The Express. — London, England, 1851-10-04 00:00:00

rip E LADIES' COMPANION, I. Price le, beautifully Wastrels& —lle ocrosea *tubber et Mr popular IML§ ellen, cootaliss—llsise MOW sod his Mushier, Mrs. Crow leader "Now laglse, bia. Ike.); Tyranny is Italy, by the Edit,. ; The Wessah etas Wean, 1.7 Mars Cowden Chem: No. I—Clan ens; Rabb of Iladsokle, by Marin Sortie a Chapter no Artificial Eu+rt. sd reedle“, by Um White; OrWinal Peens. by the Lid! Cissiellne rtiwil Waage,. Dora Green C. Beanett.o R. Hoithirgi. am; The Clahre Owner. Old Bap, br IL A. C. sod the Citie.ran's Znales ; by Ilra. T. t.. Remy . The Wert T ab.. sew Pittions by Aistoi.ette. with humeri:ow Mires& ier ; the Clardre—OrtAter; I..lornatwit sod Atnareqiests; Psahkui, t Madams Lissy, with tars ericand PlAtift—OS. - e, 246, Ram& Lowish. gfte 45)31Vt10. To CORRESPONDENTS. A Scene 3 &tines ef " Tee Kama," eertalalas 'he roe erestete Oseettei" p-bll•bed every Toesday sad Friday aides 4 is ties be poet. A.lvearemeute hustled !se " The Zama." tombs Family; paper, nevl he at the 'She% to, Bosveriesarset. Tire o'clock es the day a pub.icatita. lIIOR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE . MI. DA, --Wen rsc 9►. 17n. ifs/Twos, 9L 5759. 19.999190.—M 9,9,9 1. 10n. 410. Afterasec 1 IL 190., LONDON, S.ITURDAY, OCTOBER 4. The rise and eminence of KOS.I.I'II loans one of the great marvels of the day. The influence which he acquired, the power which he wielded, have never been attained in the East, in which we may still in- elude the east of Europe, save by two methods— either by fanaticism or military success. Tobe great in those regions a man must be a prophet or a conqueror. there was no withstanding those who united faith. To acquire pure civilian renown, and command veneration is ithout the assumption of any religious mibetity, is what ran only be done in advanced, enlightened, and civilised countries. In France or England these things are possible. In Husain or Turkey they are impassible. We do not know whether it redounds more to the honour of Hungary as a country, or of lilriStTll as a man, that he attained the first rank there with the first eminence in European estimation by a life of pure forensic and eicripturial.and civilian struggle ngsanst the despotic yoke, which Austria and its counsellors sought to impose upon Hungary. And yet this penman, this mere parliamentary orator, when driven to it, and ashen the enemies of his countey'a fnseloin flung away all considerations of reason and right, and appealed to arms and brute farce, sucenshal in organising one of the most sac cessful porter resistances ever o ff ered to a military power. ' are some amongst us who call Kos :sent a seconcl-rate character, because he was not a I general. But he knew his calling. He had na pretensions to lead an army to victory, but he had the gift of organising an army and a military system the the purpose. And he did for Hun gary, what rausier did fur France. enabled it, by giving it the means, to conquer. We need not remind our mailers that the result of KOSSI:TH's military organisation was the defeat of Wisiosen ll:nen and the expulsion of the Austrian armies horn Hungary. llad the Hungarians, in their hour of triumph, imuched on Vienna they would infallibly have taken it and returned a revolutionary resistance in Germany that woald have given full occupation to Russia, and, in all probability, ren dered the- Russian campaign of in Hungary itnpmbible. Kossuth, however, was for the main tenance of Hungarian rights, and not for revolu tiunhi.ing or democrutising Europe, and so lie held back hin victorious armies —a great mistake, we think, on Isis part, whatever honour it dues to his moderate views and purely Hungarian policy. The military arrangements of Kossurn failed under the uverwhel g fume that Russia flung upon Hungary. But the defeat of 15-49 did not obliterate the experiment of 1m Is, in which Hungary showed itself more than a match for Austria, th e . rustic leviesuf the I lungurian Housed' having proved tiieniselves fully able to repel the scientific attacks of the Austrian generals, with forces so superior in discipline, equipment, and artillery, to aught that the Ilungariau chief could improvise. Victory, how ever, remained in 1818 on the side of the armed Hungarian peasunt. 'the memorable example lives in the minds of the Magyar, in the knowledge of the Sclavunic races, and in the historic literature of the Gemini. And it (mina one of the surest and greatest hopes for the future rectum and independence of European na tions. There are two great means of resisting a despotic power—the one is by a rising of the country against it, and against any force that supports despo tiain ; the other is insurrection confined to the pipe- Wien of towns, or of one: town. This last has been the nusle of resiatanee introduced by the French, and which has been more or less imitated all through Europe. We need not tarry here to ex amine the different results of the two kinds of re instance. ']'hey an- evident to all. Suffice it to re mark that our great resistance in the seventeenth century was a rustic one, carried on by an tinny of peasants officered by fanneni, or the less wealthy of handed proprietors. The Hungarian resistance of Isla and 1811 was precisely the tame. Neither were wars of barricade or c'eceute, but a series of stand-up tights in the open field, after some experience in which the rustic levies were soon a match fur the most disci plined soldiers. Such must be the future resist ance of those countries of Europe which have need of emancipation, and to which their rulers refuse eveu the first elements of liberty. We allude cape rially to the Germans. .an (cocotte in Dresden, or even a successful revolution at Berlin or Vienna will not suffice. The liberals, who are determined to win constitutional rights at the point of the soord, must henceforth achieve that conquest in the open field, however formidable the armies that can be brought against them. The soldier has dis covered the art of street fighting. Ile is no longer appalled by barricades. nor dumb-foun dered at a war of pavingstones. So that insur iections confined to townspeople have little chance henceforth of being successful. In order that a country should for the future successfully resist tyranny, peasant and townsman must be united in the same feelings and the same deterniination. This is much for the best; for it will preclude the recur rence of those aimless insurrections, in which the Parisians, for ex-ample, have indulged, and which exciting the indifference or antagonism of the country-- people, afferded those who got hold of power, the eippurtunities and excuses of oppression. This must strike, and become evident to both Ger mans and French, who, if they cannot command and organise such a resistance as kosserris, bri letter nut stir at all. to compromise by partial enemas the stiencl cause of national liberty. We have said enough to show what a great example Kossent has left in even military effort and adaiinistnitiou. But his true fame and great ness lie in his civilian character and achievements. From 1827, when he was one-and-twenty years of age, till IRS, his life has been one prolonged struggle in parliament, in the press, and in private though universal correspondence, to put down or rather to ward off tyranny by legal means. Of these twenty-one years several were passed in prison, for the eery same crime that Auto:ELLIS did.and roast° dues suffer—the crime of maintaining constitutional freedom against absolute monarchy. It is a putt consulatiun and a great example to Europe to behold these great civilian virtues ap preciated by the English public, and especially by the municipaltica of London and of our great centres of commerce and enlightenment. Nlr. Gh.rta; de serves the greatest credit for his able and just ap preciation of Kiessuries merits, and the unanimous vote of the London corporation . for even the one or two dissentients professed thenew;ves admirers of Kesse iii) marks the tribute of admiration from the first and meet enlightened capital in the world to one of the world's most virtuous and most eminent suns. I r is not easy to think or write about Mr. Eau- I/lIAV and his capers with becoming solemnity, fur the case is really a grace a n d me l anc h o l y one. Mr. ty, in his onslaught on the Liverpool pre.s, stands, indeed, in much the same relation to the Emperor of AUITIZ!‘ or the King of PRUSA.t, that on the stage Ihmilw,t, Furium doe, to Riehqnl 111. It is scarcely possible to read of Mr. llatistiAv dealing his tines and sentences of imprisournent all around with the must terrible impartiality —now smiting a recusant newspaper editor: now a tailor, ! carried - away by his ently..siastie admiration of eloquence, and now his own officers—without being reminded of the hero of the once popular extravaganza we have named, or even of the still i more " tremendous Justice Midas." And yet it is impossible to overlook the fact that Mr. RAMSHATII I vagaries may seriously compromise sad prejudice the important experiment fur the trial of which County Courts were instituted. The turkey-cock ferocity 4splayed by the iadr of the Liverpool County Comet when =ailed 6y the press, would of itself scarcely warrant hisrremoral from office. Yet who, after such a display, could have the slightest confidence in a tribunal where such a man presides? It is true that Mr. RAMSHAY as yet stands alone in unenviable absurdity amongst the judges of the County Courts; but it must be kept in mind that these courts have been a favourite experiment with our legal reformers of the first rank, that their establishment is but of yester day, and that unusual care would naturally be taken to man them efficiently at the outset. Even all the precautions necessarily taken in such circumstances have not availed to prevent, at this early period of their history, the appointment of a Mr. Itastsitsv, simply in virtue of his intimate dependence on power ful aristocratic support. What then is to be looked for when the first gloss of novelty has been worn off, and County Courts subside into old established com mon-places? Mr. EAMSHAY is indeed a mama nris ; his equal for absurdity will not easily be found, but a few Justice Overdoes of much less folly would saffice to damn effectually the character of I our County Courts. Cheap justice is a good thing, but such justice as is to be looked for at the hands of even extremely mitigated RANISIIAY6 would only be low-priced, not cheap justice, and dear at any price. The judges of the County Courts hold, it is true, their commissions, like all other judges, in ritam out mdrm. This, however, it is clear, from Mr. RAM !WAIN ease, affords but a slender guarantee for the preservation of judicial decency . in the County Courts. His recent escape from an investigation into his conduct as judge shows how large a margin is al lowed for judicial eccentricities. And this is in the nature of things; the recent annals of the Court of Chancery can tell us that the very rarest and highest qualities of a judge may be combined with an impetuosity of extravagance scarcely inferior to Mr. It sosilse's. Men being aware of this will be re luctant to inflict a stigma on a judge's character, or deprive him of his bread, even for exhibitions that rnay seriously compromise the tribunal over which he presides. 'ibis is a consideration of the utmost practical moment. In all other respects the experiment of I the County Courts has been most successful. The amount of business that has flowed in upon them shows to what an extent the public has benefited by I them. After all, great and complicated cases are the exceptions in all courts of law; quarrels about very simple matters, which admit of an easy solu tion on the principles of common sense by unin terested parties who can keep their temper, are the great staple upon which our lawyers depend for their bread. This is shown by the eagerness of the bar risters to get into the County Courts upon any terms. The greater part of their business has gone thither, and they must follow it or starve. There is more in this than an unequivocal testi ninny to the utility of the County Courts ; there is an indication of the means by which their only danger— the risk of their being consigned to an inferior class of . judges—is to be . guarded against. This danger arias from the dispos ition men will have, as soon as these courts cease to be a novelty, of regard ing them as institutions of minor import ance. It is not easy to convince men that ' a judge with only 1,000/. per annum and jurisdiction ' only in cases not exceeding W. in value, is as im , portant a personage as he who receives 4,0001., or 6,0001., or 8,00/. per annum, and can decide in such cases as that of the Bridgewater inheritance. Un less, therefore, some precautions are taken in time, County Court appointments will sink into that kind in which unscrupulous ministers may traffic with little hazard. There is only one way to prevent this, and that is by making the County Courts 'Amore The . mcans of doing this aro at once obvious and safe. The difficulty of any law problem does not depend upon the amount of money that is at stake. A legal question respecting the right to 51. may be as puzzling as one respecting the right to 500,0001. And it is of more importance to society that there should be just and equitable decisions in litigations for 51. than in litigations for 500,0001., for the former arc of daily and hourly occurrence, while the latter are rarely if ever heard of. Tho lawyer who is a reliable judge in a question respecting 51. will be equally reliable in one respecting 500,000/., and it is for the interest of society that the same talent and knowledge should be brought to bear upon both. The simple, expeditious and cheap procedure of the County Courts is as applicable in eases where great interests are at stake as where only small ones are involved. The rich litigant for great amounts has as good a right to have justice brought home to his own door as the poor. Every reason that tells in favour of the establishment of local courts for small controversies tells equally in favour of the extension of their jurisdiction to all cases. And it is only such an extension of their jurisdiction that can confer such importance on theirjudges as will ensure due care being taken to appoint competent men to pre side in them. The increase of population in England and the in creased and increasing complicity of social relations and transactions imperatively call for the introduc tion of courts with unlimited jurisdiction elsewhere as well as in Westminster. In Scotland, the Sheriff Courts have unlimited jurisdiction in all cases respecting moveables e., chattels), and the system is found to work well. The Court of Ses sion is seldom resorted to in such cases, except as a court of appeal. The eagerness with which the barristers have asserted a claim to be admitted to practise in the local courts shows that it will be easy to obtain local bars of high character and qualifications. Such burs, with competent judges, are all that is required to make law coats safe, useful, and honoured. Among other advantages that would result from the establishment of these courts, would be the entire abolition of that conventional rule by which every litigant who engages tho services of a barrister must engage those of a solicitor also. This arrangement has been objected to principally on account of its expense; it appears to us liable to a much more serious objection. If the barrister were allowed to take his instructions from the client, he would learn the real facts and merits of the case, and would refuse as a gentleman and man of honour to state absolute falsehoods. But when he is obliged to take an attorney's version of the ease without inquiry, he has n, scruple to utter any statements that arc put in his mouth. The necessary intervention of an attorney between the client andliis counsel is the quieting draught which the whole CounvorstEn school of barristers use to quiet their conscience. The extended jurisdiction of County Courts, with their simplified forms of rooms, would in time lead to other innovations upon those conventionalities of the existing courts which are the main props of every legal abuse and obstructions to all rational law reform. Such a revolution is indispensably ne cessary to shake and weaken the strongholds of the devotees of old legal superstitions. We are not a military nation, and seldom trouble ourselves with that portion which constitutes the army anti navy. unless some sudden call for more money to carry on an endles s C a p e war , or some engagement beyond the Indus, di s t ur b our poc k ets and national pride. But sometimes the military authorities cause our attention to be drawn to little acts of despotism, which. as civilians, we cannot , tolerate. It was by way of preventing any such ; attempts that our House of Commons orders, every spring. that a certain book called the Mutiny Act I and Articles of War should be printed, which book it considers equally binding on the general and the private soldier. gut does it answer this prpose? Far from it. For the general says, " You, my info , rims, must strictly obey every item of that book, but as to myself it is another matter, for if I do not please to do so, who is to enforce it. Or rather, who will dare report me? .. An illustration of this has lately occurred at Weedon. Owing to some disagtees mettle between the colonel of the regiment stationed Kure and his officers, he placed several of them under arrest. and reported the circumstances to the H , rse-Guards. A eourt-martial was at once marred to assemble, but in the mean time two more officers were placed in ar rsst. The court was held, the first batch were tiled. Whether front circumstances which arose during the trial, or that the evidence was not comas THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 4, 1851 dared sufficient to inculpate those who had been sub inland,. placed in arrest, they were not tried; at the same time they were not released, and, what is worse, were not even informed why or wherefore they had bees arreited. Yet is it distinctly laid down in the Mutiny Act and articles of war, that no officer is to be kept in arrest fora apace exceed ing eight days, if a snort-martial can possibly be assembled.lor his trial. Here we had one actually assembled, dispersing without the trial of these officers, and seventy-two days have elapsed since their being placed in arrest. Had they been clearly in the wrong, there can be no doubt that they would have been tried and dismissed the ser vice. But the superior officer is to blame, and though it may be not advisable to punish him, yet is it right to keep the inferiors still as prisoners? Discipline should be the strict observance of military regulations by all ranks, not the will of any petty tyrant. If military justice is dealt with so grossly at home, what will it be in our colonies? If officers cannot obtain a fair trial, what are the men to expect? Her MAJESTY'S regulations contain rather an amusing article on this head :—" An officer who may be placed in arrest has no right to demand a court-martial upon himself, or to consider himself under the restraint of such arrest, or to refuse to return to the exercise of his duty after he shall have been released by proper authority. It by no means follows that an officer conceiving himself to have been wrongfully put in arrest, or otherwise ag grieved, is without remedy ; a complaint is after wards open to him, if preferred ina proper manner, for which provision is made by an article of war." As well might : you tell a beggar to look for justice in the Court ot thancery. Does not every officer know that in the army, if he brings his com manding officer to trial, he is a marked man ? Can not case after case be cited where officers, having done so, have subsequently been obliged to leave the service, or have been garetted to other regiments, thereby being placed at the bottom of their rank ? Do not the Horse Guards know of a regiment at present in the Mediterranean whose colonel was re ported unfit to command by the general on the sta tion, and that he still keeps his regiment ? In her MAJESTY'S regulations it is also stated that " the commanding officer of a regiment is invested with authority which renders him responsible to his sovereign and to his country for the con duct, in all situations, and for the credit of the corps entrusted to his charge." Now at Weedon we have a regiment, three officers of which have been tried some time back, and yet are not informed of their sentence ; two more arc in arrest, without knowing what for ; and this has lasted seventy-two days. Finally, the regiment has been reported to the Itorse Guards as being in a mutinous state. As this is an unprecedented state of affairs in any British regiment, we trust that the blame will fall where it is due, that justice will be impartially administered, and that those in command, if found to be in the wrong, will not be screened through interest. FRANCE. PARIS, FRIDAY EVENING. The sitting of the Committee of Permanence yes. terday appears to have had more importance than the ministerial papers are willing to confess. In fact the speech of M. Leon Faucher at Chalons was roundly impugned by all but the Bonapartist. as an attack upon the constitution. General Chang.rnier said that the expressions attributed to the minister on that occasion might be disavowed, but could not be explained. Another member drew attention to the number of prefects summoned to Paris. It was said by ministerial organs that these functionaries had come to the capital to render an account to the government of the sessions of the councils of arron dissements; but this:wits a trivial pretence, for those councils in their second session were merely occupied with voting the taxes already voted by the councils general, an operation which no prefect was ever summoned to give an account. There was ground for believing that the object of their visit was to be consulted as to the effect of advancing the elections. M. Darn, an in timate ;vend by the way of M. Leon Faucher, could throw no light upon this subject, which then dropped. The report of the Assembly's commissary of police did not give so favourable an account as usual of the state of public tranquillity, and the attention of the committee was drawn by M. Darn to the agitation said to reign in the quarter of St. Antoine and faubourgs most noted for seditious ten dencies. Finally the lottery of the Lingots d'Or was the subject of much conversation. The project of expatriating so many workmen to California, where they would most . probably starve, was generally condemned. A curious advertisement was noticed in the Sleek, which offered 100 tickets of the lottery at 30 per cent. discount, while they were offered in certain shops at a premium. The committee broke up their sitting without adopting any motion, and adjourned to next Thursday week. I must call your attention to an important deck ration of the Opinion Pliblique. This organ of the thoroughgoing legitimists announces to-day distinctly its adhesion to the candidature of General Changer nier ; and states, in oppOsition to the misgivings of the Union that it is authorised to declare that G O . neral Changarnier has never said that he would vela again for the proposition-Creton. The Marquis of Londonderry, in his chivalrous ad vocacy of the right of .Ibd-el-Kader to be set at liberty, seems to have been betrayed into a personal attack upon General Lamoriciere, which might have grazed the susceptibilities of a less sensitive person. No sooner did the African general receive notice of the letters published in the Post than he imme diately applied to the queature of the Assembly for a passport to England, and took his departure last nifht for London, for the purpose of demanding, without delay, explanations from the English peer, who rates him in such harsh, terms. The Gazette du Midi, of Marseilles, states that a telegraphic despatch had been received there from Paris, bringing the refusal of the government to the request of Kossuth to be allowed to proceed to Eng land through France. I am happy to be able to confirm, upon inquiry, the report of Sir Henry Bulwer's reconciliation with sarvaez. It is needless here to recall the circum- stances of the original dispute, which was never of a personal but wholly of a political nature. The Spa nish marshal, with that frankness which has always formed a redeeming feature in a character too often betrayed by choler into rash and violent deeds, took occasion, on his recent visit to England, to express to Lord Palmerston his lively regret at the unceremonious expulsion of Sir Henry Bulwer from the court of Spain. At that time it was his conviction that the safety of his country de pended upon the extermination of the revolutionary party, whose chiefs boasted the friendship and abused the hospitality of the British minister. All other considerations be sacrificed to this patriotic motive of saving Spain; and he signed the decree of the council which sent Sir Henry Bulwer his pass ports with the same feeling with which ho would have laid the axe to the root of a tree, under which wild beasts took refuge. After the marshal had ex pressed himself without reserve in handsome and corteous terms tawards Sir Henry, it was natural to expect that when the latter returned from his mission to Washington the first opportunity that occurred would be taken to shake hands, and dismiss all recollection of old grievances. Accord ingly, soon after Sir Henry Bulwer's arrival at Paris, this reconciliation was celebrated at a grand dinner given by Narvaez at the Trois Freres Provenraux, to which the Spanish minister, Donoso Cortes, and the Dukes of Osana, Ribas, and Tamames, and all the grandees and dons of note and distinction at Paris. There, over the excellent Burgundy which has helped to cement so many other alliances, the ex ambassador and ex-premier at the court of Madrid forgot their ancient grudge and became once more " buenos amigos." M. Emile de Girardin energetically opposes the scheme of sending ),coo emigrants to California with , the lottery funds. Ile s ay s th a t, h owever impotent , the press may be to change the determination of the government, disclosures will be made at the tribune, at the opening of the Assembly, which will so clearly show the misery, disease, and death there awaiting any,large number of unfiiended, penniless emigrants, that they will themselves refuse to go. M. do Girardin strongly recommends that the money should be expended in the construction of buildings for the working classes (cites ouvrieres) in Paris, Lyons, Rouen, and Lille, and enters into calculations to show that these establishments, giving the labourer the benefit of the system of buying provisions by wholesale, would be more than self-supporting, and would yield large profits, from which the number might be inffeased• to the extent of 30 millions of franks by the grant of the 4,600,000 disposable from the lottery funds. lie refers to the model lodging: houses in Pen tonville and Gray's-inn-road, as examples of holy much may be done for the poor by this system. Voluntary labourers' associations are decidedly on the increase in France. Within these six months associations of cabinetmakers, shoemakers, tailors, turners, and carriers have been formed at Strasbourg, and in the arrondissement of Sedan sixteen mama- ----- Bons of different trades have been formed. In M. Carßees circular about the Lingots d'Or, which I mentioned yesterday, on the subject of the tickets with duplicate numbers, it is announced that they are very few in number, and these arose evi dently from an error, which, considering the im mense number of tickets, it was difficult to avoid. Should it happen for a prize to fall to a ticket with a double number, recourse will be had to the coun terfoil, and the ticket which proceeds from it will, of course, be the legitimate one. The President of the Republic has, on the demand of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belgium, con ferred the Cross of the Legion of Honour on eleven Belgians who served in the imperial armies. A synod was held at Mans ou September the 6th, attended by three hundred ecclesiastics of the diocese of Maine, in which it was decided that the pointed cap should be replaced by the square cap throughout the diocese. This apparently puerile subject of deli beration for so grave a body is pregnant with mean ing. You have only to refer to a collection of cos tumes of the time to remark that Saint Ignatius and Father Lainoz, and all the good Jesuit fathers, wore the square cap. The pointed cap, on the other hand, was the traditional head-dress of the Galleon clergy. The triumph of the square over the pointed cap is, then, nothing less than the triumph of jesuitism over the Gallican church—of Escobar over Boasuet—of the Council of Trent over the declaration of 1602. It symbolizes the union of the Maine clergy with ultra montanism and Loyola. Some interesting statistics, extracted from the re cent report of the Minister of Justice, on the admi nistration of civil and criminal justice in the year 1849, are published by the National, for the purpose of disproving the favourite theory of all classes of the anti-republicans, that a republican form of govern ment is incompatible with public morality. It considers returns of proceedings in the law courts as a very accurate measure of public morality, because every attack upon the principles of society, every injury to an individual, tends ultimately to a judicial investigation. The returns show that during the last three years of the monarchy the average number of bankruptcies was 4,001 a year. In the two first veers of the republic the average was 3,382. Upon this head the report shows an advantage in favour of the republic beyond the mere comparison of the figures, for it states that the loss suffered by creditors in 1846 and 1817 was much greater than in 1848 and 1849, because several of the moat important failures in the two latter years were little more than suspensions of payment, from which the creditors ultimately suffered but little. The average number of crimes against property in the two last years of the monarchy was 5,816 annually; in the two first years of the republic it was 4,468. The comparative num ber of civil actions in respect of rights to property by contract, or by inheritance during the same period was an average of 4,071 under the monarchy, and 3,660 under the republic. With respect to the num ber of forced sales for the payment of creditors, the returns show a difference slightly against the repub lic, but this is accounted for by the consideration that the large number of insolvent proprietors who had long bolstered themselves up by a pernicious system of credit could not but feel the shuck of the revolution of February. The intensity of the crisis was not so great as might have been expected, foe the figures are : monarchy, 17,094 ; republic, 18,483. During the lust years of the monarchy there were annually 3,575 applications for a separation between man and wife ; under the republic there have been but 3,063. Disavowals of paternity were : monarchy, 65 ; republic, 47. Actions for maintenance by parent against child, child against parent, or by wife against husband, were : monarchy, 1,021 ; republic, 812. Arrests solicited by parents against their children were: monarchy, 1,062 ; republic, 889. The most material results of these comparisons arc in fa- Your of the republic, a diminution of 15} per cent. of bankruptcies, of 23 per cent. of crimes against pro perty, of 15 per cent. in actions for separation of man and wife, of 38 per cent, in disavowals of paternity, and 16 per cent. in cases of children delivered up to justice by their parents. These figures certainly furnish a strong practical argument to show that the incompatibility of the republic with property, family, and commercial morality yet re mains to be proved. Nine new rooms on the ground-floor of the Louvre are to be opened to the public to-morrow. They contain a collection of French sculptures from the time of Louis XII. to the modern sculptors, notation and Chaudet. Three other rooms are to be opened at a later period, with sculptures of the middle ages. The metallic reserve of the Bank of France has augmented 11 millions in Paris, and declined some thing more than j a millioa in the provinces. The discount accommodation shows a falling-off of some what more than j million in Paris, and an augmenta tion of 1,1, millions in the provinces; the amount of the former being 34,091,387 francs, and of' the latter 62,206,569 francs. On the side of the liabilities, the notes in circulation have increased both in Paris and the brunch-banks, in the former 11 millions and in the latter 3 millions. The account-current of the treasury has declined millions, the present amount being 91,295,632 francs. Private accounts-current have declined of a million in Paris, and increased 2 millions in the departments; the amount of the former being 117,996,214 francs, and of the latter 31,282,414 francs. The whole of the metallic reserve at present amounts to 626} millions, to 5421 millions of notes in circulation. At the Bourse the FITC per Cents. rose 40c., and cloud at 01.13; and the Three per Cents. rose 33, closing at 56. Railways were very firm. Versailles (left bank) rose 16.25 ; right bank and Centre, 7.30 ; Northern, Or leans, and Marseilles, 2.50. THE SUBLIME PORTE AND THE PACHA. (FROM A COIIIMPONDENT.) Tho discusaiona which have recently appeared in the public press of England relative to the dispute between the Sultan, sr rather the Divan, of Constantinople and the present Pacha of Egypt, have to a considerable degree failed in directing public attention to the real objects of the dispute or to the degree in which it involves British in terests of a moat important character. The foUowing facts, derived from sources of undoubted authenticity may, perhaps, serve to unveil some of the hidden objects of it and show the deep stake which a very large proportion of the British public have in it. A plot, having for its object the ruin of Abbas Pacha, has for a considerable time least been in operation both at Con stantinople and in Egypt. The process by which it is intended to crush him is— first, to deprive him of that power and prealige which are indispensable to enable him to maintain order among a half-civilised people, and then, when Egypt shall in conse quence have fallen into disorganisation, to make that a plea for depriving him of the governorship of it—to reduce its political condition to that of an ordinary Turkish plebs lie, and to re?lace Abbas Pacha by some other member of ' Mehemet Ali a or Ibrahim Paella's family, who will accept the pachalik on any conditions which the Porte may im pose, and consequently become completely subservient to the ruling powers at Constantinople. The circumstances which have subjected the Pacha to this insidious conspiracy are such as entitle him nut only to the sympathy but to the active support, by every legiti mate means, of the people of England. On his accession to the goveramentof Egypt, Abbas Pacha found that country burdened with a military establishment greatly exceeding its wants and means. lie lost no tirne in proceeding to reduce this and some other useless establish ments, which, under very different circumstances, had been created by his grandfather, Mehemet Ali, He thus re leased a number of men who were useless to be employed in agriculture, the real wealth of Egypt, thereby improving its resources while he diminished its expenses. Ile further devoted himself most liberally and actively to improve this means of transit for the mails, passengers, and goods be tween Europe and the East, wisely looking to that traffic as an important means of promoting civilisation in Egypt, as well as of establishing fur himself a claim to the support of the various European communities int..rested in it, mid of Great Britain morn particularly. Connected with the military and other establishments referred to were a host of Frenfh emplayt* who, being no lonzer required, he dis missW, but with very liberal compensation. la effecting these reforms he encountered much opposi tion from a man who had held a high office both under Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim, and who was considered tho patron of the French employ,s, as well as the supporter of French interests, in Egypt, namely, Artin Bey, an Armenian educated in France. In order to carry out his reforms tho Pacha found it necessary to relieve Artiu Bey from the duties of his post, and having subsequently ordered an in vestigation into the financial administration of that func tionary, the result, or apprehended result, of that inquiry was such as to induce Artin Boy to quit Egypt suddenly and without . leave _ . He repaired to Constantinople, where he was favourably received, and became the prime mover of the conspiracy against his former mast. r. Two questions have been raised, and are now pending between the Porte and the I'acha. 1. The railway. 2. The Tans;maut. 1. The ltailway.—With the view of improving the means of transit for the internal requirements of Egypt, as well as for the traffic and travellers in fro/faun to and from the East, the Yacht, as is publicly known, made recently a con tract with Mr. Hobert Stephenson, the eminent engineer, to construct a railway from Alexandria to Cairo, in the first instance, with the view, us it is understood, of continuing it from Cairo to Suez. _ _ Although no que-tion had previously been made as to the right of the Pachas of Egypt to construct fortifications, bridges, and other important public works, with the means at their dibposal, utter paying the an nual stipulated tribute to the Porte, the Porte now sets up a right to prohibit the construction of this railway, and, as appears by the note which has been made public within these few days, actually insists on annulling this contract, and stopping the proceedings for making the railway. Now, the Pacha has not only concluded the contract with Mr. Stephenson, but has actually paid him a large sum in advance as a first instalment, and has entered into con tracts in England for material to the extent of upwards of 200,0001. All this the Porte declares to be null and void because its permission was not in the first instance asked and obtained. It has been argued by some that the Porte only wishes to assert its right of suzerainel,:, and is prepared to grant the permission when demanded. Not quite so. The va rious conditions and difficulties raised in the note referred to display something of the cloven foot ; and any one ac quainted with the minpgement of such matters at Constan tinople must be well aware that, to obtain a tirman for it there would be attended with great delay and no littlo expense, the latter being no doubt a weighty consideration with those, or at least some of those, who are counselling the Sultan to set up his present pretension—a pretension which, if admitted, will certainly delay the construction of the railway fur many years, if it does not entirely pre vent it. British diplomacy, it is said, has stamina the right of tho Pacha to make the railway without asking the Sultan's permission; but, as yet, this right has apparently been but feebly sustained by the British minister at Constantinople. The second question, that of the Tansimaut, although at first sight it would appear to have but a slight bearing on British interests, is in point of fact of more importance in that respect than even the question of the railway. Tho Tanziinaut is a firman or edict recently issued by the Sultan, which prohibits the execution of any sentence of capital or other corporal punishment in the provinces without tho sanction of the l'orte being previously obtained. Whatever may be the practical working of this new system of curtailing the authority of the provincial gover nors in some other parts of the Ottoman empire, it is alto gether unsuited to the circumstaoces of Egypt. There prompt punishment must follow conviction, or the law will have no clfect, and insubordination and emfusion will be the inevitable result. In no part of the Ottoman empire is this interference less needed than in Egypt. Capital punishments there arc ex tremely rare, and nu punishment can be inflicted until after trial iu an ordinary tribunal, and revision of the sentence by a superior one. This following extract of n letter just received from Egypt, and dated Alexandria, Sept. 19, will show the ma chinations now carrying on there by the Paella's enemies. It is written by one wed acquainted with the doings which he exposes: It is with much regret that I have to inform you that i the intrigues, and, I may say, conspiracies to thwart his (the Pacha's) exertions and deprive him of the powers which are absolutely necessary to maintain his go vernment in Egypt, to which I recently alluded, are assuming Ms aspect of u very serious nature, and that if a stop is not put to them soon, and some decided demonstration made by the British government to maintain the present paella with the same power that his predecessors Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim Paella have exercised under tho settlement of the Eastern question, neither the railway nor the other contemplated transit improvements can, in my opinion, go forward. Nearly all the members of the lato Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim Dacha's families have lately withdrawn themselves from this country, and become atten dants at the court of the Sultan at Constantinople. Some of them have been raised from the rank of Bey to that of Nam. They possess large tracts of laud in Egypt, with a numerous tenantry of Ft:Dabs, over alma they exercise great influence and. power. Lately the emissaries who have been at work among the Fellahs on the Tanzimaut question, endeavouring to depreciate the power and position of the Pa ella, have become inure numerous and active, and are doing much mischief in teaching and instigating these ignorant people to despise and resist the Pacha's authority. Tho result will be that the Pasha will be unable to procure tho labour necessary to make the railway, and it will either be greatly protracted or given up, notwithstanding the con tract with Mr. Ste: henson: and, further, that the proceed ings at Constantinople will result in the political disor ganisation of this country, and the consequent interruption of the transit. Mr. Murray, our consul-general, is, I believe, doing all in his power in favour of the Paella, bat he is not supported at Constantinople." The above expose needs no comment, and it may only be necessary at present to state a fact which has transpired since the arrival of the last mail, namely, that the Puha finding himself in the dilemma of either succumbing to tho torte, by asking its authority for making the railway, or of at once braving its power, has resolved, if he is nu better supported by British influence than hitherto, to sus pend the construction of the railway, and thus 'keep tho question in abeyance. Whether a result so inimical to British interests shall take place, is in the hands of our Foreign Minister, and the British public, should it so unfortunately happen, will uo doubt ere long ask him the remain why. S. GERMANY. VIENNA, SEPT. 30. Advices from Italy announce that the Emperor has suddenly altered the plans which had been formed for the continuation of his journey, and that he is now on his road to Vicars by the shortest route. He is expected to arrive to-morrow morning. The cause of this sudden return remains a mystery. By some it is ascribed to the bad weather ; by others, to the displeasure of the Emperor at the cold recep tion he has everywhere met with; but it is not at all improbable that the same cause has brought it about which during the past week hos led to the long daily ministerial councils, and to the summon ing to Vienna of most of the governors of provinces. What the subject of these prolonged deliberations is remains to be seen. On this a difference of opinion also exists. Respecting the magnificent displays of loyalty which are described daily in the 17enfia Ginette as having been displayed in Milan, Brescia, Venice, I have seen letters which give a very different account. In Brescia the inhabitants were ordered to illuminate their houses, on pain of severe punishment; and in order to deprive them of every excuse the govern ment sent a supply of candles to every house. Thepaid elaqueurs certainly shouted to their utmost when the Emperor appereed in public, but their numbers were so small, and their isolation so complete, that the cry of "Long live tho Emperor" was only heard at in tervals from single individuals. The military did their best to prevent the true state of the case from being too apparent. In Milan the same circum stances occurred; and in Venice a letter which I have read asserts that you might have heard a pin drop in the streets, so death-like was the silence during the visit of the Emperor. It has been much re marked upon that the Emperor did not pass a single night at Milan, which city he quitted on both occa sions before nightfall. The Croce di Savoie contains a letter from Brescia, describing, in matter-of-fact terms, the want of affection and loyalty displayed I there. It was confiscated by the police, who ac tually visited every cafil in which Italian journals are kept in order to obtain possession of it. Perhaps this confiscation was partly caused by an allusion to the Archduchess Sophia in anoth er article, in which that princess is termed the vain es t an d most ambi tions woman that has appeared in the world since Eve. (La pia superbe ed orgogliosa donna, ehe sia converse net mundo da'.Era in poi.) I mentioned in a former letter the anger of the Austrian government with the Porte for the libera tion of the Hungarian fugitives, and stated my ap prehension that - Prince Schwarzenberg would seek to bo revenged. A correspondent of the Lemberg Lei tung takes the same view, and explains the manner in which the Austrian premier will endeavour to punish the Porte for its so-called faithlessness. In the Bosnian insurrection, during last spring, several Austrian citizens were robbed of their property, im prisoned, and several severely ill-treated. They com plained to the government at the time, but without obtaining redress. Wanting a grievance, Prince Schwarzenberg . has dug up the complaints of the suf ferers in Bavaria, and intends to demand satisfactory compensation in Constantinople. This is not all. To prevent the recurrence of similar events, and to pro tect the frontier, an Austrian army of observation is to be posted on the frontier of Turkish Croatia and the Herzegowiva. To reconnoitre the terrain was the special object of the Ban Jellachich's recent journey to Dalmatia, a report of which he handed to the Emperor at Trieste. The frontier is to be oc cupied by Croatian soldiers, but an addition of three regiments and three batteries is to be made to the garrison of Dalmatia. General Mamula is to take the command of the whole. Montenegro, which is threatened by the Turks, has applied to the Austrian government for assistance in case of necessity. The same correspondent adds " that Lord Palmerston, aware of these preparations, has given orders to the Mediterranean fleet to proceed to the lonian Islands to be close to the scene of events." Prince Schwarzen berg has, it is known, caused very strongly-worded despatches to be presented to the Turkish ministry. On the 29th of July the Austrian ambassador at Constantinople presented a note to Ali Pasha, which expressed the astonishment of the Austrian govern ment that the l'orte intended to liberate kossuth and his companions without the most mature delibe ration, and appealed to the contract, which it declared binding upon the Porte not to liberate the fugitives without the permission of Austria. An infraction of this contract would impose a painful duty upon the Austrian goveromont. The Foreign Minister of the Porte replied on the Dith of August, that, peace having been restored in Hungary, and the govern ment of Hungary organised on a new basis, the libe ration of the fugitives would not be attended with any important consequences. On the 18th of Aug. the Austrian ambassador presented a second note, in which the responsibility for all the consequences that might ensue was placed upon the l'orte. Since then no further correspondence has taken place that I can learn. A merchant in Pcsth has brought an action against Kossuth for an unpaid bill of exchange. Ac cording to the Pcsth journals the bill dates from the year 1846. The articles in the Lloyd on Hungary. and the change in its government which is to result from the appointment of Archduke Albrecht, have excited universal attention. Their author is now known to bo a certain Ilofrath Zsadanyi, who was formerly chief secretary to Count Apponyi, when that noble man was chancellor of Hungary, and who has always been one of, if not the chief, litterateur of the ex treme conservative party. His position and his personal liberty would be at stake were the contents of his articles not founded on fact. The columns of the Lloyd this morning are again tilled by his pen, and with an article of equal importance to those which have preceded it. I need not translate the whole, but give you a sum mary. At the commencement he depicts the joy which greeted the imperial manifest of the 20th of August, in which Hungary is spoken of once more as a kingdom, and not humbled into a mere province of the empire. The Hungarians are said to consider the mere revival of the old title of their country as a pledge that their separate independence will eventually be restored. I may remark that the re joicings of the Hungarians are greatly increased by the feeling that the failure of the centralisation scheme and the re-introduction of the old federal principle, at least as far as regards their own country, is an acknowledgment by the government that they were justified in assuming arms to defend it. Herr Zsadanyi then proceeds to inquire into the effect which the contemplated changes in the government of Hungary will have upon the other parts of the Austrian empire, and replies to his own inquiry that the severe centralisation of all the branches of internal ad ministration decreed by the constitution of the 4th of March will be broken up, because it has been found to injure more than promote the unity of the Austrian monarchy. The only question which the writer con siders not yet decided, is the settlement of the limits within which the former independent ' • • "• of each province shall be re-establish tenor of these articles it is clear that a gradual attack is intended on the centralised administration of the empire, and that the commencement is to be made with Hungary. Within a short period, then, the cm pine will be subjected to a third, but this time a governmental, revolution. The Presse denies the truth of a report that Baron Kraus is likely to be removed from the ministry of finance. Baron Bruck, the ex-minister of trade, who re cently returned from London, has left Vienna for Trieste. The Empress Maria Anna, wife of the ex-Emperor Ferdinand, has met with a severe accident, by a fall, while walking in the garden at lteichstadt. One of the measures of economy and reduction which are contemplated by . the finance minister in consequence of the imperial letter recommending both, I understand that It is contemplated to abolish : in the larger towns of the empire the present system of collecting and managing the taxes. The adminis tration of the taxes, as it is called, is in future to be under the direct superintendence and control of the Minister of Finance, with a director and a board of From the councillors to advise and carry out his wishes. The change is to be effected on the Ist of November. M. Delacour, the ambassador of the French re public, has returned to Vienna, after some weeks' ab sence on leave. The government has abolished the few " insurrec tion treasuries," which remained in Hungary, and has applied the funds they contained to the building of barracks. Your readers must not imagine that these treasuries had any connection with the late war. The Hungarian "insurrection" was the term given under Maria Therese to the militia of the nobles, summoned together for the pses of war ; a name which con tinued in use until th urpo e year 1818, when the Hunga rian parliament decreed that the whole nation should in future bear arms. MILAN, Barr. 28. Tho grand military manceuvrcs on the Somme have commenced, but the weather was highly in auspicious. The Prince of Baden and General Grotenzalm have arrived and presented themselves to the Emperor. LATEST FOREIGN EXCHANGES. Yur Acrount. PARIS, Oct. 3. For I, _ - 6 Money.. Opening I Illgneet Lotrre4 ' Ckrini. 1 ' II per Cents. 3 per Cents. per Cents. ... 46 do. Now Lan 3 per Cents : 3 pm Exchange Cents. I on London : at sight, 23 224 ; Ott days, 23 5. Belgian, 5, 1510...... 103 MoOoy. I Naples Rental —Money. o. 5, 111.2 — ... Roman Loan, 1551 ... 74f .„ Do. 4 Do. 944 . Do. do. 1130 -. 754 ... I Treasury Bonds 34 Piedmont st. Costa. 79 SO Binh Shares PARIS, OCT. 3.—Vextailles (right bank), 267 50 ; do. (left hank`, 240; Perla and Orleans, 820 16 ; Patin end Rouen, 557 50; Rouen end Havre 215; Marseilles and Ammon. 207 S 0; hues. boom and Bate, ISO ; Centre, 427 S 0; Boulogne and Anoenv, —. Odeon and Bordeaux, SSA 50; Northern, 45720; Tours and Nantes ' , MO; Dieppe and Peoarnp, 191 25; Bordeaux ar i d Tote, 40 75. MADRID SEPT. 27.—Three per Cents., 33 0-16; after Bols a, 354. Four per Cents., —; after Bolsa, —. Five per Centa., 161 ; after &Asa, 164 p. Coupons, 8; after Bolsa, fq. Passives, 61 ; after Bolsa, 61. Bank of St. Ferdinand, 100 paper. Exchange on London, 51. (By Electric Telegraph.) ANTWERP, OCT. 3.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 77„ ; dittoArdoins, 14 3-16. 'three per Cent. Interior, 334. Itussittn Four-and-a-Half per Cents., —. Ex change on London, 25.271. BRUSSELS, Ocr. 3.—Belgian Five per Cents., 994; ditto Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 99; ditto Two and-a-Half per Cents., CO. Exchange on Lon don, 25.271. AMSTERDAM, OCT. 2.—Five per Cent. Metal liques, 741. Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Belgians, —. Five per Cent. Ardoins, 14. Three per Cents., Interior, 35 7-16. Russian Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 991. Two-and-a-Half per Cent. Integrals, 58 1-16. Exchange on London, 11.95. VIENNA, Ocr. 2.—Five per Cent. Metallicres ' 921. Exchange on London, 11.51. Ditto on Pa ns , 141. - - HAuntnc, Oer. 2. Three per Cents. Inte rior, 331. Four-and-a-Half per Cents., Russian, 961. FRANKFORT, OCT. I.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 78i. Exchange on London, 119. Ditto on Vienna, 99?„ BEMIS. OCT. 2.—Voluntary Loan, 1031; Na tional Debt, 88..1. Exchange on London, 6.224; Hamburg, lao; ; Petersburg, 1031. NAVAL APPOINTMENT4.—ADMIRM.TT, OCT. 3. Lieut. C. D. B. Kennedy, to Fur. Master's-Assist. C. J. Johnstone to !tallier. Second Master A. Collier, to Mo narch. .... PORTSMOCTII, OCT. 3.—The Dauntless, 33, steam frigate, Captain Halsted, was paid six months' wages at Spithead yesterday, and sailed to-day at noon for Lisbon. The Vulcan, steam-transport, Master Cornmandtr l'enn, embarked 18 men of the 12th Lancers, and one captain and 83 men of the 12th Foot, yesterday, fur conveyance to the Cape of Good Hope, and proceeded out of harbour and anchored at Spithead for the night. She sailed this morn ing at ten o'clock for Cork, to embark a portion of the 43rd Regiment for the Cape. em dii ow an