The Express. — London, England, 1846-09-07 00:00:00

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The Went India mails, except those for Mexico, Honduras, and Havana, will be made up on the morning of the 17th inst. The mails for British North America, Bermuda, and the United States. will be made up on the evening of the 18th inst. The malls for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt. Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, sin Soulkamptost, will be made up on the morning of the 21st inst. TO CORRESPONDENTS. ;~ • , *liras their • . paa sanctioarel-read Dunbilk may wirk, !S .' ~. Ws mast trodsa:lraoy -- Ow:a7si - sc that Is seat to as ; leattimm~itaiss addram um la oosadtmos will rod= mil soiddamormasolad. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE TO REWIRE ANT MANUOICRIPT/1 WHATEVER. •.• AdcertLiemente intended for The Erpreu mast be at the Office by Two o'clock on the day d publication. MOH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE Tm D•,.—Afornirye, 43 ann. past 2: Afternoon. 4 infs. pot 3. To-noaaow.—Marnbig, 16 ann. put 3; Afternoon, 47 ann. past 3. LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 7. THE present Recess can be no holiday for members -charged with government responsibility. The condi tion of Ireland, with her staple of life blighted a second year, presents difficulties, terrible even with the alleviation of the most favourable surrounding circumstances. But when these difficulties are ac companied by alternations of stupid apathy and idle complaints on the part of the wealthier classes in suffering districts, they are enough to baffle the wisest and most active Administration. The correspondence on the government relief measures, lately published, contains evidence of much laudable activity among local committees in co-operating with the executive. Bat it dis plays, alongside of this, an indifference alike to the obligations of property, and the dictates of humanity,on the part of many Irish proprietors, which provokesequal indignation and amazement. It requires all our knowledge of the past history of that country ; —of her titles to property based on violence and wrong; her antipathies of blood, race, and religion ; the alternate oppressions and cajoleries of her English governors; the iron hand of despotism crushing her manly courage and honesty ; the slave's desire for revenge engendering duplicity in her sons, and de forming with untruth, excess, and venality, a national character singularly affectionate, pure, and imagina tive ;—it requires the fullest allowance to be made for all these, to check the unqualified expression of dis gust at the conduct of many of the wealthy and influ ential proprietors in Ireland during the distresses of the last and this year. The officers of the public works and commis sariat often had the greatest difficulty in arous ing these men to do anything, beyond appro priating the largest possible share of government money. While the system of grants continued, applications on behalf of works to be executed flowed in upon the Treasury, through the Board of Works. These demands ; far they were urged not with " the bated breath and whispering humbleness"of applicants ' for relief, but with the rude importunity of claimants 1 of a right ; were accompanied with representations of distress, which were often found, on examination by I the officers of the Board, to be totally unfounded. These hungry scramblers for the dole intended to I avert starvation, were not ashamed to lie in support of I their mendicancy. They became not only begging letter writers, but begging-letter impostors. Be- 4 sides this source of misrepresentation, the reek- I lessness shown in many of the baronies is I incredible. Applications were made "in many cases" for roads, between places not in the ordnance 1 maps, and which could not be discovered by the ' inspecting officer ! Other evils incidental to the prosecution of relief works arose, not from the jobbing tendencies of pro prietors, or the culpable carelessnessof cess-payers, but from the ignorance and often the roguery of the Irish peasantry. The most extravagant expectations were formed of the effects to flow from government employ- I ment. Every public work became an El Dorado. A sort of mania for this labour grew up. The most constant and well-paid toil was abandoned. The great public works of the Shannon and drair.age were left without workmen. And, incredible as it may appear to fore casting English labourers, men who were by measure ment earning Is. 6d. and Is. 7d. per day, quitted those works to take employment on the relief roads at 9d. a day. As a general rule, the class of cotticrs who were really suffering from hunger, worked honestly and well ; and were grateful for the relief afforded in the shape of wages, not charity. But these poor men were often displaced by restless idlers, or systematic fomenters of disturbance ; and the carelessness of local committees in giving employment tickets, is a subject of constant complaint from the officers of the Board of Works. The late Government strove manfully and success fully to avert starvation. This was the object not only of their supplies of grain, but of the works which they sanctioned on the half-loan principle. What they considered was, less the permanence of the good to be effected by the works, than the opportu nity they offered of employing a large distressed population. They were one step in utility beyond such labour-wasting expedients as the treadmill. This we conceive was an error. No doubt, to prevent starvation, by providing employment, was the first duty. But this satisfied, works which gave prospect of permanent good should have been chosen before those which promised no good whatever, or mere individual advantage. The error had two principal canoes, both, we hope, now removed. The money at stake was, half of it, a Government grant. This led to more active exertions for the obtaining corresponding grants from proprietors with a private interest to serve. The Executive were told that a district was starving, and, by the same post, that a road could be made between Castle Dunbilk and Castle Dunshumer, which would employ the distressed population. The application came from the respectable proprietors of thin two abodes, backed by three convenient sew - of own tenantry. The grant henceforth call on • R at all hours and in all weathers, with much more comfort than before. And here the good of the road stops. Moreover, the Government, not anticipating the recurrence of such a calamity, were anxious to set about works which could be readily discontinued with the cessation of famine. This feature was found of course more frequently in works promising little public or permanent advantage, than in those of a more important kind, in which the half-finished operations would remain at once &scandal to the government which originated them, and a source of remonstrance and complaint : a grievance, in short, for the inhabitants of the locality. The intelligence from Ireland brings daily petitions against the discontinuance of works still in progress, or for their resumption where they have been abandoned. The distress, as they urge with melancholy force, is greater, if possible, now than before August. All the reasons which existed to justify Government aid then, exist now in increased force. _ _ _ This state of things will, we fear, throw Lord JOHN RU • SELL into a painful perplexity. The principle of government advances has been changed. Loans have been substituted for grants. Where public money is lent, Government must have some security for its repayment. But few of the works now in progress offer this security, or would have been under taken had it been required before they were begun. The executive says to the landlord, " You must employ your poor. We will lend you the money to set them to work." The landlord replies, " It'fi no use to talk of lending; you must give it to us; PEEL gave it." Lord JOHN RUSSELL may urge that the experience of last year cries aloud against the adop tion of such a course as was then pursued. But his alternative is a distressing one. While the landlord declares, in words, his inability, or, in practice, his indisposition, to do anything for the suffering poor, except as the agent of an almsgiving government, —the minister must risk his character for humanity by refusing, or sacrifice his claim to sound political discretion by giving. Yet, reluctant as we should be to stand between starving Ireland and the bounty of her wealthier sister, we feel that the best interest* of both demand a strict adherence to the altered measures of the present Administration. Landlords, like those represented at the Cork meet ing, seem beat on pauperizing their unhappy island. They must not be allowed, whether involved or un burdened, poor or rich, willing or unwilling, to fling their duties wholesale on to the shoulders of the Imperial Government. If the carrying out of the present measure should require such an adjustment of the real and nominal ownerships of property as will place the actual recipient of the profits of the soil under a compulsory obligation to contribute to the support of its starving sons, we must not shrink from it. One thing is certain. Ireland is bound to support her inhabitants. She possesses ample means somewhere. They must be made applicable to their primary purpose. The Government measure gives facilities for promoting this purpose without any violent displacements. But it requires Irish co-opera tion. It would be well for Ireland that what of her population is able should give this co-operation, before Hunger, against which even Governments are power less, proceed to • rude re-adjustment of rights and duties after its own sadden and irresistible fashion. THE farmer's condition and prospects, under that new era of British husbandry which has opened with the repeal of the Corn-laws, is well worthy of consideration at the present time. The effect of the high prices of the war, we have had other opportunities of showing, was to make farmers rely mainly on price for profit. This led to an undue increase of the size of farms, without a commensurate increase of the capital employed in their cultivation. The Corn-law was an attempt to perpetuate the same state of things as had existed during the war, and reliance on Protection has hitherto prevented farmers from fully perceiving the error of their actual system. The delusions of Protection must now fairly come to an end. In three years, at the latest, the last rem nant of duty on foreign corn will cease, and the British farmer will have to compete in the open market of the world with all other corn growers. Nor need he be alarmed at the prospect. He has the best corn market in the world at his very door. The roads on which his produce is carried are so good, that no where else can more than half the quantity of grain be conveyed by the same expense of animal power ; while the rail road is every day extending itself more and more into all the agricultural districts. The facilities which railroads have already given to our farmers are immense; and facility in conveying articles so bulky as farm produce, is money to the producer. We know a farmer, farming in one of the home counties on the line of a projected railway, who estimates that this railway, when completed, will enable him to gain and save an extra 100/. a year, and that on a farm of only 300 acres. Then mark the vast and industrious population of this country, whose present power of I consumption requires more food than our own soil has hitherto, in ordinary years, produced. Yet any one who knows aught of the circumstances of all classes of our people below the more opu lent, will admit that any reduction in price of the prime articles of food, bread and meat, butter and cheese, would canso a large increase of consumption. All our people are bread-eaters and meat-eaters; and there is not a family between the rank of a moderate tradesman and the day labourer, who would not be greater consumers of bread and meat in the event of a moderate, if permanent, reduc tion of price. This will effectually keep prices here at a comparatively high rate, and render our market the best in the world for the producers of food. That being so, what has the British farmer to fear from foreign competition? He has been told of the fertile fields of Poland, the vast and fruitful plains of Hungary and the Ukraine, and the alluvial soils of the Western States of North America, as the sources from whence corn, especially wheat, can be imported into this country at prices so low as to drive all but our best lands out of cultiva tion. Never was a more complete fiction invented. All authentic accounts from the north of Europe, from the reports of Mr. Jacob in 1827 and 1828 to that of Mr. MEEK and the British consuls in 1842, prove that the quantity of wheat which could be sent from that quarter would not be sufficient, when imported as a regular article of commerce, to affect our markets in any appreciable degree. The exaggerated statements we hear on this point in Parliament and elsewhere are obviously the result of sheer ignorance ; but how an English farmer, who knows the care, and cost, and the amount of preparation and skill, required to grow a gocid crop of wheat, should for a moment give heed to such fairy tales, passes our comprehension. Let us note a few points of the evidence on record as to the cost of producing wheat at some of the places from which our foreign supplies must come. Mr. MEEK states that at Dantzic the price paid by the merchants to the growers of wheat in Poland is generally un derstood to be 235. per quarter, and that 10s. a quar ter more is the cost of bringing it down to that port. Now, one year with another, there is no place from which we should purchase foreign wheat so cheaply as Dantzic, and here we find it costs the native merchant 335. the quarter. To that sum, 10s. a quarter, at least, must be added as profit, freight, and insurance, before it can come into competition in this country with oar home-grown corn. This gives a price of 455. a quarter without any profit to the importer. Now the price of wheat in Jersey and Guernsey, which are entirely supplied by importation, ranges from 475. to 50s. a quarter, and furnishes a striking confirmation of the accuracy of the estimates made by the gen tlemen we have mentioned. From Hungary and the Ukraine, and the Western States of America, the dis tance and difficulties of transit will, in ordinary sea sons, prevent the growers of those countries from of competition our Wheat grow woo vnt hive to-mekt: and in moderately productive lIIMICOM they nay &i -odate on a price of from 455. to 30a. per quarter. When the price is below that rate, it can only be produced by greater abundance of the home growth. And this, inlact, is the competition with which far mere who do not advance—farmers who from any cause are compelled or content to follow an inferior system of husbandry—will have to contend. But will any good farmer assert that he cannot grow wheat upon any land in this country now under tillage, aye, and on wide tracts never yet tilled, at 45a. per quarter ? We do not say that, according to the system pur sued by the great body of farmers, they do now grow wheat at such a cost that 455. a quarter will remu nerate them But that arises from two causes. First, they rely too exclusively on grain as the source of their profit; secondly, they occupy too much land for the capital employed. Both these errors may be traced to the system which grew up under the high prices of the war, and the perpetuation of that system attempted by the corn-laws. And it is invariably found that, in proportionas farmers abandon that erroneous system, they become prosperous. This was forcibly statedby many of the witnesses examined before the committee on agricultural distress in 1836, of which the present Speaker of the House of Com mons was chairman, one of whom, Mr. TisoN, of Norfolk, in answer to the question, " whether it would be possible for farmers to grow wheat to any extent at 40s. a quarter," said, " I know farmers, young, enterprising, skilful men, who say they can grow wheat at 40s. a quarter ; but those are young men of skill and intelligence ; and the fact is, they make their rent, or nearly so, by stock. The great error of the old race of farmers is, that they go, as it is called, to the barn-door for everything." It was abun dantly proved before that committee that no amount of mere plodding industry, such as is the marked cha racteristic of our inferior farmers, can be any effective substitute for skill and capital. What was it that so long rendered Norfolk farming proverbial for its superiority but the greater capital to the acre employed ? In like manner, the Lincolnshire and Northumberland farming, which is now ahead of that in Norfolk, owes its advance entirely to the extension of the system of stock feeding and liberal applications of capital. Indeed, the enterprising farmer who farms highly is the only one who makes his business profitable. Mr. PCSEY, in his account of "Agricultural Improvements of Lincolnshire," in the 4th volume of the Royal Agricultural Society's Jour nal, after describing the improvement of farms on Lincoln Heath by liberal ontlays, says: "Nor has the spiritod outlay on the pert of the farmers been with out Its return. The parish of Umber, 4,000 acne, was formerly let to four tenants at 1232. each, or 2e. 6d. an acre, and all four became bankrupts. It has been enclosed, is now well fanned, excepting what has been planted, and at the present rent (2.55. per acre) the tenants are clang well. In some instances considerable fortunes even have been made. I mar ate the case of Mr. B. Dawson, well known In the count , who occupied the entire parish of Wltheall, 1,600 acres of plc ghed grotmd, with one barn at the homestead. He was one of the gnu who ventured a heavy outlay upon his land ; his yearly bill for bones alone was from 1,500/ to 1,11001. A friend who *eyed at his house for three day. in ISIS, tells me that Mr. Dawson's manage. meat was the very perfection of firming; and you might see a single field of 650 acres in turnips. He died a few years since, and left a large fortune." - - - - Mr. PUSEY also speaks of a farm in the same dis trict, of 1,000 acres, over which he went; on which the tenant kept 110 beasts, and consumed eighty tons of oilcake in the year, and also wintered 3,000 sheep on 250 acres of turnips. We could mention various other instances of high farming which have come ander our own observation, and we have always remarked that the men who farm highest are the most prosperous. It may be said that such a system of high farming can only be carried out by men of great capital and who farm upon a large scale; but that is quite a mistake. It is no doubt true, that the occupier of a large farm, provided he has a propor tionably ample capital, can work his business with greater advantage than a smaller farmer. The com binations of labour, and the divisions of employ ment, are more complete on the large farm than l on the small one. But the smaller farm, with a larger proportion of capital, will prove more profitable than a larger farm with less capital in proportion is its extent. For instance, the occupier of 300 acres, with a capital of 10/. per acre, will make a larger net profit than the tenant of 500 acres with a capital of 61. or 71. per acre. And if by diminishing his occupation he could employ 121. or 15/. per acre, we are convinced his profits would be increased. When we look into the detail of farming operations, the reason of this is plain enough. The farmer em ploying a comparatively large capital, grows a great proportion of roots and green crops for the mainte nance of cattle and sheep, and in so doing he cleans and brings his land into the best mechanical state for producing grain; then he buys oil-cake or other artificial food on which his stock is fed, together with the roots and green food ; and thus plenty of manure of good quality is at his command. Now, land highly farmed produces at least one-third more of grain to the acre than land only moderately farmed; while the cost of the acts of husbandry, the rent, the taxes, the labour, and the seed, is not greater, perhaps, when the land is in thoroughly good condi tion ; indeed, in some respects, the cost is not so much per acre in high as in inferior farming. There is a greater net profit for the farmer than he would re ceive from the same amount of capital employed on a larger area. This must therefore henceforth be the main object of the farmer. Ile must disregard price, and seek his profit from the quantity of his produce. Nor does this imply any such change of tenantry, or revolution in husbandry, as Protectionist alarmists would have us believe. There has been for several years past a change going on amongst the average class of farmers in the direction we have indicated ; and we are satisfied that there are arrangements to be made between landlords and their present tenants, even the poorest, by which their business would be come a far better source of livelihood than it has ever yet been. By the usual Peninsular mail packet arrived at Southampton, we have advices from Gibraltar of Aug. 27th ; Cadiz, 28th ; Lisbon, 30th ; Oporto, 31st ; Vigo, Sept. 1; and Corunna, 2nd. The north of Por tugal is still in a disturbed state, but the capital and Oporto were tranquil. An official account had been received at Lisbon of the intended =triage of the Queen of Spain. At Lisbon, too, a report prevailed and was generally credited, that another movement of Spanish troops, to the amount of 3,000, towards the Portuguese frontiers, was about to take place. We have received by express our private correspond ence and the Paris journals of Friday and Saturday. The Chamber of Deputies, after a conversation on the incendiary fires, and a debate without interest on the electoral law and the elections, voted unanimously, on Thursday, the address in answer to the King's speech. There were only 231 votes recorded, the Opposition deputies having refrained from voting. The Minister of the Interior made the following remarks on the incendiary fires : " I am of opinion that, of the numerous fires which have troubled certain departments, many are not to be imputed to malevolence, nor to criminal causes. "As to criminal causes, justice and the police, which have been so violently attacked just now, have done all in their power to detect them; but it is not easy to do this, or to dis cover the truth. For my part, I see much danger in discuss ing the facts, and in presenting them under the form most likely to disturb the public mind, as has been done, unfor tunately, by some journals. You are all aware what popular uneasiness is, uneasiness often destitute of common sense, but still it must be calmed, and especial care should be taken not to excite or inflame it. Justice is at work, and occupied in dis covering the guilty. As to the police, is it true, as has been asserted, that, absorbed in politics, it has incited the interests of society in reference to these fires ? Gentlemen, Ido not hesitate to give this assertion the most unequivocal denial. The police as constantlT on the alert, and uses every possible means to detect the guilty ; but you know from cape lence of the past how difficult it is to arrive at the truth. In 1830, you were enabled to judge of these difficulties ; the same evil was produced, and the same inability experienced. The government and the police are called upon too frequently to demonstrate the reality of alarms which are merely chime rical. We see nunserosu accounts of fires more frequently during seasons of great dryness. When fires multiply, they may be often imputed to accident, sometimes to nialw ; and hos fro it. — e — eiie - aatikeTia - 4 ate toDck nem drill ea frisurastea antbil4u hat dateotadxand de* K t4i ataxia fin: Under rinairailatirea P i nups add , As butpna r ' -• do, and " t ant ioniser. Is all mans of government hese thing Si to re the utmost vigilance and Activity. elm 111 MO" severity. This has been done- by thd Reopen ot= He has directed a rigorous application of the laws, and the polies also, underthe orders of the Minister of the Interior, has displayed the utmost activity." The sddrera•of the Clamber of Deputies was pre sented to the King on Thursday evening: - - it - ran u follows : " Sire,—The Chamber of Deputies has promptlyresponded to the call of your Majesty. The will of the Charter had to be accomplished, and we were all anxious to lay before the constitutional throne our respect and our oaths. Your Ma lesty announces to us, that at the period of our ordinary abours you will lay before us measures connected with the domestic and foreign affairs of the state ; we will then enter into an examination of the questions which regard all the inte rests tithe country, its prosperity, and its grandeur; but at the present moment, we have a most pleasing mission to fulfil. France has charged us to bear to 7eu the faithful expression of the sentiments with which she is penetrated tow‘rda you and your family. In honouring us with her suffrages, she has loudly declared that between her and you, between her and your dynasty, the alliance is indissoluble. Sire,—You have learnt from your youtk to love and serve France ; there are no trials which you have not supported, no dangers which you have not every day incurred, to secure her repose and her happiness. Providence protects you, and will pro long that reign which the will of the nation has founded for the safety of our laws and of our liberties. Both your children and ours will reap the fruits of our common efforts, and, as a lasting recompence, your name will for ever dwell, beloved and respected, in the recollection of the country." His Majesty returned the following reply : " Gentlemen of the Chamber of Deputies, —I receive with much gratification this fresh testimony of the sentiments which animate you. It is a precious pledge of the happy concord existing amongst all the powers of the state, which is at once the guarantee of our liberties, and that of the tranquillity and prosperity of France. lam deeply moved at your generous wishes for my family and myself. You know that, devoted from our youth to the service of onr country, the sweetest reward of our devotion is to deserve well of her, and to obtain from the nation that affection and confidence of which you have just given me such a touching On Friday the Parliament was prorogued by Com mission to the 11th of January. A petition is in the course of preparation in Paris for the abolition of slavery in the French colonies. It has already acquired numerous signatures of members of the Institute, the Bar, of scientific and literary men, of jud res, magistrates, and electors. Amongst them are those of the Abbe de la Mennais and Beranger. The mail packet the Rhamses, arrived at Marseilles, has brought the news that the Prince de Joinville, with his aides-dc-camp, and some officers of the squad- ' ron, had left Naples for Rome, where he intended to remain for a few days. The squadron was divided between the stations of Naples, Baid, and Castellamara. The Duke of Montpensier has returned to Stras bourg from his excursion in the Grand Duchy of Baden, where he was welcomed by the grand ducal family with every mark of regard and affection. M. Damon, the French Minister of Public Works, is about to leave Paris for England, accompanied by M. Tessarene (depu y), there again to inquire into the rezata queeho of railways, and the share which the government should have in the controul of the operations of the companies. By a royal ordonnance of the 4th September, Vice- Admiral Drivel ceases to in active service. He is succeeded by Rear-Admiral Dupetit-Thouars, pro moted vice-admiral. Post-Captain Brnat is appointed rear-admiral. It is quite certain (writes a well-informed Paris correspondent) that the arrangements just published concerning the Queen of Spain's marriage had the full concurrence of the French Cabinet, if indeed it were not concluded at its suggestion. The point for King Louis Philippe to gain was, that the marriage of the Due de INlontpensier with the Queen's sister, Donna Luisa, should take place at the same time as the marriage of Queen Isabella. M. Guizot, it is said, does not expect that the assent of the English Government will be given without some difficulties ; but he does not seem to fear that it will be withheld. Our letters from Madrid of the 30th ult. state that the Government had despatched a courier to Rome with letters to Senor Castillo y Ayensa, urging him to request from the Pope a dispensation for the mar riage of the Queen with her cousin Don Francisco D'Assises. El Contetelo remarks that the ministry, desirous of profiting by the convocation of the Cortes to give effect to General Narvaez's application to return to Spain, has sent an intimation desiring him to take his seat in the senate. El Clamor contains a manifesto from the Progressist party, expressing their satisfaction at the union be tween the Queen and lion Francisco, which they consider as "homage paid to public opinion," and add their wish to see " the two daughters of Ferdinand VII. united at the same time to the two sons of the Infant Don Francisco de Paulo, and as Spaniards they (the Progressistas) will by a ll lawful means oppose the union of the Due de Montpensicr with Donna Luisa. The Madrid papers of the 31st ultimo, are solely occupied in discussing the projected marriage of the Queen of Spain. PARIS, San. 3. The parliamentary prologue of the session is over. The Chamber of Deputies has verified the powers of its memben', and voted without discussion the address in reply to the speech from the throne ; the deputies are returning to their departments, and the moment therefore come for examining in what manner the ministry and the majority have employed the power which the elections have recently given them. I think I have already stated to you that this power was obtained by surprise ; that the pistol shot fired at the king, and made use of against the opposition by the agents of the ministry, by exciting the fears of the timid, de termined a great many to give their votes to the government candidates. But public opinion, recovered from this stupor, is eager now to make its protest. The municipal elections, which remained to be decided, have terminated entirely in favour of the opposition. I will give you a striking instance. In the town of Dieppe 14 of the municipality vot ed for the ministerial candidate ; not oue of them has been re-elected, but their places have been filled by as many members of the opposition. These results show, almost in forcibly as direct evidence, that if there were a greater number of electors in France, the opposition would regain all its chances, and that the majority of the country is not with the ministry. Let us see, now, to what uses the ma jority in the Chamber and the Government have turned their power. Assuredly I exaggerate nothing in saying that similar conduct in a country where the principles of repre sentation are more ancient and better established would ex cite universal repulsion. The Chamber, in fact, has shown itself rigorous even to injustice towards the opposition depu ties, and lenient even to partiality towards the conservative party. The only rule that has been followed in making its decisions on the verification of powers, has been that of arbitrary will and political rancour. A hundred in stances might be adduced. I will confine myself to a few. The election of M. Couvers, an opposition member was annulled for the sole reason that an elector about to give his vote was accompanied by a person a stranger to the elec toral college ; two days afterwards, the majority refused to annul the election of M. Blanqui, a ministerial deputy, re turned by a majority of three, although two unqualified persons voted, and a third, a stranger to the college, was in troduced into the assembly during the proceedings. The return of M. Mater, the deputy for Bourges, was not invali dated, although he had entered into an engagement with the electors not to remain a deputy longer than a year; and the Chamber did invalidate the election of M. Drault, the de puty for Poictiers, under the pretext that he had accepted an imperative mandate from the electors. On this occasion, the Minister for Foreign Affairs came forward in the tribune to enunciate a theory which certainly no one will contest in France, that if deputies accept imperative mandates— if they sacrifice their liberty of opinion and action so far as to prevent themselves from profiting by the knowledge which may be elicited from a debate, instead of a representative government, France, like Switzerland, would possess a federal one. This is enough to show that the charter does not recognise imperative mandates, and that engagements of this sort are virtually null. But ought the nullity of such a convention to carry along with it the nulli fication of the election ? Should a deputy be excluded from the Chamber under the pretext that he had entered into an engagement with the electors to vote in one particular way rather than another? The rhetoric of M. Guizot failed to establish this point. M. Odilon Barrot maintained with reason that lithe Chamber arrogated to itself the power of quashing the election of one of its members, for no flagrant violation of the law, but by reason of consequences which might have such or such relation of the elected with the electors, it would enter upon an unlimited, arbitrary course ; that it would in that case constitute itself the judge, not only of facts, but of opinions ; that it would pronounce upon the worthiness or unworthiness of its members; that it would erect itself into a Star Chamber, or a tribunal of the Inquisition. What is bath curious and scandalous at the same time is, that M. Chazot, a ministerial deputy, entered into an engagement with the Legitimist electors, much mo.e formal than that which had been agreed to by M. Drault; that this engagement, which has been published in the papers, was known to the Ministry and the Chamber ; and that the majority which excluded M. Drault admitted M. Chalet. Thos we see that the friends of the Ministry are not ashamed of having two weights and two measures. They ' judge the same case differently, according to the persons • concerned in it. Is not this commencing its career under a ' brilliant and, above all, a loyal flag? M. Guizot, in his ' triumph, will give a high opinion of himself and his majority to the public of Europe. - You are aware that the derision win only obtained by a relative majority of seventeen. Several members of. the ministerial party voted on that occasion with the opposition ; several more were absent. The coop d'etat has, therefore, not been successful, and, in feint of fact, as a first result, the ministry in endeavonnag to drag its majority with it into reactionary' proceedings, has dismembered and all but com promised it. The opposition made every effort to save one of its members, and, what is much dearer to it, the dignity of the Chamber. But it sees with a degree of pleasure, which it does not seek to hide, that the majority thus adopts so vio lent a line of politics. No violent assembly has a long career before it; and let it be remembered that it stirs np public opinion against it. The Chamber of 1847 has opened ill, and I doubt very much if the Ministry will give it an oppor tunity of recovering itself. The programme of the session, which I shall make known to you, consists only of bills of no importance, or such as are not framed with a view to reform. It is certainly not from amongst the ranks of the Conserva tive party in France that progress will go forth. 0. CONSTANTINOPLE, Auo. 19. The visit of Mehemet Ali terminated on Monday the 17th. On the afternoon of that s U as he embarked on board the Turkish steamer Esseri-Di adamdegl by As Sultan's chamberlain, Hamid Bey, who siattmepmay blaa to Alexandria. His suite followed in an Egyptian stessur. As I mentioned in a preceding letter, the viceroy will Arse direct his course te Havana, his native place, a town OIL al eastern limit of Macedonia with a population of 9,000 soda It is said that he intends, during the few days of kis stay there, to take up his residence at the house in which his youth was past ; and that orders were sent from Constanti nople merely to put the place in repair ; but otherwise to leave everything as nearly as possible in the same state as whin he quitted that modest home to seek his fortune as a soldier of the Porte. Since his elevation to power he has built a mosque and a school at Kavalla, which will no doubt profit by his liberality on the present occasion. Previous to the viceroy's departure from Stambol, he was enter tained at dinner both by the Sultan's mother and aunt. It must not, however, be understood by this that those ladies of the imperial family who are, by the way, the leaders of the ton among the Otto man fair—were present, either veiled or otherwise, at n l co 'he ld z ece bu p t ti b on arri o n f g M a eh fe em w e occu t Al i i ons at t h e o e p i e h h ouses. a . b e e the festive table : but simply that the entertainments were gi co ve ne n tan at on which the indispensable canons of Turkish etiquette reduced him to the level of a vassal of the Sultan, no sove reign prince could have been treated with more distinction, or with more attention to his comfort and entertainment. Not a day has passed without some fite to vary the course of his stay, given by the magnates of the land. But perhaps the most interesting exhibition at which the viceroy was present was the examination for medical degrees, at the college of Galata Serai. This useful institution was founded by Mahmoud, who has placed over the gate this remarkable inscription: "Whoever sees me shall say, Well done (Apheria)." The Sultan brought his little son, Murad Effendi, with him, a child of live years old, and set him at his left, on one of the steps of the dais that supported the imperial chair. Mehemet Ali sat in an arm-chair at the foot of the dais, sad the Grand Vizier below Murad Effendi upon the left. On either side a screen extended between this select party and the Sultan's suite : while in front the professors and the catechumeni performed their parts, the former standing up and the latter occupying by turns a seat in the centre of the examination hall. It is a curious and interesting example of the penetra tion of our institutional forms into the East, the fact of a set of youths, partly Christian, partly Mussulman, going through the ceremony of supporting their theses, putting on their doctors' gowns, taking their diplomatic oaths, and being formally invested with the dignity of doctor, in the presence Of the Sultan and his ministers. The candidates were examined vied voce, some is Turkish, some in French, by the different professors, among whom Gaetani Bey, the vice roy's physician, mingled, putting in an extra question every now and then to the examiners. Then forty midwives and more, who had attended the obstetrical lectures of the school, received their diplomas. Lastly, prizes were distributed to the most proficient pupils. The report which the bead pro fessor, Dr. Spitzer, presented to the Sultan, upon the pro gress of the institution, presents some points of interest. Galata Serai is not merely a medical school. It is, like our London University, a seminary where every sort of know ledge needful to complete education is taught. Or rather it is a combination of the school and university, each science being inculcated from its simplest rudiments up. Thus the lowest are taught to read, write, and count, while the highest are occupied with their medical and philosophical studies. The whole course embraces ten years. The institution failed at its first establishment by Mahmoud, because no prepara tory school existed which could serve as a stepping-stone to the scientific education proposed to be conferred by the university. But since the incorporation of the lower school, the introduction of a course of French, as well as the complete acquisition of the native tongue, and the correspondent extension of the term of study neceaury to arrive at a degree, the establish ment has answered perfectly well, and is now the most com plete educational institution in Turkey. Through the means of this medical college, a vast empire, now either totally destitute of the medical faculty, or dependent upon casual foreign practice for remedies against the multftudi nourdiseases that flesh is heir to, will be gradually supplied , with competent native practitioners. Nor is the system adopted less important in a spiritual than in a medical sense. For it is founded on the levelling of religious distinctions, and on the co-education of Christian and Mussulman. Doubtless the intimate relations that must hence be esta blished between the professors of these rival creeds, who sit in the same class, and are competitors in the same race of knowledge, will extend beyond the school, and lay the foun dation of lasting friendships between men whose cultivated minds and superior position will enable them to show an efficacious example of toleration to the rude fanatical popu lations of the provinces. The education of Galata Serai is gratuitous : the pupils are clothed and fed at the expense of the state. Notwithstanding this benefit, such was the euspi- I cion, ignorance, and bigotry of the people, that they would not send their hildren to a school where they would be con taminated by the intercourse of a rival religious community. Dr. Spitzer says that eight years ago the prolessors could not pick up eighty pupils to begin their course with. Whereas, at the present time, although the coll eg e can accom modate 400 pupils, several hundreds are obliged annually to be refused admittance, such is the anxiety of parents, both Christian and Mussulman to avail themeelvee of the benefit of an education and proression for their children. is not this a most manifest illustration of the progress of toleration in this country I—a healthy symptom and a happy augury for the final amalgamation of these conflicting races ? The system is to select five candidates yearly from each of the tirenty-fi ve provinces. At the end of ten years, such as issue clear and competent from the ordeal are to return to the provinces that sent them up, and be distributed conveniently through the different towns. They are to be exempted from military service. Tie great number of candidates rejected, by reason of the restricted limits of the college buildings, has given rise to the establishment of an outside clan. These are neither fed nor clothed at the expense of the government, nor do they receive any appointment. They are admitted simply gratuitously to the advantages of in struction. No doubt the efficiency of Galata Serai as a medical school is at present greatly clogged by the necessity of incorporating the lower school of preparatory elementary instruction. But it will be released from this burthen by the Normal School, with the organization of which the Council of Public Instruction is at present occupied. A large palace near Yenikeav, commenced by Mousse Saffeti ' Pacha, while Minister of Finance, but now suspended and with windows boarded up, has been fixed upon for the locale of the Normal School. One of the first uses which has been drawn from the medical skill placed at the diepoeal of the governmset, by the school of Galata Beret has been, to introduce an important regulation into the army. The conscripts, up to the present time, never underwent any sur gical examination, as to their fitness for service. The con sequence is the presence of a large number in the troops, who arc not only perfectly incapacitated from bearing arms, but in their weak and crippled state, are subjected to all the exercises demanded from a man in perfect health—an arrangement at once cruel, prodigal, and detrimental to the service. But henceforward, surgeons are to be established in all the provinces, by whom the conscripts will be examined at the head towns of districts, previous to enrolment in tho ranks. An occurrence has just taken place., which exhibit?, in a pleasing light , the better understanding that is growing be tween Turkey and Greece. In May last, I mentioned that a Greek trading-vessel was carried by the rapid current of the Bosphorus against a Turkish frigate. The Turkish Admiral Ahmed Pacha exerted himself with energy and success to release the Greek craft from her critical position. The Greek captain publicly tendered his thanks to the Pacha by a letter in the papers for the service he had rendered. Later, the Greek government has very gracefully and dexterously seized this occasion for presenting, through M. Argyropylo, the Greek charg4-d'affaires at the Porte, the cross and ribbon of the Order of the Saviour. The Admiral deferred the proposal to the Sultan, who has, with a praiseworthy liberality, recommended him to accept the decoration. The attempt upon the life of the Prince of Samoa has pro duced to great a sensation among the Greeks here that I have thought proper to obtain some more detailed intelli gence concerning this affair than I sent you before. The name of the assassin is Constantine Stammatiades, and his family is one of the most distinguished of Samos. The father of Constantine was beheaded at Constantinople during the Greek Revolution. And there is no doubt but that the infernal machine was designed to pay off what its desperate contriver considered as a heavy debt of vengeance: for, whether with any shadow of justice or net, the family imputed the father's destruction to Prince Vogorides, against whom they mined to cherish an old feudal grudge. Notwithstanding this, Constantine was not too proud to receive an office which the influence of Vogorides procured for him at Samos in 1834, But his republican intrigues and agitation milled him to be dis missed. Nevertheless, the promise of his youth, and his ta lents, procured his pardon andrestoration. He was dismissed and reappointed as many as three times. In 1840, Constan tine Stammatiades took a leading part in a revolutionary movement at Samos ' which had for its object the indepen dence of Samos from the Porte, but which was strangled in its birth, through the information given to the government by a Santorinote priest. It was then that Moustafa Bey was sent at the head of an expedition to re-establish order in the island. Constantine was condemned to death, and his pro perty confiscated. But he succeeded in escaping to Smyrna, and thence to Athens. There he became connected with one of the oppositionpurnals, and indulged in violent articles against the Turkish government and the Prince of Samos. He was demanded by the Porte to be given rap as a con demned traitor ; but the Greek government sent him to Paris to finish his studies as an advocate. It seems that he must have constructed, or got constructed, his infernal box in the French capital. He arrived here baggage . into a Mete trading vessel. I • calque and effected the delivery of the residence at Arnoutkeni, in the manne From thence he made has way across tls tars ; and thence came over in disguise took refuge at the house of his aunt. 1 his beard, and was to have put on a (ems Greek bookseller, of the name of Lazari been intimate with him, detected him, in the police, it is said, for a considerable Iced, this is the Greek story. It is little Greeks, that, so fax from evincing the b cowardly an attempt at assassination honest man, they have, on the contra able sympathy with the assassin ; and betrayed him has to be escorted through cavashes, to save him from the knives of —with which islanders the family of Cons by marriage. The prisoner has three bras in commerce, and the third a physician, delphia, in America. The eldest brother prison four year; ago for some delinquent was released from thence by the exertion Canning. Both he and another brother threatened by the police, have concealed the prisoner was taken he stabbed the is abdomen; but the wound is not dangers% ME) Since my last communication of tl little alteration has taken place in public interest is centred in the change of person and considering the sad truth, that the 121 tern are as useless and as little worth as th , cannot have much interest either. Pared nothing during the whole period of his ad greater portion of his army Mu marched h sions, in all about five thousand men, August he proposes leaving this with aboi men more. I esterday General Nicolas I heroes of the war of independence, amid He is a man of weak mind, ignorant, and tical opinion, not to say principle. yet been able to form a Cabinet, 1 that General 'filed() Mora Pillars the office of Minister of War, which him, as well as Don Manuel Edoardo foreign affairs, Don Antonio Garay that of Luis Gordon that of justice. No particnb party is observable in this choice, and it is, to form a prophecy of the chances of in cabinet. It is stated that it is the intend ment to fall back upon the Bases organics present congress, and proceed to the electi according to the rules laid down in the Bo to foresee the fate the next six or twelve to this distracted country. Ousdalaxara holds out well; its citizens under the banner of Federacion against government, which suffered a severe loam i Santa Maria de Gracie. The garrison of taken by surprise, and were either taken p by the Pronunciadoes. Among the killed officers of the Republic, General Gonzales able as the first instance of a Mexic killed in battle. They die either in upon the scaffold. In the south, Oaxaca remain firm to their op; existing government, and without losing g Xalaps, in • large Indian village Costa in favour of Santa Anna and of Federacior That Vera Cruz and its garrison will soon ple, it is easy to foresee. The capital is no of troops, and the consequence of this is all in the many robberies which are committed For the past week nine of the dilizences, Mexico from different parts of the repub and robbed; the depredators moving at eighty and more. A poor Frenchman was clued within the bounds of the city. It that when Paredes, with his small divisi marched from hence, there will be a prom capital in favour of Santa Anna and Fe former be forty leagues distant. The ve he will leave behind, may either be bribed i great facility. Santa Anna's party will hand without a doubt, for they are act like their chief, and know how to gain ow need be, civilian. This, then, is our oonditi On the frostier there is no obstacle to th enemy. According to our information, 14,000 men under his command, and if hi vanced further into the country, it is h reason unknown to us he does not chow garrison of Santa Fe (the capital of New withstand the 16,000 Yeatries who are them, and so the whole portion of the Texas and the Rio Grande, equal in exten France, rich in mines in the immediate Tic will unavoidably fall into the hands of the even a struggle on the part of the governm prevent it. We hear daily of enthusias thousands upon thousands to press eagerly I land, volunteering their services in this upon an almost defenceless enemy, one volunteer has come forward, of pro aria et foci,. It is said that Paredes i upon Guadslaxam, instead of upon San Lu the heart of the insurrection which threaten I cannot believe it, for he would lose man, valuable time. He would be wise if he • 2,500 men who besiege Guadolaxaro, to j , forced marches join General Mcjia, who largest of the cities of the north), with sou remains of the late Mexican army, and wit of men and money (he has 1,600,000 dollar against the enemy. He would have in chance of beating General Taylor, and if ment were to arm the population of the the some old Guerilla chiefs to direct and lea getting to send also some good impressi up their fanaticism, if all this were done, war, more honourable to Mexico than the torious United States are likely to make, make expected. But unfortunately nothing of done. Paredes will wait the event at Ss ever be the president of the next administra of a revolutionary movement, he will be CI peace d told prix.—Mr. Francis Morphy Monday it is said with a commission from Mexican bonds to negotiate with the gover the " Deferred Debt." Ido not believe th allow himself to be gulled into granting or ling, for it is impossible for the finances ofi in a worse condition than are those of Mexic Commerce and trade are at a stand still, fa, day, and such a want of confidence is the you cannot borrow a thousand dollars security.—Santa Anna's arrival at Ver petted from day to day, but h( to come into this country until t distinctly pronounced in his favour, else run the risk of being shot on lm war, but nature herself, seems determined on us. The rainy season has begun with sv violence, that great inundations have doves in several districts—for example, Camargo, of the north, has been almost destroyed b; watery. _ _ P.S. July 30.—1 take advantage of a few to communicate to you the news of this su, Garay, Mora Guevas, and Ramirez, the j been called upon by General Bravo to tak, dared their willingness to join the governs' tion that General Bravo promise in writ forthwith despatch persons with full pow tures for peace to the United States; seco dissolve Congress and proceed to the electio according to the law of 1824.—This pros' peace, or at least a cessation of hostilities ie all commerce not to be immediately Mad You will be pleased to learn that several I subscribed to the Daily News, as also, the columns on May 7 has created a considerab FRANCE.—GRAND BANQUET TO ~1 Boanzeux.—On Tuesday the Ist inst., was given by the free-traders of Bordeau Cobden. Three hundred persona sat do Duffour Dubergier in the chair. After toasts, the chairman proposed the health o and passed a high encomium on the Mr. Cobden then rose and spoke as men,—Allow me to express to you fron sincere feelings of gratitude for so many ship and sympathy. When I cast my eye assembly, and recollect that I am a to your language as to your custom most of you individually, I feel how even for a few moments to command your my confidence is restored to me on the thou the midst of Frenchmen, whose courtesy is to excuse the embarrassment of a stranger. the few words I venture to address you, I same reserve as I imposed upon myself when of addressing the free-traders of Paris. be regarded solely as your guest, and not r the principles of free-trade. France does in the path of civilisation , and any such a particularly out of place at Bordeaux, a the public spirit of its inhabitants, as tier of eminent men to whom it Nevertheless, I should be wanting I pretended to be ignorant of the symp among your fellow-eitirens for the pine' England is not ignorant of the fact. Yo merous meetings declared them to the language, the eloquence of which was England. Your excellent mayor also ho visit. He was by my side on the tribune, audience, and received a warm and hearty free-traders. We listened to him at Mar tened to the profession of his principles, as those of the fine city entrusted to his gentlemen, you will not disavow the preset presentative. Gentlemen, I must avow I d this atmosphere of commercial liberty. men of our own principles, it seems that I and that energy acquires new vigour. W Greater freedom of action, a more ample spirit of enterprise, enfranchisem.nt fi which shackle our movements, and the , barriers which impede our progress. Free labour of man to the lowest scale possible, an of his labour to the highest by that won combination. There exist aind•hearted who dream of a better and different socu ask them to examine onr principles, and I our aim is to realise their hopes, that L according to his capacities and his labour. by the mortice of monopolists, that we pl TILL z