The Express. — London, England, 1848-04-20 00:00:00

~- I k. ---•'''—'"—'"--------..------------- .-- priariple set up was only a principle as regarded the north— , (hear, hear)—the pretext was only Misname the pre. towaris Northern Europe, bemuse it was only there that i text, If sucemsful, would vanish and the cause appose. (lieu, hear.) Germany was the (antra of Europe, ani,mrei wo uld, think, had no reason to complain of the territorial ad vantage* which h a d been allotted to her. lien were breed and rich lands, watered by three of the &retest rivers et Europe—by , the Elba, the Rhine, the Danube. But this Germaausesseing almost every other advantage, was net a great na power, and she wanted an expanse of nand shore. (Hear, hear.) This was the reason wit/ Denmark, supposed to be weak, was, in tids age of revolution, to be invaded under the plea of tattooer. lay. (Hear, hear.) It was to secure the capacious km. hours of the Baltic—it was to command the mouths of the Elbe, that the plea of nationality had been put furth. (Ewer s ' ' hear.) Hitherto, in the Baltic, t he Scandinavian pewees sad the Russians had revisited this development of power in Germany ; while in the North Son Holland and Greet Britain had prevented her naval rise. (Hear, hear.) Nww, however, taking advantage of the plea of nationality_ Ist Schleswig, and of the circumstance that some 200,W0 sr 300,000 German* by race and language were subjects et the Xing of Denmark, the whole of that sovereign's poi- I sessions were to be invaded, and perhaps, despite the valour of his small but determined population, conquered, in order 1 1 that PlMblig might all at once appear as a great marine I power . (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. - Disraeli) did not want to I discuss this case, as it might affect the interests of England. lie did not mean to say that it was the interest of England that a new meal ( j r powe s h o uld arise le the Baltic and in the Northt one, he would i • I t hi s consideration, though a most importan not now introduce ; but he would lay down the principle, in I which he thought all who heard him would awes, that it was the interest of England and of Europe that peace should be maintained. (Cheers.) Now , in his opinion, pselie could not be maintained if the esent policy of Prim& were permitted to psis unnoticed and uncensored. (Hew, hear.) lie should probably be Raked, what were the i weans we had short of going ta war ?—what were the means I immediately at our disposal of checking this ill-conditioned conduct on the part of Prussia ? In his opinion there were I means well deserving of oonsideration. Before he referred to them he would remind the house that there were circum stances connected with this matter highly meriting their ate I tent i on . We were connected with Denmark by a treat), under which we had entered into stipulations of a remark able and stringent character. (Hear.) And here let him remark that it was of the greatest importance that parte, meat should clearly understand and keep within its lines!. i ledge the treaties into which this country has entered.' . (Hear, hear.) lie knew it was very easy to say—not that he believed the noble lord opposite, whom he regarded as influenced by very different feelings, would say➢eo—but he k n ew it was very easy for a governme nt to say negotiations are going on, and the house is bound to let matters go on in silence. Now, in his opinion, it was fit that every one which should I be thoroughly acq uainted with the engagements he I might at any moment be suddenly called upon to fulfil. (Rear, hear.) lie did not say it was desirable that the house should create many occasions of giving its opinion of the course to be followed by the government in its external affairs, presuming, as they should, that government have m co e u a rs n e s , of t t i h n e for h ms ou t s i e on in o n g e e such rol — m ( a h t e tc ar n , heat ) — acc b e u s t ilib sti le ll , of never could be politic or wise that the House of Corn mons should be ignorant of the stipulations which this country might hove entered into with other nations. (Hear, hear.) rinsing events, or the communications be tween the respective go vernments, cold not ask , alter what i the chn a- rac t e r of treaty stipulation,; and let him e vitably must happen, at some time ted or other, from the . neg lect of parliament to make itself acquain nature and engagements of these s tipulatio n, ns? It was thim, that, sooner or lat er, we were called upon t h os e stipulations, to proceed to act u p on an apkeal made to us by the party stipulated with. (Hear, hear.) The country goes on ignorant ofth result arrie liabilities of its engagemvests en thatf as o the facts of the case, un til the grand . , in pursuance of , without knowing why or wherefore,it finds itself involved in war, and ultimately in increased expenditure and increased debt. (Hear, hear.) Loud complaints were made of our heavy taxation, of the amount of our national debt: in, his decided opinion, if the House of ted Commons, fwith r rit ' time to time, had made itself well ac q uain the nature of the treaties which war were enteredbt at this into by E ng l a nd during the revolutionary de moment would not be one-half what it was. (Hear, bear.) If the Howe of Commons had made h itself acquainted with the real state of Europ e at di ff erent periods,e could not con ' ceive that it could have been induced to enter into engage menta at once so disastrous in a political and in a financial point of view whose which E° land had formed at that period. (Hear, hear.) Now, by a treaty still in force, Eng land had guaranteed fur the duchy of Schleswig its peace able and complete enjoyment by the house or Denmark, (Hear, hear.) It was of great importance at this nthmeut that we should clearly understand the nature of this engage ment. (Hear, hear.) lie had been told by some gentle man—" Oh, this is a treaty of remote date "—a must extra ordinary observation, as it appeared to them. The treaty, bow ordinary was not, in point of fact so very remote, since it was executed after the accession of our present roya and *al famil y to he throne, binding the then ki n g and his heirs cct.'. sore firmly to the cenpact. No revolution, or change of dusty, had occurred since its rat ifi ca tion to weaken its effect; and he would say that if ever treaty could biud Since this treaty - hould bind atom stringently. ( hear.) he had yesterday given notice of the present motion, he had received a pamphlet of no mean dim ensnsi ions-165 pages is sise—but neither the size, though so co derable, t subject, though so important, were so remarkable as the el:- cumstonces under which it appeared. This pamphlet was "A Memoir upon the Constitutional Rights of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, _" addressed to Lord Palmerstion, by the Chevalier Bunsen, Minister of Prussia at the court et England, dated Bth of April. with a postscript, dated 18th of April. It had appeared to him (Mr. Disraeli) a I very extraordinary thing for the envoy of at the court of England, having addressed ;teaplo untie memoir to the Foreign Secretary ot England, to publish this memoir, within a few days afterwards, as a pamphlet, for the obvious purpose of influencing the opinion of parliament and of the country. (Hear.) Knowing, how- ever, , as he did, the high reputation of the Prussian media- eider his great ability, his vast learning, and his long experience, he had last night perused his pamphlet with the attention it deserved. He himself had alwaystook considered this case of the duchies, as it was now before he Europe, to this be one of a very simple character. When up pamphlet he trembled for his convictions, and thought that he could not have l ey,clearnderstood the case which he had before deemed so plai d straightforward. But when, alter reading the pamphlet, he bad taken refuge as usual in such cases, in meditation, and had reviewed 'the infinite hypotheses elaborately submitted to him, he had found him self relieved from all necessity for attending to more than the simple point which he had previously con ' templated—the guarantee which England gave to Denmark, to secure to her the peaceable and complete en joyment of these duchies, and of the' 165 pages but two 1 pages were given to age: übject of this guarantee. He would i not read these two page, but merely two lines of them. The house would first understand that the hise/ circum -1 stances of the case were simply them : In 171.5 war was taking place between Sweden and Denmark.. On the part of Denmark that war was as righteous a war—a war of de hissm—as ever country fought. It was a memorable war, for it was the last war of Charles 31. II.—his last desperate effort to retrieve his fortunes. France and England were alike the allies of Denmark. During that war, in 1716, in the reign of George 1., England entered into a treaty, called the treaty of Gotha, with Denmark. By that treaty Den mark made reveral territorial concessions to Englan d d, giving , h e r the duchy of Bremen, Bergen, an other places, so that there was a complete quie m- 1 1 pro quo in the ease. England, on he r part, in co I pliance with the general feeling of Europe, and in (rotunda. ration of these territorial concessions, several of which sere still enjoyed by Hanover, guaranteed to Denmark the 1 peaceable and complete possession of the duchy of Schleswig; part of which duchy .Denmark had inherited, part of which she had conquered, and which was in her hands. 1 , The war went on for five years more, when peace was con eluded under the mediation of France and Englaad, at Fre dericksburg. France at that D time gunteed to enmarkg I I the peaceable and complete possession f a Schleswig, referrin to the previous guarantee of England, and in order that there might be no mistake in the matter, England, in 1720, I I repeated that guarantee is language admitting, as he 1 (Mr. Disraeli) thought, of no doubt whatever (hear, 1 1 hear) : end the guarantee was renewed and acted upon at a subsequent period. Many years after, when Russia was about to invade the applied to England to act upon her guarantee. E n g land thereupon intimated to Russia, that if Russia invaded Schleswig, England w declare war against her, and at once send troops and a fleet ' into the Baltic ; and Russia did not prosecute her enter prise. (Hear, hear.) This guarantee, however, as he had mid, occupied only two out of descr i bedie Bunsen's 165 and how was it there Thus :—.. The guarantee undertake to secure to Denmark the peaceable possession of that part of Schleswig which his Danish Majesty has in his hands." But what did the guarantee defend do be yond that which the pamp hlet described? Why and every , " to his said Majesty in the slid poss e ssion, against all one whe may endeavour to disturb him therein, thus, either this directly or indirectly." (Hear, hear.) And mange, wholly omitted from the big pamphlet, was his answer to the pamphlet, and to the argument which it sought to set up that the guarantee was a limited one, and only applied to a particular family, that of the Duke of Gotha. As to the other 163 pages of the Rhlet, he had no observation to make, for t he y hail no . whatever to do with the real question at issue. He (Mr. israeli) now came to the particular result to which he desired to lead the house. He bad urged upon the house the necessity for their ends:standing, clearly and fully, the engagements of Eng land with other countries; for, rely upon it, there was no m oment at which they mig ht not be called upon to fulfil those engagements. In the very case before them the noble viscount opposite the other night. told them that Denmark had already appealed to our guarantee. (Hear, hear.) Let the house reflect upon its position in these matters we have given a guarantee; we are celled upon to fulfil it ; we must either go to war, if necessary, to fulfil it, or we must practically announce to Europe that England no longer re spects guarantees. (Hear, hear.) True, : this country had ever, as a matter of sound policy, avoid ed giving guaran tees whenever it was possible to do so ; a priacaple carried out lthiu:ato:bnoli which ncoihtnh given I e r ni re garded n ld byzic e t n with such strictness, that in modern times he called to mind w gt u an as nd thpe . eßeTuliaehaguaraulgittuneoyth,teeinrwecue . ib w h ich yt. , nw l i g o h a to w i g :e hth v ar :ei t , m w th t ris te. treaty of Vienna, England had secured to Prussia the pos session of Saxony. (lieu, hear.) During the past 33 years did any one suppose there would not have been war, insurrection, revolution, in Prussian Saxon, but for that ua-antee of England it not tken y the most le g on g i t imate course our part to remind 1 7-------- P rum mest was tha no t . guaren vumun ra g t ~ iithn referencewto s t e h h e l. co w u ig ne ,. ( w a h ur dt i . hear.) Would it not be politic and advisable to warn Pm. - Ma, that if at the present moment England should not d it expedient to fulfil the g uarantee she had given to d eem Dan mark for Schleswig, England, as a necessary corollary, map at the same time renounce to Europe her repudiation of the other guarantees foe which at present she was responsible? (Hear.) How, in such a ease, would Prussia feel situated with reference to Saxony? (Hear, hear.) Rely upon it that if Prussia were once made to feel that by pursuing tale ill-conditioned course with raereace to benrank she was vitiating her title-deeds to Saxony, she world hesitate considerably ere she permitted herself to be dragged further on in her career of wrong, by a set of dreaming professors and hare-brained students. (Hear, bear.) He (Mr. Disraeli) had that confidence in Me noble viscount opposite, which relieved him from any doubt that the noble viscount had already made use of this arrow in his armoury ; but he had felt it not unuseful to Den mark, and beneficial to Prussia, to take the opportunity ell showing Europe that the House of Commons of England was not inattentive to this question, and did not view with indifference this flagrant attempt to oppress right by "dot, (Hear, hear.) Most assuredly, if government were to fall in the performance of its guarantee to Denmark, no Home of Commons would ever give one shilling to them for the fat. fitment of any other guarantee. (Hear, hear.) He world only add, God defend the right, and may the peace of E urope be maintained by the justice and power of England. (Cheers.) Vi scou nt PALMERSTON was rare the bon. gentleman had needed no apology for directing the attention of the house to a matter which, whatever the comparative power of the dominions involved in the question, was one of the tite most importance to the interests of all Europe. (Hear, hear.) There were certainly circumstances connected with the former history of Denmark which must make anything affecting the welfare of that state a matter of peculiar inte rest to all Englishmen of thought, feeling, and liberal semi ments. (Hear, hear.) There was no state, perhaps, which had suffered more than Denmark had done by the past transaction" of Europe. It had been the lot of England, at no very remote period, to be driven by circumstances, which ' ware deemed at that time unavoidable, to enter upon acts of hostility towards Denmark, alien to the feelings of both the government and people of this country. ( Hear ) With e ♦ israuce, however, to the question itself, which was involved la the t r a nsactions referred to, the house would excuse hies SU abstained from following the hon. genus man through tho negaments he had stated. A question of right had arisen between the Germanic Confederation on the one hand, and the gove rnment of Denmark on the other. That queries of right confined itself simply to the duchy of Sada/wit With reference to Holstein no difference existed. That duchy had long been a member of the Germanic Confedem %ion, and the King of Denmark had been a party t o te at confederation in virtue of his capacity of Duke of Schleswig. With reference to Schleswig itself, differences bad arisen, The Germanic Confederation, on the one hand, em ended that by ancient acts, agreements, and trans actions, Schleswig was inseparably united to Holstein, and must follow the fortunes of Hootein, accoreine to the succession which may take place in holstein : the King of Denmark, on the other hand, contended that, of right, Schleswig should follow the line of succession of Denmark. It was on that question chiefly that differences had arisen, and as her Majesty's government had intimated to the two parties their willingness to undertake the task of endeavour ing, by good offices, to settle this question amicably and to prevent further hostilities, it would be manifestly unfitting, on the part of the government, on the present occasion, to ex press any opinion as to the merits of the case one way or the other. (Hear, hear.) The lion. member had, however, in his (Lord Palraerston's) opinion, exercised a very proper discretion in calling the attention of the house and of the country to the engagements which this country had entered into in relation to the duchy of Sleswig. ellear, hear.) And he most entirely concurred with him, and with what seemed the decided feeling of the house on the subject—(hear, hear) —namely, the it moths duty of England, a thing essential to her honour, to stand by her engagements. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, in the highest degree important that not only in this country, but throughout all Europe, the engagements which Eneland had entered into should be known, and that the course which she would take should thus be known beforehand. The hon. member for Bucks had omitted to state that France had peens similar guarantee to that of England, and that in consequence that country wee equally liable with England to be called upon to fulfil her guarantees. (liesr.) 'The hon. member had animadverted somewhat strongly on the course pursued by • person for whom be (Lord Palmerston) entertained a great respect and admiration, he meant the would d e l,courtef de e med l mndo n t , for o h h a v a e v o departedt g pub liekted pam phlet on the subject of Schleswig. He (Lord Palmerston) must, however, say that although the hon. member might differ and dissent from the arguments and reasonings of the Premien minister, yen t if the hon. member were placed in the same position n ne could blame him for having published what he deemed to be a fair statement of the ca se in which the conduct of his own government wee iPcoferusionmcean"he4dinsutotlyr wa i t ti out placing before all Europe . the sr guments by which the King of Prussia was in his opi nion justified in the course he hail adopted. He had, how. ever, already said that he would not enter into any argu ments on the subject, merely confining himself to the ex nressiou of his opinion that the hon. member's CeWiLllell vim the publication in question were not justified. He should, therefore, say no more than to repeat s assertion that he concurred in the position amumed by hi the hon. member, t rr hat the formal guar a ntees given by England ou g ht to be fulfilled. But at the same time pre sents to be borne in mind that in the case the Prussian troops had not been employed to wrest Schleswig from the Danish crown, uterely to support a party there who thought that their lo w a and customs en titled them to be assimilated to the duchy of Holstein, tether than to the kingdom of Denmark. He could only, however, express a hope that those differences, which, if punued d Ul extremes, might disturb the pe ace of Europe, woul be and this brought, negotiation, to an amicab le ad j ustment; hope was strengthened by the consideration that the greet country interested in the questions at hum wou pended upon ld not, kg the sake of a remote contingency, which de the death of two persons, act in a manner which would lead to an event that all Europe would deplore. Mr. D. URQUHART made some obeervations, but in so low and The motion fo indn ctrthe a tone as to be inaudible in the pllery. adjournment until Saturday was then agreed to. AVA MEDALS. Sir D. L. EVANS begged to ask the right hon. baronet the President of the Board of Control what decision had been come to on the subject of an application understood to have been made fur the authority of govern ment, relative to the grant of a medal by the Couinrt o the victories o f East India Dif Assays,. rectors to the surviving o ffi cers I, Sir Bhartpore, klahidpore, and v a ? Sir .1. HOBILOUSE was understood to sy that the An medals would be issued immediately, as the officers were en titled to them. With respect to the other medals e , he was in c orrespondence with the Secretary of State on t e r subjeet. GAME CERTIFICATES (HARES) BILL. Mr. COLVILE moved that the house do go inte ens' mitts on this bill. Mr. ADDERLEY rose to propose the amendment of which he had given notice. The hon. member for Derbyshire wes dealing with the game laws in detail, whereto he ought to grapple with them on general principles, otherwise the mod difficult and dangerous features of those laws would here after have to be met and contested. As tar as he understood the bill, it proposed to facilitate the de s truction of hares, an a mutual agreement being entered into between landlord and tenant. What his proposal went to effect was to en large the powers of the bill, and to extend the mutual agree menta of landlord and tenant to every class of game, and to enable the landlord to do away with the expense of a pea certificate for his tenant-farmers and permit them to kill all sorts of pens. He hop ed that the right hon. gentlemen the Chancellor of the Exc hequer would extend the conces sion which he had made towards hares to other classes of game, and that he would offer no objection totLer his amen e, to d ment on the score of revenue. He begged, efor move, " That jibe an instruction to the committee to extend the operation of the bill to enable occupiers of laid, having ot a right to kill game on that land, to do so , by themselves persons authorised by them, without b ein g required to take out a game certificate." Mr. K. SEYMER seconded the amendment. Mr. G. BERKELEY said he should opposethe emend ment, and divide the house upon it if necessary. The Earl of MARCH said that the bon. member had ea given one good reason for his amendment, and he should therefore oppose it. He hoped the hon. mem ber for Sea* Derbyshire would adhere to his original bill. Mr. K. SEYMER urged that the further concession* quired by the amendment might be very easily granted 4 the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Capt. HARRIS thought the bill of the hen. mem for South Derbyshire very good as it was, and he should oppoe any such amendment as that before the home. Mr. COLVILE hoped the ,house would stand by him la rejective the amendment. Mr. BENNETT was of opinion that the bill in Lti presl entllia state was quite fair between landlord and t e nant, and a he should adhete to it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER dechtlei making any further sacrifice of revenue to meet the prolime unbar hon. member for Staffordshire. Ile had conaiderea t the sacrifice of revenue required to enable farm:te destroy hares was fairly called for, and therefore h i m consented t make it. Further he could not, Me; Hnsene had made inquiries throughout the country, an d ascertained that the damage caused by winged game . 1 inapprecieble, whereas the damage done by limes_tr e rabbits was considerable. He was ready, thenfore , to Ise' hares, rabbits, but he could not consent to make Peft ria r. rabbits. He was willing to sacrifice so much of she gs , r duties as would enable a farmer to shoot hares when in ' troying his property. Mr. BRIGHT was of opinion that the game laws bed ' serious and deleterious effect on the morals of the peoPlej and he feared that the preservation of rabbits was Tyer oue to the morals of the poor as bare might expect, that if this bill became law, the, ?el' annual game convictions would not be much redumneelble operation. Ite only good effect would be a M _ .°" o i r farmers , when they obtained the eating on of the mnes'eTe to shoot the hares that were up their nom ef. Chancellor of the Exchequer bad stated that the p d . , ewf:!,; done by winged game was inappreciable. lie did ti m t i. " .. t.. where the right hon. gentleman got his informal. ,F;r. haps from th e report of the committee. If see ..eeL;. Bright) did not attach any credence to it, his lea t ee= that no two things could differ so widely as Le o acorn' given before that committee and its report. losi i rl' i t mendation was, that this bill be withdrawn to e w in p arament to introduce one calculated to come up iot u_.„, opinion and the necessities of the case. If the he a ~.0" to a division he should late with the hon. member! -` Staffordshire.denied thane° Size. TYRRELL supported the bill. BeHe Preeereing. 2:l,e, NAOMI OM eineetant of damage attribt allabor WNWweer. The game did Mem thea where the ground rthellisdeght that the hon. member for w ith his tr i um ph on the subj grritsl4.Bllldag h lattere the am wb u rch m h ec e ta did °l explained that his int essmesies w ith the question of q V. he/ been first directed to the arel,....fien el da men at Liverpool I TM rper. iIIe.ELEY complained for t ge Masel seater had no syropath who, re re Au W e pity was for poachers, halation of the rights of property, int and honest men. He (k 1 r — pushy w ith the hoe. member' s F eet .yh : i lsonld support the bil l as pregnant ur r ~ a of prevent good, while it di ifs of revenue, which his right lion t b. s e ckeque r could ill afford at pres Mr. S. CRAWFORD decried the b Mere tinkering with a great and imp . a m• laws were an incentive to murd on so frivolous a ground as be tim eennent of untry gentlemen. Col. SIBTHOcoRP diet not know wh. Manc h es ter bought his game from ethe illicit dealer, but this he had I bon. member's intimate friends was th sad that a prat deal of the fruits of 1 wa y to the hon. member's table. If um man to decry the preservation of bend it a cheap substitute fur ore (A laugh.) For his (Col. Sibthor m p's: rare a straw for game, preferring wished the game laws preserved for ti Sir H. VERNEY supported the bi Mr. ADDERLEY declined ressii iiTinioo.—Amettdment, by leav p e, wit The house then resolved itself into Clauses 1 and 2 were, the latter wi messed to. On clause 3 beiag put, Mr. G. BERKELEY propoaed so the operation of the clause to hulks mares, not extending it to killing by The CHANCELLOR of the EX that the object had better be effecter a proviso added to the next clause. h a res, he saw no reason why g ent lowed to hunt hares without a rend The CHAIRMAN here stated 0 title of the bill reit rred to occupiers the clauses bad reference to owners. mittee would not be competent to instruction from the house. After a ort dicussion the hous. tion to the sh committee was, on tl given to insert the words "owners as occupiers." The house then ap and the three first clauses were On dame 4, Mr. O. BERKELEY moved sons not having game certificates kill hares by means of firearms, unsafe to encourage the use of fire The CHANCELLOR of the the amendment. At present a shooting a rabbit that came into the produce, and he could see flu be equally justified in shooting • ;zanies. warmLLIOT considered if the s in such cask to the dm Mr, Mr. HENLEY supported tl poac mof killi tire-- h arms hares was hy wire kill byre-arms for the purrs ef the Exchequer would be peel, The Earl of MARCH vras ir "Mod. The restriction proposed be inoperative. Mr. O. BERKELEY believe Tying fire-arms were given to I offer unlere accompanied by there would be a far greater nu disuicta than there had been a mendment. Mr. IiILOYARD supporte that the right to shoot hares s many cases, by offering a ten blood between neighbouring would affect the revenue to a Chancellor ef the Exchequer e After some further dis.irisio For the amendment ... Against it ........... The clause as amended woo • agreed to, with the word " Clauses 6 and 7 were struck o agreed to, Mr. Cs. Berkeley of which he had given notic report, which on the house re' of May. The remaining orders of after the recess, and the hour before six o'clock till two o'cl STIRLING WATERWOR the committee on this bill y the chair, Mr. Serjeant A appeared for the promoters Scotch bar, (or the oppose] raised (which is an imports of this description) was thi the committee affirmed, gen bill was promoted by comm This decision is in oppositi bat session. Cite 4 The mails for British No will be made up se the !VOW Tbe overland cloyed mails, Arypt, Aden. 04710 N lhdia, swains of the 24th April. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, vll be made up on the moor The tootle for New south Zealand will be made op on t The mails for the west Cot bp on the evening of M e 30 11 The West India ails, HOIIIIOIVIN New Orins, Te a:eluding thaw for e Madeir atagres, Panama, Weal CO IgiCargerla, Nwill be made up I roe ove rland mails for Gil Lena, Men, Ceylon, Indil ten, will be made up cm the The malls for the Brazils, Wee. Bahia, Madeira. and mains of the 4th May. NOTICE 7 The number of STA Stamp-office, during 18 DAILY NEWS • This, we believe, is ' famed to the Iliorninl —• _ _ i Morning Post, Au. r In addition to the Morning Paper, there THE EXPRESS Which wu more, o the Globe or Mandan BIGU W Tall D•r—Morefnp T. —Normal LONDON, n WE cannot but great danger to tl and institutions, popular commotio from any efforts 0] sedition, or from I into such a snare. trary, to lie in tl in the governmc ried away by measures of rei seeking to win population by I and their interest: ing up reforms, al ward movo of the and prohibiting a the future. —isft;cOuntry eat movement and n either progress depen d, altogeth ita confidence I allowing itself h French revolutim thin country back reform and the I plated, Engl and curtaile . c sources, and gi' cracy. The Free gave 111 an Inn fact, the Refs of 1830 awake Population of was then in out of office, di at the head of exciting that n a great meastu themselves, to of the crown. We have 1 French revol t' at the helm. ii..•lmildallE 'HE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 20, 1848, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—WEDNISDaY, APRIL 19. The Loan CRANCRLIOn took his seat at 5 o'clock. PUBLIC BUSINESS. SECOND READING.—Gown and Govsnunent Seserity BR.TH T ITIONR IRD READI—Ry Lord so BNACIII,OI tr NG.—Eltion RreartWesew Sill. PEain T 116 0114 Wage' Of Odd fella.m. Pveltaa that they may is Wiled. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR, in movieg the second read ing of this bill, said that lie had no doubt sufficient in formation was before the public to induce their lordships to come to the conclusiou tha: means ought to be put lain the hands of the government to enable them to prevent the con tinuance of the *edition and treason which had of late die. turbid the public mind. When meetings were daily held, not only in London end Dublin, but in moat of the I manufacturing towns, at which inflammatory ignite-es were made to escita the people against the con stituted authore i re of the realm, it was high time that parliament should interfere, and provide means to put a stop us such proceedings. The conduct to which he referred was incest ; bu t there w ere certain cases which the law did not adequately provide for, a deficiency which the bill before their lordships was intended to supply, and which he hoped would have the effect of preserving pace and maintaining order. (Hear, bear.) This necessity for altering the efficacy of the criminsi law arose from the sets of those who prolcssed to be the friends of the people ; par and of that liberty wh ich their acts made it imperative on liament in some degree to reetrain. (Hear, hear. The ) noble and learned lord then stated the law of treseon and sedition as it at present exile , referring to the statutes of Edward 111., 36 Geo. 111 , and 57 Geo. 111., and said that it was proposed to MAO certain offences felony the which by the two latter acts were declared to be treaso tiled as were n parties comm it t i n g those °Renee* would be persons guilty of other acts of felony. Another object of the acas to remove an doubt whether Ireland was to t w be included within the operation of the acts for suppressing such public offences —it was theee fore proposed to esti lid the laws on the subject of sedition and treason to Ireland—their, kear)—and be thought their lordships would not object te such an altera tion of the law. (Hear, hear.) The words "or by open and advised speaking " were by the present bill proposed to be aided to the third section of 36 Geo. 111. And it was open and advised speaking from whence the present danger anise ; that, in fact, was the very evil against which parlia ment was asked to provide. (Hear, hear.) It had been said elsewhere that this would be introducing a new prin ciple of law, but be was astonished at hearing such an opinion esprersed, because it was not the fact. lJnder the statute of dw. 111. a person co uld not be idic ated my for m ere words—as, for instance, i l f a man said. " mke son heir to the Crown," meaning the Crowubut the speaking of the words would be taken in connexion with other circumstances by a jury—for instance, en to whether the party who had used the language had also been guilty of acts with a view to the accomplishment of his wicked design. The intent operating on the mind would often be evidenced by the words. (Hear, hear.) There was nothing in our laws which showed that the crime of trearion might not be in dicated by words, and the jury must be left, Irons the fac , s, to conclude whether the party entertained the design which his words incited to. If, however, the pre sent bill was an invasion of any lawth e by visions of the bill, be liable to at least seven years' transpor tation, and during that period they would have time to re flect on their coneuct, and perhaps return to this country better members of society. In conclusion' he would only say that, for the preser vation of p eace and security to her hi+sty's subjects, the present bill w as submitted to their lordships' consideration. (Hear, hat hear.) t none of their lordsh i p s L or d STANLEY hoped would throw any impediment in the way of the of pawing o f f the bill ; and it was rendered the more neceesar the at which it was introduced. As to the bill itself, he had taken an opportu nit y of alluding a short time ago to a gap in the law between the crimes of sedition and treason which would be supplied by this bill. Therefore, iu the principle of the bill he entirely concurred ; but he should have been better pleased if their lord hip' had not been called on to introduce a permanent alteration in the law there wa of treason, any toning out of a temporary emergenc y. If s doubt whether the same law as to *edition and treason should exist in Ire land as in England, he thought it was most advisible to extend this law to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) It might be desirable to mitigate the penalties imposed on high treason. lie should, however, have been better pleased if the law had provided that the minor offence was not to merge into the higher off. nee of for f treason, but that the partypy charged s hould be liable to be punished elony, indictment for treason failed. Be did not understand the restrai n t drawn between compassing the imprisonment or restraint of the sovereign and the deposition of the sove reign. He would net, however, further detain their lord ships, as he did not wish to impede the measure for a day or an hour, but he regretted that it had been introduced at a time when it could not be more deliberately discussed. L o rd BROUGHAM said he should offer no opposition eat to the bill. The bill b e fore their lordships was, to a gr extent, all taken out of the Scotch law. If it were to extend to Scotland, aid ha eupposed it did, the people of that country would have great cause of complaint because now for the first time they would, te deprived of their accustomed privilege of being furnished, previously to trial, with a list of the jury and witnesses. He had always understood that compassing to levy war was a substantive offence to be visited with grave punishment, whereas by the bill before their lordships it did not appear to be so, un less it was compassing to levy war in order to make the sovereign change her measures. If they prohibited sedition and treason p r a m being uttered in whilst ational convention and similar ici+, what signified it in the other house of parliameat such language might be uttered and after wards printed, and tent forth to the world i He begged to give a salutary warning to the newspapers of this country. There was no doubt that parliament had certain privileges by which they could protect themselves within doors for whatever they might utter, but let no newspaper reporter or editor have the notion that whatever might be said in parliament be had a right to report and print, for if it was treason lie was as liable to be punished for it as if he had himself invents a it. p rinting might also be a warning to those who were daily jog and circulating treason and sedition uttered in different parts of the country. Lord CAMPBELL admitted that the bill would not reach Mr. Smith O'Brien in the treasonable speech he made in the House of Commons the other night, or the reporters, editors, and proprietors of newspapers • and he should have been ashamed of the bill if it had had ' such an effect. If or treason, any mem- ber within the walls of parliament spoke sedition he must be answerable for such offence there. One of the most outrageous attempts made by Charles the First, and thwhich was probably the main cause of bringing him to the block, was the prosecution of members of parliameat in courts of law for speeches made in their places in parliament. He did not believe that the publication of the speeches I which had been alluded to had given any encouragement to I the crimes which they sought to instigate ; on the contrary, he thought they bad had a strong tendency to rouse the spirit of order in the minds of Englishmen. (Hear, hear.) lie would be the last to wish to punish any one for giving faith ful reports of the proceedings in parliament, for he had in troduced a clause in :o his bill on the law of libel, making oily the printer and publisher of the newspaper liable his noble and learned fr.end opposite (Lord Brougham) had supported that bill. (report The person who gave a botsa fide and honest report el what took place wee surely exempt Irvin imputation, and ought not to be liable to pu nishment. (Hear, hear.) lie hoped the bill would be effi cacious for the purpose for which it was intended, namely, to restrain seditious and treasonable speeches termmaded, e in the Na tional Convention, as it was Concili a tion Hall, and sim ilar places. (Hear, hear.) I He disapproved of Lord Eldon's bill in 1796 , and 'he still disapproved of it ; hut it did not follow from that he should disapprove of the present measure, the object of which was to reduce to the crime of felony a crime which had here- Wore been considered high treason, and to extend it to Ireland. There was a clause in the bill, by which 25th whatever ! was declared treason uider the statute of the 25 of Edw. 111., was still preserved as treason. He denied that any new offence was created by the bill. The noble and learned lord opposite (Lord Brougham) criticised the language of the third section ot the bill, but it was totident rerbia the lan guage of the 36 Geo. 111., whr.ch was itself taken from the statute of Charles It. he would be the last persond in to consent to a measure of this kind, if he thought it woul the least interfere with fair and le g itimate discussion. With respect to tee conviction of Muir and Palmer, he thought it was not according to law, but was entirely contrary to law. Their sedition consisted in making temperate speeches in favour of the Reform Bill : and his noble and learned friend had made, he would or say more violent , but certainly more animated, speeches than those for which Muir and Palmer were sent to Botany Under this bill open and advised speaking woulu not constitute au offence. Tad cnstitute an offence under this bill it should be " open an advised speaking," with the view of com passing the deposition of the plann i n g or levying war against the Queen, or compassing or the invasion of the Queen's dominions by a foreign force. And he would ask, was it not right to prove these offences by opea and advised speaking ? Some of the most constituuonal judges of this country bed laid it down that language used with a view to the deposition of the sovereign was in itself an act of high treason. It was so laid down by Foster, who said that if the words were an expression of opinion, it might be sedition ; but if they counselled an act to be done, then they amounted to high treason. Similar language was I us ed in the statute of 1 Edw. ` of Elizabeth . 1., ch. 12, He the I and 2 of Philip and Mary, l ad the 1 I hoped that the house would assent to the second reading of this bill, wnich would not interfere with the right of free diecussion--a right which he hoped this country would long entities to enjoy. The Duke of WELLI NGTON said he fully app roved of the bill, though he regretted the house had not more time to consider it. (Hear, hear.) He concurred in the opinion that some measure was necessary for the purpose of making the act quite sufficient, in order to oppose some check to those great and gigantic meetings by which this country and the sister kingdom have been disturbed for some years past. They were at last °onset* that stage that the law was despised and contemned by every one of thou persons who broke it. When the three chief persons in Ireland were proceeded against for a misdemeanor under the existing law, and as soon as bail taken for their appearance, one of them con tinued by his speeches arid writings to commit an ag:ravation of his offence, and others went to a foreign country to excite foreigners to invade her Majesty's demisters'. (Hear, hear.) What was this but an aggrive: tion of the offence and a positive contempt of the law (Hear, hear.) This contempt of the law was ruining this country day by day, and destroying that respect for it which had had been its characteristic for eges- The eettsfe7 was coming to that state th at it would be of no au thority, and then there would be no means of indorsing the law except by the use d physioal force. He warned their loriships against allowine the country to toms to 'nth a state of things if they wiseed to promos its character maths itiatitutions. He had lag; contemplated this Oat* of thine, and observed in a remarkable degree the progrem made in the contempt of law in this country. Some years ago, in 1831, there occurred in Bristol and in Lyons riots and dia. turbances of a serious nature. In the former place the bishop's palace wrie battled, the gaol was burned, and great violence was committed for some days. The magistrates were enabled to eiree the city of Bristol from entire conga- ' gratioa by the calling in of one troop of d under Colonel Brereton, who performed his n lry a . But it required an army _of sixty thousand men, under the connaand eta marshal of France, toput down the riot at Lyons. What was the cause of this difference ? Be attribsted it to the respect which was entertained for the law in England, and to Ch et of of the people of Bristol that they were disobeying the e law m persevering in the riot. (Hear, hear.) Lately there were large bodies of persons collected in this town, but they disposed. Was that sub mission of theirs owing to their respect for the law ? Was not the whole population of the town, civil as well as mili tary, under arms ? Were not hundreds of thousands sworn is as special constables, organised and directed by persons capable of directing them ? Were not thousands of' troops under arms, as well as thousands of police ? Could it then be said that it was respect for the law which produced this effect in London ? No ; because on the very same night, and every night since, there was a repetition of the same ex pressions which it was the object of this bill to r eveal. Did that show resp ect for the law ? No such. thing. It s howed a want respect for the hoe, which if continued must prove fatal to the greatness, if not to the very (intef this coun try. There was exhibited of late a great want of respect for the law, which was to be attributed to the trans actions in Ireland within the lest few years. after ye ar, They mout had We h ll hundreds of thousands of parsons year after mcath, and week after week, parading through that country with impunity. They bad heard of seditious and treasonable speeches made at those meetings ; they had seen men Putout heir trial for sedition spoken at those weedir, and.aftas acquitted on some point of irregularity at th e trial. (Hear, hear ) All this tended to the same point— ' namely, contempt for the law. lie therefore approved of ' this bill because be hoped it would have a tendency to in ' spire some respect for the law as applicable to these meet ings: But he begged of their lordships to recollect that thin magistrates and the authorities were placed in an awkward position with regard to those meetings, if, alter having evidence on oath before them that numbers dangerous to the public peace were likely to as semble, they were left to free the public peace by means of the civil force at their disposal. lie did not want to prevent public dimension on any subject that was desirable ; but no subject could be properl dis cussed where such large numbers were stumbled, a i d where it was impossible for many to hear what was said. Public diecussien m such cases was the pretence, and these meetings bad no other object except to create tenor and to overpower the government. He rejoiced that the present bill was likely to be passed. He hoped it would pus unanimously, and in as short a time as possible, in order that government might tabs advantage of it in the approaching time. (Hear. hear.) Lord DENMAN had beard with pleasure the epeech of the noble duke which was full of excellent sense, and animated with the bat pomible feeling for the interests of the country. They ought to feel grateful to him also for the part which be had taken in preserving the peace of the town on the late occasion. (Hear, hear.) There were some points in the speech of the noble duke, however, to which he felt bound to allude. He quite agreed with the noble duke respecting the growing contempt of the law which was exhibited la a portion of the empire, i and the danger which would result from allowing it to remain unchecked could hardly be overrated. (Hear.) lie thought that exciting and seditious language could not be addressed to igno [ rant and needy persons assembled in large numbers without great danger not only to the peace of the community and to the property of individuals, but to the safety of the state. lie I had no fear that the present proceedinp of those parties I would prove dangerous to the state, but the toleration of the language used by them, and the permission of declarations not only against the government, the parliament, end the law, but also against the middle classes, appeared to him so enormous and intolerable an evil, that if any new law was necessary to put it down he believed it would be received with favour on all sides. But the existing law was not so im potent as was 'apposed. Monster meetings—meetings which were incompatible with and iscustion, ashcan hmight lead to breaches of the peace, be turned overpowering force in any one direction, were in themselves a misdemea nor, and they might be put down. But the monster meet ings in Ireland were never proceeded against as such. For some reason or other the government of that day thought it better to allow them to proceed ; but they proceeded against certain parties by indictmentf which he would not then speak, but which was ss monstrous in the shape of an indict ment, and in the shape of an offence, 41 the meetings to which they referred. (Hear, hear.) When the noble duke said that those persons were acquitted by reason of some ireegularity, and that the law was thereby brought into contempt, he trusted the noble duke did not mean to allude to any of those who thought it their duty not to confirm the sentence of the curet below as having done anything inconsistent with their duty. On the contrary, if any noble lord sitting as a judge in that house were for a parti cular object to say that that was the law which he believed l i notc h be the law, and abstained from giving that judgment , whic in his conscience he believed to be right, he believed he would forfeit all respect ms 'judge, and that all confidence in the law itself would be destroyed. (Hear, hear.) The noble duke said that what lately took place in London showed that the law had fallen into contempt. He thought that the noble duke in making that statement had hardly done justice to the people who left their peaceful occupations, at the risk of some danger, certainly to their great inconve nience, in order to preserve the public peace. (Hear, hear.) He considered this exhibition of orderly and peaceful men thus turning out, one of the finest spectacles of attachment to the law on the part of a people, because they hid confi dence in that law, and had a long experience of the benefits they derived from it. (Hear, hear.) He thought be should be wanting in f his edutyei to the real character of the Euglish people,g contempt o f the i the xpreson of the noble duke, respecting the growin law, as shown on the late occasion, had ar.) been allowed by him to pass without comment. (Hoer, he The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the la what that the he said was, that it was not owing to respect for w public peace bad been preserved, but to the formidable army which was ready to act against those who arrayed them selves against the law. He did not say a word against the decision of that house, with respect to the trial to which he referred. Be had great respect for the decision of that house. He did not presume to express an opinion on the subject of that decision—he only stated the tact as one of the circumstances which tended to bring into contempt the law, with respect to meetings. t for the Lord DENMAN s aid that instead of a contemp law there was a growing confidence in the law amongst the great m e of the people. With regard to those who attended public meetings in vast numbers, they had, he believed, some notion that they were acting according to law, and they acted without considering the circumstances in which they placed themse.ves. One great advantage of the bill would be to inform them of the danger they were incurring ; and, even t without this bill, they incurred great danger by lending themselves to meetings of an illegal character. (Hear.) He rejoiced that this bill had been very fully discussed in the other house ; and the objections that had been made to it were not such as to lead him to object to its passing. As to the cases in Ireland, ke should he sorry to se es the prisoners deprived of their right of chellenge. No peons had ever done their duty . more fully than the juries on the late s pecial commis sion in Ireland ; and he was induced to hope that this bill would have the best effect. Lord BROUGHAM, in explanation, said that Lyons was a much more excitab le p lace than any in this country ether , anwith there were 30,000 or 40,000 workmen banded tog the determination to cause an outbreak. The Duke of WELLINGTON said he had only con trasted Bristol with Lyons in reference to the respect which had b ee n shown for the law. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of St. G ERMANS said, it must be acknow. ledged that it was ex tremely difficult to g et a ju ies on the g in Ireland n ot open to intimidation or undue bias. The jur late special commission were certainly an exception. In gene ral, when ten or twelve persons were put on their trial, they completely exhausted the panel with their challenges. As to " open and advised speaking," he thought the mischief of the speaking was extremely small, compared with that done : by the publication. The National Convention and the Irish I Confederation were but small bodies; but their proceedings I ware read by great numbers. It was toe the editors of 1 newspapers exercised alsound discretion in suppressing ph. sagcs unfit for publication; and he thought if that discretion were continued, it wouls , be successful in preventing any bad effects. In cases where such discretion was not exercises], let the patio be prosecuted. the bill as it stood was perfect l y Lord CAMPBELL s aid, approved of by the law authorities in Ireland, and by the Lord Chancellor. Had the offence been continued a misde meanor, it would have still been a bailable offenceti ; and and the parties m i g ht have gone on repeating it. If seditious treasonable senti men ts were published for the purpoae of giving effect to them, that was a highly culpable misdemea nor, or it might be prosecuted under the present bill as an overt act for compassing the deposition of the Queen. An , editor of a newspaper publishing a treasonable speech with I such an intent, might thus be prostecuted and transported 'i beyond the seas. S said he had referred to mere' The Earl of St. GER MAN matter-of-course reports of such speeches. The LORD CHANCELLOR trusted the effect of this bill would be to atop the speaking, and then of course the publication would be stopped. time. The bill was then read a second The LORD CHANCELLOR said the bill would be com mitted next day, and also read a third time. not The MarquisMarquis of LANSDOWNE tim e notice or ders in that he should move, next da y , to impend the standing reference to two other bills (money bills) Bills B which ill had and come up from the other ho use—the Exchequer Public Works Bill. ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Lord MONTEAGLE, who bad given notice to snore the rejection of an amendment which had was bee undersn engratood fted o to sal the bill on the bringing u p of the rep.ort, that he should not press that motion but would heard MON e some ot h er a mendment, the purport of which was not in the gallery. i Lord CAMPBELL expressed be his approval of this course, and mid the bill would thereby divested of its st post •. _ _ Toefo — cbaracter. The bill was then re►d a third time. The hewn adjourned et 5 minute' before 8. 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Zunis, from .Chrht Chalk ageism detlesta=r,_meertliestes. the metton of Mr. Yosraa (la Os ellesnas ef Mr. lhowlo, copy ri tar i=iaddressed to the hewn by **Clay dDellita s tem Packet elk/ft to nee show priests totersen Ilabtrad sad Date* mid IllomeVef thetneemy therarme—Oa the meiles el Mr. CLUMINVI.IIIOIIIO MEM MOW 10 pones reweed told in ireliella. of SIMI Sallere."" Intl. peniens sad reasities teem dem h ad of the roam ef eoemia sea *yet wise es seer* se man, but va clerks, teen% or servants ea the setableillonswis and** amserat of pay and allomsnces sthwident *mem NOTICR Or MOTlON.—Poisireeat--Mr. Bane MAST. Taw day, May to move th at an humble address be presented to her the jest, oaths sudden of British intervention in Portugal. HUDDERSFIELD IMPROVEMENT BILL. On motion for the consideration of the report on this bill, Dir. BERNAL said he did not wish to impede the pro gress of this bill, but, in discharge of his duty, he thought it right to warn members of a point that arose in connexion with this and other bills. There were certain billy, termed " model bills," to which the attention of those who cote ducted private measures through the house was invariably directed. In this cue, however, the promoters had thought it right to depart from the " model," and to overload their bill with a great number of unnecessary and useless clauses. He should not object to the present bill on that account, bet he thought it right to warn boa. members, and parties to private bills, that in future such a proceeding would not be permitted. Mr. HEADLAM expressed an opinion that in the pre sent instance it was desirable to depart from the usual model. Mr. GREENE said the object of the model bills was to save coat to the pasties, and time and trouble to the t commita tees and to the house. It was of the utmost importance th the system of those bills should be rigidly adhered to, unless very special cause to the contrary could be shown. After an observation from Sir D. L. EVANS, the report was cosidered, aud, several amendment. h a ving boss intro duced ti the bill was ordered to be engroseed. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND. Mr. LABOUCHERE, in bringing up a report Wen the Merchant Seamen's F und Commi ssio n, paid a high trib ondu ute to to t h e commissioners for the way in which they had cct their proceedings. Sir W. CLAY, on behalf of the eo ramissioners, said tha their t they should be amply rewarded if it appeared tha labours bed been for the public advantage and the good of those whose interests were committed to them. BUSINESS AFTER EASTER. LorilJ. RUSSELL —I rise, sir, to move that, after Easter, orders of the day take precedence of motion s *pen Thurs. days. It has been necessary in the course of the present session to renew the incoe tax. It has likewise been neces sary to t a ke votes relativ e to the army and the navy. The consideration of these subjects has taken up a greet portion of the time of the house. I have not thought it expe dient to bring forward measures of the government when the state of public loathes& was such that there was no pos sible chance of their being discussed, and therefore measures of tbe govern meta have no doubt been delayed in conse quence of the protracted character of these debates. I have spoken to several members of the house, and Ili d that there is n 3 objection to give up Thursday to government business, and I therefore shall say nothing further on the subject, but conclude by moving that after Easter, orders of the day tale precedence of motions upon Thursdays. THE ALIEN BILL. Mr. EWART : Sir, lam sorry to be obliged to put a question to the government on a subject of some import ance but I and others do feel strongly that a bill, which is not now before us, but of which heard something the other night— The SPEAKER reminded the hon. member that he could not discuss a bill not before the house in putting a question. Mr. EW ART had no intention of so doing, but he and others felt that a bill of the description he referred to seas most objecti ona ble (hear, hear), and he wished to ask whe ther the noble lord was now prepared to make any statement calculated to enable them to draw conclusions of any sort with reference to the measure he referred to ? Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in bringing forward an alien bill, the government had certainly acted in conse quence of information which bad reached them, w Ach ap wared to render such a bill desirable and necer. lie as q uite prepared to say that such a bill was entirely op posed to the general policy of the country, and that under ordinary circumstances no such measure ought to sap weed. (Hear, hear.) Bat there were c ircumstancech had r euhed them, and which he did not know that lie ought more particalarly to state, which had certainly led to the conviction that it was necessary at the present time to in troduce such a bill. It must be recolksted that the mea sure would have only a temporary operation. Lord J. RULOSELOI m otion was then put and agreed to. COURSE OFF THE PUBLIC B UST OVERNMENT.NESS.—INTENTIONS O G Lord J. RUSSELL I now rise, air, to move that ne this house at its rising do adjourn to Saturday xt, with a view to a further adjournment from inc that (lay until Monday, the let of M a y . It may not b ei nconvenient to the house should I now state the course in which her Ma jesty's government propose to take the public business after Easter. (Hear, hear.) Oa Monday, the let of May, I pro pose that our first bu:iness should be to consider the ad vances to be made for special purposes. One is an advance on account of certain West India loans for the purposes of e migration, of which the substance was stated by my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the com mencement of the session, and of which he will then give a more particular notice. Another is to enable the govern ment to repay certain advanzes of sums of money required for the relief of destitution in Ireland during the last year. On the same day I propose to take the second reading of the Alien Bill. On Thursday, the 4th, we shall take the third readiest of the Jewish Disabilities Bill. (Hear, hear.) On Friday, the committee on the Alien Bill, and, if there be time on that day the Committee on the Public Health Bill. If that bill, however, cannot be then taken, we shall proceed with it on Monday the Bch. On Monday, the 15th of May, my right hon. friend, the President of the Board of Trade, will bring under consideration, as the first order of the day, the amendment of the navigation laws. (Hear, hea.) He will state, at the same time, the course we propose r to take with regard to the registry of seamen and shipa, and be will state also the general views of her Ma jesty's government upon the subject, and the course they propose to take relative to the Merchant Seamen's Fund, so as to give a complete view of their inte ntions respecting this important question. With regard to Irethe land, I shoulda mo state that on Monday, the lit of May, or on next day, tion will be made for leave to introduce bills with respect and to the elective franchise and t he polling places in Ireland, the second reading of those bills will be taken on the same day in the following week. (Hear, hear.) I believe I have nothing further to state, and, therefore, I shall at once move that this house, at its rising, do adjourn to Saturday next. Sir W. CLAY asked if it was the intention of her Ma jesty's government to introduce any measure, similar to tat of last session, with reference to the ratepaying clauses of hat reform act, and if so whether it was intended that it shouid embrace clauses facilitating the right of voting in the cases of 101. householders where rates were paid by their land lords? Lord J. RUSSELL. —I have to introduce a bill upon the subject in the course of the session, hitt I would rather not now enter upon a discussion of its details or p a rticulars. I should also say that we do not intend to lay on the table, at the same time, a number of bills only a few of which can possibly be proceeded with. (Hear, hear.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR asked at what time the house would meet on Saturday ? Lord J. RUSSELL —I cannot precisely say, but I think probably at 2 o'clock. Mr. BRIGHT asked, if, in the contemplated meuures re lating to Ireland, any provision was to be made to remedy the grievances of the Irish church--grievancea acknow , )caged by the noble lord tome years ago, and which he had hoped by this time the government would have done tome thing to remedy ? the subj Lord . actJ RUSSELI have no measure to introduce on of the Irish c hurch. Mr. MONSELL asked when the measure for the purpose of facilitating the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland, in troduced into the other house, was to be brought under their consideration ? Lord J. RUSSELL —I do not know precisely in what stage that bill is in the other house, but I rather think it is be fore a committee. Mr. MONSELL—Was any measure to be proposed for the amendment of the grand jury laws in Ireland ? Lord J. RUSSELL bill has not yet been intreduced, and I repeat with respect to that, what I cannot repeat too often,that I do not see any advantage from the introduction of ten or twelve different bills when only two or three can be proceeded with. ( Hear, hear.) Mr. FOSTER was unders relatin g quire if any distinct measure would be brought in to the Merchant Sea men's Fund ? RUSSELL —My right hon. friend will propose to Lord J. introduce a measure upon that subject in the course of the session. Mr. THORNELY said a bill had been brought in to enable joint-stock, companies to wind up their own affairs. It was considered in the north of England a bill of very con siderable importance, and he should like to know when it would be proceeded with? Mr. LABOUCHERE eould not fix a lay, but he was quite aware of the importanee with which the bill was re garded, and he would endeavour to proceed with it as soon as possible. Mr. P. SCROPE said there was a measure proposed to them of far greater importance to the people of Ireland than any of which they had yet heard: he meant a measure re lating to the barbarous evictions of tenan try in that country. Thousands were now wandering about in Ireland without home or shelter. He should be glad to know whet withher the bill he referred to would be immediately proceeded ? Sir G. GREY said the bill referred to had been prepared, but it had been thought necessary to send it to Ireland f r the consideration of the government and the law officers of the crown in that country. The bill had only been returned to him that morning. Several alterations were made to it, and he should like to look at them attentively before he *Clio broaght the measure under the formal house Mr.. EWART mid unless some very satlenisteel vamoose were given by the noble lad at the head of the government why the Alien Bill should pass into a taw, it would be his duty, when it cause under consideration, to offer it every opposition in his power. There wee • bill promised them with refennoe to the punishment of death—ta make that the law which was at present the practice. Be should be glad to know when that memur.. would be brought forward? Sir 0. GREY mid that bill had also been prepared ;but he must say, respecting it, what his noble friend had aaid re garding mottles etteellfe, that he saw no use in laying it on the tadle, without a chance. of its being forthwith con sidered. to ask if certain Mr. BERRIE S was und e rstood rtain papers were ready with reference to the miscellaneous and civil con .. __— estimates. and when thine estimates would be tiagency brought forward ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE tionQUER sa to id civil butt The mucellaneous estimates were ready; matters conne cted with t he m were under th e consider ation of the committee upon the subject. Mr. BERRIES observed that it might be a long time before the committte made any report ; and it was not, he spprehended, at all intendeu that the proceedings of that committee should interrupt the usual course of giving the house all the information it required. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he by no means intended to defer the miscellaneous estimates until the committee had made their report; but it was not usual to bring those lotimates forward before the Easter recess. Sir CLERK observed that those estimates were usually printed before the recess. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his hon. friend the Secretary of the Treasury was not in his place, and he could not tell why the estimates had not been laid on the table. Mr. WOREGOR imbed if there would be any objection to lay on the table the customs tariff recently passed by Canadian Assembly ? Mr. HAW ES said, not only would there be no objection, but the law required that such documents should be laid be fore the house. He would promise that it should be done in a few days. rhe SPEAKER then put the que stion of adjournment, whereupon AFFAIRS OF DENMARK. Mr. DISRAELI rose, and said that in rising into pur suance of the notice he had given, to call attention the state of our relations with Denmark, he should occupy the attention of the house for only • very brief space. Ordina rily to was desirous to leave in the hands of the responsible minister the negotiations with foreign nati o, but be t h ou ght the c i rc umstances which had a risen i ns n a country with which we had had for an long a time friendly and ox dial dial relations a ff orded a case which might be taken as an ex ception to the rule. It was unnecersary for him to remind the house of the general position of the state of Denmark ; but he ought observe that the impor tance of a state did not dep. nd on the amount of its population, but on the character of that population a nd the position of th e territory. Denmark was an a kingdom, inhabited by a vigorous and well-informed a peoplsove e. Its situation was re markable, and it was governed by riga whose first act on f ascending his thron was, e on his own motion, to accord to his people a ree and independent constitution. (Hear, hear.) There were other sovereigns who, at a later period, appeared in the character of conceders of constitutions to subjects from whom all privileges had been long denied. But the King of Denmark conceded rights to Denmark at a period when aheolutism was paramount, and libel al government on the continent an exception. (Hear.) The territory of which Denmark consisted was composed of those celebrated islanda on one of which Copenhagen was situated, of the Scan province of Schleswig, and the German province of Holstein. To the latter provinces the King bad given an equal share in the representation. His L o n g comprehended the absolute enjoyment of • free press, a perfect representation of the people, and equal laws. But the German duchy of Holstein refused to accept this arrangement. The King assented to the wishes of the Hol- stainers that they should not be incorporated with be inde- Schles wig and Denmark Proper, if they wished to pendent of those territories, but he declared to them I that they should have free laws and insteitutionsretense never. theless. No monarch, even under th pel pre sent cireumstancee, had ever coneeded most or made his concessions more nobly. It was impalas, however. to arrange this constitution in a moment- Belem its final settlement the French revolution occurred. Its consequences to Denmark were remarkable. The German party, who were dominant in Holstein, were extremely I anxious to exercise similar powers in the adjacent state of I Schleswig. They announced that they would become a' free German state with Holstein. Under these circum stances a most remarkable event occurred. There had been a quasi revolution in Berlin, where a monarch had given a free constitution to his subjects. though not exactly under the same circumstances with the contortions made to his siihjects by the King of Denmark. (Hear, hear.) Animated, as he said, by high patriotic sentiment , the King of Prussia received a deputatio from the province of Schleswig, the vast majority of which deputation, however, consisted of Prussians settled in the province. The King promised to take the duchies under his patronage and protection, acknowledged them as German states, and mine• diately afterwards marched Dome of the troops, who had not been so successful as ha< been intended in Berlin Wolf, to recover their laurels in the states of a friendly power. (Hew, hear.) Now there was probably no event in modern Ilium, more unwarrantable than the conduct of Prussia in this ossa. (Hear, hear.) Since it occurred, indeed, it had been allegt4 that Holstein, and, as it was represented, Schleswig also, being German states, and the Kiog of Denmark being, so duke of those provinces, a member of the Diet, differences I having arisen in the provinces, it was the right, and indeed I the duty, of the King of Prussia, as a member of the Diet, to march his troops into the territcrities of his co-member to 1 settle these differences. But, in the first place, the King of Prude had ordered his troops into Holstein and occupied it without the Germanic Diethasing given any previous autho- riot whatever for his so doing. (Hear, hear.) In the second I place, no application for interference had bee ) n m ade in the ade to the Germanic Diet by the duchies. (Hear, hear. third place, even if the Diet had authorised the King of Prussia to occupy Holstein, it would be impossible for the King of Prussia to show that he had any right whatever to invade Schleswig end occupy a principal fortress of that duchy. It was equally impossible, had there been no disturbances at ' I Berlin, had all the forms of the Germanic constitution boa [ observed, to ascertain what would have it been the excuse f for or t hi s proceeding. (Hear , hear.) Was , for example, the pacifying of the duchy? Surely not, for the King of Denmark was perfectly prepared te k pacify the duchy . himself. t i eta a v err rim ) il l i r il a l a y it to th :is thauebjec:,s 4f D these emn riuTeCts h" b. n ati claimed the protective interposition of the Diet ? Even had such been the case the course of proceed foring was but not off hand to invade the duc h y and occupy its tresses, to call upon the complainants to state their ca se fully and dis tinctly to the Diet, and then to call upon the King of Denmark for his defence, and to give him the opportunity of making that defence before the Diet. (Hear, bear.) But the fact was, that throughout these proceedings no cause of offence against the King of Denmark had been stated i , and the Diet had not been appealed to. (Hear, h.) The nva sion was perpetrated without the authority of the Diet ; it was an invasion without authority and without cause. (Hear, hear.) Since that time, indeed since the occupa tion of Holstein by the forces of Prussia, since the chief fortress of Schleswig, delivered up to those forces by treachery, had ben retained by them, a Curious body, itself in GOUTSe of reconstruction, calling itself a diet, and amem bled at Frankfort, had passed an ex post facto resolution (hear, hear) authorising the King of Prlllaia in all he had alreaay done, and in all he might hereafter think fit to do, with reference to these duchies. He (Mr. Disraeli) had already mentioned the circumstance o f a provi sional governmen t having been form ed in Schles wig, and that rebellion was fomented there by cer tain parties, in the most daring and most unblushing manner. Hereupon the King of Denmark appeeled to his people. Some years back there was no country of Europe in which pa grty feelin ran higher than in Denmark. There was an aristocratic party . and a democratic party, which had not agreed for centuries. There area a German party, and there was a national party, between whom the most violent passions had been in operation ; but, in consequence of the conduct of the present King, all party animosities and differences bad disappeared from Denmark. (Hear, hear.) Nothing there was known but Danish nationality, and reverential pride is le, the monarch who had trusted to the loyalty of his peop and their spirit of elevated freedom. (Rear, hear.) Never was there a monarch more supported by his people. Front the highest nobleman to the humblest peasant in his dominions, all were prompt to rally round his throne. (Hear, hear.) And in this case we must not rate the power of the King of Denmark accord lag to the population of his kingdom, as set forth in the Gazetteer. You may think, indeed, that be has only one and a half millions of people devoted to him ; but ask your self, at the same time, what other sovereign of Europe is there, at this moment, our own Queen excepted, who has One and a half millions of his people devoted to him ? (Rear, bear, and a laugh.) The King of Denmark, then, supporteeird by hi s u nanimous people — a people distinguiahed for th high physical and moral virtae—supported by his troops, 1 ea pp or ted by his naval power , which owed its existence to bins, supported on account of that spirit of nationality I which in its genuine form can so rarely be dependede upon, Marched i n t o Schleswig, carried all before him, defeatd the rebels, most of whom were German propagandists, and was perfectly ready in three days time to have pacified and con tented the whole of the population„ had it not been for the occupation of Holstein by the Prusaians, and the the i nvas i o n of the duchy of Schleswig by mme power. (Hear , hear.) tip to this moment not a single rational cause had been alleged tor this erratic conduct of die court of Berlin—no sound reason assigned ; the only ground put forward, in fact, had been the adoption of some of those dreamy visions of German professors which duo de past a been agitating Germany, which in this disordered and ! distempered age were, it would seem, to be reduced to prim ' tice in the dominions of a neighbouring well Hea hear.) For all things there is always a pretext as as a cause, and the pretext in this ease waa, German nationality. It was laid down as a principle by men, some of vrhom were even occupying seats in ElirDPeall cabinets, that wherever the German l an guage was spoken the Germanflag ought to wave . This was the prete xt on which the invasion of Schleswig and Holstein had taken place. Now thinwas ß all very fine, apparently very national, andl very valor. it was desirable to consider whether it would ne on, to t become . the German people, if such was their opini oz. with a little more consistency. (Hear, hear.) If, wherever the German language is spoken, the German flag ought to wave, why did not the Prussians invade Alsace, where German is spoken, and, occupying that western province, as sume a high front to France ?or why did they not, eastward, invade and occup Podolia, where Germa n is spoken, and here meet Russia ; (Hear, hear.) But sto ; the , i