The Express. — London, England, 1847-01-21 00:00:00

.. ~ -,~ ..y: uramir. • ' 11. fie provide increased accommodation when the W01111101b5...- ... full. He believed the fart to be that the power of doing so was already exercised. In the eau of the Castiebar union,. accommodenon being provided for 600. the boned ef guardians had so grossly neglected their duty, rto have thut the dears, and there were to fact only aboth • harimil end thirty in the workhouse ; and es, neeergitheindle beg all the remonstrances of the comodmieners and the me is tant-eornmissioners, they had refused to make Ike lip! and necessary provision, the poor-law comminionem • it announced their intention of dissolving the board, and =Cog a paid body in its stead. (Hear.) He could not sit without 'eying a word with regard to Scotland. He bad been brought into immediate communication with the , goeprietors of the Western Highlands. The distress in that part of the country had been most severe and appallieg ; but to this he mast also add that the exertions of the landlords had been most energetic, and the sacrifices made by them highly creditable to them as a body. (Hear, hear.) They had rendered their estates chargeable to a great extent by the employment of labour. Two deaths had occurred upon the estates of a proprietor, whose conduct at first formed as exception to the general rule, but even that landlord hail been ioduoed to change his course. He hoped that, through the continued exertions of the Highland landlords. aided by the *lineation of the Drainage Act pawed last session, Scotland would be able to struggle through the present crisis. Mr. CALLAGHAN thought it wan not generally known in Ireland that the provision mentioned by the preceding 'meeker had been mule by the government. He complained that while there were many depots filled with food, the starling people were not able to obtain a supply ; end ha impressed upon the government the necessity of making au alteration in that respect. Mr. HAMILTON expressed his gratitude to the govern ment for the announced establishment of soup-kitchens, than whirls no more effectual means of relief could be pro vided. it. hod always obi:eted on principle to outdoor relief; but, as chairman of a board of guardians, he had lately proposed to depart from the common rule, and he was sorry that the Poor-law commissioners had refused to sanc tion such a step. Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that the Irish Poor-law was oppr ',ire, unjust, cruel, and anti-Christian; the principle adopted being that not one farthing of outdoor relief should be administered under any circumstance.. The memorial addressed to the Lord Lieutenant by the guardians of Skibliere.n stated that the poor-holm was built for 800 inmates, anal that it now contained 1,169 • that there were ill with dysentery or fever 132 ; that of the resident staff seven were afflicted with fever; that the • nurse had demanded her discharge, the apothecary had ten ; 'erect bin resignation, and the guardians had cc wed holding • sir chaises in the board-toom. Tinder such circumstances w t . 7 s'muld the commissioners refuse to; allow out-door re het ? There had been instances of starvation, on which the hr ics were actually receiving &l. or lid. a day. He main taLon that relief ought not to depend on voluntary subscrip tjeeh but that the property of Ireland should be taxed for that t .urpose. (Hear, hear.) He complained of the nature •o f t h e present assessment, by which the tenant was required the ss hole amount, being leR dependent upon the to pny 11 for the return of a part. This was a hardahip which landlon ought nt to bo allowed to continue. The attention of the guterhei , -nt should he directed to the providing seed for the aiming 'moth The people could not provide seed for themselves ; and if the land were net cropped, the result would bee. I aggravation of Irish distress. Mr. F . tENCH had risen solely on account of what had w ee from th e Home Seen '.try relative to the workhouse at Castleber. must any that he considered the course pur sued in that case s'ejudimous, if not dangerous. The guar dialog had found it 'impossible to collect the rates, and some , of them lard benevolently taken upon themselves the respon sibility of feeding the inmates. Was it to be said that the guardians on that account ware to be banded over to the . tender mercies of the commissioners ? [An opposition ' member : Did the guardians get their own rents?] Really he ( Mr. French) could not answer fu: all the guardians; but this he knew, that some of them got no rents at all, t and were acting from purely philanthropic motives. He could safel7 say, that in many eases in Ireland the landlords were burning the candle at both ends, failing to get their I rent, and yet being called on to support the poor, Mr. LEFROY, as an eye-witness of the distress in Ire land, felt it due to the constituent' who had so strongly pres,ed him to represent their present unhappy condition, not to be silent ou the present occasion. He begged to say, in the first place, that he had heard the at demunt of her Majesty's government, respecting the noun kiteliens,with much gnatificatiou, and that he had felt great satisfaction at the tone they had taken throughout the debate, with reference to the subject generally. The Lord-Lieutenant and the Secretary for Irciund, were, he could bear witness, doing all they could to premote the interest .if that country, and he thought that they deserved the gratitude of every Irish man. With regard to the landlords of Ireland he must in sincerity say that he was less satisfied with the way in which they had been alluded to in these debates. The manner of the hon. member who had interrupted the last speaker was extremely galling. lie (Mr. Lefroy) was prepared to say that many of the landlords of Ireland were using every exertion to save their poor from starvation. He knew the whom rents fed short last year by • 6,0001. of their annual amour.t, and yet who was supplying multitudes of poor. Ile knew others who were reducing their establishments, and in every way cur tailing their expenditure. in order to meet the wants of the people. A friend of his in Sligo had spent 3,0001. in Indian corn, m order to have a supply of food fur his tenantry; and although he did not expect to sink all this money, yet be would undoubtedly lose the interest of it, and probably • great part of the principal. If there was any clans of people in Ireland who were not doing their duty, it was the class of corn-fasters, many of whom were undoubtedly enriching themselves at the expanse of the lives of the poor. It was the duty other Majesty's government to meet these persons by securing for the country a supply of provisions at a rate which the people could fairly pay. lie entreated them also i to guard, ne far as possible, against the recurrence of dis tress, by permitting their funds to be expended not in use less and unprofitable works, but in seed, in drainage, in sub soiling, and in general improvements of the land. It might be said that in asking for this, he was asking for assistance for the landlords; but let it be remembered that he had no desire to save the landlords from fair taxation for the support of the poor. He thought, indeed, that, as he said before, the landlords had been treated with some degree of harsh ness. The grave and wholesale charges which had been uttered were extremely dthsterous and impolitic, and it was also moat unfair to raix up the innocent with the guilty, and force those who were doing all they could for their tenants to stand up in that house and boast of what they were doing, in order to repel the charges made against the class to which they belonged. Having attended the landlords' meeting which had been held in Dublin, he felt bound to say, in addition, that the kindliest feelings were expressed thereat towards the people of Englund, and th it he was sure if the parliament of England would do its duty, they would find the 1 indlords of Ireland ready to make them a grateful ratan for the favours they conferred. Mr, P. BORTHWICK rose, not to addrees himself to the Irish question, or to those points relating to treaties which had been made the suli,ect of such curious comments last night by a member of the "happy far ily on the opposite side of the house. What he desired was, to seize the oppor tunity of adverting to a subject comparatively undiscussed, and to point out, with a view to make the fact known and felt throughout Europe, that there was no clue or party in this country which slid not sympathise with her Majesty . in the protest stated in the speech to have been entered against the Eloutpensier marriage. [An hon. member : There was no protest inewioned.] No, not exactly a protest, but a refer ence—an allusion to correspondence which might include a protest. (Laughter.) But what he wished to dwell upon was the way in which one of the parties to this matter had been treated by the French ministry. Ile alluded to the sons of Don Cerles, the eldest of whom, under the incognito of the Conde de Montemolin, was at present resident in this metro polis. M. Dineen, in one of the despatches which had been published, stated that the sons of Don Carlos hail by their own acts relinquished their claims to the hand of Isabella. Now, he (Mr. Bmthwick) had reason to believe that it was an incon.rovertible fact that up to tie moment IH. Guisot wrote the despatch. no attempt had been made by the French government to ascertain what were the feelings, the scull rnents, the wishes, or the purposes of Don Carlos's family. (Hear, hear.) After that despatch certain propositions were made and answers returned, but there was no reference to them in the published papers. He should be glad, there fore, to know'from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he was prepared to obtain from France the details of the proposals submitted to the Cond. de Montemolin, end the answers returned by the Conde to these propos als ? He had no wish himself to occupy the house by raising debate upon the subject, but he did think it right to mention the f ica which had come to his knowledge and also to express, as a member of the British senate, his decided conviction of a fact, on which the Tuileries ought to ponder well, that there was no section or party in England which did not entirely sympathise with and support her Majesty's govern ment in the course they had taken with regard to this subject. Mr. PLVMPTRE mid that he could not but regard the awful and tremendous visitation with which portions of this ' nation had been overwhelmed SA a scourge proceeding from Him who was over all " for the guilt of the nations." Whe ther that guilt was guilt on the part of rulers or of people be could not venture in that place to say ; but he thought that at least it might be declared that our rulers, by acts which they had lately placed upon the statute book, had gone far deeply to offend and bring down the divine displeasure on our heads. He wished to take this opportunity of suggesting whether some such measures as man could take ought not to be taken in the hope of averting the divine wrath ? He knew that a day of humiliation had been appointed in Ireland, and that a prayer in which great stress wee laid on our guiltiness had been ordered in England, but he thought it might be considered whether there should not be some more general humiliation than that which had already taken place. He hoped not to offend the house by throwing out this sole gestion. It wee one which appeared to him of considerable importance. Mr. E WART, in a few brief observations, expressed an earnest hope that the session of parliament would not be permitted to close without some general measure upon the question of education being broeglat govcruraent under the consider ation of the house. Lord G. BENTINCX said that wit's reference to Lord Lincoln, during the six years he had held his estates at Cuticbar, he had expended a large portion of his rents upon that parish. As to the importation of Irish labourers into Liverpool, it was for the moat part a speculation of the steam boat people, who, having little else to do at this season, now brought over crowds of paupers from Ireland for nothing, in the expectation that the authorities at Liverpool would pay them to carry the unwelcome cargo back ag►in.—The report was then received. The house adjourn - o'clak. - ROYAL COLLEGE of BURGEONS of ENGLAND.—The HUNTER( AN ORATION relit be deli vered by Mr. GREEN. on MONDAY, the Ibth of February rant, at Maw olekek. Tioketa of ginned= will be delivered to members up= written or personal application at the College. ED. BELFOUR, ateretary. IHE OPENING SOIREE of the BRITISH - - and FOREIGN INSTITL'TE will be 'Peen TO-MORROW, Jan. 22, at Militant Elpht ; and there will be en Evening ?geeing en all the subsequent Feday evenlngv Ilueughout the meson, at the acme hour. Members and visitors will be required to present their cards of membership or invitation at all the evening meetin' JAMES S. BECKINGRAM, Resident Director. 13 1 George-street, Hanoverwiptere. §T. JAMES'S ASSEMBLY ROOMS, (late Crixiaced's).—THlS EVENING, the SIXTH SUB- B.IPTION BALL of the present perks will take place at the above magnificent establishment, commencing at Ten o'clock. The SUCCM attendant on them Assembly Iloilo is manifested by the fact thatj most of the aristocracy and gentry are patrons and sub scribers; every attribute that taste or art con furnish are lavishly bestowed In decoration. The band to composed of the moat talented artistes, and the supper and refreshments partake of every delicacy. Submription fur a Gentleman, Ss. ; for • Lady and Gentleman, 75.. 6d. Subscritenc mates arc received at all the principal Libraries and Mo.ic sellers, at the West-end and in the City; also at Mr. Clark's ottle.7, 53, St. Jamtsee-street, adjoining the establishment. The aJoond series of these highly tarourite submription IWlb will take place during the next month; and on Wednesday, lebruray 9rd, • Grand Bal Costume, on a scale of splendour hitherto umittempted. - -• -- BRUNE'FTI'S BEAUTIFUL and ORIGINAL MODEL of ANCIENT JERUSALEM, as In the Deys of our Redeemer, the labour of years, from the Bible audio:imbue, present ing at one view the great scene of Ilan's Redemption —the gorgeous Temple—Mount Zion—Mount of Olives—Garden of Oethsemace— Palace of Herod—Vallee of Jehoehapbot—lsolorous Way, or line of street from Pilate's house to Calvary—Holy Sepulchre—Mount of Offence—Hill of Evil Counwl—Pool of Silcom—Pool of liethewin— Towers, Castles, and every remarkable rite or building named in tho Scriptures. A Lecture every hoar in illustration. Admission, Is. ; Children and Schools, Gel. Pamoblet and Man, 6d. Mr. Isrunetti's other Model Is now being exhibited in Manchester, an intimation ne cessary as au attempt has been made to pirate the work and deceive the public in other plane. 1 4 1GYPTIAN-HALL, PICCADILLY.-LA.NTUM LA ETHIOPIAN SEREN.tDERS, TO-NIGHT, JAR. 21, and ever Evening during the week. The Grand Room has been up fitted with every attention to the comfort of visitor., In order to give lull effect to their highly popular Entertainment, end that singularly beautiful Instrumeut the L.INTUM. The programme will be varied every evening, forming an ever-changing variety of Music and Song.— Reserved seats, 2s. ; Bark seats, la.—Doors open at hull-pact berm, commence at Eight—Morning cerfomuuxo This Day (Thursday), eomnivneing st Three o'clock. ITHIOPIAN SERENADERS. - TO-NIGHT. rj The HORNS, Kennington.—The celebrated ETHIOPIAN SERENADERS (Pell, Hurington, White, Stanwood, and German ) , whose perforcnancee have met with unexampied moves at the St. !untie Theatre, where they cooticluc to attract mood crowded and fathionable audiences, will give their inimitable Entertainment. at the above Rooms, THIS EVENING (Thursday), January commencing at Eight o'clock. Tickets may now be had at the above Rooms and at the doors on the night of performance. -‘1.11}." rt c LEA'fRE ROYAL, ADELI'HI. Glorious cbrisims. Amusement—Decided hit of the new Drama of ha, the Corsican Sitter.. The wondered' theage, the celebrated "Entortilationhits," and the magnifkent Vain. Spectacle, founded on " Ginelle."—THlS EVENING, the Romantic Drama of COLOM It.t, the Coi ,ican Sister.” Means. Howe, I.• eaten, Selby, Wright, P. Ile.liord, 0. Smith, )Lade. Celeste, Mrs. titer, and Mies Woolgor. —With the celebrated " Entortilaticalsts,^ Mr. John Lees sod his Three Poplin—And " THE PLIAKTOM DANCERS, or the Wills Bride." Giselle, Made. Delete. to ortgg• MAILS. • The overland closed mails, ris Memellka, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, long Song, Re., will be made tip on the evening of the 2.Ah January. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon. Madeira, Cadia, and Gibraltar, will be made up on the looming of the 27th January. The mails for New South Woke, Van lliemen'a Land, sod New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31st January. The mails for Sydney, Von DiPlllllled Land, Ste., will be made up on the evening of the JIM January. The West India inaiLs, includhig those for :dezieo, Fltmdurnv, and the ilavannah, will be made op on the morning of the 2nd February. The mail+ for British North Ainerks, Bermuda, and the United Stater, will be made up on the evening of the 3M February. The over) w 1 mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt Aden, Ceylon, India, I long -Kong, and China, rio Southampton, 'Kate made up on the morning of the ..rti of February. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be dispatched on the evening of the 4th February. Ad•ettlsene snort be et the TO CORRESPONDENTS. ate intended for The Express, London evening paper, Mac by Two o'clock cea the day of publication. 81011 WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Tau DAY. —Mantryt, ' 0 711[1:pae t - 5; Afternoon, 21 rain. put 5. To-Mosnow—lllansing, 45 min. put 5; Afternoon, 9 min. past 6. who though neither statesman, orator, nor patriot, contrived in a peculiar conjunction of affairs to deserve and win the first place among a number of indignant English gentlemen. Perhaps Lord G. BENTINcK may think that if he is without a policy, be yet has a party at his back. Even here he is greatly mistaken. The allies who joined him in his attack upon Sir ROBERT PEEL hare no doubt an honourable wish to sspport their suc cessful champion; but, in public, the majority of protectionists who opposed him on the Coercion fill— mprivate the general tone of conversation—sufficiently show the precarious nature of their allegiance. " Ile turned PEEL out," one protectionist will say, " and therefore I stand by him." "It is really wonderful how well he gets up statistics," says another. " lie does not pretend to be an orator," says a third, apologeti cally. " I must confess he is rather too unscrupulous," says a temporary follower, on the point of desertion. An assenting laugh is the most common answer to any criticism on the protectionist leader, offered to a protectionist. The slight estimation, however, in which he is held by politicians and members parliament might be overcome by displays of vigour and ability not yet anticipated. but it is impossible to compensate for the utter weakness of the BENTINCK party in the country. It is far too readily assumed that the ultra-tories of the House of Com mons represent the great interests which have from time immemorial formed the strength of the conservative party of the time being. The land, the church, the professions, must always have great weight in the country, end have always at recurring intervals held the balance of power. But it is a great error to suppose that the opinions of their repre sentatives are for ever unchanged. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK may represent them BB they were ten years ago. In 1847 he is as much behind the age in the country, as in London. We might, perhaps, appeal to the wide circulation of the Daily News among those who are connected with the land, and who belonged to the old conservative party, for a proof that they no longer cling to the ancient preju dices of torpsm ; but we prefer to appeal to the experience and observation of readers for a confirma tion of our unhesitating assertion that even in the strongholds of conservatism, among landholders, among the clergy, in the educated classes, a Bentinckite, out of parliament, is only less rare than an Owenite. Sir ROBERT PEEL, in his great change, led thousands after him, and gave many an opportu nity for declaring their convictions, who had long anticipated him in theory, but kept back with him in practice. What hold have Lord GEORGE and his party on the landlords? A majority of them, we believe, have already acquiesced in the necessity of the change in the corn laws. The remainder have nothing to pro tect ; they may resent the loss of their privileges ; but mere resentment will not keep a party together, especially when its object is not in power. Neither one section nor the other has any objection to such measures as are likely to be propos e, to education, or to the improvement of Ireland. What hold has Lord GEORGE BENTINCK on the church? His party has more than once with characteristic greediness threatened to indemnify the landowners for their losses at the expense of the tithes. Lord STANLEY asserted that the tithes were a burden upon land, that the corn-calculated rent charge would fall heavier when corn was cheaper. Some other members of the party, with true lordly insolence, insulted the most learned member of the I louse of Lords as an inexperienced peer, when the Bishop of ST. DAVID'S spoke against the corn laws. The clergy in general have little sympathy with pro tection. The most enlightened amongst them are among the strongest enemies of intolerance. The majority of the resident members of the Senate of Cambridge, and a vast majority of the more distin guished non-residents supported the Maynnoth grant. Before long, we believe, they will support the endow ment of the Irish priesthood. It is probable that change may move too fast for all these bodies—a party of resistance will form itself as before, but not on the basis of resistance to all im provement. In all England there is not one educated man in ten, under the age of forty, who, if he does not belong to some section of the movement party, falls short of the reforming conservatism of PEF.L. Private opinion is nearly unanimous as to the protee tioni,t leader—public opinion will soon confirm the decision. If he is factious and troublesome, his party will desert him ;ifhe is quiet, he is nothing. Lord GEORGE'S occupation is gone. LONDON, THURSDAY, JAN. 21. TUE great seat-question is not yet satisfactorily arranged. The Standard appears to have been pre mature in claiming the chief seat on the opposition bench for the "great statesman," its leader, and equally premature in renouncing his claim on the ground, that the future premier is not yet n privy councillor. At the first meeting of the house Lord LINCOLN succeeded in securing the coveted place of opposition leader, evidently not on his own account, but for the purpose, literally and metaphori cally, of keeping Sir ROBERT PEEL'S seat warm for him. But when the Commons returned at four o'clock, the race for seats had assumed a different aspect — Lord GEORGE BENTINCK and Mr. I)lsitteu had "taken a good place" in the front rank; Lord LIN COLN still held his own, abreast with them: but Sir ROBERT PEEL and Sir JAMES GRAHAM had missed the opportunity, and were lett with the " ruck," upon which it seems they prudently pulled up, and left the crack protectionist in undisturbed possession of his triumph. Lord GEORGE may, for aught we know, or care, continue to sit immediately opposite to Lord JOHN RUSSELL ; but we can assure him that no local posi tion can make him either leader of an opposition, or leader of any considerable party in this country. It is true, that ke is not altogether an inconsiderable or a contemptible person. To the advantages of high connexion, he adds an attorney-like acuteness, an art of " getting up" a point almost equal to that of barristers, considerable boldness and vigour, and above all he is a good, a perfect hater. He has not, indeed, much fa cally of sarcasm. Nature has denied him both humour and wit ; but for thorough-going, hearty, untirable vi tuperation, he has no equal in either house of Parlia ment. Such men are always influential in private society, and in small political circles. It is their mis fortune if they . are brought upon a stage where their powers raise them into notice, and their de ficiencies make them ridiculous. He may be the leader of the Protectionists, of the body who no louger advocate protection, who are too wise and humane to defend the nugatory four-shilling duty in the presence of Irish starvation, and who have really no other interest whatever to protect. They no more care for the protection of manufac turers than the manufacturers wish for their patron- THE desire to disarm opposition doubtless dic tated the paragraph in the royal speech recom mending, for a limited period only, the suspension of the clogs to an abundant supply of grain. Friends to freedom of intercourse will, of course, not object even to a short period of probation. The cause can lose nothing by a gradual progress ; its onward course is ultimately irresistible. No trial of the principle of free trade can lessen its importance to thinking men. Although we feel convinced that public opinion is strong enough upon the subject of the repeal of the four shilling duty to have carried the abolition of this obnoxious relic of the olden time triumphantly, yet we cannot quarrel with forbearance at such a moment. Kindly feelings towards our suffering countrymen in Ireland and Scotland are uppermost on every lip. We shall be glad not to see them thwarted by the rancour of political contest. Our opinion on the operation of the four shilling duty is recorded. We do not fear that an opportunity will present itself more fitly to repeat and recommend that opinion. The navigation laws have less claim upon the sympathy of those who demand their repeal. Indeed in their present feebleness a very small effort is required to consign them to oblivion. The vicious influence of these laws has been felt on every attempt to extend our commercial relations with our neigh bours in Europe. In the treaty of Milan, which it was expected would found an active trade between England and her dependencies with the Austrian empire, the impe diments offered by the Navigation Act were first found to be intolerable. It would have been neces sary to confine our communication with Austria to the single port of Trieste, if parliament had not sanc tioned the first formal breach in the Navigation Act on record. Austrian vessels were, by a special act, allowed to bring Turkish produce from the Danube. The restriction of this privilege to Austrian vessels coming from the Danube only, stands as an anomalous decree in our statute book. Why should Austrian vessels alone enjoy this right—and why may they not bring grain from Odessa and Taganrog, or from any other port, as well as from Oalatz and Silistria ? Public attention was at the time of the passing of the act we allude to not sufficiently awake to the import ance of the precedent; and yet there have resulted no alarming consequences from the concession we were then surprised into. In the present year the crop of wheat in the Danube principalities is represented as being immensely abundant. Andyet, withthe privilege of carrying this grain on the same terms with our own vessels, the Austrian shipowners have not threatened to overstock our market. British speculators in the Black Sea trade, as is well known, preferred Marseilles to English ports. What inducements may have pre vailed at the early period when those shipments were Hyde, causing them to be directed towards France, might perhaps deserve investigation. A difference in port dues, in warehousing and other charges, is con stantly as important to the merchant as customs dues. Whatever was the origin of that speculation, with which we have heard the name of a great continental capitalist connected, France probably owes to this, probably, simple mercantile transaction, much of her internal tranquillity. Without this seasonable supply, the riots would probably be both more ex tensive and more dangerous in character than those we find reported from the western departments. The prescience of no government can perform the duty daily done by mercantile assiduity and skill. All classes have therefore cause to rejoice when the clogs upon the activity of the merchant are removed. The long-demanded change in our excise regula tions, by which sugar from the cane is to be allowed to take its place beside sugar extracted from European grain, will only become effective through the agency of an increased command of shipping. In the ports of many of our colonies sugar is detained for want of ships. We have heard of lots, whose ultimate desti nation is London, being sent to other ports, whence they must be re-shipped at greatcost. Nor is it appre hended that any great number of foreign vessels will be found to take advantage of the proposed concession in suspending the navigation act, even should this concession (as it is most desirable it should) include sugar as an article of food. Not only is age. Corn is gone; sugar is gone. Whatever is still protected or rendered dear by high duties, inflicts a tax on the landed interest which the Protectionists are sworn to support. If Lord GEORGE have any public function still left, it must be the protection of all the abuses, which the wiser seceders from his party have left behind them—the maintenance of Irish dis content, of English ignorance, of all the " proved abuses" which Sir R. PEEL denounced in his Tam worth manifesto. " Proved abuses !" said a humon cons Bentinckite of that day ; " I would not give a farthing for an abuse till it is proved." And yet we do not believe that Lord GEORGE BENTINCK has even so definite a policy as that of uncompromising resistance to change. He speaks in the tone of a man expected to speak, who has nothing to say, and yet will say something—and yet will do no harm. He recommends unlimited gifts to Ireland; but carefully abstains from answering the arguments, which show how unlimited generosity would defeat its own purpose. He thinks the repeal of the corn duties inexpedient, but will not oppose it. He has a comprehensive plan in readiness, which, however, he will only bring forward in the absence of all ministerial plans whatever. In fact, the whole basis of his statesmanship has sunk from under him. His vigo rous personal animosity, his industry, his brazen unscrupulousness, made him the champion of all the many members of Parliament who were indignant with PEEL for deserting the corn-laws, or for having led them to pledge themselves to their support. All the scruples of delicacy, of friendship, or respect, all the suspicion that the ex-premier might be yielding to overwhelming public duty, all the dread of his intellec tual preponderance, which cowed and abashed his sometime followers, the new leader was too bold, too angry, too obtuse, to regard. The man who knows his own mind, who quicquid veil toile roll, must necessarily be the leader of all who would wish the same, but dare nut. He defied PEEL, he insulted Mal, he drove him from office, and worthily esta blished his claim to be the champion of those who, above all things, wished for revenge. But now that times are changed, that another minister is in office, and measures unconnected with protection are under discussion, there is no more room for Lord GEORGE. He does not personally hate Lord Jowls Resselx, and if he did, his fury would be fa miliar and stale. He has no . particular political views, for of his "comprehensive plan," we think with Mr. ROEBUCK ; he has, as was shown in the (HUN of the Coercion Bill, no particular principles but such as he is ready to desert on the smallest tempta tion. There is no room for him in the political world. He would do well to return to Newmarket, with a re. putation justly increased, with the character of one, THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 21, 1847. full one-third of the trade of Great Britain carried on in foreign bottoms, but the palm:shed reports of the Dutch commercial navy 'haw Holland to be in the same situation. The proportion of foreign to Dutch vessels engaged in trade with Holland, in 1840, was as 59 to 40. These two famous commercial nations have, therefore, for years, been largely dependent on foreign assistance. Of course the capital that would have been required to build as many ships as it was found necessary to employ, was, in Holland as in England, more profitably employed than in ship-building. A report, prevalent in the city, deserves to be mentioned, in proof of the in fluence of Customs' regulations on trade, and of the good ettet produced by the recent simplification of our tariff. Several cargoes of Java sugar that, under the old regulations, would infallibly have been sent direct to Rotterdam, are now on their way consigned to Cowes, and a market. We prefer supporting our views, as far as possible, by adducing partial illustra tions from what is pawing around us, and feel assured that no rhetoric can convince with equal force. Al though, as we have said, the present moment is rather one for action than for discussion, yet no im provement will lose in value by a full estimation of i the circumstances that attend its adoption. AN office has been publicly advertised as opened in London for the granting of letters of marque and reprisal by the Mexican government against the United States• By the second article of the official Mexican ordonnanen, such letters will be granted only "to vessels of which the captain, officers, and other individuals appointed thereto, are Mexican citizens, according to the laws of the republic." We believe that letters of naturali sation have been issued for delivery with the letters of marque, for the purpose of making all who receive them " Mexican citizens." . If this be so, the proceeding involves gross violation, not only of the common and statute law of England, but of international law besides. It is clear that Eng lish subjects, as such, have no right to attack the sub- Ects or property of any other country with which England is at peace. By the common law, as declared in the Institutes (3. 111), it is a high misdemeanor to enter into a foreign service without consent of the monarch. This offence is also specially provided for by statute. The act 3 Jac. 1., c. 4, prohibits any sub ject of this realm from going out of it to serve any I foreign prince, except on certain specified conditions. The Foreign Enlistment Act (under which the heroes of the Ecuador were pulled up the other day), 59 Geo. 111. c. 69,eneets that any British subject" agreeing, without leave of the sovereign, to serve in any warlike opera tion in the service of any foreign prince or state, or engaging to go; or any person within their domi nions hiring or procuring, or attempting . to hire or procure, any person to enlist in such service shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and be punished by fine or imprisonment, or either of them." But what is the effect of these Mexican letters of naturalisation? It is obvious that if such letters, served out on Tower-hill, can make Mexican citizens, that both statute and common law are a dead letter. We apprehend, however, that the case would be viewed as one of that class of ingenious de vices by which persons prohibited from selling spirits sell a biscuit for threepence, and give a glass of gin for nothing. The law does not look kindly on such ingenuity. On general principles these letters of naturalisa tion would be imperative. 'rhe allegiance of a natural born subject is like his skin, not like his clothes : he cannot put it off when he likes. He must live and die in it. It cannot be forfeited, cancelled, or altered by any set of his own, not even by swearing alle giance to another sovereign, by any change of time, place, or circumstances, nor by anything but the concurrence of all the elements of legislation. The legal maxim is "nein° potest e.ruere patriam." A subject may, it is true, acquire rights of citizenship elsewhere, but he does not, by that, forfeit his original privileges or obligations. No possible act done by an Englishman in this country can entitle him to Mexi can citizenship, so as to exempt him from the opera tion of our common and statute law. Neither the laws of Mexico nor of any foreign state have a tittle of force or authority in this country. As a general principle, municipal laws have no extra- J.erritorial effect. No one government is bound in any way to acknowledge those of another. Such an office, for inning Mexican letters of marque, is thus clearly illegal. If it were otherwise, a Carolinian sblye-breeders might establish an office in Cheapside for the sale of home-bred uegroes ; or a Brahmin open a course of suttees at Kensal-green. If this office be actually in operation, it is unquestionably the duty of the authorities to interpose. The announcement of it has not, so far as we are aware, been repeated within the last day or two. We have thought it north while to direct public attention to the subject, from the odious ness of all privateering warfare, the continued exist ence of which is a disgrace to civilised combatants. AN address from Lord ROBERT GROiVENOR to the electors of Middlesex will be found in our adver tising columns. It is one that cannot fail to meet with warm response from almost every shade of the electoral body. Middlesex was peculiarly known for having un interruptedly returned a member who, in Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR'S words, "supported every great measure of political, religious, social, and commercial freedom ;" and who in his long life became almost the symbol of liberal consistency. It mast be the object of Middlesex to hand down its representation as uninterrupted and unchanged in every respect as can be. Nor can this be more fully or more satisfactorily accomplished than by electing the present member for Chester to succeed the lamented Mr. BYNG in the representation of the metropolitan county. As we have anticipated, the commotions by which the population of various departments of France is agitated begin to engross the public attention. The cry of distress is heard from a famished people, and scenes are enacted in the provinces of France and recorded in the Paris journals of Tuesday and the preceding days which carry back our recollection to those of which Paris was the theatre immediately before the great revolution. There is no caaggera tion, no over-colouring in the accounts, since they are given by those organs of the press which would be most solicitous to palliate the evils which afflict the country. Fresh accounts arrived on Tuesday in Paris, from various quarters, of pillage and murder, collisions be tween the civil and military authorities on the one side, and the starving populace on the other; of some markets destitute of provisions, and others likely to become so, provisions which came to thorn being torn from the owners, without any or without adequate payment. To attempt to enumerate the places, persons, and dates of these sad occurrences, would not be consistent with oar limits, nor neces sary for the due information of the public. The accounts we have already given are in their main circumstances, the names of persons and places only being changed, identical with those:we should have to record. The Chamber of Peers during the present week is that branch of the legislature where the debates will be regarded with most interest. We give elsewhere time additional documents supplied by M. Guizot on demand of the Chamber : two on the marriages, and one on the Cracow affair, being the last despatch of Prince Metternich to Count d'Appony. Le Courier Franrais says, that Count d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador at Paris, has received orders from his government, in case the sentiments expressed in the chambers by the ministers have a certain cha racter and tone, to withdraw from Paris, and return to Vienna, leaving merely a charge' d'affaires at Paris, as is the course adopted by Russia. The last despatch of Lord Palmerston to Lord Normanby, a copy of which has been communicated by the ambassador to M. Guizot, has not yet been made public, but La Frew', on Tuesday, .published an article, in which it professed to give, from authentic information, its substance. It con sists, says La Frew, of the three following points: First, the arguments on the treaty of Utrecht are repeated ; secondly, a part of the first despatch of M. Guizot is examined sentence by sentence, but accord ing to La Prone, altered in the most singular manner by Lord Palmerston; thirdly, Lord Palmerston de fends himself against the accusation of having vio lated the spirit of constitutional government by in troducing the King personally, and by name, into the discussion. With respect to the first point, Li Prelim affirms that the imputed violation of the treaty of Utrecht is ' relinquished by the English press itself, and as to the last, it persists in charging Lord Palmerston with having caused a great scandal, which the diplomacy of Europe has already condemned. The internal state of the population of France, the apprehended consequences of the deficiency of vege table subsistence, and the precautionary measures of the Bank, have created a crisis on the Bourse. The greatest agitation continues to prevail : every day witnesses a further decline in the price of all pub lic securities. On Monday, the Three per Cents de scended for a moment to 77f., and closed at 77f. 10c. And this is, it is feared, only the beginning of the end. Shares of every description of course fell pro portionally : the Northern arc now below 000 f. In the Passage de l'Opera, on Monday evening, the Threes were done at 10c. below 77f. Our correspondent at Constantinople supplies ano ther example of the avidity with which the northern courts avail themselves of the proceedings by which France has broken her alliance with England, and of the fruits of the Montpensier affair. See his letter in another part of this paper. A report was mentioned by one of the French jour nals on Tuesday that Lord Palmerston had succeeded in prevailing on the northern courts to demand the renunciation of the Spanish succession by the Duke and Duchess of Montpensier for themselves and their issue. We have received the following postscript from our Paris correspondent : PARIS, JANUARY 19.—The perilous situation pro duced by the disturbances in the country on account of the scarcity of food, makes the promptest measures desirable for the importation of grain. The report of the Commission is ready ; to morrow it will be communicated to the Chambers, and, next day, the discussion upon it will take place. The conclusion of the report is entirely favourable to the adoption of the proposed government measures, with some modifications. Yet the ministry will have to meet a serious difficulty, it is said, in this question of supplies of food. M. Martin du Nord has expressed his willingness to attack the ministry on that question, they having given proof in that affair of an inconceiv able hesitation during the last twenty-four hours. The ministers seek, each of them in his own sphere, every possible means to avert the hostile project. The council re-assembled yesterday to consider the subject. The committee of the address decidedly waits to finish its labours till the cnd of the discusson on the address in the Chamber of Peers, which will be its guide in the matter. The report then will not be promulgated sooner than the 29th, and the dis cussion cannot take place till the 27th or 28th. That M. Damon will be the successor of M. Martin du Nord is a settled affair, but the ministry are not quite agreed as to who shall succeed him as the Minister of Public Works ; for while M. Hebert is strongly supported by one of the ministers, M. Vitet is as cordially taken by the hand by his friend the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The internal agitation of Switzerland, proceeding from the collision of the Liberal and Jesuitical par ties in the cantons, continues. The seat of the federal legislature and executive being now established, by the usual rotation, in the canton of Berne, where the Liberal party is predominant, the representatives of the Northern Powers, to check any manifestation which might favour the Liberals, addres'ed to the Vorort a note, which we gave yesterday ; this, as we I anticipated, has provoked a strong and dignified reply. The executive council of Berne has energetically claimed for Switzerland the right enjoyed by every independentnntion to introduce such modifications into its domestic legislation as time and the growing wants of the people may require. It has protested against all foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the country, and has declared , as far as regards these, it acknowledges no authority save that of the confederate cantons. This attitude assumed by the Vorort, will, it is expected, receive the support of the great majority of the canton. It is probable that en extraordinary ' diet may be convoked, hut in such a measure the directory will not assume the initiative. Several can tons, however, hare already proposed that proceeding. Meanwhile a system of terrible reaction seems to be menaced in Ff iburg.).' Union Suisse, a journal of that city, in the interest of the Jesuitical party, loudly demands a system of persecution against the Liberals. " The government," it says, " has been in too much haste to dismount the scaffolds ; some of them must be reconstructed to hang the chiefs of the revolution, and to consign them and their adherents to infamy." The interposition of the federal power is already called for by the fact that the Fnburgeois govern ment has, without the previous consent of that canton, violated its territory by marching troops through it to occupy Estavi•yre. The Vorort has demanded ex planations of this measure. The Madrid journals of the 13th were received in Paris late in the afternoon. Their contents are with out interest. MM. Martinez de la Rosa and Gonzales Bravo had not yet arrived at Madrid, but were hourly expected. El Clamor Publics says, on the authority of letters from Estella, that there was a meeting of Carlist chiefs there to settle the epoch at which the insurrec tion was to break out. CONSTANTINOPLE, DEC. 30. ADDITIONAL DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. The following diplomatic correspondence has been, in compliance with the demand made by the French chambers, laid upon their bureau by M. Guizot. There is still to be produced the last despatch of Lord Palmerston, which M. Guizot declines to communi cate until he can at the same time make known his answer to it : LORD ABERDEEN TO THE DUKE OF SOTOMATOR. FOREIGN-OFFICE, JUNE 22, 1846.—Monsieur lc Due, — Yoe have informed me that you have been appointed to ascertain if the British government would show any displea sure in case the cabinet of Madrid should find it necessary to the interests of the Spanish monarchy to choese as future husband of the queen some other prince than a member of the house of Bourbon, and if in case France, hart at such a ing, should ende 'trout to emu trai n the free action of the g e pin eee ist government, Great Britain would regard such con duct with indifference. I find. nu difficulty iu replying to these questions. We Lave always contested, and still do contest, the right or pretensions of the French governmentto impose on the Spatesh nation. as husband of the queen, a member of any family whatsoever, or to exerci - e any control whatsoever on the solution of a question so purely Spaniels. But we have understood and willingly admitted that there might be various reasons to engage the Spanish government to choose by preference a prince of the house of Bourbon. Among those rumens it was nsturel to suppee that the desire on the part of Spain and the interest of Spain to maintain amicable relations with France were of weighty considera tion. We therefore made no objection to the proposition of seeking a husband tur the queen among theme descendants of Philip V., provided that the choice was P conformable to the indention!, of her Majesty, and to the interests of her government. We noses made soy objection to the selection of Count Trapani, when a marriage between the queen and her uncle was tal kedl of : but when that al liance became evidently odious to the Spanish, nation, we hazarded, although without any English candidate, and without any English preference, to indictee the Infant Don I Enrique as the prices that seemed to us best suited, as seeming to be the one most likely to be aerseable to the Spanish people. If it is found that • descendant of Philip V. cannot be teddy selected in accordance with the happiness of the queen, and taking just eve of the tranquillity of the country, the Spanish government, exercising its free judgment, must act according to the senti ments of its own dignity and interests; and, in such case, it cannot be a cause of displeasure to England if it chooses a priece in some other family. Whatever disappointment such a determination may give to France, I cannot for one moment admit the possibility of so unreasonable and unjust a pro ceeding u an attempt to oppose the choice of the queen in an affair of teis nature. The French government must be perfectly aware that an; marriage nat conformable to the wishes of the queen, and not enjoying the assent of the people, would offer no chance of assuring the happiness of the sovereign, nor the welfare and the prosperity ~1" Spain. France is too deeply in tecested in the tranquillity of Spain, and the court of the Tuileries is re too enlightened and just to nourish the idea (notch an interference as has been imagined. The supposition may, therefore, be rejected without hesitation, as impos•ible. But if, contrary to all reason and all probability, such a project were really en tertained, that is to say, en attempt to oppose the wishes and the sentiments of the queen, and the clearly manifested will of her people, it is not to be doubted that .pain would have for ever not only the most lively sympathies of Great Britain, but of all Europe.—l am. &e., (Signed) ABERDEEN. LORD PALMEROTON TO M. EULWLII. FOREIGN-OFFICE, JULY 19, 1841;.—Sir,—'Pan questions seem at the present moment to engage the particular atten tion of those persons who tale an interest in Spanish affairs; the one is the marriage of the queen, the other the political state of the country. A's regards the first question, f have far the moment nothinz to add to the 1114rue:ions which you have received from me predecessor. The British govern ment doss not intend to support in an active manner the pre tensions of any of the princes who now present them selves as candidates for the hand of the Queen of Spain, nor does it intend to oppose any of them. The choice of a husband for the queen of an independent country is evidently an affair an which other countries have oat a right to meddle, unless it be likely that the choice sheuld fall upon r. prince so nearly connected with the royal family of some foreign power that it might be feared he might connect the policy of his adopted country to that of his native country in a manner preju licial to the equilibrium of Europe, and dangerous to the interests of other states. But none of the persons mentioned as can didates to-day to the hand of the Queen of Spain is in such a position. These candidates, in fact, arc re Incest to three, the Priem ofSaxesCoburg and the two sons of Don Francisco de Paula. Ido not mention Count Trapani orCount Montemolin, as there seems no likelihood of the choice faliing on either of those princes. As regards the three cenclidates above mentioned, the government of her Msaysty can only express the sincere wish that the choice may fall upon that candi date wh a unites in his person the qualities best suited to assure the happiness of the Queen. end to contribute to the welfare of the Spanish nation. As regards the second ques tion I alluded to above, that is to soy the political state of Spain, I have not, es on the first question likewrie, any special instructions to give you at the present moment. That political situation, it must be avowed ran only be a subject of deep regret and affliction for all those who take an interest in the Spanish nation. Af:cr a struggle which has lasted thirty-four year., to attain coustitutional liberty, Spain thuds herself under a system of government almost as arbitrary iu practice, whatever may be its theory, as any of these which ever existed at any time previous in her history. She has, it is true, a parliament in the term, of the law but all free election of the members of this parliament has been neutralised by force, or by other m. am, and it is scarcely met when, at the first manifestation of an opinion whatsoever, in non-accordance with the views of the execu tive government, it is prorogued or dissolved. The liberty of the press is written in the Isle, but the arbitrary acts of the government have reduced that liberty to that of publishing what may be agreeable to the exe cutive power, and eastleng, or scarcely anything, else. The law has established, it is true, courts of justice to judge persons accused of offences and crimes ; but a number of persons have been arrested, imprisoned, banished, and even in certain/as -s executed, not only with out condemnation, but without judgment. This system of violence and despotism seems to have survived, to a certain point, the fall of its author, and not to have been as yet abandoned by the moderate men who have succeeded him in the government. It is much to be desired that the present ministers of Spain, or those who may succeed them, should return without &lay to censtAutional weve, and respect at length the laws. A system of arbitrary violence, like that followed in Spain, has for probable result to excite open resistance when directed by the firm hand and energetic will of the man woo organised it; but when it is no longer sustained by that vigorous hand, and an attempt is made to continue it under a km firm and less daring guidance, it needs no great penetration to perceive that that system leads infallibly to an explosion. Ntliett the ministers of the crown tread under foot the laws which gua rantee the safety of the people, no one can be astonished it the people cease at last to respect the laws which guarantee the safety of the crown. It was certainly not with the inten tion of subjecting the Spanish nation to the tyranny which it geniis under, that Great Britain subscribed to the stipula tions of the quadruple alliance in 1835, and gave, conform able to the stipulations of that treaty, that active support which contributed powerfully to the expulaion of Don Carlos from the territory of Spain. But the government of her Majesty Is so firmly c anyinced of the inconvenience of any interference in the internal n'faire of independent states, when even such interference is limited to friendly ad vice, that I must abstain from requesting you to make any representations on the suhject to the Spanish minister. Ne vertheless,earefully avoidner on any occasion whatever to express different sentiments from those I now express to you, and at the same time avoiding to express those sentiments on any occasion, or tinder any farm of a nature to excite, strengthen, or encourage discontent, you need not hide from any persons in whose power it may be to remedy the present evils, the fact that such ate the opinions of the Bri tish government.—l am, &e. [CRACOW.] PRINCE RETLERNICII TO COUNT B . ATPONT. VIENNA, JAN. 4, 1817.—Mons. le Conine—M. le Comte do Flaheult has made me acquainted with a despatch ad dressed to him by M. °Mut on the 3rd of December last, requesting him to leave me a copy. We have since been intormed that despatches of the same tenour bad been ad dressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French missions at Berlin and at St. Petersburg. Having laid the despatch in question before the Emperor, our august master, and requested his orders for the reply to be made to that I communication, I am authorised by Lis Imperial Majesty to address to you the following manifestetions, which serve as bases and invariable rule to his policy ; they contain the sentiments of the Emperor, which are in perfect accord ance with those of their Majesties of Prussia and Russia. His Imperial Majesty attaches to treaties the value of sworn faith. He causes to be respected and acknowledged his right of expecting that all parties, subscribers of an engage meat, respect equally the stipulations of such engagement. I We do net admit that a treaty unrest establish rights I and charges. We do not admit, by coveter-point, that the rights or weight of the charges which they im pose upon the contracting parties can exceed the limits traced by the engagement contracted. We re spect independeucies legally est abliehed, and we then uphold our right of exacting Stet our independence, like that of every other state, be equally inspected. The measure taken by his Majesty the Emperor, in concert with their Majesties the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, as regards Cracow, sou taken in the sentiment of the right accruing to, and the duties imposed upon, his Imperil Majesty. By hie right, because the Emperor, in inserting the treaty of 3rd May, 1815, in the general act of the congress, did not thereby mean to concede to all the subscribers of that act, a right exclusively belonging to the contracting Pei" of the 3rd May. By his duties, Mao:inch as those which his Maiesty had to fulfil towards the people edrusted by providence to his care, would not have allowed him to re establish a political body, which, after having, for along period acted century to the conditions on which its independence had been founded, finished by sacrificing the political existence which had been given it to hostile and insurrec tionary projects to all governmental and social order. The Emperor, at the same time that he regrets that there exists a difference of opinion between the French cabinet and the three courts, on the subject of paint of right in this quq,ses does not the less flatter himself that their views will m " "en the common resolution of all the wurts to observe and gauss to be observed scrupulously, the treaties, in their veritable sense, to the letter and in their spirit. Your Excellency is requested to communicate the present despatch to M. Guizot, and to leave him acopy. The reception of the Bey of Tunis at Paris as a ! sovereign prince, has given great dissatisfaction at the Porte. Instructions have been sent to Soleyman Pacha, the Turkish ambassador at the Court of the Tuilleries, to remonstrate in firm terms with M. Ouizot on the open encouragement to rebellion which I the French government have given to one of the vassals of the Sultan. One of the most distinguished members of the Turkish Cabinet expressed himself in the following manner, on this subject, to a person age belonging to the corps diplomatuine of Pera : We regret exceedingly that at a moment so critical as the present, when we expected to have mgt with the united and cordial support of the constitutional governments of Eu- ' rope, that France should have shown herself so inimical to ' our interests. The recognition of the Bey of Tunis as a so vereign prince is a direct insult to the authority of the sultan; it is offering a premium to rebellion in his Majesty's dominions ; and we cannot help thinking that where such a proceeding could have found approval, there cannot be a very strong desire for preserving the integrity . of the Ottoman empire. The government of the Sultan is deeply grieved to find that their confidence has been misplaced, ond that the power which his been loudest in its professions of fricuctship should have shown such a contemptuous disregard for the int nests of Turkey, of whom it had of late been declaring itself the firmest ally. In proportion as the conduct of the French Cabinet has given us pain, that of England lets given us satisfaction. Nor do we hesitate to say . that the reply of the British government to the Bey of Tunis, has confirmed us in the opinion that England is the only one of the great powers upon whose firth we can place a perfect and undoubting reliance. The con duct of France, at a time when the Sublime Porte showed a disposition to unite itself more timely than ever with the western powers of Europe, must be pronounced to be as im politic as ungenerous. It is unnecessary to speak of the satisfaction with which Austria and Russia have seen the feelings ex cited at the Porte by the reception given at Paris to the Bey of Tunis, nor of the hopes they entertain of another blow being thus ultimately struck at the entente cordiale. During the excitement caused by the marriage of the Duke de 3lontpensier, every hostile article which appeared in the press of London and Paris was carried to the Porte by the Russian and Austrian dragomans, and every argument was employed by the representatives of these two govern ments to point out the impossibility of anything like a firm alliance being ever established between ' , ranee and England, and the consequent absurdity of the Turkish ministry in looking to these powers for sup- I port in any case of emergency. The Sultan has given permission to Izet Mehemet Pacha to leave Rodosto, a village on the sea of Marmots, where he had been in exile since 1843, and to return to the capital. The recall of Izet :Mehemet to favour is far from giving pleasure to the friends of reform in Turkey. The only good act of Izet Mehemet's life was his defence of Varna against : the Russians, and his refusal to sign the capitulation, for which he was made grand vizier by Sultan Mahmoud. Ile has always been distinguished by his • cruelty, his intolerance, and his dishonesty. His cruelty : caused his dismissal from the government of Angora, his ferocious hatred to the Christians his recall . from Syria and during the threeyears of his residence • at Rodosto, he has carried on a system of small • plunder, of the most heartless kind, amongst the poor • people of his neighbourhood. The return to court of • a man of Izet Mehemet's well-known character, can • not fail to produce the most baneful effects. Every always ready yto protector, eld corrupt governor or magistrate throughout the cowl tv7h o for will considerationlook upon h him ua kind l of natural will be aay I them from punishment. Jex. 19.—A committee 11.19 been formed it this city for the tqablishment of public oc warming p 1 es for the homeless and the Mitt- P -~,--; :,: ,v e`:Te 4 r 0 i t