving full scope for decisive action in emergencies, to place a perma nent power in the hands of the governor singly, to be exercised, of course, under certain conditions, which would render him fully responsible and fully account able to his colleagues and constituents at the earliest possible period. There can, we think, be little difference of opinion as to the desirableness of these important trusts being filled by men whose attention is not distracted by any concerns unconnected with the Bank. A long and honourable career, as merchants, might with great pro priety be made an indispensable qualification to can didateehip. But, once elected, we can hardly suppose that any good purpose, personal or public, could be served by permitting a division of attention between individual interests and public obligations. We have considerable doubts whether any really useful alteration can be made in thepresent method of electing the general court of directors. The case is clearly one where the principles of competition and canvassing are not applicable. If a man asks a vote, in the estimation and practice of the world he incurs an obligation to be repaid. And so seldom is it that men feel themselves of "efficient significance to stand upon their own merits and services, that for one man who obtains an office or an honour upon the strength of his own character, there are a thousand who obtain success as the disciples or the expositors of a creed or a crotchet. Imagine for a moment the bank direction replenished by any such means. Con ceive the remit of elections, conducted under the influence of currency polemics; so many men returned by the party of Birmingham, so many by the party of LOYD, and so many by that of Tooxe. If the assembly was deliberative, and not purely executive, the case would be different. But what you want is, a'set of men, not to debate about abstract principles, bat to mow the affairs of a daily business of detail ; and we want& the &restore the justice to say that until the premat canle convicted of graver faults than haW a gl iat ass proved against it, it would be the very ailawarms of intenseddling to interfere with its 00116111.01. We must not be understood ea proshiling our selves by these remarks, from suaiiiring with the most perfect freedom, and la La most candid spirit, any plum or proposition RU MK be btOuilllt forward in the course of the This is pen, cisely one of those questions in whick calm sot patient discussion will do most good. But, while s ,, hold ourselves fully subservient to these roma too. tives, and to the influence of any clearer light that ws may reorive,—we mast beg to repeat oar convicti on , that we enter upon the debate with a strong p ro , suasion that it will be in the highest the character to attempt any alteration in t h e character and arrangements of the Bank which slug, by the remotest consequence, impair its purely „ or . cantik character and functions, or interfere with that independent system of self-government which, for period of a hundred and fitly years has **cured t o the country an administration of a great and power, ful national institution—peculiarly exposed to the danger of perversion and irregularity —u pure, u able, and as successful, as can be found in the hist ory of any age or any people. IT would have been impo ssi ble to give the Lew rangements for the central administration of the poe t • law a fairer chance of success than by the appoint ment of Mr. C. BULLER as chief commissioner. Ex perience will show whether the introduction of the head of the poor-law office into parliament adds as mach to his efficiency, as it takes away from the independence and security of his position. But Me Boteza's ready eloquence and skill is debate will have the great advantage of securing a fair hearing for the representations which be will have ticession to tusks to parliament. If his conduct, or that of his sabordi nates, should at any time merit animadversion, the e will be always members ready to take up so pop u l ar , duty as that of finding fault with the law and with the commission ; but now that Mr. FLSRAND is hap pily relegated into private life, we do not think that many aspirants for parliamentary sweeps will, in the mere wish for distinction, volunteer to strike the shield of the witty, cool, and practised succeesot of the dynasty of Somerset-house bashaa a who wets compelled to do battle in parliament by proxy. Mr. BULLER has not yet had an opportunity of dis playing administrative ability, except in subordinate situations ; but there is every reason to suppose that be poes both the vigour and discretion likely to be so c o nstantly required in his new pnsition. have no reason to doubt that he will display the energy of character which is essential to an official statesman ; and it is certain that in clearness of judg ment and comprehensiveness of view, he is equal to any candidate who could have been selected for the vacant post. It is in Dome respects a matter of regret that his exertions will be withdrawn from other pale lie duties. His knowledge of colonial affairs was ex pected to produce valuable results when he accepted his recent office ; and his speech to his cote stituents at the last election showed his in tercet in the reformation of the law, a ma n which, more than any other, requires an able leader. Perhaps, however, the loss is more apparent than real. A secondary official position is a most serious impediment to any original public activity; and it would not have been easy for a judge-advocate to have superseded higher legal functionaries as the organ of proposed improvements in the law. There is one department of legislation which will properly fall under Mr. BULLER 'S superintendence. We hope that he will be both able and willing to sim plify and improve the laws relative to the poor. It is most desirable that the Home Secretary, occupied as he is with multifarious ditties, should leave both the power and the responsibility of propositions for the amendment of the poor-laws to the commissioner, who is exclusively engaged in watching and direct. in their operation. 'flue acts of late years on this subject are, as we have often shown, the most blundering, incoherent, and ungrammatical of the many specimens of legislative jargon which have been promulgated in the statutes at large. We should have supposed that it was impossible to attain a lower degree of unintelligibility and confusion than that which characterised the productions of the late government draughtsman ; bat Somerset-home showed that it could be excelled even in its own peculiar style of composition. The climax of modern law-making was attained when Sir J. GRAHAM con gratulated the house on a blunder in the grammar of an act, which, by producing an effect exactly con trary to that intended by the framers, had, in their opinion, nevertheless, been a great practical improve ment on the original measure. Having, we believe, formerly practised as a bar- rister at quarter sessions, Mr. BULLER must have a general knowledge of the complicated and unsatis factory state of the law of removal. To understand thoroughly . the present condition of that singular branch of jurisprudence, be must consult the report of the Queen's Bench for the last dozen years, or the text-books in which the judgments are collected, awl by approximation harmonised. We will undertsli to may, without fear of contradiction, that the law of removal, as it has been developed by the interpreta tions of the Court of Queen's Bench, exceeds in whim sical subtlety and in uniform uncertainty, any pro duction of sophistical ingenuity which his ever yet influenced the practical conduct of men. The scholastic inquiries whether an actual fly was better than a possible angel, and whe ther a spirit could move from point to point, without passing through the intermediate spa, were merely gymnastic exercises of logic intended to supple and strengthen the intellect for more important Oleo ”hic inquiries : but the equally minute philosophy el the Queen's Bench crown-paper determines the Ellenduct and the liabilities of English perishes merge to dialectics, and only wishing to their rates. If they rely, as they necessarily mast, in simple faith on the pariah attorney, he is almost as mot in the dark as themselves. He may know tole rably. well the legal requisites of a settlement, and may judge whether they have been complied with in the case of the pauper whom it is proposed to remove or to avoid receiving. But he knows that the facts and the merits form the smallest part of a modern poor law appeal. If the examinationsof the pauper and others before the removing justices, fail to state any necessary condition of removal, not only with substantive clear ness, but with legal certainty, if the pauper is igao rant enough to quote hearsay as evidence, or if after alleging that he served his master at DumbdrudV, he neglects to state that he resided in Dumbdru4e daring the service, the remoual will not hold good. Bat the lawyer cannot at once advise his clients to that effect. The objection, it is true, exists ; but per hops it ma not be taken by the adverse parish in Br roma of appeal; or if it is pointed out, the theme are at least even, that the grounds of appeal aaalhmadves infolmal, and that the examinatim *Ma disrall wipe, with impueity. In his bewilder ment thealleiestyjudiciocely sends the papers for* his counsel in London ; whe orolimaitig his knowledge of the reported curl informs him that although, according to " The Qoso e, Whiteacre," the grounds of appeal are initiated, yet that the later case of " The Queen r. Blaokaere tends the opposite way, while "The Queen r. Yellow acre" would seem to show that the whole matter ail the discretion of the quarter sessions. We do not exaggerate when we say that two thirds of the poor-Law appeals which are taken to thi sessions are decided on mere technical grounds, so t gested by a minute construction of the 'emir' tions and grounds of appeal, without any *ref into the merits of the case. The Court of Qum' Bench has, rightly or wrongly, established as a pie ciple of law, that these documents, which were at tended to be drawn up by parish officers widget legal assistance, shall be subjected to the same eta* ness of construction, which is abundantly %emcee and absurd when it is employed in disputing the 4e• liberate eompoeltions of lawyers in the form of ercei pleadings. Ultra-professional astuteness, applied °, the interpretation of the statements of paupers sat the notices of overseers has produced the sited result of stultifying the law, which required litigstist parishes to give each other full notice of the Galan of their respective claims. The evil haste made, if possible, worse by the occasional resactioa the judges against . their own monstrous legislates " We really must, in these cases, sometimes have regard to common sense," was a sentiment to ceeding from the bench, we believe in a pcof - lif case. But it ie better to follow a comets' course, even is perversity, than to weigh basso special pleading and common sense. The chow that the court may in any particular case relent objection as too outrageously absurd, however no' siatent it may be with previous decisions, volt parties concerned from anticipating its judes Those who are familiar with this branch of Vl_ practice will remember many points in whieh emm species of unsteadiness has prevailed. W. I°l quote as instances, the decisions on acknowleger, of settlement by outdoor relief, and on the teet 4 ,n entries inthe mord!' 9I notion 4 is 9ciatiwiillg THE EXPRESS;4•FIXIDAY EVENING, DECEM: the go'.ernmeat would greatly liaMage the law by leae.—_ its examtion in such hands. With respect to the clause which imposed the whole expense of the extra coa torn employed in the disturbed athlete, he mr 4 1 71 would work. • very grievous Weak& With regard to the provisions in reference to the registitilien of arms, while he thought the government had dm* well in taking that duty from the local magistrates, between whom and the people there existed "war almost to the death," he ' still was not satisfied as to the character of the persons who were to be sent down to register, arms. Somer sepia- nation from the government was nunnery in that rimed. He now came to the clauses which dealt with the Whiteboy Acts. Severe, harsh, and cruel as were the provisions of those acts, their powers could not be p h ro e:2lst ! into play except disturbances and outrages were to exist is the district. This bill did away with the necessity of such proof, and its provisions might be enforced in the most peaceable district in the country at the mere will and pleasure of the dictator—the despot—the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. On the whole this was a meet grievous hardship ; and when be had consented to the first reading of the bill be never contemplated tint it would provide such ingenious and tortuous tyranny. It was an ' insidious, deceitful, sneaking bill, seeking to accomplish ends which could not be asked for boldly and openly. He, therefore, must oppose it, though he knew his opposition wou Mr. ld b 13 e ineffectual. . COCHRANE expressed astonishment at the course taken by the bon. member who had last spoken, and who, on the hitroduction of the bill, had professed to give his went to it. Comparing this bill with former coercion bills, and competing the present state of Ireland with its condition in former periods, he was rather surprised that the house did not call out for the bill to be cede stronger, instead of listening to such philippics as Memel the hon. member , whose only specific seemed to be that England must be con'tinually . sending relief to reland. (Ms" hear.) To relieve the existing distress wi n less the pinkie of government than of private charity ; and that dimity had been most nobly exerted. (Hear, bear.) It might have been expected that the hearts of Irish members would be overflowing with gratitude; instead of that, they ebeod up and declared that nothing had been done for In tend. He next alluded to the recent speeches of the Irish priests, observing that be was no enemy to the Roman catholics, so he had proved by the vote he gave on the preceding day. (Hear, hear.) At the very same meeting at which Archdeacon Laffan had fulminated his horrible and iniquitous harangue, the hon. member for Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell) had talked to the assembly of " their beloved priests," the " ministers of moos and the upholders of order." (Hear, hear.) Even the higher orders of the Roman catholic clergy, the Arch bishop of Team, and the Bishop of Limerick, far from check. ing these fearful sentiments in the inferior clergy, had themselves denounced the conduct of the upper classes, and thus made themselves accessories before the fact, and insti gators of crime. (Hear, Leer.) He denounced men who acted thus ; but he admitted that there might be many who thought they were doing good to their country, while they were luring it on to ruin. He would urge the government fearlessly to execute the law against persons who thus con verted liberty into licentiousness. Never. till the people were taught the omnipotence of the law, would the union with Ireland be what it ought to be. Mr. HUME said be had uniformly protested, throughout hie life, against the oppression of Ireland, and had advocated measures of amelioration. He had voted against the coer cion bill of the right hon. baronet opposite ; but in support ing the present bill be could not be accused of inconsistency, for this was not a coercion bill. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Limerick had talked of Its coercing the people of Ireland. This was not the case it was only meant to coerce those who were committing murder and outrage, and preventing the peaceably disposed from puritans their occupations; ten short, it was only to punish the violators of the law. (Hear, hear.) Another fallacy of the hon. member for Limerick was, the assertion that the Irish members opposed this bill. Why, on the first divi sion, out of 105 Irish members, only 14 had voted satinet it, and only 13 on the second division. (Hear.) T his re minded him of the complacent assumption of the " Three 11 1.•111 of Tooley-street." (Laughter.) Then the hon. esemslem said that the bill made the Lord Lieutenant • dicta tor. So far from this, the Lard Lieutenant could out= conjunction with his privy council, and the bill was strictly confiocd to disturbed districts. •But the ministers, of the hon. member, who claimed for himself to lie the re presentative, par excellence, of Ireland, might be judged from a letter which he had addressed to the editor of the Freeman, dated " House Library, half-put eleven, p.m., Nov. 29," in which he himself stated that the bill was to regulate the carrying of mars and would only be applicable be disturbed districts. He " This, it must be ac knowledged, is very different from what we expected from to threats that have been held out ; and, if fairly adminis iseed, may not inconvenience any but the authors of disturb ing& I have not opposed, neither have I voted for, the in itialisation of this bill, as some temporary measure relative to nue may, in the disturbed districts, be useful, and as an it:t enure of police cannot be had without" (Cheers and laughter.) The hon. member bed brought forward charges founded on letters in newspapers, reflecting on the charac ters of the recent victims • amongst others, on a person named Taroin, who had actually been shot at seven times, and was now to be held up as a tyrant to the whole of Ire land. (Hear, hear.) Was this the way to appease the agitation, and to stay the shedding of blood ? (Cheers.) Was it not rather more likely to have an opposite tendency. (Hear.) He (Mr. Hume) was convinced that the great bulk of the English people were favourable to justice to Ire land ; but if a priest, in the morning, was to denounce from the altar • person who was amounted before night— and if the ssssssin could afterwards come and obtain abed lotion—what should the inhabitants of England and Scot land thigh of such a state of things? (Hear.) What should they think of the parochial clergy of Ireland who, above all men, ought to be exemplary in their conduct, and inculcators of peace? (Hear) He had always been a friend to the Roman catholies and their clergy ; be had tharekee looked anxiously . for some monition from the higher elan at the clergy, warning the priests to be more guarded awl linnet in their language ; and such it was clearly their IMF M. ham given ; but be regretted to say he bed looked In 'di& H. deplored the unfounded opposition of certain hue, 1111•61111140 this bill. The hon. member for Limerick, to the introduction of the measure, and its principle, ought to have continued hi bill bill went into committee, when his ob jeginsile the details might have been properly urged. The 11,11111111 at had been blamed for not bringing forward aseeniin of relief and amelioration, and he certainly thought that eink measures ought not much longer to be deferred. He thsemlst there was a deep conspiracy against the pay ment einem. The erudition of allegiance was protection to life and property, and it was necessary for government to step into protect life and property, in order that industry sad capital might work out their legitimate results. He did not know how the questions between landlord and tenant were to be settled, but if the landlord and tenant, were to become joint tenant., he saw • more mischievous law for Ireland than ever had existed before. (Hear bra.) He knew oases where penons had refused to pay their rent or give up the land they held, and persisted In doing so until they were forcibly ejected. If that was to be the tenant rigbt, how could they expect employment for the poor and how could they hope for the prosperity of Ireland ? (Hear, hear.) He bad *imp advocated the just claims of Ireland, but he thought the present bill was necessary for the well being of that country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CALLAGHAN said it was difficult to find words to express his feelings of the fallen state of the hon. member who had just sat down—(laughter)--now that he had become the advocate of coercion bills for Ireland. The hon. gentleman proceeded to defend the Irish priests, and declared that the bill before the house would only aggravate tbe evils which they must all deplore, instead of effecting any good for that country. It would lead the country with expenses which must be paid by the landlord, the tenant, and the labourer, and fail to afford greater protection to life and property. He did not object to the bill because it was not at once accom panied by remedial measures; he wished to see a good land lord and tenant bill, and he did not believe the landlords of Ireland would object to any fair proposition on the subject. (Hear.) He disbelieved the statements made as to the priests; they were well-educated and loyal men from one end of the country to the other. (Oh, oh.) He certainly did know a cue where a priest read from the altar an amount of a number of turkeys which a gentleman had lost, and he added that it he had given away more of them he would have loot lets. (Laughter.) Bat he was sure no priest in Ireland would dare to mitigate the people from the altar to the commission of assassination and murder. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said, although the bill professed to be so mild In its nature, it wss coercive in its character—it left an indefinite degree of force to be used by the Lord- Lieutenant at his pleasure; it, in fact, embraced all precious coercion bills, end was " a mockery, a delusion, and a snare." The present government , when out of office, op posed the last ooercion bill, because they said remedial mea sures were not laid upon the table at the same time— (hear, hear) and until a good and soeleient land lord and tenant bill, an extended electoral fran chise bill, and a municipal corporation reform bill were proposed, he would not rapport any measure of a coercive character. The noble lord now at the head of the government had detailed crimes of greeter magnitude when the right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth process' his coercion bill, and, nevertheless, persisted in rejecting it until remedial measures were prepared. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Connor) would support a landlord and tenant bill which should confirm the landlord in possession of his pro perty but oblige him to patent the duties which apper. tamed to that property—(hear, hear)—and he would snake the ejectment of bad tenants easier than it was at present. Lord D. C. STUART said it was • meet melancholy thing that they were called on to deems a subject of this kind after the professions deo many hoe. gentlemen that they were desirous of ameliorating the condition of Ireland. He be lieved that the people of Ireland were brought to their pre sent condition by the misconduct of former government& which had been continued for centuries. That was a nem why they ought to look on many of the faults committal lel Inland with indulgence ; but that was no reasonable Soy should refuse to pass this bill. If they aellaill' 1110 present reign of terror in Ireland to continue, that I would be mooed only to the Austrian trovernmen:rar, not only coffered tenant/ to murder their landlords, lout ill- nigated them with honours and gold. (Hear, bear.) Mr. H O'CONNELL was surprised that the noble lord who had just sat down, and whose philanthropy towards ' foreign nations was proverbial, should have so litt ri zi s ai pithy for Ireland as to recommend for that country better than coercion. The noble lord was the avowal pm.; tector of rebels against their sovereign in Poland, and the avowed oppressor of the loyal people of Ireland, although of the people of Poland he believed the noble lord knew very little. The noble lord, however, only resembled many other hon. members in that home, each of whom bad some crotchet, some favourite question by which to display his sympathy for the sufferings of others. One honourable member took up the cease of an East Indian prime, Weeks, ineeffser that of the iss ,• birssiose Mweryit any symaffijifAth2La i tte j :. boon is Wand. Their sharity It remained. The aside Ltd Ed that if what had occurred In Ireland had occurred in England there would have bean a coercion bill for this eountry_? The .noble lord evidently knew •a little about England as he knew about Ireland. When riots occurred in the manufacturing districts they had been put down, not by coercion, but by conciliation. Was there any ectenson bill in 1842 for the rioters is the midland districts . Sir B. HALL.—Were there any murders ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. O'CUNNELL.—He would not shrink Ns that point. There were at all times plenty of men gain SIMMS the country armed to the teeth. Let them look at the his. baronet's own district in Waled. The hon. baronet strayed in that district in 1842, not only the sword of war, but ef justice. The Irish asked nothing further than that judge should be done them, as it was done to the English, to the Scotch, to the Welsh, when they complained of opprenien and maltreatment. Sir W. SOMERVILLE must be excused from follow* the bon. member over the very extensive range he had travelled is his speech, very little of which had reference te the rubject immediately before the house. Both the has. gentleman and those who preceded him in opposition to the measure had enlarged to a very great extent upon the ale leged inconsistency of those who having formerly resisted a measure of coercion for Ireland now themselves introduced a measure of mercies. lie should have vary little difficulty, if he thought it necessary, in removing from himself and those with whom he acted this imputation of inconsistency, inn , ference to cases between which th ere was no ana l but after the generous support given to the bill by all parties in the house, and especially by the right hon. member for Tam worth, and with the deep feeling he had that no time should be lest in putting au end to the reign of terror which now prevailed, and to the system of assaasinution so disgrace ful to the land of his birth, he would be content to remain under the hen, member's imputation, if by avoiding the full refutation of which it wee capable, he could hasten the pasaing of • measure he deemed so urgent. (Hear, hear.) TM only point for * the consideration of the house was, whether the measure now before it was necessary under the lamentable circumstances which prevailed. It was not merely the number of the crimes committed in Ireland that alarmed him; it was, more especially, the type and nature of those crimes. (Hear, hear.) 'lake, for example, the murder of Major Mahon, the most atrocious of all these as sassinations. Numerically, that stood in the list as simply one crime amongst the rest; but look at all the circumstances attending it ; consider the terror created throughout the whole district in which the unfortunate gentleman had lived ; reflect upon the sympathy created ed there with that I fearful deed of blood, so that the murder c orpse had to be hurried prematurely to its sepulchre, lest even the poor re , mains should be outraged—/hear. hear) ; reflect upon ' these thing*, and then say whether it was not essential at once to apply a remedy. (Hear, hear.) The question then wall, did the house think the proposed measure would con stitute such a remedy ? In his opinion the measure, if dl- Mostly carried out—and all who knew the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland would feel confident that it would be efficiently denied out—(hear, hear)—would suffice to put down that system of aseaseination, that reign of terror which was now stalking through the land. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend (Mr. J. O'Connell), had complained of deception respecting *is bill, insomuch as he bad expected it was to be only local hilts operation. Now, if government had specified only''reer tain counties, or baronies, or tnwnlands in the bill, and that crime broke out in other districts, would not the house and the country laugh at such a bungling attempt at legislation ? This he would undertake to say for the noble lord at the head of the Irish government, that wherever assassination or outrage took place, there and there only in Ireland would the bill be put in force. The hon. member for Nottingham, in opposing the bill, had insinuated that there were no real grounds for extraordinary measures; that the cases which had been quoted were tramped up cases. Were the cas e s of Major Mahon and Mr. Lloyd trumped up cases? (Hear, bear.) Had not crimes disgraceful to the Irish name taken , and were not the criminals still at large. (Hear, 1 1 :a7.) His hon. friend, the member for Limerick, bad ob jected to the appointment of Mr. Ryan as a stipendiary ma gistrate, bat Mr. Ryan had been especially recommended to ides Lord-Lieutenant as an extremely active person in the detection of criminals, and in his appointment the noble lord had only been actuated by that which was his usual motive of action, a zeal for the public service. It had been urged that this bill should not be proceeded with until certain remedial measures had been laid on the table. A landlord and tenant bill had been spoken of, hut if that had been brought in it must have lain on the table until after Christmas; and besides, be did not see what connexion that question had with the existence or suppression of crime. (Hear, hear.) His be lief was that a landlord and tenant bill, which should even give up all the rights of property, would not prove • remedy he the present state of things. The ruffians who were at present covering Ireland with crime were neither landlords aor tenants ; their object wets to establish • reign of terror Is favour of those who would neither pay their rents, nor give up their lands. (Hear, hear.) He submitted that the necessity for this measure had been fully proved ; he did not say that it would be su ffi cient, but be knew that whatever powers it contained would be fully and efficiently carried ant. A great deal had been raid about coercing Ire land; but this was no coercion bill ; it was • bill for the pro tedious of life and property. (Hear, hear.) Ho believed that the farmers and tenant* of lrelend, even the poor cabin holders, would be thankful for it. He was not one of those Irishmen who thought that the character of his countrymen was sympathy with aseamination, and although the contrary had been asserted, he believed that the apparent sympathy which existed was only the result of the reign of terror which had ken established throughout the country. (Hear.) He regretted that his noble friend, the member for Limerick, had changed his opinion since the first introduction of the bill. The provisions had been then most accurately de scribed, and his hon. friend had as good materials for judg ing as on that evening. He (Sir W. Somerville) felt it to be his duty to support the bill, not only from his official position, but as a friend to Ireland, and he believed that he could not describe it better than in the words of the hon. member for Montrose, as a bill which, if fairly administered, would be an inconvenience to no one but the authors of outrage and murder. (Hear. hear.) Mr. GRACE regretted very much the state to which the county he had the honour to represent was reduced. He regretted also the allusions which bed been made to the late lamented Major Mahon. He lived within a few miles of that gentleman's residence, and if there had been any foundation for the statements so fully made, he must have known it. He was now, however, in a condition positively to say that they . were utterly groundless. (Hear, hear.) He had communicated his information to the hon. member for Tralee, who had premised to mention it in his speech. He (Mr. Grace) had, however, listened in vain for the ex pected retraction, and he now appealed to the hon. member to say whether what he stated was or was not the fact (Hear, hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL admitted the truth of the hon. member's statement, but the fact was, that in the heat of debate the matter bad escaped his memory. The statement to which the honourable member al luded was that in which the late Major Matson was accused of sending away two cargoes of emigrants in un seaworthy ships. He (Mr. O'Connell) now confessed his belief that his statement, on a former evening, respecting those ships was not properly founded. (Hear, and laughter.) He had received the statements since has arrival in London, and had no evidence to support them. (Hear, hear.) An Hots. hiesslEß, asked would the hon. member for Tralee give up his authority ? Mr. M. O'CONNELL must decline doing eo. If every one was obliged to give up his authority for any statement he might make, man' members of that house would be placed in an extraordinary position. (Hear, hear.) Mr. S. CRAWFORD said the principle of the bill was coercion, it was an endeavour to suppress cri us by powers unknown to the law. If he thought it would be effectual for its deelared object he might still support it; but hie opinion was, that it world only aggravate the evils it pro fessed to cure. The system of landlordism in Ireland was the cause of all the distresses and crimes in that country. A great deal was said about the landlords' rights. Had the hones no respect for the rights of labour ? Landlords' rights were, in many cases, the .right Of robbery, instead of those of justice. He called auclf rights landlords' wrongs, and he protested, therefore, against their enforcement. Was the tenant to be turned out to die without any chance of redress, and another landlord to be protected in every act of oppression ? If a tenant owed ten years' rent, there must have been some oppression (Laughter.) It was impossible otherwise to account for nab a state of things. If there were a coercive law to pre vent the taking of the lives of laredlords, there should be one to prevent the tale( of thou of tenants. He had formerly proposed a bill empowering the Lord-Lieutenant to prevent clearances from being effected until some provision had been made for those who were to be ejected. He would ask her Majesty's government whether they were now prepared to sanction such a measure ? He would not then go into de tells in reference to his landlord and tenant bill. The object of that bill would be simply to establish all over Ireland the tame system as existed in Ulster. The vagrant law passed after the Poor Law Bill was leading to the greatest *pp m sloe es regarded the poor, and in that reaped_ legW_azioe was needed. He did not contend that a kndlord and tenant hall alone would prove a remedy her the mkt of Ireland. Many concurrent measures were seeded, amongst which wire a waste lands bill: and a hill be facilitating the gale of ensambered estates. (Hear, hear.) Mad all the coercion bilk which had best pawed been effectual to prevent those seemelastigne? It was a power which would act beneficially only ameng u s a Lesple who bad a respect kr the law. ft wee net his in to give any *sous offenders to the bill, and if it was pima the go . I menment meet take the respondbility on thmegivos. lir. MOORE totally dimpled with all then gentionme whe asmensd their determinants to mow aid sagasinse her tho supgrmaim of undoubted Mom viand the introduce den if ammwes for the remedy of undoubted evil. He Monk' Meier to the pmennont his cordial affport in carrying out that tardy act of ju in wblih they had at last brought forward. CMS. HARRIS admitted that Se majority of the memo- is okra of Inland-bad *MY 4111111 *heir duty, and be woad mom bays referred te what the Ma. gentleman had hem town abooreneas is seem kwinstmes, it than ahem eatkowbed sat been attended with the most Mal Iseult*. (Nam) lima with that view he bad pat the Bones an the paper whislitsteed in hisname, but, in oceessenence of the state meat lesde by the right hon. hart. opposite (Sir G. Grey) at Mob of the evenly!, *MIL OM ease at least, the Led sedwg gosh evidence as well kW the law le km wor m gr deneenters from the altar, he amid withdraw that After akw remarks by Sir W. 1111131 BR, who spoke amidst benannel MY he • airings, The home dinied—For the osseed reading 296 Spinet it conetababuy wee find, and a maximum laid down, w hich the Lad-Llestenant could not go, being every county, and 16 for every barony and town. w ere, however, provisions, by whieh the number tosill'a issereased, on the requisi tio n of seven that the number was insufficient he a A and secondly, the number might be peoe l e mation by the Lord-Lieutenant M/ • subsequent act to 100. Since the polio* had bemm hemeaset they had been paid partly out of the consolidated fund and partly out of the county eras. It bad been suggested that power should be given to the Lord-Lieutenant to remove the police from a part of the country which was quiet to a dia. turbed district ; but that power already existed by a Provi sion in the Zth see. of 8 Will. IV. By 2 and 8 Viet., c. 26, a reserved police force was established, which was retained in Dublin, on the principle of a regimental depot, and the man were trained under constsbulary officers ; and a portion of them might be sent oa en emergency to assist in repressing outrage. The number had been increased to 400, and the constabulary generally pasted through this body, which was thus a means of feeding the demand whisk might arise in the police forte is different conetioe What would be done by the third clause of the bill would be to remove the limit placed on the power of the Lord-Lieu- tenant, and to leave it to his discretion to appoint as many constables in disturbed districts u he thought fit. It was also thought desirable to increase the number of the con stabulary depot He hoped it would now be underrood that there was no limit whatever on the number of police that the Lord-Lieutenant could send into proclaimed dis tricts. Hitherto, half the charge had been borne by t he co nsolidated fund, and half by the county, but now the whole charge would be borne by the county. It had been suggested that it would be desirable that the charge for the additional police should not be coextensive with the dis trict; but by this bill, if the Lord-Lieutenant should proclaim any huger district than that in which a police forte wee necessary, they would be appointed to act upon the mei where they were required, sad that part of the district weal be chargeable. There was another point which bad been alluded to by the hon. member for Heath—viz., the appointment of special constables. By the 2nd & 3rd Win. IV., c. 108, powers ware given to call out persons to aid in the execution of the law in disturbed districts. It was, no doubt, clearable that the Lord-Lieutenant should put the power given by that act into force where it could be done safely and beneficially. The hon. member for Meath &aid it was desirable that the people should be taught to sat in their own defence. He (Sir G. Grey) agreed with him, and, under the Special Constables Act , they m i g ht do so. He believed it was correct that Lord De Freyne and his brother, the hon. member for Roscommon, by virtue of that set, had called out their tenantry, who were now sworn in as special constables for that county, and had rendered vale able aid in the suppression of outrage. This example, he believed, had been followed by the other bon. member for Roscommon, and also on the estate of Lord Dillon. Hs had, however, been often told that there were parts of the country where the powers of that act could not be put fa force, for that, *wing to the sympathy with crime which existed, it would not he safe to make the people special con stables. He hoped that this was exaggerated, and that the gentry would aid the government in their attempt to indite. the sound part of the population to share in the repression el crime. There was soother point with regard to the law »- taring to accessories. It was said that the government would not alter the law with regard to the instigators of crime. As hon. friend of his bad to-night given notice of a clause with regard to accessories which would receive his (Sir G. Grey's) attentive consideration. The objections which had been made related to accessories before the fact. The attention of the government and the Lod Lieutenant had been elle traded to this point, and it was their opinion that mem ef punishing and preventing that 01111•99 bed shank bass given by the law ; but there were ether dilienhlios will Pe. treed to evidence of the precis words mod and the wain of individuals who formed an exception to their dem; emit was stated by the Lord-Lieuteuant that the Roman wails clergy, as • body, had rendered most efficient alai'? renewing crime. With regard to the statements made by individuals, whether priests or laymen, there was only one sworn infor mation laid; and the Lord-Lieutenant had stated that if suffi cient grounds were shown that a prosecution might be insti tuted with success, he should not shrink from reforming that duty as well as any other which was required in the administration of ;the affairs of Ireland. Provision, however, wax made for these cases by the existing law. By the 23rd sec. of 9 Geo. IV., c. 54 (by which statute the law of England was made applicable to Ireland), it was enacted "That for the more effectual prosecution of accessories before the fret, if any person should weasel, procure, or command another to commit a felony, either by common law or statute, they !nay be indicted and convicted ; and this even if the principal felon is not convicted." By 10 34, sec. 9, " Every person who solicits, encourages, persuades, or incites another to commit murder, shall be guilty of felony, and subject to capital punishment." He (Sir G. Grey) did not know that any law could be devised more stringent than this. He should not traipses further on the house, but be thought it advisable to endeavour to remove some misconceptions which had arisen, and to answer sug gestions which had been made to him. Sir R. PEEL said that it appeared to him that it would be an advantage if there was a distinct re cital in the present bill of the enactments which the right hon. gentlemen had mentioned, instead of referring to those acts. It might be doubtful, when the enactments were not contaieed is this bill, what was the law, and in cue legal difficulties should arise, which they often did, by the reference in one statute to other acts, it might be advan tageous to recite those onstunta. Sir G. GREY add that he supposed the suggestion of the right hon. gentleseen related to the 17th clause. He did I AM think, If the *bit biaa baronet would look into that clause, that be went ilad say advantage in the reenact ment of the mamma reheard N. The two acts in question, 1b& 18 Geo. HI. 31,1011 &S Will.lV., 0. 44 , commonly called the White h oy At sentained certain penalties, and the preambles mita that the object of the acts was to punish AWNS Wein out of agrarian disturbances nisr then asst. Helm inidesce could be given in a pro seenties it wee nuseisay that witnesses should be called to slaw the state el the faxatary with regard to disturbances ; end if ths jury nee maid that it was snoh as was required by the preamble of the set, then the prosecution was pro ywith. la the peensat bill, not onl was the prelimi riest of the Mietautiances dispensed with , but it would be seashint that the Marin nould have been proclaimed by the Lord-Lieutenant. Mr. J. O'CONNELL mid that in putting the question which he did p t=gimaing of the debate, his object was to give the ens mere &sus of showing that co ercion we. act the may messiase to be applied to Ireland. He had, however, me Mager any hips. The policy of Eng land to Inieul ems sainies. sad se it would continue to the end el the aspen and the pie of Ireland must give thameshee se despair. The Wneasin to this bill whisk led beet wind by In misimbess had meshed no shoe et the atemillea et the tight his. seialsawn but he had shissesst himself with MN te the here el twe leglish maelars, lest semis pectins el the hill Unit wit meet *sir Moss al arewity. At least there might have been so amen fisswary new, to ths bin numbers as that their Medea eidedielle to the bill sicald haws remind an an swer. The YE ems as doubt gales safe. It mast be carried. They ( Nos kin meenses) hid a mt swan et resisting it, not even by wait =this fetus el the hens, which had been cast s be (Kr. O'Connell) &it sat swift mu e im u n t ss rle r i =ty he could serve his belisma However, fees the pain at which the e bti sat a as. bruin in, they coma set sensed in resisting it. They ban defence. The govenseset EWA trample on them, and ea their couna si z they het already done en immay ,by bawled this bill. Was this the ger .111111•ViSON them that they were in error in *Wass thst nothing but *a awn parliament could do yet to their sewn; Wu this the way to Induce them to en me the skinned their lima and which they were pledged be the people ist. Ireland es carry into effect? How could their sje,, diellidiele that the repeal of the union was Ile iiasalle i t= Ireland be removed when even 'Mir ureaswered, while every deference tees p 7 7 .• *linen esmsessid by English members? If thie weeao,it itbe deiced at ones that the Irish mem. be. het act hstisem therm sad that the people of Ireland meet lenge dins& the aseskary ofelecting members. He did net gun the ineesinstissef this hill because he was assured by the right ism penman that it would be partial in its net ft would apply only to certain districts. g p l i t=ele able the Lord-Lieutenant was empowered to asks it applicable to any part of Ireland. Clan soneles ask the assurance given by the right bon. glonldemen? Jny esvaty could be proclaimed , it was not useemeny that it Una be disturbed, and it depended only Me the itof emen t of the Lord-Lieutenant, who was made an absolute attestor ts apply the provisions of the bill to the whole et Ireland. He (Mr. O'Connell) main tabled that this was practically a breach of faith on the pert of the right honourable gentleman. If, tise pessaaCamosamaamt were removed from office, which dm* Plerbefe- _he within two months from the present Maui welts wog pat la the hands of those whom they them selves diglimffiell d = st soh as this bill contained —powers which he abused ? He impugned this bill as boobies's* beseght la violation and in direct breach of the satteentat upon which its substance had been an imas's& big dayegemi auk, by the right hon. bart. at the Wed et Os hens seletneett. He trusted, however, that urea seised sot whew thoughts, some member of the ffeesermist wadi Alma die konas some on planation why s tb ss = bed lase fads. He trusted at the right amber Jer Drogheda (Sir Wm. Somerville), one had bees basyst by the Irish people until he Ind esensetai himself with a coercion ministry, would yst =Mk the same feeling for the welfare of las reentry that he bed manifested when the last messure of sesesion was under discussion in that house. Lax.rtee ening previnsu which had been included in the Mennen he (Mr. J. O'Connell) was Foperedi: pr i oemsamonee, and he asked who It would ad be whils, in order to obtain the unanimous umearremes t and the speedy transit of the bi ll to hews . the government stated was et 110 161 1 ° Ilt imperbaw) Is divide the bill, and in a sheet bill be mast , priding giving pow= to increase the polies ewes eat to alai& sees species of mglaration Units, and prevent anus bang borne lithe disband thin* la ths open day ? To web &lilt he would curet, Vat imbued of this, the government had boundthereprevislons together with clauses which he felt bound to -mailateined that search for arms Oily ought to tea Mired to be mete in the presence ef stleulllwe matliaratei bet evia if a pre** ea that Mist was to. be Wonted is imendtter, still the meant appointment of Mr. ;yin, of Obussi, s a' stipsfaMsq megutrate, did not men any grounds tar awellAwalar aim such a proviso would work w 4. Mr. Rpm baCtaltna.am waive part at election th Tperary, sad , Is tie political and religious suil tie hel been appointed a sti , in the direct teeth of nessehers at county, and for the county Itself. He y odious is Tipperary, end duicussiott. 1' PP'