The Express. — London, England, 1847-09-08 00:00:00

fllwe& a t er seldeot. It is no doubt irritating to see Milasfacturer—the Manchester muta t° a scion of the house of FITZ • ltu lim t eli tie bewaser, is not the full extent of the earl's present gdo4 as will be felt at once by those who remember certain grave demonstrations in palace-rmi IFeetrainster, in the early days of the League , of the lib sad heard of pressing for total repeal of the atioem Bad any other middle-class fivetrader beam Om dem of the West Riding, it would have bent Ism allissive than that it should be COBDEN, of all see, who led on the free-trade phalanx to victory, by acting in direct opposition to counsels given by Earl Frrzwatism, with shakes of the head .unrivalled for mysterious meaning since those of SHERIDAN'S Burleigh. And the men of the West Riding have even capped their contumacy in choosing COBDEN, by refusing to be terrified by Earl Fitzwmusit's dark hints that they will find free trade something very different from what they expect Finding the manufacturers imperturbable, Earl FrrzwiLtuat turned to try whether Lord Moarrre and those leagued with him in office were not more susceptible. lie flattered himself that he had got the senior knight of the shire for the West Riding on the horns of a dilemma when he broached the question of Austrian outrages in Italy and direct diplomatic later course with the court of Rome. He absolutely hugged, himself at the idea of Lord Morierre either awaking against himself "the sonorous bray of Exeter Ball," by avowing his readiness to concur in sending an envoy to Rome, or incurring the suspicion of in telligent liberals by observing a diplomatic reserve on the subject. But Lord MoRPETU'S proverbial good humour stood him in as good stead as their Ingle pendent confidence in their own intelligence and energy had stood the cutlers of Sheffield when the Sir MUNGO MALAGROWTHER of the West Riding tried to embitter the feast to them by melancholy inueadoes as to the future. Alluding to Earl FITZ WILLIAM'S apologetic preface, that the gentleman who proposed his health had made a little breach in the hedge which separated the company from politics, Lord Moaerra quietly told the noble earl that he " had driven the famous old family coach and six right through that breach." And how could the immortal memory of the FITzwILLiAM coach and six be re ceived in Hallamshire but with shouts of laughter ? Earl FirzwiLuse took so little by his motion that for any purpose of punishment it would be unneces sary to notice him. The spleen of this Cassandra of timid economical reformers, driven inwards by the honest self-reliance of the cutlers of Sheffield and the playful sarcasms of Lord Mourne and Mr. WARD, to feed on the breast that nourished it, was chastisement sufficient for the self-willed disturbance of the social hour. But the temper manifested by Earl FITZWIL LIAM at the ban of the Master Cutler, coupled with his ill-ja letter to Mr. DENISON, warrants the inference t the noble lord's spleen may influ ence his future political conduct. Public men of Earl Frrzwit.usu's calibre—indifferent honest, but men of one idea—are extremely apt to be driven into erra tic courses by fancied slights. It is desirable that the friends of liberal policy and progress should know where they are to have him. Is Lord FrrzwiLmsm's quarrel with his old colleagues only, or with the libe ral canoe in general ? Will it content him to remain isolated and play the cavilling part of a less genial and less loquacious enocuesat ? Or will he repeat the FITZWILLIAM desertion of the liberal party in 1793? To the cause the course he may pursue is of little, to his own hitherto respectable public character of infi nite, moment A Civarisr correspondent, of whose stricture upon us we feel no inclination to complain though we cannot accept his complimentary prophecy, is of opinion that we shall be found hereafter among the advocates of Mr. O'CONNOR'S economical po licy. It is impossible for us to enter into the con troversy which a complete answer to his objec tions, to which we have given a place in this day's paper, would occasion. Newspaper writers. whose business it is to apply political principles to the changing circumstances of the times, cannot re-open the fundamental questions of politics and economy every time that their general doctrines are disputed, It is absolutely necessary to assume certain proposi tions respecting capital and labour as fi nally esta blished, if we are to discuss practical questions in any way whatever. We admit at once that if political economy is a dream, if an improved system of distribution can supersede the laws which regulate the creation of wealth, the Chartist scheme of flourishing on the subdivided soil is, if not exempt from defects, at least secure from any criti cism of ours. In the mean time, we repeat that accord ing to the ordinary course of causes and effects, it appears to us that the shareholders of the land com pany will obtain no more land than they can pay for, and that the purchase-money of an allotment suffi cient to maintain a family would, in any other form, render the owner comparatively independent. Our correspondent, indeed, objects in phraaeo logy, with which the public is sufficiently fami liar, that such a sum would not have the bene ficial effect ascribed to it, if "sunk in the shares of a bubble company, or in the bills of an aris tocratic swindler ; and we must admit that if the money was lost, the owner would no longer be the owner ; though we suspect that there are Sews in London who would be sorry to exchange their profits on the bills of aristocratic spendthrifts for the best location at O'Connorville. It Is of money kept, and not thrown away, that we speak. A cottage and four acres of land can scarcely be worth on an average less than 1501., and the owner of such a sum, in any form, cannot properly be classed among the poor wretched persons whom our correspondent so feel ingly describes. Ile saw, it seems, in a " paradise" of two acres at O'Connorville, a freeholder who, a few months before, had been an inmate of Nottingham workhouse. Probably he was a prizeholder in the land lottery. If the guardians had known of his ap proaching competency, they would not have been jus tified in advancing to him the property of the rate payers except in the form of a loan secured on his contingent interest in the land. But, passing over this question, would not any pauper be the better for a windfall of 701, or 801 ? If it was not a windfall, but a freehold in early expectancy, he was not really a mis pa t r a tr, though he may have been relieved under • as to his circumstances, We could not make the fallacy of supposing tkat the estates of the land company are created by it more obvious if we were to ring the changes upon the pro position that the purchased land only represents the purchase money through a dozen articles. The eel- I.eve owners of a sum of 70,0001. have thought prom to invest it, as they had a full right to do, in land, on which some of them are now, in more or lees comfort, residing. We brio means say that it would have been wiser to buy government annuities with their capital ; but they might have done so with a not very differ en t result. Our correspondent reminds us, however, that the whole capital of the society is not sunk in land, but that a portion of it forms the capital of a bank ; or rather, the bank is to be conducted by means of the deposits alone with no money capital, and on the basis of the Lind as the sole security to the depositors. It is sufficiently clear that this ar- Part is no respect alters the state of the case. bank returns a profit, it is the legitimate return for the capital invested and the risk incurred; and by the amount of that risk the land which is liable to meet it is less valuable to the owners, who, if they ex pect to add the advantages of money dealing to those of husbandry, must be prepared for the possibility of bankruptcy as well as for bad harvests. We regard with some suspicion a !maculation in which the share holders of • bank are also to be its sole or principal customers, a relation which has brought some of the wealthiest joint-stock banks into irrecoverable diffi culty. As long as the deposits at 31 per cent. balance or exceed the loans at 5 per cent, the bank may stand and return a profit ; but, in • bad season,the borrowers will become more urgent for assistance, at the very time that the depositors wish to withdraw th eir capital, and the business must come to a stand still, unless the land, on which the wholesysistm is booed, is converted into money to meet the d• But we have digressed from one min ilea" is touchineeven slightly on the damns 4 ths latrine scheme. If it should prove to be stingidsgu it = Om, the world at large as will al So will be indebted to the ingenious Lewes e of the my _lan. We have already . said thanes Mess lb pe als objection to the experiment, mega asi it ie an experiment tried with the money of tho psis To those who lave no money to spare, sad as audit to dispose oaf all speculations are equally inseaMs. In the present insane, itisarranged that thole mesa= of the association who wish to borrow shall obtain loans at 6 per oent., while those who horn savings to dispel f ft il THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 8, 1847. people indignant at the part which their country mos about to be made to play:—the example of !hawingtaking the lead in supporting a liberal Pope, the growth of Italian regeneration— fear that even the colossal machinery of oor raption which they wield will not prevent the French nation from prevailing over that of the small fraction ant which M. Guirot calls the "legal country," and i the too probable frustration of the dynastic hopes at , Madrid, leave the councils of St. Cloud at this moment in a state of most unenviable perplexity. Hence the eantradietion and inconsistency apparent in their To-day the Pope is a firebrand, issuing = li tia . ry protestations, and disclosing diplomatic secrets to set Italy in a dame. To-morrow he is the sage Pius IX., steadily pursuing the glorious course of political and administrative reform. To-day the columns of the Debate are filled with fears lest his holiness should go too far, and raise around him the horrors of anarchy. To-morrow the came whim= are filled with hopes for the steady perseverance of Pius the Ninth in his noble minion of political and social reform. To-cloy the journal of Louis Philippe protests that Austria is in spired by the most friendly intentions, and does no thing . but exercise her just rights. T o-morrow the same journal is sorry that the measures of Austria at Ferrara are so brusque and inopportune as to afford apparent ground of offence. Such vacillations are the natural and necessary consequences of correspond ing undulations in those councils of which the court journal is the recognised organ. The popular movement which had been manifested for several nights in the neighbourhood of the Palais Royal was in a great measure abated. The crowd on Saturday night, though considerable, was much less than on the preceding evenings. Only two Journals—the Union Monarehique and the Courrier Francais —remark oa the changes just ordered in the administration of Algeria. The former admits that the alteration is certainly an improve ment, bat complains that the government has not gone far enough. The Courtier Francais is infinitely more 1 discontented, declaring the whole proceeding to be a mere mockery, to lead the world to imagine that the pruning-knife has been usefully applied, when in reality it has scarcely touched the tree. Our contem porary concludes its article as follows: To recapitulate, we have to say that nothing has been done. The new ordonnances maintain the military supre macy, and the system of zones, with the Arab bureaux, in creasing the number of employee, under the pretext of sup pressing some of the posts. They augment the confusion of the service, without adopting any new administrative mea sure. They create neither civil institutions nor municipal ones—they do not even, in displacing what is arbitrary, im prove its organisation. What, then, is changed in Africa? A governor-general has been appointed, who will wait for his emancipation by a viceroy, and who has an account of two milliards already expended, and of a hundred thousand men destroyed, of whom France deplores the lose! It is affirmed by L' Union Monarehique that M. Bacourt is appointed to the embassy at Madrid. perhaps better—known, both as a surgeon and an author. His profession owe Mr. SODTH a debt of re sect and gratitude for his translation of " Mauve' alone. It was not against the men but the system which prevails in our great hospitals that our re marks were directed, and with regard to the system Mr. SOLLY is silent. The charge we brought against St. Thomas's Hoe pital—and the majority of the metropolitan hospitals —was, that there is no officer present in any of them at all hours, fully qualified and fully authorised to perform the capital operations of surgery. Mr. SOLLY in his letter states that Mr. WHITFIELD, the resident seediest officer, saw Mr. CRAWLEY immediately :on his admission; and that Mr. Sorra saw him only ten minutes later. But Mr. SOLLY does not add that Mr. WHITFIELD was authorised in all needful cases to CZthe more serious operations of surgery ; nor state how often and for what length of time the surgeons so authorised are to be found at the hos pital daily ,With these important omission", Mr. Soma , must forgive us for suspe . ctmg a little want of candour in his letter, and for inferring that the charge, which he does not contradict, ie well founded. Mr. SOLLY has tacitly admitted that the hospital is frequently and systematically left without the presence of a person qualified and authorised to perform capital surgical operations—an arrangement which perils the safety of patients, and is liable to injure the reputation of surgeons. In showing that Mr. CRAWLEY's case received Immediate and skilful attention, Mr. SOLLY merely shows the result of a fortunate accident. Mr. CRAWLEY had the good luck to be shot about the time when the chief surgeon is in the habit of visiting his cases in the hospital; had he been wounded at mid night instead of mid-day—or indeed at any hour except that at which the hospital surgeon's other engagements permit his gratuitous attention to the sick poor in the wards—will Mr. SOLLY say that gentleman, fully competent and authorised to upsets, would have seen the patient " within ten minute"! Mr. SOLLY will not, we suspect, venture to NINA anything of the kind. The present hospital system renders it imposaible ; and therefore, the public good demands, and we have required, the re formation of that system. The origin of an arrangement which so materially diminishes the efficiency of those noble institutions, our metropolitan hospitals, is to be sought in the unwise extension of the "advice gratis" system. At present the surgeons and physicians of our hospitals act gratuitously. Even the proverb reminds us that we must not look a gift horse in the month. An plc rags appointment may procure its holder some . . as a medical teacher; it is supposed (how erreneowdy many an hospital teacher can tell) to be an introduction to general practice; but to counterbalance these slender and precarious ad vantages it entails upon the surgeon great sacrifices of time, and thought, and labour. He acts, to all in tents, gratuitously, and he is aware of it. He feels that in giving one or two valuable hours daily to the service of the suffering poor, he makes no ordinary sacrifice at the shrine of humanity. He cannot be ex pected to be at his post night and day. Perhaps on no other terms could the hospitals ob tain even this amount of co operation from the high names in the medical profession now associated with them. But, surely, it is not too much to ask that, in the absence of these honorary officers—that during the twenty, or two-and twenty, hours when they must necessarily be absent—a fully qualified and fully authorised officer should be on duty ready to put in operation all the means and appliances which modern science sup plies for the alleviation of human suffering. The means of effecting the change is simple: it only re quires that the present medical staff shall waive the exclusive right they claim to operate upon the patients, and that the governors shall consent to . pay for the requisite assistance. Our wealthy hospitals cannot object with any reasonable grounds to an increased expenditure so indispensable to their efficiency. It is unreasonable to look for gratuitous services from medical men any more than from lawyers. The magistrate of a police office, the judge of a county court, the recorder of a provincial city, are all remunerated for their labours. There goes as much expenditure of money and intellectual labour to the making of a competent surgeon or phy sician as to the making of a competent lawyer ; and the assuaging of human suffering is surely as import ant an end as the punishment of human crime. The judges we have enumerated discharge their daties regularly and punctually, because the society which pays has a right to hold them to their work. And with paid hospital assistants wo shall have the same punctuality and regularity in the service of the sick poor. " Advice gratis " is an excellent thing in its way ; but our rich hospitals should not rely upon it wholly when circumstances have proved itsfrequent inefficacy in cases where instant aid can turn the balance trembling between life and death. The Madrid mails of the Ist inst. have been re ceived, with despatches which fully confirm all that we announced on Monday and yesterday. There is an end of the mission of Narvaez, and the fine frost-work of St. Cloud and the Rae des Courcelles has melted away before the indignant voice of Queen Isabella. Salamanca, the Minister of Finance, and Sotello, Minister of Marine, are all that remain of the former cabinet ; and the authority to construct another has been conferred on the former. It was said, bat not officially announced, that Marshal Narvaez was dismissed from the Paris embassy, and I was about to leave Spain. The merciless and blood thirsty Pavia was also dismissed from the captain generalship of Catalonia, a province which he has rendered a most revolting theatre of butchery. The ordinances accepting the resignations of the retiring ministers, and appointing others in their places, ap peared in the Gazette on the Ist. For the particulars of the new cabinet arrangements we refer to the letter of our correspondent which we give below. The presidency of the council and the ministry of foreign affairs,were not yet settled. We have received from Italy no direct advices of more recent date than those which we reported yes terday, but the German journals supply matter rela tive to the Italian question of considerable interest and importance. The cabinet of Vienna has put forth another manifesto in the Austrian Observer, which we shall here give in extenso r The Roman journal, Bikineia, contains in its number of Aug. 20, a long article concerning the affairs of Ferrara, which is full of false statements, errors, and calumny. We shall not follow this paper in all its errors, we shall merely reproduce those which appear to us the most remarkable. The whole question raised at Ferrara, and continued with great vivacity in several Italian journals, and in some other insignificant papers, is merely to know if Austria possess the right of keeping up a garrison at Ferrara or not ? As the positive sense of the article 103 of the congress of Vienna phase this question beyond a doubt the Bib:tuck has no ether resource but to equivocate on the meaning of the ex made use of in this article. This paper pretends it ratirtlety to translate the word place by fortified town, and fade it quite natural that the city of Rome should understand tbeword place, by citadel alone. The Bilancia could have found the real meaning of the word place in any dictionary, it it had felt the least desire to know the truth. Besides, it is evident, that if, in drawing up this article 103, they had had the real intention of limiting the right of garrison, granted Austria, to the citadel of Ferrara, this last word would hive most certainly been employed, and not the word place, especially as the same word place was employed for Comachio, where there is no citadel. If it be thus proved that Austria has a right to hold garrison in the towns of Ferrara and Comachio, all the difficulties which have been occasioned by some mea sures recently adopted by the commander-in-chief of Ferrara, and which were but the application of the order of service existing in every army to that of Ferrara, vanish. The Bilancia seems to have comprehended that it could but be refused on this ground, and so hastens to choose a better position. It quotes the protestation of Cardinal Gonsalvi against the article 103 of the congress of Vienna: of this congress, in which it must be owned the great powers of Europe treated the lesser ones in ouch a manner as the favourable opportunities of victory enabled them to do. The Bilancia gays, in another passage, " we are willing to go beck to the treaty of Vienna, and in repeating with respect the august words of our sovereign, we will boldly say that the time is now come in which we must give certain pro testations, made in the very beginning, their full e ff ect, as justice requires it at ourhande." As this imprudent decla ration of the Bilancie is of a nature to indicate clearly the springs which have set in motion the .parties so greatly in censed by the events of Ferrara, it behoves us to examine thoroughly the character of the protestation here mentioned. Three days after the signature of the final act of the congress of Vienna,viz.,June 12,1815, the plenipotentiary of the Pope, Cardinal Gonsalvi, delivered two protestations. In one the cardinal protests against every disposition contrary to the catholic faith, and to the rights of the church. It contains : Ist. The non-re-establishment of ecclesiastical principalities, attributed to diver's, temlforal princes (catholic or not catho lic). 2nd. The non-restitution of ecclesiastical property left in the hands of the new possessor'. without the co-operation of the legitimate authority, and the non-re-establishment of the holy Roma empire. In thp second protestation, the cardinal returns thanks, it is true, in the name of the holy Father, to the monarch who restored to him the patrimony of Saint Peter, but at the same time he protests against the non-restitution to the holy see of the province of Avignon, the Comtel Venaissin, and a part of the legation of Ferrara, situated on the right side of the Po, as well as against the right of garrison, granted to Austria, in the places of Ferrara and Comachio. It suffices to cast ' an eye over the series of objects against which the court of Rome then protested, to be convinced that it was then desired to attack the irresistible force of things which had shaken the very foundation of European ender, and changed the form of this part of the world. It is evident that the protestation of Cardinal Gonaalvi could merely be considered as • formality commanded by the ancient wadi- lions of the Roman curie, as reserves which bad been made after the peace of Westphalia in 1649, that of Alt-Ranytett in 1707, and of Baden in 1714. It is really in this point of view that the powers assembled at the congress of Vienna considered the act of protestation made by Cardinal Gar ealvi, refusing to allow it any political value, and merely placing it among other acts, maintaining still the dispo- sitions it attached. If, to-day, the Bilancia endeavours to give a practical value to the Roman protestations of 1815, it is evident that the right of garrison at Ferrara is not the only one brought forward, but that the question leaves the narrow limits of a discussion between the commander of a fortress and the local authorities, to be brought to the large field of the European treaties, by which a new political order was founded in 1815, after the disasters of the most stormy times. The Nuremburg Correspondent, under the date of the 2nd inst., takes up the question as regards Frame. That journal affirms that Franoe having acknowledged the right of Austria to garrison Ferrara and Coma. chio, it follows that the occupation of Ferrara cannot Canna any step on the part of France. It is Pertain, it says, that M. Guicot has not protested, and wiff not protest, against this poceeding. It goes on to say that, on the contrary, Fromm has called on the poli tical government to consider the incontestable of Austria, and to take no ulterior measures ; I va shall revive a tendency to increase the excitement is Italy, to forbear from protestations, and to condoet the affair by the way of diElomacy. As to diplomatic negotiations, M. ()mot rejects all'mediation of third parties, being sure that Austria acts in this business without any arriere-perusee. The Augsburg Gazette, under the date of Rome, the 26th, says that Romagna is still in a state of the greatest agitation, in consequence of the occupation THE notion that a peer of France could in no case be sent to prison without an order from the chamber appears to have been a mistake in point of law on the part of the officers of justice who had to deal with the Dec de PRASLIN. While that notion was current, however, a good deal of virtuous wonderment was ex pressed in this country at the exorbitant privilege of the French peerage. Even had the idea been correct, it was evident that the privilege was one more of show than reality, for the offender if not sent to prison was guarded in his own house. But the privilege accorded in England to all legislators to abstain from paying their just debts with impunity is not neanmlised in anchweay. decision pronounced yesterday by Mr. Justice WILLIAMS will, in all probability, renew the contro versy as to the expediency of exempting members of the legislature from arrestment for debt. Viewing the question with reference to the interest of the general public, we are averse to all restrictions on the choice of electors. Moral disqualifications ought to be left to operate by the aversion which they inspire in the breasts of the electors. As a general rule, men who cannot take care of their own pro perty are not the most trustworthy guardians of that of the nation; but exceptional cases are conceivable— MIRABEAU, for example, and Fox—and the nation should be allowed to have the benefit of them. . . Viewing the question with reference to the rights of individuals, on the other hand, we can see no reason for withholding from creditors of members of parliament any of those means of compelling payment which they may use against other debtors. It would, doubtless, be annoying to his constituents to lose the benefit of their Insolvent patriot's talents in debate by his being immured within the walls of a gaol. But this would be one of the risks to which they made up their minds in choosing him. The member of parliament liable to the squalor carceris would only be on a par with the member of parliament liable to be enticed from his poet by the fascinating romance of crowning or nu-crowning foreign sovereigns. The excuses for absence of the member pining in a debtors' prison, and of the mer cenary engaged in the civil broils of other nations, are about equal in point of respectability ; and as we have known constituencies satisfied with the one, why should there not be constituencies satisfied with the other ? The electors of a gentleman liable to arrest for his debts would have their choice of dispensing with a representative for a time, or of ensuring his services by paying what he owes. Thinking so highly of his qualities as a statesman, they could never grudge the price. If they will have their pine apple, let them pay for it. Practically, the question is likely to be settled by the increasing power of the industrious chases, and the diffusion of education among them. The citizen virtues have grown in estimation with every exten sion of popular influence. Paying just debts is emi nently a citizen virtue. Without any change in the law, the class of senators to which the FOIES and SHERIDAtts belonge d , and still more the class which shares the vices o those distinguished men, without any participation in their genius or public virtues, has in our day - become nearly extinct. [An ontnne of the following appeared in a portion of our last evening's edition :] Our Paris letters of Monday dwell on the agony of indecision and the cruel embarrassment of conflicting impulses under which those who hold the reins of government in France suffer as respects the Austro•ltalian question. Theenga... eats taken on the eve of the Spanish marriages binding them to look on passively at the immolation of the hopes of Young Italy, as they have already done at the absorption of Cracow—their own invincible love of the quiescent fruition of power and the preservation ) of the stalu quo at home—the voice of the French of Ferrara, and that the Pope has given notice to the Attatrians to evacuate that city before the end of the month. The state of the population is such that the slightest accident may give rise to a serious collision. Advices from Berne to the 2nd instant have been received. The debate in the diet on the expulsion of the Jesuits was commenced, but not closed. It was adjourned to the 3rd. The following is a resume of the discussion on the 2nd: __ The decree for dismissing General Pavia has been already prepared, but Mazarredo declined to present it. It will probably be gazetted in a day or two. Meantime, this captain-general has sent a circular to the bishops, recountintall the ill-usage the clergy har e received at the hands of the rebels, and calling upon them to exert themselves spiritually to check the progress of immorality and rebellion. Like a greedy schoolboy that, after gorging him. self at a feast, stuffs hie pockets with the cakes and apples he can no longer eat, Senor Mazarredo ' up to the last hour of his continuance in office, kept distri buting place and promotion to his clients. lie made one of his aides-de-camp brigadier, and promoted fire or six to the rank of chief of battalion. The debate was opened by M. Ferrer, deputy from Zu rich, who, passing by the motives on which the order was expelled from all the states of Europe, and declining to enter upon an examination of their moral system, and their writings, confined himself to a general view of their manner of acting in the confederation. Their expulsion, he said, was proposed by the canton of Argan, which, as • mixed canton, was best able to appreciate the pernicious effects of their mode of proceeding in Switzerland. The states in which the order was established assumed that the ques tion involved much less the expulsion of the Jesuits than the annihilation of the cantonal authority, but that it was not difficult to prove that these states had fallen into an error. Public opinion was against them, their presence excited dis turbance throughout the confederation, and yet they would not yield any of their pretensions. Blood had been shed, and they threatened to bring about a schism, which would be the ruin of the country. Having no country themselves, they could not have any patriotic feelings. After a few further arguments, he declared that as the representative of Zurich he should vote for the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Swiss territories.—M. Fisher, from Lucerne, said he did not rise to defend the Order of Jesus, but to declare that the people of his canton would be ready at all times to defend its independence and sovereignty. Having discussed the question at some length, he concluded by saying that he was charged by his grand council to declare that the govern ment and people of Lucerne would never acknowledge as valid a decree of the Diet, pronouncing the expulsion of the Jesuits. Lucerne wished for peace, but if forced to take up arms to defend her independence, whether against the Diet or against the free corps, she would not shrink from any mai- I fire.—The deputies Mr Uri, Schwyz, and Underwald spoke to the same purport.—The deputy for Glaris conceived that public tranquillity in Switzerland demanded the ex pulsion of the Jesuits.—The deputy from Zug supported the arguments of Lucerne.—The deputy from Fribourg pro nounced the proposition for the expulsion of the Jesuits to be the most impolitic that could be conceived ; and, as it must be considered as an attack upon the sovereignty of the cantons, ought to be branded with reprobation. History and treaties, he said, proved that the tranquillity of Switzerland arose from the entire freedom of the con fessional. He then quoted the federal compact to 'stabil& that the internal police of each canton was under its own direction, and that the Diet was incompetent to interfere with it; and that as to the Jesuits it was yet to be proved that they did compromise the tranquillity of Switzerland.— The deputy for Soleure stated that it was precisely because his canton was entirely Catholic that it knew the distinc tion between the true interests of religion and the existence of an order which, far from serving them, only tended to compromise them. He maintained the competency of the Diet to interpose in supporting the internal tranquillity of the country as well as its peace with foreign powers. The catholic religion, he affirmed, could exist without the Jesuits, as was proved by the cantons of Soleure and Tessin, which would have none of them; and by the cantons of Uri and Untuwald, which, though without having any Jesuits, nevertheless proclaimed themselves to be the best catholic cantons of Switzerland.—The deputy for Blsle town expressed the elearure he had felt at seeing Lucerne spontaneously decide upon expelling the Jesuits, which, he maintained, was a cantonal measure in which the Diet was not competent to interpose. He drew a dark picture of the present state of Switzerland, as being on the point of becoming a prey to fo• reign powers, and entreated both parties to act with modera tion, concluding with quoting the motto," Mimi is strength.' —The deputy for Basle country voted for the expulsion.— The deputy for Schaffhausen spoke in a contrary sense.— The deputy for Inner Aopenzell desired that the question should be withdrawn from the order of the day.—The deputy for Outer Appenzell was of opinion that the Diet had the power of expulsion, and ought to exercise it —The deputy for Saint Gall argued from a conviction that the order was incompatible with the public repose of Switzer land, as history had proved that its principal object was to contend against Protestantism, and, therefore, there could be ne peace so long as the two confessions were in hostility with each ether. —lt being then three o'clock, and there re maining nine other deputies to express their sentiments, the debate was adjourned till the next sitting. FRANCE.—Tice CANNON CASE.—Our readers will recollect that very great sensation was created some time ago by the discovery that M. Soyer, an eminent founder with a vast establishment, bad made away with a great quantity of cannon which lad been entrusted to him to melt down into castings for the monument to the Emperor Napo leon, in course of execution at the /16tel des Invalides. Soyer was selected to execute the work, partly on account of his eminent standing in his profession, and partly because he sustained heavy losses in the casting of the column of the Place de la Bastille, which he executed for the govern ment. The quantity of bronze required for the Emperor's monument was 103,967 kilogrammes, but the quantity agreed to be delivered to Soyer was 116,4-13 kilos., the sur plus being to make up the deficiency which would arise in reducing the bronze tato the state called Keller bronze, which was considered necessary. The amount he was to receive for the execution of the work was 448,017 fr. In May, June, and July, 184.5, 96 cannons said to be taken from the enemy, weighing 115,101 kilos, were delivered to Soyer by the government. la 1847 information was obtained that he had unlawfully . disposed of the bronze. Soyer, who was in embarrassed circumstances, then took to flight, but was subsequently captured. An examination having been made, it was found that he had sold to different persotu, and used in the castings of other statues, 115,085 kilo grammes of the bronze delivered by the government. A certain quantity of it was subeequently seized in the pow*. 'ion of a person who had bought it ' • but the total lose to the state was 108,830 kilogrammes 40 grammes of bronze of the value of about 261,192 fr. 96c. Moreover, Soyer caused a further lois to the government of 23,076 fr. 52e. by using, for his own purposes, some castings fur which he had been paid. In consequence of this he was on Friday brought to trial before the Tribunal of Correctional Police. Two persons, named Durdan and Decodes, who bad been in his service, were brought to Mild at the same time, on the charge of having assisted him in the illegal disposal of the bronze; and two tradesmen named Robert and Dufayet were accused of having purchased portions of it, knowing it to be unlawfully obtained. The only point of interest in the interrogatory of the prisoners was a reproach of the President to Sayer, that he had improperly made away with " bronze coming from the cannon which were the fruit of the Emperor's victories," and Sover's reply . that " more than forty of the cannon were French', some being of the time of the republic, and bearing the inscription in large letters of Libert, Egaliti, Frater nite." " Those," added Soyer, " were certainly not cannon taken from the enemy." His defence was, that he considered himself entitled to sell the cannon as an advance of feuds from the government. After hearing some witnesses the cue was adjourned for a week. AN EXPENSIVE FRIEND.—A short time ago a note of hand for 165 franca, given by M. Gilbert des Vole= to M. Houssielux, a bookbinder, for work done, was die. I honoured, and the payee, after the usual proceedings, ob tained a writ of execution for the amount, with the costs, and sent it to be enforced at an apartment in the Rue de la Forme des Mathurins, presumed to be the residence of the defendant. When the huissiee entered with the warrant, an English lady, named Wyatt, protested against the 'seizure, insisting that the apartment and rill that was in it belonged to her, and, in evidence of her assertion, pro. diced the lease, the receipts for rent, and a policy of insurance, all in her own name. She further stated that M. Gilbert des Voisin. was only a friend of hers and her family's, and came there raerely as a visitor. " But," observed the hnissier, " I see his portrait in the only bed chamber, which also has but one bed. This is ' close friendship indeed !" He made the seizure, and the I lady replevied. The suit in replevin came to a hearing on Friday before the Civil Tribunal. Alter the whole of the case had been laid before the court, the president inquired whether M. Gilbert des Voisins had any other residence The counsel for the original plaintiff stated that he had none other. The counsel for the lady replied that he believed he had, but did not know where it was, and requested that the decision might be put off for a week to enable him to '.cer tain the fact. The President, however, declared that the tribunal entertained no doubt of the legality of the seizare, and pronounced against the replevin—so that M. Gilbert dee Voisin', or the lady, must pay the bill with the accumulated costs, or a sufficient part of the furniture must be sold to produce the amount. CRIME TN FRANCE.—A series of crimes has ing been committed in the commune of Climate, arrondissement of Salutes (Charente-Inferieure). A man named Bellot had long lived on bad terms with his wife and daughter, and continual quarrels took place between them, in the course of which he generally made them the victims of his brutality. On Saturday evening last he had a new quarrel with them, and became so irritated at their language that he seized has gun and shot his daughter in the back and the head. She was not, however, so much injured as not to be able to take to flight, accompanied by her mother. Ballot followed these armed with a pitchfork, and, meeting on his way a woman named Quire, stabbed her in the groin. He then ran into the house in which his wife and daughter had sought shelter, and rushing on his wife stabbed her in the bowels, causing her death within a few hours. The daughter sought refuge in a bed, but her father stabbed her in the arm with the f pitch ork . He then rushed ones young woman, named Perret, to whom the house belonged, and, in spite of her supplies. time, stabbed her in the arm and in the side. He next got his gun and went in search of his wain-law, but fortu nately did net find him. He returned to his own house, hot none of the inhabitants dared approach it, keeping them. selves shut up in their own houses. At midnight, however, an alarm of " fire " was raised, and it was then found that BeUot's house was on fire. Ballot himself was discovered extended lifeless near some straw, having blown out he brains. Before hie death he had broken in his wine-cash, and had scattered all his corn about. The atste of his daughter and the woman Qukre is alarming, but the injuries he inflicted on the woman Perret are not serious. DISCOVERY OP GOLD COIN. —As some workmen were a few days ago taking dawn an old wall at Beaumont le Roger (Eure), they discovered in it a bag containing 153 gold pieces in a fine state of preservation. On some of the pieces, which are quite round, are the words Rex Fran- Cites. ' on the ethers only a cross, but &us-de-lie are it an. The value of each piece es about ten or twelve francs. Ths little treasure is supposed to hare been secreted in the wall about three centuries ago, when wars took place at Beaumont. MADRID, SEPT. I. All the ministers, with the exception of Sotelo and Salamanca, gave in their resignations yesterday, and the Queen's acceptance of these is formally recorded in the first column of to-day's Ga.tette, together with the expression of satisfaction for past services. Then follow four other royal decrees, appointing successors and functionaries ad interim. Field Marshal Don Fer nando Fernandez de Cordova, Director-General of Infantry, is named Minister of War. Don Patricio ; de Is Escosura, Political Chief of Madrid and Cortes Deputy, is named Minister of the Interior. Field Marshal and Cortes Deputy Don Antonio Roe de ! Olano is named Minister of Commerce and Public 1 Instruction. And the Portfolio of State is committed ad interim toDon Antonio Caballero, Under Secretary of State. The above three ministerial appointments, I with Salamanca remaining at the head of the Finance Department, and Sotelo Minister of Marine, leave two places in the cabinet vacant, the ministry of Grace and Justice and that of State. The first of these has been offered to Senor Garcia Goyena, who is absent from Madrid; and for the other, three names are put in circulation—General Alaix, now at Malaga; the Duke of Fries, at Arechavaleta ; and Senor Ayllon, at Lisbon. Alain is, I am informed, the first to whom offers have been sent. His answer is not yet known, but he is expected at Madrid to morrow or the day after. If he accepts, five oat of the seven ministers will be military men—General Alaix, Cordova, Roe, and Sotelo, and Lieutenant Rscosura, a combination for the rest not uncommon in Spain, where arms are to the future parvenu what the toga is in England, and the pen in France. In taking leave of the Pacheco cabinet a retrospective glance over its merits may not be untimely. The great hopes that were entertained at the birth of this ministry were founded less upon the fine pro grammes continually put forward by the puritan party in the press and parliament, and less upon the personal qualities of its president as a statesman, and of Senor Salamanca as a financier, than upon the ge neral popular conviction that the arbitrary and re actionary system of the moderados was now at an end, that the hour of peace and reconciliation between parties was arrived, and that the new era would be distinguished bj toleration, by the development of liberal tendencies, and by essential administrative reforms. I will not speak here of the damage which the Pacheco ministry received at its outset by the peculiar circumstances under which it accepted power. What harmed it probably not less was, that it carried from the beginning, from its heterogeneous composition, the seeds of speedy dissolution in its core. The chief of puritanism gained bat little in public estimation by accepting as fellow-workmen for the constriction of his theories men who bad stood hitherto in the list of his avowed and bitter adversaries. This fact alone is sufficient to explain the failure and the downfall of the Pacheco cabinet. The ultra-moderados, who formed part of it, did not unite with their head a jot more for join ing his ranks. Their convictions remained precisely the same as before, and they made use of their new position to frustrate the projected reforms of their puri tan colleagues. Hence the absence of oneness of pur pose, :the frequency of crimes, the anarchy of action which marked this administration. The promises made of strict observance of the law, reparation of wrongs, &c. ' were utterly disregarded. But the ministry had one redeeming feature—to lerance,—which covered a multitude of sins. It was this compensating virtue that supported the weakest government that Spain has seen for many years, through immense difficulties. Attacked vio lently by all parties in the press; menaced by the ultra-moderados with insurrection; having to wrestle with the intrigues of the Pardo; obliged to send the mass of its military resources into Portugal and Cata lonia, so that at one moment it is known that the gar rison of Madrid did not amount to more than 2,000 men; this principle of tolerance was the rock of their salvation. The five months of their administration have been remarkable for the singular quiet of the capital and provinces (if we except the thea tre of the Carlist rebellion) in a land so famous for pronunciamientoe and popular disturb anoes. I have neither time nor space to speak of the separate achievements of the different ministerial de partments, nor indeed have any cliiplayed much activity but that of finance. The fl soel administra tion of Senor Salamanca will be at least memorable for the decrees which have abolished internal custom houses and gate duties, as well as for having saved the Bank of San Fernando from the rain] to whose verge it was brought by the ruinous prodigality of Mon. GERMANY.—PRUSSIA.—THE Dm.—TheDte erldorf Journal states that it has been resolved in the highest quarter that the members of the Prussian Diet shall be ren owned every two years. This report is repeated in several journals, but it wants confirmation. RUSSIA.—It is intimated from Stockholm the the Rued= ambassador there, Baron von Krudener, hd left by steamer, Prince Menschokoff, for St. Petenbiug where, it appears, that the large meeting of Russian diple mange and statesmen, several times spoken of by the num papers, is now to take place, and to which meeting Mapasty the Emperor has summoned several of the amber radon from the principal German courts of Europe. ARCHANGEL.—THE LASE CM AmITOUS FIRE. — Rix hundred and eighty houses have been burnt to the ground. The greatest credit is due to all parties for that activity in siding to extinguish it. The crews of the new vessels, especinlly the English, rendered immense *rim, exerting themselves to the utmost amidst the raging Atom The reflection of the flames was visible at a distance el 7a wersts. The sufferings of the poor are very great-5 burg paper. THE CHOLERA.—The St. Petersburg Gaulle pub . Eases the following details of the course of the cholas hate the Transcaucasian provinces, where it stall en' rails, but not with any great intensity. The disease wee brought by the pilgrims of Trebisonde from Herat t Same' and, in September, 1845, and into Bulgaria in November following. Thence it advanced as far as Teheran; this it raged with great violence, and after the 12th Jere 1346, carried off as many as 300 people a•day. This who were attacked dropped suddenly down in a Atli of lethargy, and at the end of two or them hams expired without any convulsions or vomiting', but free s complete stagnation of the blood, to which no remedies could restore its circulation. From Teheran, the cholas visited successively Ispahan, Shiraz, and Bagdad, Or made still greater ravages. From Bagdad it was earned m in December by the pilgrims to Mecca. It was on the 211d1 September, 1846, that it made its first appearance at Tam* and on Oct. 29 attained its height, carrying Off i° th it at abort interval no fewer than 6,000 victims. Ice Pass has been observed that the direction of the wind des no influence on the scourge, which was extrel capricious and irregular, sometimes pass ing over large Oa wide districts without leaving any trace of its passer.. Oct. 16, the first symptoms of the disease were perm". r Salyut in Tnumcaucasia, but it was ler virulent then It other countries. During the summer of 181 G it &prim also at Tiflis, but made less ravages there than Ile where ; for, notwithstanding the great beat, the noels' of persons attacked did not exceed six, and the dm* were only one a day, out of a population of 60,000 MIL In all, between May 30 and June 12, there were 164 mess and 67 deaths, that is little more than one death foe nog 1,000 inhabitants. In this city (Tiflis) the disease he coy rind off nesa bat those of the lower classes, which sesj . ,_ lo, attributed be their irregular manner of livirg, and the =they tack to guard against it. Alt h ough Wetkof bra several cases of cholera at Tiflis, the rmf..; Laud km met bra struck with the panic which La Irr• made then obardlea their heroes, bat they rerrawl re upon the SIMMS biker to err the disease by the at! rules. la the ooutawr. ea all Teel *WM St err, r resslemi preentleas bare ben se ell airl t h ee end it JOI, dee balletie arriaoi as sew arsa. theirs beg soma fa Ilk Nese el 1 1 ebeassi psis et kaarallalli :1 tr uli rihrk elm Hoe el the Clasetees art the olio met at the ark the, set the slighted indleatio Oho disease bad hem elmwrwel. POLAI4II.--Wassew, Aro. 26.—11ie ereak Emperor is espellei hark en account of the great rawsa that are to take Are be Or vicinity of Warw. The Pt moor of this &Meal le a command to all households , 10 A batch of 25 senators, created by decree of the 16th, appeared in the Gautte of yesterday. Among them is Vaamende, late Minister of Once and Justice. In Catalonia, various skirmishes have taken place with bodies of the Carlists, in which the latter have been genTi ro l t =ersed, losing three or four killed, and nine of then it at 3i, the 1 i per cent. accumulating fax c ri ll tbo of the institution. It seems im le any subscriber can blind himself to the that between borrower and lender there is a 'seri flee or contribution of a sum, which, as we have said of the payments for shares, was theirs to keep if it was theirs to invest in a speculation. We are well aware of the contrast which may be drawn between the town artisan and the independent cottager. We suppose that chartists will not be per suaded that if the produce of the land was doubled, while the labour expended upon it was quadrupled, there would be a loss and not a profit on the change —a Ices which the small occupiers would be the fird to feel. A co-operative system, judiciously managed. I might indeed correct some of the defects of cilium. tion which arise from subdivided ownership. The cattle and manure which the French peasant mud dispense with on his little patch of soil, the bads cI 1 burden and agricultural implements which are Mem eary to economies labour, might be held as the joint property of a body of neighbouring cultivators ; bat allotments of two and four acres are nemmily wasteful. The occupiers have no object in economis ing their labour, a commodity of which they have more than enough. The labour of fifty abw. fam i tz cannot, under any system of agriculture yet be profitably employed on two hundred mores d Ina The answer to the political reasons which the chartist leaders urge, to induce their followers to be come freeholders, is that they cannot afford to spend money on acquiring a franchise. If a landowner chooses to diminish the produce of his farm by pre serving genie, or a wealthy tradesman to sink 1001. in a faggot vote, he knows that he is gratifying his taste at a certain expense, which he is willing to incur : bat the shareholders in the land company ought to make the best possible investment of their means without looking to any but a pecuniary return. A preference for agreeable speculations is a natural but expensive taste. We have prophesied in a former article that even if the new freeholders obtained votes, they would not long exercise political power. Our opinion is founded on considerations quite independent of their present intentions or their future wishes. It is impossible for the land to compete in political in fluence with great towns, except when it is repre sented by large owners and wealthy cultivators. A population of small freeholders must be, by the ne cessity of the case, adscripti gkbee. We believe that the co-operative system, as applied to the purchase and cultivation of land, may, never theless, be in some cases beneficially practised. The mall tradesmen and superior mechanics of Tillages and country towns are at present too much excluded from a share in the soil. In the neighbourhood at great cities we fear its price will long keep it out d their reach; but elsewhere the principal difficulty is to find small purchases within a convenient distance. The Welsh, who in most respects are behind their neighbours, have greatly the advan fte of them in this respect. From the small value of land in remote hill districts, from the number of ancient encroachments on the wastes, and the occasional opportunities of pur chasing lots at enclosure sales, the class of persons of whom we speak have in Wales often possession of one or two fields each, which they cultivate in addi tion to their regular occupation. A baker or a wheel wright in a country village, has generally time to I spare, and sometimes the command of a little money, I which he can apply to the improvement of his land. It is partly, perhaps, a consequence of this state of things, that while a Welsh labourer is worse paid worse fed, and a worse workman than an English man, a far larger proportion of Welshmen rise above the class in which they were born. The habit of looking to a change of condition as possible, leads them often to try their luck at the mines, or in London or Birmingham, and, of course, in some cases, the Mature is rewarded with success. If those persons in a small market town who have • little money to spare, were to unite first in purchasing a farm within a convenient distance, which is generally to be obtained cheaper than small plots of land, and afterwards to keep, at their joint expense, for the common use, such horses anti utensils as might be necessary; by assisting each other at harvests and similar occasions, and cultivating their own allot ments in other respects independently, we believe that 1 they would enjoy the best of savings banks, and add at the same time to their means and to their enjoy ment of life. The county franchise in such hands would be a just contingent reward for the energy and economy which they had shown in acquiring property, which they were not imprudent enough to purchase for the sake of the franchise. We believe that the artisans of the great towns would do far better in turning their attention to the passibility of making a co-operative factory profitable. We are not prepared to say that such a speculation Gould succeed, but we consider that it would be a more feasible enterprise than that of the land com pany, and we should be glad if it could be carried set. Savings banks are a great improvement on old "hid in the roof; and investments, not at in with a view to the profits of trade for those who wan willing to incur the risks of trade, would be almost es great an advance on savings banks. It is a great hardship on the working classes that they have little opportunity of sharing proportionately to their savings in the wealth produced by accumulated capital. It is hopeless for small capitals to compete with great, but every facility ought to be afforded to small capitalists to contribute to great joint-stock capitals. It was with this object that a recent writer advocated the subdivision of shares in railways and other public undertakings so as to bring them within the reach of the smallest holders of money. It would be still more desirable to enable workmen to invest their savings in their own trade, and share in the fortunes of the works which they carry on. Their money-capital, and the skill and industry which is their chief capital, would thus be employed in the same undertaking , and it is not unreasonable tomp- 1 pose that the direct interest of the operative in the 1 prosperity of the factory would increase his activity, and stimulate hie ingenuity in such a manner as to compensate for some of the obvious drawbacks with which a factory owned by its "hands" would have to contend. The great recommendation of a manu factory in preference to agriculture for a co-operative experiment, is to be found in large and quick returns, and in the mach larger demand for labour in propor tion to the fixed capital. A farm of 200 acres, worth 5,0001., would at most bear an expenditure of 3001. in labour. A manufacturer with anequal capital would pay a large portion of it in wages in the course of a year. The rent and profits of land divided among the labourers who work upon it would perhaps, on an average, add to their wages nearly twice their amount. The profits of a cotton factory similarly disposed would in no case, we should think, increase by 30 per cent. If we are right in this rough estimate, it is evident that the smaller advantage is the more attainable. La bourers must live chiefly by labour. If out of the profits of their little capitals they can add a per cent age to their wages, so much the better ; but when their incomes double their wages, they will probably cease to bslabetwers. The con ideration which leads us to advise operatives rather to look to factories than to agriculture is the same which accounts for the re commendations to emigration which excite our see 2=dent's indignation. In Australia and New d, labour is the great requisite ; and a ma who oan use his legs and arms is imperatively rich. On an English farm, la bour is, in comparison, a drug, and capital, which tin obsstista have not, is the chief requisite. A onissastory may hold an intermediate position. The 11nditure on labour is great, and the capital rsquind is also considerable. Wo do not to enter into any further con cha with ingiseters of the Land and Bank dingo&Wo ion endeavoured to point oat to Ana et Ilee ellainniss which the laws of nature, kin tin sanest escape, and of political which is anew name for nature in one Cl bizeats, seam to oppose to their success. We all=lnone in addition. On the contrary, we i saccess, and would much rather deal with their hoped for political power when they have got it, than keep any man or any set of men poor because they may make use of a competence to propagate or enforce what appear to us fantastical political theories. lx another column will be found a letter from Mr. SOLLY, one of the surgeons to St. Thomas's Hospital. We said, when commenting upon that gentleman's evidence at the Mansion-house, and we now repeat, that it was not our intention to impeach the skill or judgment of the surgeons of St. Tho mas's. Mr. SOLLY is favourably known to the profession and the public as an accomplished medical man, and the author of an elaborate book on the brain. Mr. SoCTH is equally well—