The Express. — London, England, 1848-05-04 00:00:00

is- A 61 a 1 , it fbt Court. The Queen and Prince Albert visited the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. Her Majesty en d his Royal Highness also took a drive in the park. Colonel the Hon. C. Ore, and Captain the Hon. A. H. the equerries in waiting, attended en horseback. Duchess of Kent and the Dacha,* of Olou 'sited the Queen yesterday at Buckingham Paha. Royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace ya „„.....iy, included the Duchess of Kent, the Duchess of Batherland, Lady Augurte Bruce, Baroness de Speth, Viscount Clifden, and Capt. F. Seymour. The Duchess of Kent visited the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough Rouse. The Prince of Prussia visited the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge yesterday, and partook of a dejeiner with their Royal Highnesses, and the Princess Mary and Prince Frederick of Hew, at Kew. The 'ester v The THE CHARTIST ASSEMBLY. The delegates net a the usual hour and place yes terday, when, after the formal business wee disposed of, Dr. M'Douall moved that a programme of business should be prepared oy a committee to be appointed for that purpose, the suggested subjects for consideration being the fol lowing : Report* f r om delegates on the state of the country. Menne of enst.ting the Miserably to give renewed vigour to the movement. Or ganeation of the chartist body. Policy of the chartist body In refer ence to other parties reeking a reformation abort of the people's ebarter. Great social grievances : The land monopoly ; pauperism ,• crime; the remedy. Great political grievance*: The reatriete d franchise; oppressive and unequal taxation; army and navy; Judi end, evil, and pension lists; the national debt; repeal of the union. Industrial questions : labour and capital—their relative poetics; machinery —its 'Seers. Commercial queations: Erne trade; the cur rear, question. Rational education. Suite clurch. Criminal cede. Free press. The most approved mode of preseating the memorial to her blalenty. APer considerable discussion the motion was rejected, and *a amendment, proposed by Mr. E. Joses, ried, to the effect that the programme should consist only of fs subjects best calculated to ensure the charter becoming the law of the land, but with the understanding that any delegate would be at liberty to bring forward any of the loregoing questions upon giving the usual notice. The future policy of the chartist body was then dis cussed, but without arriving at any result, the subject being adjourned at the close of the meeting until this day. One of the delegates for the Tower Hamlets complained of the injury done to the cause by Mr. F. O'Connor, and said a body of staunch reformers were determined to start a paper ' in opposition to the Northern Star, which would show up Mr. O'Connor in his true colours, so that he would never he able to take a position among the people again. Another dele gate said the Northern Star had supported the proposition for an assembly in the first instance, but now declared it illegal; he for one therefore wished to be relieved from the support of such a man as Mr. O'Connor.—The meeting then NEWSPAPER TAXES.—It is reported (but we do not believe the report) that government intend to redu:e the newspaper stamp to the price of one farthing, and also to bring down the advertisement duty from eieiteenrace to sixpence.—Derby Mercury. LONDON ASSOCIATION FOR TIIE PROTECTION OP TRADB.—On Tuesday the annual meeting of this society was held at the British Hotel, Cockspur-street ; Mr. P. Graham in the chair.—The Chairman read the report of the committee for the put year, which stated that the society had been making steady progress in its Objects, and had been found to be of great value and im portance to the trading community. The great feature of the ..society was establishing inquiries with regard to the character of persona seeking to obtain credit, and the result had been that the society's registry of names of persons who were either swindlers or unworthy of credit, bad been increased, during the past year, from 7,42 to is, Le sgs 17,600. Barrio!! AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY.—Tho 44th anniversary meeting of this society was held yesterday, at Exeter.hell, and was, as regards numbers, rank, and talent, the greatest religious reunion of the season.—Lard Bexley, the venerable president of the society, took the chair, in which he was sup ported by his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, the ollops of Norwich, St. Asaph, and Win chester, the Marquis of Cholesondeley, the Earls of Chi chester and Harrowby, Viscount Morpeth, and several other clergymen and gentlemen.—Dr. Brandram having, in con sequence of the noble president's advanced age, read his lordship's opening address, then read an abstract of the re port, which described the society's operations in various parts of the world : The entire receipts for the year ending March., 1646, amount to fo,l4til. h.. 441. The total sum applicable to the general purposes of the society is 43,9361. 16e. I Id., including 31,30 U. 4s. id. free math. Dunces from auxiliary societies ; showing an insane is this item of 4111.12443 d. The receipts fur Bibles and Testaments amount to 46,1691. Ds. Id. The issues of the society dung the year amount to 1,114,067, via, (from the depository at home, $31,361; from the depots abroad, 206,706. The total issues of the society have been it 0,965,637 volumes. The expenditure during the past year has been 105.0411. 19*. Id., being 14,0961. 10a. Al. beyond the receipts. The society is under engagements to the extent of 41,6001. The Archbishop of Canterbury moved the adoption of the report, and Lord Morpeth seconded the motion.—The report having been adopted, Lord Bexley retired, and the Marquis of Cholmondeley presided during the remainder of the pro ceedings.—Resolutions in furtherance cf the society's objects were supported by the Bishop of St. Asaph and several cler gymen and gentlemen, and the meeting separated. WEST LONDON LITERARY, SCIENTIFIC, AND ME cuANta,' INererurioN.—The second aanivereary of this in stitution was celebrated yesterday by a dinner in the hand some lecture-hell of the society, Manor-house, King's road, Chelsea. Lord R. Grosvenor, M.P., presided on the occa sion. After the usual preliminary toasts had been duly honoured, the chairman proposed the toast of the evening, namely, " The prosperity of the West London Literary, Scientific, and Mechanics' Institution," and in doing so he enlarged on the advantages which such institutions, when properly conclacted,were calculated to render to society. The future welfare of the empire depended on the proper educa tion and the moral culture of the middle chums, which insti tutions like that were likely to promote. In reference to them no man bad a right to say, like Cain, " I am not my brother's keeper," or, " I have a right to do what I wish with my own," because the entire society suffered injury from the neglect or ignorance of any of its member,. Time should be given to all to develops the peculiar talents of esch, in order that the whole society may be able to avail themselves of them. The West London Literary Institution was one calculated to carry out that object, and as such he wished it every prosperity, and felt the greatest interest to its welfare. It had all the elements of success, beldam it was confined to no one class, and was frankly open to all who wished to participate in its benefit.—Mr. S. C. Hall responded to the toast, and enlarged on the benefits which the institution had conferred, and was likely to confer, on the inhabitants of Chelsea.—Amongst the other touts drank were the various officers connected with the institu boo, " The Clergy," " The Local Magistrates," and " The education of the People." About 60 persons sat down to dinner, and amongst those present were the Rev. W. J. Dom, Vicar of BromOon ; the Rev. It. Wilson, D.D. ; F. Llovd, Esq. ; F. B. Walesby, Esq. ; W. Deuce, Esq., &c. GOVERN EASES' BENEVOLENT INSTITUTION.—The fifth anniversary festival was held last evening at the London Tavern, where a large number of gentlemen sat down to dinner. Mr. Rice Trevor presided.—The Rev. Mr. Cobbold acknowledged the health of the church ; and Sir H. Law fame, C. 8., that of the army and navy.—The Chairman, in propping the tout of the evening, " Prosperity to the Go mama' Benevolent Institution," made an eloquent appeal on its behalf. He stated that the society had been founded in 1643. Its objects were to provide temporary assistance to governesses in distress; to afford annuities to aged gover nesses, by election, out of a fund provided for that purpose; the establishment of a provident fund, for the purchase of annuities by ladies, upon government security, agreeably to the set of parliament ; the provi-ion of a home for governesses in the intervals between their engagements; the establishment of a system of registration free of expense, and also of a college for governesses, with classes and certificates of qualification ; and lastly, to afford them the benefits of the asylum. He stated that the ladies' committee had during the put year investigated 1,719 applications for temporary relief, and had made grants to the amount of 2,2451. The amount of stock inverted for the purchase of election inna te' was upwards of 14,0001., securing annuities for ever for , 20 governesses. Nearly 400 ladies had contracted for pro. vident annuities, and had thus been enabled to invest safely upwards of 33,0001. A house had been purchased and fur nished in Harley-street, where in the lot two years 200 t;ornesses had found a temporary home. About governesses had been registered there sine* the branch 'Jhad been commenced in IE4I, and 1,260 provided with situations without soy charge. The asylum was to be erected immediately, the tenders being about to be Issued. The eellege, the Chairman stated, bore her Majesty's name, and enrolled amongst its professor some of the most ditto gushed men in the literary world. Many certificetes had already been given after examination, and classes would shortly be commenced on all the subject of female audi tion. The society had thus, in five yearn, produced benefit to 3,500 governesses ; and when the charter was granted from the crown he did not doubt but that they wonlebes. - Sailed to carry out their views.—The toast was drunk with aegeoestion, and was followed by the health of the Chair men, proposed by Mr. Frewen, M.P.; and the usual round elitesed, including that of " The Press."—lt was announced slat a fancy fair would be held on the 6th and 7th of June next, on behalf of the building and endowment fund of the aged asylum, in the grounds of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea. The subscriptions announced during the evening amounted to p 361, THE LITERARY ASSOCIATION OP THE FRIENDS OP POLAND.—The sixteenth annual meeting of the members of this association was held yesterday at Sussex-chambers, Duke street, St. James's. Lord Dudley Stuart occupied the chne—Lord Beaumont proposed, in an eloquent address, That the political aspect of Europe offering at the present moment *Jam promise of the restoratonof Poland than et any former period since the formation of this assuciation,the members are now more than ever called upon to fulfil the chief objects of its institution. vie. to f welsh the English public with sound infornutlon respecting the pro gress of events in I'ola6d. to urge the justice of her claims to tole- Penitence, and to point out the benefit that would be derived from its re-establishment, ai well by England as by Europa at land. The Rev. Dr. WorthinZon seconded the resolution, and, after a few observations from Mr. Fyler and Count Valerian Eriemski, the reeolLt: woo agreed to.—Mr. W. L. Birk bar, the honorary err r,tary, then read the report, which Ma unanimously agreed tn.—After having dwelt upon the tribute of respect and gratitude paid by the Poles to Lord D. Stuart, in the presentation of a splendid watch to his lord ship,. which had excited greet admiration in aU those who um It, it prceeeded t express the woes of ooligetion due by the association to her royal highness the Ducker of Kent aadtaltsenoldialedles tot the patronage tin had Invariably bFlied Vitae Poi% andirlikzetersam to Ike eatertaia. meat gives in aid of the funds of the association, end also to the Lord Mayor and osrperatiOn Of the CitY of londiin for similar favour. If then detailed the income of the assn elation, which amounted to something above 1,4001., arising chiefly from the entertainments above-mentioned, and the expenditure in relieving the distress consequent upon the condition of a long exile. It then congratulated the asso ciation on the return of Lord Dudley Stuart to parliament. The motion on Poland, brought in the House of Commons by Mr. Anatey, on the 4th of April, was next referred to, and a desire expressed that the subject might shortly again come before the public in all its integrity. The report went on to review various events which had occurred in the course of the past year, bearing upon the cause of Poland, par ticularly the slaughter of the nobles, organised by the Austrian government in Galicia, the authors of which, in stead of being brought to trial fur the crimes committed, had been remunerated with gold and honours, like Seek and hie companions. The death of the two Polish patriots at Limburg, which produced great marks of sympathy from the whole population to that town, was most strongly and touchingly pourtrayed, and the character of the Austrian cabinet, then represented by Prince Metter nich, exhibited is its darkest colours. A long description of the medal presented in December last by the Polish Historical Societies of London and of Paris to Prince Adam Czartoryski, in token of his devotion and eminent services rendered to Poland, also formed a prominent feature. The report concluded with the hope that the time of the regeneration of Poland was now nearer than ever, and that whatever the difficulties which at present seemed to obstruct its speedy progress, the cause of ju-tice must and would have hi ultimate triumph.—Voteebf thanks were panted to Sir J. Clarke and Dr. Forbes, who administer gratuitous advice to the Poles, to Mr. Birkbeck, the honorary secretary, and to M. Szulexewski, the resident secretary, for their unwearied exertions in behalf of the Polish cause. The last named gentleman is shortly about to quit England to serve his country in another sphere ; and in carrying the vote of thanks to him a very high and gratifying tribute was paid to his talents, real, energy, and integrity. Lord D. Stuart acknowledged the compliment which had been paid to the vice-presidents ; and the meeting separated. THE REFORM MOVEMENT. FIRST MEETING OF THE REFORM LEAGUE AT BIRMINGHAM. Yesterday, a meeting . took place at Birmingham of the persons who had signed the declaration in favour of household suffrage, vote by ballot, electoral dis tricts, and triennia parliaments, (or the purpose of form ing themselves into an organised society, adopting rules and appointing officers (or carrying out theme objects. There were about four thousaud persona present, including a large number of the advocates of the "six points." On the plattorm were several members of the corporation, and many of the principal inhabitants of the town. The chair was taken by Mr. Alderman WISTOK, who stated that the meeting consisted of parties who had signed a declaration in favour of " household suffrage, vote by bal lot, triennial parliaments, and electoral districts." 'lt was a meeting called for the express purpose of agreeing to certain rules to be adopted by an organised society, united for carrying out the principles before named, and also fur the election of officers. As, therefore, it was a meeting for the carrying out the busi ness of a society, it would be expected that those who had not signed the declaration would not take any part in or frus trate its objects. If any gentleman asked permission to ad dress the meeting he (the chairman) should ask him whether he had signed the declaration, and, if not, the meeting would see the propriety of asking that gentleman to with hold his address till the business to be brought forward had been disposed of. (Hear, hear.) There was no doubt but that reforms were warded, and that the system of reprven. tattoo in this country was very defective. At the same time there was a vest deal of misery and depression from one and of the land to the other. Some of them, perhaps, might say that the measures of reform about to be submitted, and ad vocated by an immense number of the middle class, did not ge so far as they ought ; but he asked the country to con. sider—he asked the men of Birmingham—he implored the working classes of this country to consider whether, if they obtained household suffrage, vote by ballot, triennial parliaments, and electoral districts, they would not be in a better position to secure further reform if required. (Cheers.) He should not detain the meeting with the particulars of the principles t 3 be discussed, as they were favoured with the company of so many gentlemen much better qualified to do so than himself. He would recommend a cordial union of the middle and working clauses, as without that their objects could nut be obtained, for while the working classes alone could not obtain the reforms they sought, ifthey joined in the middle clam movement, he might, if time permitted, have drawn aside the veil that hid the future and shown them a bright prospect. Even supposing the measures they were going to advocate that day should not bring prosperity to this country and to the working clauses, the latter could appeal to the middle class men sod say, " We assisted you in the attainment of your object, and now go with us till we obtain our liberty and the prosperity of England." With the indomitable perseverance and energy possessed by English. men—with the commerce, the climate, the naturalresources, and the manufactures,the railway s, the canals of England—it could not be expected with all these advantages, with a people progressing es they were, that the government of the country should steno still, or obstruct by bad laws the blessings that should result to a people from their labour, and which ought to be in their possession. (Cheers.) Mr. G. F. MUNTs, M.P., who was loudly cheered, then addressed the 'meting and apologised for the absence of his hots. colleague (Mr. Schulefield) who was detained on busi ness in London, but sincerely sympathised with the objects of the meeting. It was not a very easy thing for him, after entering so fully into the subject at the meeting . on Monday, again to ad dress them upon it without making repetitions; they must therefore excuse him if he did so, as be felt the subject was one of so much importance. He had stated in that hall repeatedly, and had stated it too in the House of Commons that when men could obtain employment and fai r wages foe their labour, they would not trouble themselves about poli tic. It was only when there was anxiety at home, when wives wanted clothing. and children cried from hunger, that ther ple began to reflect, and inquire how and why it wee the were in such a state. There were thousands in this country who were willing, who were desirous, of labouring for their living, but who could not obtain that laborer. (Hear.) It was not enough that one half of a people should be employed while the other half were not, and were left without food, but such had been the case for a number of years—and he dared say there was a number of those present who from bad trade had been short of loaves, or were now. Vi bile there was another clam who from the same effects, if they had loaves enough were unable to meet their rent and expenses. Now there was always some reason assigned for this state of things —there was always some stock of reasons held by the government. The late stock-in-trade cry so held by them was the unfortunate famine in Ireland. No one could regret more than he did that misfortune, but let them see also how this country had suffered; but the cry of the famine in Ire land causing our difficulties was grown old, and the present stock.in-trade cry was that the affairs of the continent had depressed trade, because the people abroad were all thinking about politics and had no money to pay for English goods. His (Mr. tduntz's) firm conviction was that the great trade of this country was its home trade ; and though from Bir mingham great quantities of good, were exported, if they looked throughout the country they would see the impor tance of home consumption, and that it was not mere foreign consumption they wanted. (Hear.) But the government had always some stock-in-trade cry, and now, as he told them, it was foreign affairs; and in his own opinion in a very short time the state of the foreign markets would be worse than they were now. He held that every man whose stomach was short of food became in a short time partially deranged, and it was a well known fact that a man became more comfortable after his dinner ; and who would think of asking a favour from a man before he had dined ? Now, the dinner hour'in the House of Commons was from 6 to 8 o'clock, and though it was generally kept a pretty well ordered place by the exertions of their excellent Speaker, still he himself could net obtain order when dinner time came, and it was generally understood in the Howie of Commons that none but a fool would bring forward a motion at dinner time, when the Speaker could not get order. (Laughter.) If that was the case with those who ate too much every day to be good for their health, what must it be with those poor creatures who were unable to supply the wants of their family for weeks and years? And so those poor creatures become deranged partially, and altogether sometimes. 'to remedy these dis asters what was the panacea—what bad the government done? or had they proposed any remedial measures? They always said they wotdd, but then they brought forward other measurer' first, and then by the time they were carried the remedial measures were forgot. (Applause.) Let them look at the measures which had been pro posed during the last six months. The House of Commons was called toge ther under an impression that affairs were worse than they had been for the lad six years, and the government had a committee appointed. But what sort of a committee was it ? Why, they took oars that three-fourths of its members should be the friends of the government, and attached to them. So: he would leave the meeting to imagine what sort of a committee it was. He (Mr. Munn) was asked if he would be examined before that committee, but he replied : " No; I won't be examined by any such a humbugging set." (Loud laughter.) He had no objection to give his evidence before a committee, or before the whole house ; but he was p e rfectly well aware it was no use giving evidence before a committee unless it was fairly picked, and if the i wanted that why did they not pick man for man from each side of the hottest ? He had been examined before a com mittee, but what were the facts ? Why, they could not agree noon a report, and there was none ; and what was the use of rich humbugging nonsense? They weresome of them not fit to examine a cat. (Loud laughter.) They should have upon such committees men of practical knowledge, who did not judge by the abstract, not men who were born in the clouds and who swam in th e moon. (Applause. Wes not ) he right, then, in refusing to be examined by th at commit tee ? (Criee of " Yes.") After alluding to his nomination on the committee, when he was rejefted as a member of it, the hon. gentleman proceeded to say that the next thing the government proposed was the Coercion Bill for Ireland ; and though he did not like coercion, and was no friend to it, he was obliged to vote for that mAssure when he saw the state of that country and the murders and outrages committed in it ; but let .hem mind that he voted for that meosure with ¶he understanding that remeedel measures would be pro posed. With reference to the recent appreheaded disturb ances in London, while not blaming the government in taking precautionary measures when there was a disposition to bleak the law, the lion gentleman remarked, that if the I p eo ple of this country were to endeavoar to ob- . tan their rights by disorder, the position of the would goirognido a hundred years. He believed that the display of salami polio% aad glottal Goa/tablas THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1848. was for the express purpose of palming bl_oosreion the so- WWI Crown Gonnunant Security Sill He objected to the name of the crown being in it. He believed that the people of this country had a great regard for the crown, and would uphold it. (Cheers.) The people knew that the power of the crown was limited, and though the government was called monarchical, it approached so does to republi canism that it would be a mere fares to change the form of it. (Cheers.) There were large, powerful, and influential slimes who were interested in keeping up the present state of things, and though there might be same present who might like to see • change in the farm of government, he would say to them that if they had a republic in this country it would not suit their purpose during their lifetime, or perhaps their children's. (Chun) He looked upon the crown as the rock against which they could rest, and the only safeguard against the power of the House of Lords and tho House of Commons. At the time of the Reform-Bill agitation the people had found such to be the case, for if the houses of parliament did not act tightly it was to the crown the people appealed. They said to the Ring " You are our executive minister," and they called upon him to amen them. (Cheers.) Well, then, it was in his opinion clear that the crown had nothing to do with the Crown and Go vernment Bill; that bill was not paused for the security of the crown, but for the security of the timid and vacillating whip. (Cheers.) The first intent of the bill was to render the speaking of seditious language open and advisedly a felony punishable by transportation, and that upon the evidence of ' one witness. But the bill had been altered, and the time of its operation limited to two yeah, and the evidence of twol parties required instead of one. The principle was the I same, and if the government could have carried it as they at first intended, they would have done so; they did not give up the opposed parts because they wisheJ to do it, but they ' gave up to public opinion. (Cheers.) He had before dis cussed the necessity of having independent members in the House of Commons, and not mere party men, and he never saw the influence of party men more exemplified than in the passing of the Crown and Govern ment Bill, all the party men being delighted with the mea sure. (Applause.) They might think he was digressing from the subjects before the meeting, but he was not of that opinion, for be was mentioning these subjects to show them that they h ad no power in the House of Commons, but that they bad a certain minority in the house who while they desired liberty could not obtain it. What was it they did want ? Why they wanted the redress of grievances, not merely political grievances but commercial grievances. (Cheers.) He complained that gentlemen in the House of Commons would not give themselves the trouble to learn and study the commercial and financial affairs of the' country, but sat down without attempting to inform themselves of them ; and he thought the meeting would admit there was truth in the remark that none but practical men could un derstand the wants of this country. (Hear.) It was impos sible for them to have them now, hut the object should be to obtain such a force of political power as would enable them to elect such members as would look into the people's grievance', understand them, and remedy them. (Cbeers.) That should be the object of the meeting, and he could as sure them it was the object of the gentlemen who had signed the declaration. It was not that they were called upon to give up the measures they were desirous of seeing carried ; but ho would advise them first of all to join and see if they could not obtain the measures propmed that day, and thus possess a power in those men who would grant them their rights when elected. (Cheers) They must then unite in one vast mass, both morally, soberly, and physically. The people must now say, " We arc in want, we are in wretched. ness and distress," and say that they don't understand why there are these alternate periods of affluence and ruin. They might not understand, but what they wanted was the power of being enabled to send men to the House of Com mons who should form a majority competent by their practi cal knowledge to understand and rernedy the evils; and until they had those men they must not desist. (Cheers.) He called upon them above all things not to be divided. It was known that if they were not divided they were ornnipo. tent, and for that purpose their enemies insinuated and in sinuated till they did divide the people. After humorously reminding the meeting of the fable of the " Three Bulls and the Lion," the hon. gentleman proceeded to enforce the ne cessity of a union perfect and entire between the working and middle classes, Let them first of all obtain the mea sures now sought, and then he would tell them plainly— ay, and he would tell the government plainly, for he liked to act candidly—that if those measures were obtained, the people would receive other progressive Tamura for their benefit. (Cheers.) He was present, as they were aware, on Monday; and being at that meeting, and then hearing something which in his opinion had better have been left out, he determined to remain and attend the present meet ing, as he thought from his long acquaintance with the town he might again enforce upon them the necessity of uniting together, and ask them to give up their little differences, and cordially go for these great measures. (Cheers) As he had before told them, there were two relics of two old parties to contend with, who were all profession but no prat tice, except doing all they could for the interest of their awn party, and assisting one another in and out of office. He called upon the meeting to forget party distinctions, which too often had proved to be the bane of the many —the good of the few, and he called upon them to steadily and unitedly combine together for the attainment of their object. Having referred to the fact that the London committee of liberal members had not yet defined the precise measures they contemplated bringing forward, Mr. Muotz continued, that whatever extension ni the suffrage they had, it was clear they must have with it the ballot, u a security to the working man—as an instance of the necessity of which he referred to the vast number of tradesmen in Birmingham who did not vote at all, for fear of offending customers. Some time ago, when Mr. Attwood and the late Mr. Scholefield were candidates, as also Mr. Spooner, for the representation of the borough, one of Mr. Spooner's canvassers came to him (Mr. Munte) and said, "There's such men in your em ploy, they have votes, but of course it's no use asking them, as it was natural they would secure thou votes for their friends." To which he replied, it would be very tut natural he thought if they did. Ile did not ask a man when he engaged him whether he was a whig, tory, or radical, or what his religion or his creed might be, but only whether he was a good workman, honest, and of good character. (Cheers.) He did net, as he said, know what opinions his men were of, but he men tioned the circumstance to show that if they had universal suffrage without the ballot they would be worse off than they now were. He (Mr. Muotz) stood before them as a living example of the evil effects of the present system; for be would ask them how often had their members been swamped by the other members of the house? and be would urge upon them the necessity of obtaining the franchise for the masses of the people, and then they would be in a better position. In reference to the new poor-law, which he n liked, it had been said that it was a had thing to give a man relief till he had tried his own resources, but what were the working man's resources now?—either the workhouse or the gaol ; but if he had his labour and his wages for it be would not want a poor-law at all. He recollected at one time the man who had been in the workhouse was looked upon as a very loose character, because then he could have earned his money, but at the present time it was not so. That was right then, but it was not right now. Still while those only were then punished who deserved it, all alike were punished now. (Hear, hear.) He thought he need not address them further for the sake of convincing them that they must not be divided upon little or extreme views, and he hoped for their sake, fur the interest of all in this kingdom, they would endeavour to carry out the object in view. The hen. mem ber then read the following resolution : That this meeting is of opinion that the present critical state of the country renders an immediate reform of Ws electoral system neees soy, and that this meeting is prepared to advocate an extension of the suffrage to every one holding a distinct tenement, whether part of the house or the house itself, and who shall pay a bowl fide rent for the same, and who shall have occupied It at least six calendar months prior to the election of a member of parliament. That as a protection against bribery this mat t ing considers vote by ballot es indispensable; and that the oommunit may be more fairly represented the meeting proposes a division of the country into electoral districts, counting of an equal number of registered voters, subject to a revision every ten years, according to the last census; and this meeting is further of opin th e a these reforms will be test insured from abuse by limiting legal duration of parliament to three years. In support of the resolution the hon. member remarked that they must see that it was entirely in conformity with the declaration signed, and the definition of kousehohi suffrage was he thought quite right—(applause)--and the difference between that and universal suffrage was so small that he thought they would not be divided upon it. (Loud cheers.) Mr. G. EDiton Da, clerk of the peace, then addressed the meeting, and remarked that he attended upon the present occasion in support of two great objects ; the first and para mount one was to advance the liberty of the people, and the next was one so closet united with the first that he thought it could not be severed, it was to preserve the monarchy of this country—and he hoped the monarchy and the liberty of the people would go hand in hand for ages. (Loud cheers.) He had been an advocate of the great causes before them ever since the time Major Cartwright brought them into whoa in Birmingham—a man whom Lord J. Remelt had ad mitted wu the venerable and incorruptible originator of re- of f° various Th eie movement ,ar egen made tein n by t the en wweonititongntoclumotiecseathmehile, anurde remarked that it was not till the middle classes joined the in cry o. fo traed for reform, tw th in era lB3 th 2, at th . at hare it had the bee mi n d e a btu e and could obtained. It de mod dams united they were omaipotent, an carry say stosoure that was just and proper. (Cheers.) Let them look et that petition lately presented to the House of Commons, and which had been spoken of with contempt, but that was found, after all the examinations and reductions, to contain two millions of genuine signatures. What was the result? Why the persons who brought it forward had the reputation of being wicked enough to wish to drive the people into insurrection and revolution, though they bad only to take a common-sense view of the case to see that such • course could only end in the transportation of some, the hanging of others, and serve to rivet the chains of the people. (Loud cheers.) The speaker then quoted an ex tract from the writings of the late W. Cobbett, relative to our fiscal duties, by which it appeared that in 1822, the taxes per head per annum, in the United States, were 90. 74. ; in Russia 9s. 9d. ; Austria, lls. 6d . ; Prussia, 12s. 4d.; France, 11. 4s . ; England, 21 12e. Cobbett used to say it NU all a money question. and they might depend it was so. In 1822 Lord John Russell brought forward a motion for the consideration of the representation of the people, and he showed that when there was a large number of electors the parties elected by them were those desirous of curtailing the expenditure of the country. In May in that year Lord John Russell said: In the boroughs centaining under 500 inhabitants one member voted for redredoiotiw of expenses and 107 against it. In boroughs con tenting from 600 to 1,000, 12 voted for reduction and 33 against it. In boroughs containing under 2,000 inhabitants, 17 voted for redaction and 41 apinat it. In b roughs enntainlng under 3,000 inhabitants, 19 members voted for, and 45 against, reduction. In borough& con tenting ender 5,001 inhabitants, 25 voted ler, and 43 spina; franc :Mon. In boroughs of above 5,000 inhabitants, 66 voted for reduction sad 47 against It. The unenerreralt of this calculation was that the 1 proportion of votes in favour and In opposition to ministers c eseording to the Inereetee ol Melee eri Me plebs for Milan tee= member sat. Of ;homeliest elms Use wee 19 to 1 in Incur cd mildews ;tt berme that 3to I, 2to/, fa thsir Moo ; meal atinraill 41900440 *3 filastONlßl Osii Am be I WNW delenentetien than that to show ▪ 1161110 they bpsugles is She intrwenni-a-grwit body of Pluglocalig• ildlitdegled. end where lint wee not the ewe goverment could expend what they *end ? It wee owing to Unger& the immense national debt, the great cure' of thitis . ras crested. fer the wpm of maintaining ws and espreakil 101111111 MS. (Cheers.) He upon the westing &MB the great necessity * existed for a oaks with the middle clam, end *Mid remind them of the many failures experienced by the originators of reform, until the middli class took up the question. They must, then, meet together with cordiality, for they had the mime interest one as the other. If that was true, he asked the working men to show they believed it, by joining the middle classes upon the present occasion, and to despise the man who came among thhm for the sake of creating suspicion or dis trust. (Cheers.) His friend Mr. Monts had before said, that if there was to be a change of government he should prefer a republic; but he would put it to every man present, would he have a republic to-morrow if he could obtain one? (Loud cheering end cries of " No, no," with some few cries of "Yes.") He would put it to them as men, as the muses, that if they were to have a republic they would give up what they now have for speculation. (Cheers.) Diontesquieu had said that the government of this country was but repub licanism masked, and it was so. True, the Queen stood at the head of the law, and by her ministers she kept the law ,• and that man who wished to break up " Peace, law, and order" was a most unprincipled man. (Loud cheering.) He now turned with some pride to an explanation end to a definition of the particular household suffrage which would be submitted fur their approbation, and on which he solicited their earnest consideration. At present the occupation of a dwelling-house was necessary to give a vote—instead of this, they proposed that the bond fide occupation of a single room should be sufficient. Some thought that between that and household suffrage there was very little difference. (A voice in the hall, " Why not go for it, then? ") He was asked why he did not go for it ; his reply was, that he had gone for it for thirty years, and he found that, without the as sistance of the middle clones, the working men could not get anything approaching to it. But he would show that the proposition submitted to-day approached as nearly as possible to universal suffrage ; the best part of it was that which proposed a change from the present system to electoral districts. This was of great importance , and was. in his mind, nearly as pod as the suffrage itself. ("No," from the chartists ) He (Mr. Edmonds) begged them to bear before they said "No." The electoral district system wag this, that portions of the country should be divided according to the population, so that every member should spring frosa a given number of votes. (Hear.) Now, what could be more likely than that to ensure a fair represen tation of the people ? There was, fur instance, and as illustration of this point, his friend Sturge, who purchased grain from the sample—the same being generally found to correspond with the quantity in the sack in stock. Now a lodger had only to say, give me the key of my bed room and he became as independent a man as the man who occupied the large house ; and if they had the suffrage, he was contemplatiog,with electoral districts, he was quite satis fied, that, like the corn in the bag. it would give a fair sample of the entire stock in the sack—meaning the whole community. (Hear.) But without electoral districts he objected to household suffrage, because he was convinced that under the present system it was impossible to procure anything like that which the House of Commons ought to be—a fair representation of the people. (Hear.) With re gard to the ballot he regarded it as of vital importance, an,. he for one would never cement to give up that port of the reforms they were then contemplating. It was said by some that that system was sn un-English one—those who said so wantedto bamboozle the people out of theirjust rights. Where was the possibility of bribing a constituency with the ballot, and under no particular influence. (Hear.) By the reform they propmed they would ensure almost all that could be ' ensured by representation. It would not put money into the pockets of the people, but prevent others taking it out. It would not give bread and clime to the muses, but it would promote the prosperity of the country, without robbing those who had justly acquired their property. He deprecated anything in the shape of communism, and he hoped that the people of Birmingham would scorn to join in a cry embracing each contemptible twaddle. (Cheers.) During the whole course of his political life, now a tolerably lengthened one, he had deprecated everything in the •hape of physical form, for the especial reason that a political good woald never come out of it. The especial object of the toriea had always been to dabble in a petty sort of treason, in order that a few of the leaders of the working people might be caught, and their cry after reform thus put an end to, and in order that they might say, " See what a set of wild beasts these unrepresented are ; all they want is to scramble for your property." (Hear.) For his part, he had grown grey in the service of the people, and heartily wished them success in the good cause in which they were now engaged. He implored them all to unite cordially in the movement. Ile admitted that they had a right to the suf. frage entire ; but social rights, like all ethers, required to be arranged. Let two obstinate men meet in the street, and if each went the precise way he liked, the probability was that one would knock the other down. These abstract prin ciples and rights were all very well in theory, but society requiredthat they should be regulated to suit circumstances. He begged them to be firm—to be united, and to take care that nothing in the shape of disturbance took place ; and, if they saw an enemy coming in and endeavouring to create anything is the shape of a difference, that they would use him something after the principle (only milder) of a snake which, if they saw crawling on the kitchen floor, would dic tate to a man to pick up the rolling-pin and give him a crack. (Cheers.) Mr a Edmonds concluded by seconding the resolutitin. Mr. Maxrus, a chartist, who had signed the declaration for the purpose of addressing the meeting, proceeded to give his reasons for supporting universal suffrage in preference to household. lie insisted that the former was a principle and the latter • temporary expedient. lie argued that the prin ciple of voting was vested in the man, and not in the house. If they got household suffrage, it would only be the prelade to ano ther agitation for universal suffrage. (A voice " Let us take what we can get.") He (Mr. Mantle) objected to that because no principle was embodied, and he believed that one half of those who had signed the declaration in fa vour of household suffrage were really friends to universal. The question was whether the time had come to get the suf frage entire. lie believed that it had ; that it only required a sufficient demonstration on the part of the people of Bir mingham, and it would have such weight as it would be found impossible to resist. He objected, moreover, to the resolution that had been moved, for the reason that the abo lition of the property qualification of members had not been stipulated for. Mr. JOHN MASON, chartist, next came forward to address the meeting, but he not having signed the declaration the anima* objected. Ultimately, however, the meeting de cided that Mr. Mason should be heard. He said that how ever much he might disagree with some of the principles which had been laid down, he hailed the meeting that day none of the most important demonstrations that had taken place in the country, and as significant of the feeling that pervaded the public mind. The chartists bad long sines de clared for the suffrage, and were not likely to recede ; they came forward now not to interrupt the exertions of the household suffragists, but to stand by and to maintain their own reputation. He sincerely believed that as yet the middle classes were really not up to the mark—that they were sot prepared to go for reforms so extensive as those for which the masses were disposed. Whilst however the political union would never cease to agitate for comph to suffrage, it would not take one step to impede the accomplish ment of those reforms which this party desired to gain. (Hear, hear.) When their friend Mr. Attwood first came down and joined the people, he did so for the reason that the House of Commons had ceased to represent the true interests of the people ; that the commercial interest was being ruined, and with it was result ing the starvation of the people. The Reform Bill was gamed by great exertion ; and what had been the result ? Why, that not one measure had been passed that in any way promoted the welfare of the people. He insisted that the constituency created by the Reform Bill had not yet done its duty ; neither did it seem to be prepared to do it. ( Hear. ) He believed, however, if the people were enfranchised to the extent proposed in the resolution which had been sub. , mitted to them, that nine-tenths of the community would be represented. (Hear.) It might have the effect of disfran chising one or two hundred thousand—men who, by their labour, mostly contributed to the burdens of the state, and who might be called upon to sacrifice their lives in its de fence. That was an injwitice that would soon remedy itself with &suffrage as extensive as that which was proposed. (Hear.) lie believed that the middle classes of Birmingham at least were prepared to go the extent of the working men ; but he still thought that it would be a pity if such • movement as this were put down because so comparatively few would be ex cluded from the franchise as he had estimated. He as a chartist, was anxious of all things that nothing which might be done that day should have the effect of dis couraging the parties to this movement, although be and those with whom he acted could not struggle earnestly with them, neither could they do anything to thwart their success. (Cheers.) At the meeting of the members of the political union which had taken place on the previous evening, the unanimous feeling was that they (the chartists) should not interrupt or encourage the exertions of the household sof impel e, but at the same time that they should not do any thing to compromise their own character. (Cheers.) Be fore three months was at an end the battle would have to be fought on the ground of universal suffrage. The middle class would find themselves compelled to unite with the people. Once fairly launched in the righteous cause, it would be out of the power, both of whir and toffee united, to attempt to deprive the people of their just rights. (Hear.) He called on such men am Sir J. Walmsley and Mr. Hums, and Mr. Muntz, to place themselves in the front of the battle for the people; and he implored them, in the name of God and their country, to have the reforms which they sought without anything in the shape of compromise. (Cheers.) He deprecated any such thing sa casting ridicule on the chartists. With all the chartist errors, with all their denunciations of the middle classes, they had many redeem able qualifications, and the apathy of the middle classes, in the midst of their desperate condition, had awakened feelings elf bitterness which might be forgiven. lie insisted that the interests of the middle and lower class were identical. It was opposed alike to the laws of nature and those of civilised society that they . should be antagonistic. (Rear.) Acting upon a broad principle he could not give t anshuseduffrage principle his cordial co-operation support. He would be glad, however, to see it successful, beano. be hoped that a House of Commons sent by such a constituency would set about such a change in our monetary system as would have the effect of reviving trade, and giving employ went to every man who wanted work. (Cheers.) He ex peened a hope the there would in future be a cordial reeling sad good understanding between the middle and working flames; that a reeling of brotherhood would exist amongst Area; that bowasforth there would be no such thing as • ans that if there was to be a leaning co the aide of the saivezeel sat- flragists, the creators of the country's wealth, and net en *elide se these without heads and without hearts, who had tilde tke greatest nation in the world the moat wretched sad the most miserable. (Applause.) His policy was this : never to stand as a stumbling-block in the way of pstg He spoke the voice of the political council whim be d that they would never compromise their party or their principles ; at the same time they would do nothing to thwart these who sought for as large a measure of political justice as was embodied in this resolution. Whatever com promise there might be the people would struggle for uni versal suffrage, and he considered that the people were bound to lied in the movement with all their energy, their pockets, and their exertions. (Applause.) Mr. HILL, another chartist, in the course of a few vehe ment sentences, said that he was ready to give a ll be pose seated for the sake of the suffrage ; and so strong was his feeling and his attachment to principle that he could not conscientiously support any movement that went for less. Mr. KUNTZ, iu reply te thedffrelon which had been rained that it had been sought to make a house and tenement of more value than a man, said that he at least never enter tained any such opinion, but the matter was this—at mount they had a household tenure ae a qualification of a certain value. He did not approve of that, and others who did approve of it did not object — to its being further extended. A third party thought that the right of voting was in the man and not in the house. These were undoubtedly right in principle; but the real question was, could they get the support of a sufficient party, if they stuck so rigidly to prin ciple, and sacrificed everything to universal suffrage. (Hear.) But there was another thing to be considered, and that was how this universal suffrage principle had worked. Before the Reform Bill passed, the universal suffrage existed ; the pot wallopers were all suffrage men, and a worse set of men never lived. They sacrificed everything to their bellies and throats, and he defied any man to point to a borough where the universal suffrage system prevailed, that was not famous for the greatest rascality at every election. (Hear, hear.) Re was as much an advocate for the people having their just rights as any man, but he was not so green u to refuse a great deal because be couldn't get everything. (Hear.) Who asked the chartists to sacrifice their principles ? They were merely asked to aid them in getting nineteen-twen tieths of what they actually wanted. (A cry of " No.") It was easy to say, " no," but he (Mr. Munto) challenged any man present to prove to the contrary. But, suppose it was only twelvetwentiethe hat they obtained, was not that better than nothing? (Hear.) Hiw long, he would ask, had the radials, in days gone by, struggled for nothing ? but the moment they joiued together, they got a very great deal. He admitted that they did not get all they wanted, but without the Reform Bill the pot-wallopers would have remained rampant, and the country would have been sacri ficed to genie and swill. (Hear.) Now they proposed to take an immense stride in the right direction; were the chartists prepared to lose their present chance, for the sake of the bare probability of getting something more in tea years ? (A cry of " No.") Were the people prepared to see their children plunged in starvation and in misery, rather than aid those who were disposed to assist us getting some portion of their rights ? He thought be Anse the people too well to suppose they would be half so unreasonable. In tut, would they not be stark- Mika mad to refuse such a measure of reform as they might ' get, for something which there was not the slightest present pespect of their obtaining ? He come elled them, as I eason able men, not to forget this, and to accept half a loaf rather than no bread. (Applause.) The resolution was then put and carried, three or four hands only being held up against it. Mr. R. K BUI;OLAS then came forward to move the se sand resolution. lie said if this movement can carry out its object, Mr. Mason's principle is certain to be successful. The household suffrage party said to him and his friends, " Go I on"—if you succeed, we must; if only us, you will have at '. tabled a great deal. They had heard that from 100 to 150 members of the House of Commons were in favour of this movement, whereas not more than haltiedezen were in favour of universal suffrage. The odds were, therefore, greatly in favour of theirs with whom he was acting. The French revolution of 1830 had produced the Reform Bill of 1832; he hoped that some result equally advantageous would result from the glorious revolution in that country of 1848. He denied that the middle and lower classes were really antagonistic, but insisted that each were knit together by mutual interests. It had been said this was a suffrage of matter instead of man. It was not more so than that the chartists themselves pro posed in their original bill, as drawn up by W. Lovett and the other leaders—by that draft, a residence of not less than ' three months in some locality was necessary precious to the 'election to qualify the elector to vote. That was as much Axing the franchise on matter as when it was made to de peed oa the occupation of a house or room. The object of such restriction was to give a guarantee that the voter was not a mere vagrant wandering about from place to plane, possessing no interest in any locality, and voting in the morning at Birmingham, in the afternoon at Wolverhamm ton, and the next morning at Manchester or Liver; isoL (Cheers.) If universal suffrage, without any restriction as to its exercise, were adopted, it would be in the power of money to influence elections even more than it did at pre. sent, for what would there be to prevent any who could pay (or the services of 500 or 1,000 men, putting them all into a railway train and influencing every election, perhaps, within 100 miles? They talked of the value of principle—why what was there of principle in the term universal suffrage as understood by those who now advocated the measure? What I universality was there in a suffrage that cut off half or two thirds of the whole population ? Would anybody tell him that the educated and well-conducted woman who was sup. porting herself by . her industry wee not equally qualified and sup full as worthy to judge of the fitness of candidates for parlia ment as men of 21 years of age? (Hear, hear.) Then what was the reason for fixing the age of 21 as that from whence the qualification should commence? The standard of '2l. years of age was in this country a mere matter of property, and had been fixed in relation to property—why not go at once for the ace of 14, when, according to the lawyers, man became marriageable. Then it was well known that a enen of 18 years of age , in the present day, would be in most MOO more intelligent and better qualified to exercise thetremeides 'than men of 80 were 40 or 50 years ago. And yet the edema chartists refused to unite with their present movemece, am the ground that they preferred principle to expediency. It was all a question of expediency in political matters. The question was not what they ought to get, but what they could get. He would say to them as he would say to a mer chant, or a manufacturer who had a large sum owing to him and wanted the money, " If you cannot get more than 16s. in the pound, take that and wait for the rest." (Cheers.) And while he thee advised them to unite, foe the purpose of obtaining what they could get—let him warn them that if the whigs and the tories should once be enabled to drive the wedge of disunion amongst them, they would have accom plished their purpose, and all reform would be indefinitely delayed. Let it not be supposed that those who were the promoters of this movement desired to interpose between the chartists or complete suffragists, and the utmost exertion. they might wish to make for the accomplishment of their ultimate objects. He would say to them, on the contrary, go on with your exertions, sod God speed you. (Hear, hear.) But as he and others were prepared to go a certain way in their company let them go together that fir, and then, if others could see through his spectacles, they might go together still further. (A laugh.) And with regard to the exclusion of the drapers assistants and clerks, as the conse quence of household suffrage ' • was it so very important a mat . ter that because a few would be excluded for a time that the franchise should be refused to those hundreds of thousands whe, were household suffrage adopted, would be admitted ? They had so often discussed the ballot that he need not now dilate on its advantages. With electoral districts, Tam worth, and email boroughs of the class, would no longer be allowed to return as many members as Birmingham, Men. chester, or Liverpool. Let electoral districts be adopted, and if Tamworth then returned two members Birmingham would return twenty. As to triennial parliaments, that was not new. Triennial parliaments was once the law of theland —a law that was repealed in 1815 by as contemptible a fac tion as ever ruled in the House of Commons. Let them I then go for these points together; and seeing, after all, that the question was a bread-and-cheese question, arid as he did not anticipate soy great amelioration in the condition of the wotking classes at preurit- - -perhaps the worst had not yet come , —he believed there would be such a large intuition of strength to the society from amongst those classes as would speedily enable it to carry out its objects. Whether the members of the society acted with energy must depend se' the force by which they were propelled. Let the column be sufficiently strong, and if thou at its head did not premed, they must be trampled upon. (Cheers.) He would cos elude by moving • resolution : That unit/idng is of opon that these reforms will be beta effected by ng the middle and working classes, and it views with great satisfaction the spontaneous desire universally evinced by the intelligent oleo of all claws to unite medially in support at any movement in favour of moderate reforms. Mr. W. W. Morena seconded the resolution. He thought that at this time all parties must see the necemity lof a cordial co-operationin the present movement. (Hear.) I The advocates of universal suffrage should remember what they had been told by. Mr. Blunts, that if the society were to substitute universal for household suffrage they would not have the support of twelve members of the House of Corn mono. They should also remember that there were very many of the middle claims who thought even household sd frage was going too far, but who for the sake of conciliating the working classes and obtaining some reform had in this respect consented to waive their objections. (Cheers.) And if by sticking to principle, as they called it, they drove 'those persons away, they would be in • much worse position for obtaining anything. He believed the changes now pro posed were necessary for the peace and prosperity of the country, for we were now going fast on to such a disruption of claws that unless some such reform were effected we should shortly have nothing left but aristocracy and pau perism. Mr. T. Dicta (chartist) observed that the spirit et fair play exhibited by the association at that meeting was more than he had expected, and he only regretted that the middle classes had not gone with the chartists to the full extent of universal suffrage. In insisting upon household suffrage they were, according to themselves, insisting upon a distinc tion without a difference. But what he thought of great importance also was the abolition of the property qual.Mca boa. Mr. BLOXLAND (chartist), as a universal-mange man, would assist as far as he could to obtain the points for which the association went—vie, household suffrage, triennial par liaments, electoral districts, and vote by ballot ; and, having got these, he would never relax his exertions until universal suffrage was secured. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Hume had calculated that there were about 6,000,000 adult males in England, of whom, deducting double votes, about 600,000 had votes. Under the system of household or room suffrage now proposed between 5,000,000 and 6,000,000 would probably have votes, and with each • ocinstitufincy the people would have little to fur, beet Unwary, R.N., in supporting the resolution, re minded the working classes that it was not so much for the benefit of the middlecLuses as of themselves that they should join this moesmeat, the gent object sat which was to caw - t. ~~ cipate them from that political serfdom in which they had been kept for ages. The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Mr. PERILING proposed the next resolution. That thla meeting pledgee noel to support the radical reform men& bees of the noose of Commons In say legal and constitutional ceder vow to elk= a rotor= In our present =woe= system, and reminded the meeting that in 1832 their standard bons the motto of " Peace, law, order, and union." If they ad hered to the principle declared in that motto they would • now succeed, as they had succeeded before, in obtaining at ' least that which would be a stepping-stone to something better ; but in any political movement in which those prin ciples were abandoned the result must always be anarchy • and confusion. ( Hear, hear.) Mr. Aid. PHILLIPS, in seconding tho resolution, alas expressed himself favourable to the full extension of the franchise, but thought it better to take what they could get rather than lose all by retuaing it unless accompanied by all they could wish. This resolution was also carried unanimously. Mr. Blythe proposed and Mr. Webster seconded the fourth resolution viz.: That thin meeti ng do resolve Itself Into a committee, to be called The He Lcogue, and that the rules subnutud, embodying the constitution of the league, be agreed to, which was adopted farm. con. The president, vice-presidents, and secretary of the association were then appointed, Mr. Monts. M.P., being chosen for the tint office ,• mad after • vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was duly acknow ledged by him, the meeting separ ated. p RESOLUTIONS ON THE GENERAL PRIN CIPLES OF REPRESENTATION. BY LULL STANHOPE. 1. That for the purpose of preventing bribery and corruption at elections, oaths shall be takers or declarations r shall be made, by each candidate and by each elector, the i former stating that he had not given and would not give and the latter stating that he bad not received sod would nut receive, any money or any article having the sable of money, directly or indirectly, with the view of influencing the election ; that a similar oath or declaration shall at the commencement of every session be taken or made by every member of the House of Commons; and that every person taking any such oath, or making any such declaration, and being proved to have acted contrary thereto shall, exclusive of other pains and penalties, be subject to those of perjury. 2. That fur the purpose of securing from any undue in fluence, those electors who may consider themselves sub ject thereto, every elector may if he thinks proper, vote by allot. 3. That for the purpose of avoiding those expenses which might otherwise prevent many fit and proper persons from sitting in parliament, the necessary expenses Weeding an election shall be paid, by a rate to be levied on the electors', and that every representative shall during the session of parliament receive, if he shall think fit, an allowance for his expenses. 4. That for the purpose of conducting with greater conve nience the public service, and of allowing to the crown the unrestrained exercise of its prerogative in the appointment of its ministers, a certain number of persons holding official stations shall by virtue thereof have seats in the House of Commons. 5. That for the purpose of maintaining the due respon sibility of the representatives, the duration of any parliament shall not exceed three years, and shall not be affected by a demise of the crown. G. That for the purpose of establishing a full and fair representation of the people, all the rights, interests, quali fications, and franchises which now exist, with regard to elections in counties, towns, boroughs, and universities, shall be abolished. 7. That for the purpose of enabling each elms of the com munity to elect those representatives who may support its rights and promote its interest*, there shall be representatives for each of the following classes, viz.: 1. The owners and occupiers of land ; 2. The manufacturers and those wbo make any article for sale on their own account ; 3. The merchants and those who traffir is any article on their own account; 4. Those who are employed in daily labour, whether in agriculture, in manufactures, or in trade; 5. Those who have professional employments, or who have rent charges, annuities, or mortgages charged upon real or personal property, or who receive salaries or yearly wages. 8. That for the purpose of giving to every citizen of the state his due share in the representation, every person of full z e s lal to l be wh e ic tit i l e ed toyvtettinngea.achd in ethitehartreierswer where is either an owner or occupier of land, or a manufacturer, or a merchant, and when absent co vote by proxy. 9. That for the purpose of allowing a free and unrestricted choice at elections, every citizen of the state being of full age, being willing to take the requisite oaths, or to make the requisite declarations, and not being a peer of parliament, shall be eligible as a representative in the House of ' Commons. IRELAND. DUBLIN, Id AY 2. EX OFFICIO PROCEEDINGS. Mr. Mitchell still occupies the court and troubles the Attorney-General. His pleas in abatement were offered last evening at the Crown-office, and refused on the ground that the Court of Queen's Bench had judicial knowledge of the matter of the pleas. To day the question came before the full court. At two o'clock the Attorney-General, setting aside the ob jection of the Crown-office, handed in a demurrer to one plea. and a replication to the other. The matter of one plea I have before stated—the second, which differs in some respects from the first, is to the jurisdiction of the court. It states that by the laws and customs of the realm and the privileges of all her Majesty's subjects, Mr. Mitchell is not bound to answer the offences charged is the information aforesaid, unless found upon the oaths of 12 good and lawful men, and therefore prays judgment, &0., &c. The question involved in the latter plea is of some importance, and likely to raise much constitutional discussion in the argument on the demurrer. It denies the right of the Attorney- General to file an ex officio under the circum stances, and will be handled ably and acutely by Sir Colman O'Loghlen. The Attorney-General called on Mr. Mitchell to join at once in de murrer. Mr. Holmes and Sir Colman O'Logh len insisted that the traverser was entitled to the four day rule, and on the authority of the " Queen against O'Connell," the court ruled that Mr. Mitchell was entitled to the four-day rule. Accordingly Mr. Mitchell need not join until Saturday, and as it will take Monday to make up the demurrer books, the argument cannot take place before Tuesday. Now assuming the pleas to be overruled, and Mr. Mitchell compelled to " answer over" immediately, the crown is still shut out from a trial in the after sittings. Mr. Mitchell is entitled to an eight-day notice of trial, and term ending on Friday next, it is evident the notice of trial mast run out of the term. Mr. Mitchell then is safe for the present—the other trials will go on before special juries. Mr. Smith O'Brien has been influenced by his friends, and withdrawn his resignation. The Free man of this morning authoritatively contradicts the rumour, but the letter of resignation was written, and withdrawn only last night. Addresses from various parts of the north of Ire land continue to pour into the Castle. To-day we have accounts of nearly a dozen, and among them an important address from the landed proprietors of Down, agreed to at a recent meeting at Hillsborough house, Lord Dovroshire's residence. His excellency received two addresses on Saturday, from the nobility, gentry, and freeholders of the county of Wicklow, and the magistrates of the county and city of Dublin. His excellency stated to the depu tation of magistrates that he had no intention at pre sent of placing Dublin under the Crime and Outrage Suppression Act. The Young Ireland demonstration at Cork came off on Monday, as pre-arranged. The object of it was to do honour to the " persecuted patriots," but only one of them was present, Mr. Meagher, the others having necessarily to attend in the Queen's Bench. The trades marched in procession, and the day being fine, and among Irish artizans always held se a holiday, the show was not uninteresting, but not at all urn. posing. There was a meeting of the Desmond Club held on the night previous, at which Mr. Meagher was p resent, and recounted lls proceedings attendant on the soirée and the discomfiture of his party. He continued as follows : The consequence was, that the authorities were at last com pelled to interfere—the bugles of the garrison were sounded, and every soldier of the garrison was drawn out, and they swept the streets, and it was by that very power eseinst which we are arrayed—and it is after all the most humiliating and depressing circumstance of the whole occurrence, that the very power by which we have been enslaved, the very power which we curse, the very power which we called on the people to arm against—that the very power we, last night, speaking sentiments that were hostile to them, defending the cause of Ireland's liberty against English usurpation, had to feel grateful, or, if not grateful, at least respectful. (Cheers.) That was the circumstance, I say, which caused me the greatest humiliation. We left the place, and the whole of the street was occupied by the military body, who had been stationed there to regent the assemblage of those who, from ignorance, I would say— for in my heart I cannot bring myself to attribute it to any other source in the present trying circumstances of the country—had attacked us. This is the plain, I trust the im partial, and I eh* trust the temperate statement of the cir cumstances which occurred on last evening. I feel that it the. government of England knew that the spirit of democracy in this country was organ,,•,l and confele. rated against ita holding In this island—l . if there was no antagonism of paargons, thwarting, and dividing, cor roding and diseasing the power of that democratic spirit, the government would feel its inseeizity on the soil, an insect nty which would be worse than a mutiny l• het army, or • division in her cabinet. (Cheers.) They would feel, indeed, that they had no longer any moral influence 'amongst people—they would feel that mire was no looser a y e ice on which they might rely. But when tr od i ii : ik . in the country—when we Wt that the old winch ii .