The Express. — London, England, 1853-04-05 00:00:00

I re , as the wintry, render that which might not have been e e the',, exceedingly unwiee at the present moment. re • . ,:„ . , ea r), These then arc four of the objects which we 1 - 0:1 endeavour to keep in view with regard to the Uni i,; °mord : —One t. the improvement of the govern- I gen— v i W 4, another the larger admission of students , N riging to a particular college—the third is th e wit,' oval or ma°.bedews of the restrictions which now exist yes Ina re,cad t h e e Moment.' a the rewards soil honours gi in particular counties or localities ; and the e er y pan applicatioe of some part of the endowments and ..„,,„ete of the colleges to the p ur p oses of i n st ruc t ion in the isi irl cee see' which ale not now employed for any purposes o w a se etioa in the universities whatever. (Ilear, hear.) slither object. which we thank we should have in view is Nat the teisowthips which a.• obtained by students of dis tie,•. • tuned not be held for life ; but that they should be heffi only fur *certain p. riod , so that there may be a con sot( stimulus to exertion nett oat to the etudeuts ia the Ilea, hear.) I will not go into the ma m . isc• i.lit : iLs natal have been made by the commissioners be the l'nietruty of Cambridge. They a ea:maned in • that those restrictions which I have mem os, lA , o ld as Waiter raja', but they state that the uni th -n it haii eenciustly from time to time been endes • el eit its institutieas to the present state of the rT. ....twat they espi et further improvements will jr..le-en e l, i• the mot direction. They say it would be * great toi•fortasie to the University of Cambridge if it e,, r ; led; short of al, that is required of it by the most ea ue!seieJ siew of public attairs; and the greatest advantage if rople of this country. At the mime time, with • the e e l as t.i , lc in the university to which they belong, they slate the) ate hippy to think that stab has been the case sad will °Mamie to be the cue ; hut, at the same time, they earn , their firm belief tnat the interpusitian of paths aunt gal be required to creosote the University of Cam bolo to Malta ell those reforms which, in their opiumw, might to be made. (lieu, h. are) Now, sir. Im iy Van ier. is myl a st the persons whom t advised the crown to linnet apes the tonlati , atolli of Ostord and Cambridge were Mee , f very great distinctien. They were men wit I etten led those etas. rsith .1, and had attained the greatest hei.ears—come of them in science, sod others for close-seal leaning. They appruathett the subject with all Nat revenant for thew* institutions which such men were re , to have ; when each men advise such extensive alterable* I dusk it in • ; root that parliament, without whams, mud without being liable to any charms of indis ev," may, with every caution, and considering every gilt hu tty, properly legislate for the improvement of the of O'Neil and Cambridge. (Cheers.) I trust I Lite male it cleat to the heave teat we shall sot propose et the present tame, or without giving lad means to the unittPl . 3l/ to wander all that they ought to do ; bat at the .ame time that we shall keep in view this sub- If the univenitits adept and carry into I Ifect as far Wynn the recosaraindatioes which have been made, and app., t parliament to greet them powers still further to prey them out, I shall be happy to leave to them the con egemation ; but if they slieu:.l not etc so, and if there should be penes. who are stall reetr.,ined by their prejudices from wiling thin reefed alterations, I think that it is our duty al a government not to hesitate to bring in thee* measures "A i d we think to be desireble. (Cheers.) And now, sir, bev:eg ventured to troub:e the house upon these important s e ),• ctc, I el that, wide es is the field. which I have had t o :i a; II&S bays quite impressible for me to give an adi oat, - aotem to the boost, either of the present state of the piestion or the messing, which the government mean to y. sr; but I have a firm b, lief that the people of this coun try. who themselves have founded these institutions—that the pec,,, , of this country, who in the course sit the last hen nanny have eirried out day schools and the instructioa of the poorer classes to suck en extent as I bare shown you, will themselves supply any Ladequacy ; and will even se pply any defects that may he found in our lewislation. 1 fn: that with respect to thew great and very important seteens, that will happen that we have seen happen in the material world, end in physical science. We have seen the vapour which pawed away unnoticed and disappeared, eon torts! late the means of giving a brilliant light to our sweets and towns. We have anti forces of nature which were once reasideresl to be only noxious' and destructive em ployed for the purpose" of giving in a few moments intelli rue which a Notary ago required weeks and even months to celery. We have seen the wonders of phisical science, which Wealth even the age in which we live ; and I feel persuaded that whatever to be the state of society in this country at present, there is a power which will draw from the destructive elements of society the means of establishing relation anal morality on • still firmer basis, and which will make that religion and morality conducive to the per manence of our sacred institutions. (Cheers.) I feel that this is even a still nobler task, is even a still greater achiev- Meet than those wonders which the acquisition of science have ambled us to see. (Cheers.) Imploring this house to pay the utmost attention to the subject, and to take no words of mine as sufficient for the measure which I have to propose, but begging them to keep in view those objects ulna which the future happiness anal welfare of this wintry must depend, I shall beg leave to introduce the bill. (hoed cheers.) IIr.EWAItT was sure that the house and the country must be very deeply indebted to the noble :oral, far the com prehensive views upon the momentous subject of education to which he had given expression ; but he was sorry to observe that the noble lord's speech pointed rather to some great amendment fur the future, than to any great im- Provement at the present day. He was sorry that the aohle url had not taken into cins:deration the large public schools.. remarked that as they had put an end to this transportation of music. they must provide some means, either of taking care of them in this country or of reouciug their number. Now he looked upox • proper plan of really tuitional instruction, as the beat and surest means of effecting the latter and more desirable of these obj.cts; and he was therefore very sorry to find that the noble lord 'topped short of the vary means by which generality could be gives to education. The noble lord had truly stated that it was very hard to punish men for breskiug the law, which they had never right them to °tame ; and yet the noble lord repudiated the only scheme by which educa tion could be usiversally diffused over the country. The utile lord had failed to INe the distinction between social and mood education. la truth, there were two clams of men in this counter. who were charged with the duty of instructing the people—schnolmosters and clergymen; and there was no reason why the principle of the division of lablor should not apply in this, as well as in all other matters. All that • schoolmaster could be required to do was to fit his pupils for the ordinary busires of and to maids them good citizens ; but their instruc- Mao in religious toilets ought to be left to the clergymen of thus various penurious. (Hear, hear.) He should be glad to have any property that he might poisons taxed to support schools; and, indeed, he considered that every acre, aad all the property of the country, ought :to be made to con tribute its quota. His objection to the noble lord's bill was that it was only a half measure after all, although the sub ism was one of the most vital importance. Mr. M. OIBSON said it would be premature to offer my opinions gem the plan propounded by the noble lord lord they►helium the hill itself, and bad an opportunity ficensidering ite previsions ; but inasmuch as, with other Mmaben, he MAWS engaged in inquiring before a com mittee of the hose into the practicability of supporting schools of a imeneinational character is towns governed by maaltipid a, be could have wished that the gable lard bed any legislation upon that MINNS ISti: the ripest of that committee had been laid berme Ms Muse; breams he believed that it would be found to elm- Mia seam very valuable information on the question. He my Mich agreed with his bon. friend (Hr. Hume): bat be was is anxious that esemethlag should be dose, that be meld net throw my obstacle in the way of any pima. Nevertbalme, be doubted extremely whethee they meld MOW IS this attempt to transfer the duties of the reify of various permissions to the town-emu% Be my men doubted whether they would fled two-thtrds de town enema prepared to teach all forms of religion, red whether they word dad them ready to train up chil dren as Homan catholic., as Jews, or in the variou forms of ChrisLanity. He agreed with his hon. friend that if they were going to support religious education out of the fn Is of the state, they wc.ald embark in diSculties from *Leh be saw no amide of escaping. (Hear, hear.) Ai a tbotoonan, he thought there was one very important mimeo in the noble lord's speech. The noble lord lal est informed the home what had hisses of that mi see of the Privy Council, dated Jena 12, 1852, which thasferred Irons the laymen of the church the management el Mardi schools to the clergy and the bishop of the d (Noir. bear.) He thought that the government of which the noble lord was a member in the year 18103, greatly din. baraistid itself and made • great step in advance, by ens _Vol laymen to menage chinch schools, in conjunction with , 01 clergy, and he considered it was a retri.grade step of surd Derby's government to undertake to transfer back the management to the clergy, and to give them inclusive Ain:Whoa. He therefore wished to ask the noble lord, whether that minute of couneil had been rescinded, which onehled public money to be given to church schools, in oats where the clergyman hat the power of dismissing desehiolmaster upon other than religious grounds, incases ■ which the clay/train had the power of deciding what lard. should be used upon other than religious grounds, and in caw where school. might be built under the new *em of trust deed, which seas allowed to be introduced by *late government ? The question was one of vital ism *trot ; for oltrosith It might nut affect existing schools, there was nevertheless • great principle involved, namely, the education by laymen of the young. lie would never Pct hat consent as a churchman to go back one iota, and to trader to the clergymen any powers which had hitherto Eels enjoyed by the Loy committee. Lord Derby had said that the new minute should not be acted upon until pairs are had consented to its principle, sad he (Mr. M. ()eb be: considered that this was • fitting opportunity for *ak ar whether the minute was to be rescinded, or whether her Ma esty's governmeat were prepared to act upon it ? d, hear.) J RUSSELL said the committee of council had coto:dered the minute, anti they did not propose to enforce 0. but it would be cancelled. They proposed by • docute that there shouid he a power given to the clergy. •in to appeal to the lord ~resident of the council and the tothlp of the diocese, in eases where the schoolmaster was a Pius. of immoral conduct or habits It was certainly Iss.ibie that in some coos. a schoolmaster of immoral con- Met or Labits might be supported by the partiality or in kiere of the committee, and in such a ca..e they pro. Nod that by a minute the clergyman might apply to the Ithx , ltnt of the council; and his lordship with the bishop [ 4:we ot.dentood the noble I 'oil, who was very indistinctly 44 )• might appoint the inspector of the schools and an ,lt intomhent le investigate the complaint, and opals .‘ re put decree accordingly. ltr W. J. PDX said he wished to say • f'w words on ftai Pert of the interesting speech of the noble lord which '.ocie ore. reed the la'mass of th , population. lie ft , Teri :.it indeed to tin: that the noble lord Lad motto- Wiled the principle of an educational rate ; he thought it is trust important step in the progress of public instructi , n. He never could comprehend the objection to the state inter fering in order to secure the rights of children, and to secure its own rights; for the awe had a right to expect that society should not have turned upon it, from time to time, large bodies of uniastrueted, semi-eivilixed beings, ripe far depravity and crime. (Hear, hear) On the other hand, the child who was totally neglected by its parents was deprived of that due training of its faculties human beings might be said to have a natural right to enjoy. Bat macho( the virtue of • rate for education would depend upon its being generally levied, and distributed riccoriliog to recognised and impartial principled. (Hear, hear.) What was that difficulty? The term "secular r education " had been roads • perfect bugbear its this country. The notion had been run away with that there was a set of persons who wished to exclude religion from the training of the children of this country. (Hear, hear.) Sack a notion did n o t arg ue se much wrongheadedness as a total deprivation of the "oral sense. (Cheers.) lie be lieved there were no such persons amongst those who had been most forward in recommending what was called the secular system. These were as thoroughly convineed as others that there war no such thing as education without the religious element—(hear, hear)—but the question was how that element was best to ha infused. That was the question, and no other. (Hear.) They thought, —and they were countenanced by his grace the Archbishop I of Canterbury in thinking so—that the clergyman wai a ' : better trainer in religion than the schnolm tater. (Hear, hear.) And this difficulty was always surmounted. What did the noble lord say to the plan which his own govern 'bent rod other governments had supported in lrcland ? (Hear, hear.) The difficulty was not surmounted there only, bat iu oar own colony of Canada. (Hear, hear.) The system in the United States showed the anise triumph over this same supposed insuperable difficulty. He could not but hope that, as the discussion upon it pro 'Wed, the scheme would enlarge itself, sa as to be come more comprehensive, more general, more worthy of the name of minting; and certainly, in recognising the prin ciple of • rate, the noble lord had laid the foundation of an edifice which might do honour to his own name, and redound to the glory and welfare of the country. (Cheers.) Mr. E. BALLsaid he should exceedingly rejoice if par ies could oe brought to agree on a national system ; but lie should prefer for children not to he educat e d a t all, rather than sulfide the Bible front the schoule. Sir 11. IL !SOLIS referred to the sudden clearance of I the house, which had taken place when the noble lord sat down; but said he would take the epportunity of eaves'. ing his agreement with the right boo. member fur the city of Manchester on on. point—that it would be impossible to bring any town conned, either in Manchester or elsewhere, to agree to a rate in favour of a system of education which should comprise all religious denominations. (Hear, hear.) lu all that he had said on the universities, he (Sir H. Inglis) entirely differed from the nohlo lord, and warned him that he should oppo,e all his projected reforms. To the noble lord's general scheme of education hr bad also grave objec tions which lie should state at the proper time; he merely wished to guard against his silence being construed into ap proval. Lord J. 'MANNF.ItS said the noble lord's outline of his plan was Fii meagre that he was unable to form any d cisive opinion on it He had, however, in answer to Mr. Gibson, made a statement which was sufficient to show that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gibson) had entirely mistaki a the object of the late minute of the committee of council. Its real object was to secure to members of the church of England the same rights in the rnanagemi at of their ach-iils as were possosiied by other r‘ 'igloos bodies.. esp• cially in reference to the appointment soil discharge of schoolmasters. Ile could not see any possible infringement of relikous liberty in such a proposal. As the noble lord stated his intention of prop ming a new minute, and as he had expert/mid great indignation at the late government taking sorb a step without the sanction of paid:anent, he wished to ask whether the proposed new minute would be first laid before parliament; also whether the hill would emend to Scotland; whether ragged snails would be included in its provisions; and some other matters of detail. Mr. PILINS urged the importance of a subject respect ing which Lsrd J. Russell had been silent, namely, the compuby.ry education of the lowest classes. The noble lord had likewise omitted to notice the public schools; sod with regard to the universities he had been morn tinsti than Ms own corumisdoners. Mr. W (GRAM thought the measure of the government very well deserving the consideration and favour of the house, the system being founded upon one already tried, and which bed produced admirable fruits. Mr. BLACKBTT expressed his regret that the noble lord had made no allusion to the Calverley of Durham, which hail contrived in • comparatively short space of time to arrive at that perfection of mismanagement which distin guished its elder sisters of Oxford and Cambridge. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had no personal experience of that university, but he understood that its defects, in re spect of the abandonment of the professorial system, the substitution of the collegiate system, and the scanty attend. ante of scholars, were as great as those which called down the anidmadversions of the commi-sioners on Oxford As a school fur minicf purposes, which should be one of its main characteristics, in such • district as Perham, it was alerted useless. (Hear, beer.) With regard to the reforms pointed ' out by the commissioners, they divided themselves into two heads—those which the universities themselves could not effect without the assistance of parliament, such as the re form of the statutes, and those which they bail the power of effecting without the intervention of the legislature, th.oueh, as the commisioners said, it must be doubtful if ' they - had the will to make them. With regard to the first class of reforms, the noble lord fully recognised the import ance of parliamentary interference, but he did not say that he intended to bring forward any measures this year. He thought this was very much to be regretted, the more id as it was generally understood from the allusion to the Commis sion in the Queen's Speech, that the late government would at least have introduced this session an enabling act, which, though insufficient, would have been better than nothing. With regard to the second class of reforms, he entirely cou carted in the manner in which the noble lord had spoken of them. His views in this respect formed a pleasing centres% to the language used by the right hon. gentleman (the Chan caller of the Exchequer) who in 18.59 spoke of the disastrous effects produced by the announcement of the commission, and asked who ever heard of • commander-its-chief or a prime minister being chosen by examination, as was pro posed to be done in reference to the appointment of fel lows. He agreed with the hon. and learned member for Bath that the noble lord was mere timid than his own com missioners. He proposed to give the colleges more time in order to ascertain how they would ant before he asked the aid of parliament. He (Mr. Blackett) cautioned the noble lord how he allowed any further delay, for he was convinced the only use which would be made of it would be for the purpose of thwarting reform. This demand of time was not made for the first time. In 1934, when Lord Radnor breathe the subject before the House of Lords, the Dubs of Wellington said that the colleges themselves were seweidering the subject of reform : but from that time se the present se reform had taken place (Hear.) Emesekinse therefore, would justify them in refusing my mere time now. The report of the commissioners did nut apposes ofdelay. Whoa the commissioners asked for infor mant teem the fellows, they often replied that they were provessied by the oath which they took of observing the embine—an oath which, in other respects, had been shame. day neglected. (Cheers.) Now, there were at least from Ile be 40 fellowships yeast every year, on admission to which the, oath of perpetual observance of the Aetna' was taken. Tidies wand be therefore every year a fresh crop of fellows, whir would plead the oath as a bar to further re form. This would be one of the effects of further delay. Bet every single step taken by the universities sizes the appointment of the commiesion ought to be a warning to them not to site more time. There were only three col leges and three halls in Oxford that consented to give the requisite information to the Royal commission. All the others neglected or evaded the demand for inquiry. The Bishop of Exeter, as the visitor of one college, called upon the authorities in • style of ridiculous bombast, to beware how they trampled on the visitosial power which the law of the land gave to the bishop. Again, the University of Oxford paid not the slightest attention to the recommenda tions of the commissioners. The university had given away several soma of mosey for purposes not strictly us. direnical, and the commissioners recommended that the fends should in future he applied for such purposes only. That word to he a moderate and common sense ItCOlll. mandrakes, yet whim an occasion that certainly strongly appealed le the Imilme of all felonious occurred, namely, the fart•enonament to the Duke of Welling ton, ft NW. for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) The commissioner likewise recommended—and it was one of their mot important recommendations—that the students should eel be compelled to live in the colleges. This would enable peer poem es obtain the highest kind of laetrile. lion, which coniel est now be well obtained without being launched into the midst of an extravagant society. This was the only way of providing for that large and well-edu rated class of pupil teachers was, possessed of intellectual re anemones, were not possessed of pecuniary resources which would enable theater move with in an expensive society. Bat the greatest advantage of this change would be that it I would break the neck of the present ecclesiastics' system of Oxford. There was now a liberal conservative body of Ozonises.. They were organised into an opposition known r the Tutorial A.ssoeiation, and he was afraid the effect of the delay now proposed by the noble lord would be to post. posse the period when the differences between the two op posing bodies in the university would break out. Ile looked upon it, therefore, as an unfortunate concession, and he could not sit down with expressing hie conviction that the main opposition to an efficient university reform would be the exit teem of a coalition cabinet. (Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. said that be did not rise for the purpose of following •he hon. gin t)eman who had just spoken with respect to the various statements which he had made. The hen. gentleman bail made a particular attack on the University of Oxford and the resident members of that university. He would only my of that university that it had great and difficult duties to discharge, and it deserved the highest honour for the manner in which, on the whole, it discharged those duties. (" Hear. hear, " and a laugh.) lie rose for the purpose of giving the noble lord opposite (Lord John Manners) the information he asked for with respect ts the questions which he had asked. With regard to the first question tie begged to say that there would be no objection to lay on the table of the house the minute which it was intended to substitute for the minute of the Privy Council of the 12th July, 1952. As to the minute of June 12,1852, he must ray that its noble friend did not appear to him to have accurately described it. The minute did not pay that all founders of schools should be at alert y to constitute these trust+ in any manner that they thought ft; its object wits, if it hail any !idioms' object, to prevent the retention, through 10. al misunder standings or feuds, of irernoral or improper persons in the only of ,6931 fligslCri o'nd he believed that when h 3 noble friend saw the minute which had recently been adopted by the Privy Council, he would admit that that object was attained. As to the liberty of founders to constitute trnsu ba asy way they pleased, it was a li►erty which it would be very improper in them to claim and very improper for any government to give. His noble friend had asked whether Scotland was included in the plan which had been propounded. lie begged to say that in no respect did it apply to Scotland, and that the intention of the govern. sent with respect to Scotland, when their plan should be suture, would be declared separately. His noble friend hail also inquired whether it was intruded, in the bill for the regulation of charity trusts, to provide that every scheme of reform which might be framed undsr its rem , pions should be made the subject of • sperms act of parlia ment. Tlae general intention with regard to that bill was to make it somewhat similar to the Enclosure Act nor in force. It would be neceseary to come to parliament for its specific sanction to a scheme of r:forin when the legatees did not unite in assenting to it ; but it would not be necessary to come to parliament in each particular case, and in some instances it might be desirable to combine a number of schemes in one set of pariernent. His hon. friend the .ember for Bath (Mr Phinii) com plained that no mention had been made of the great school. of the cowry. Ile believed that io the bid introduced last year by his hon. and learned friend the member for Abing. de n, there was no such provision as the hon. gentleman ap peared to desire; lie also believed that the great schools were included in the scope of the bill which was to be intro duced into the House of Lords fur the regulation of charity trust., and he thought that it would be premature to enter into the subject then. A great deal lied been said, in reference to the universities, and his honourable and keened friend had not spoken of them in that conciliatory tone which he felt satisfied was the tone best adapted to promote beneficial changes, m well as to prevent dangerous and mischievous alterations. (War, hear.) The statement of his noble frond the member fur the City el London required no defence and no elucidation from him. Whether it were in contrast, as the lion. and learned gentleman stand, with whet lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had said there and elsewhere on the subject of the universities, wss a question which he would leave him to speculate upon to his own satisfaction. To the prin ciples laid down by his noble friend on that oceision, he adhered, and he always had adhered. What he maintained wss, that it was the duty of the legislature to see that the great endowment& with which the universities had been provided were made available for the ends for which the universities existed ; and if there were portions of those endowments which were lying dormant, or were kept in abeyance, then, he said, it was nut only desirable fur the public, but it was essential to the welfare of the universities themselves, that the •pplica tiun of the en :OMMet) , 4 should be so directed that the ends would be secured. (Hear, bear) It appeared to him, however, that such speeches as that of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down tended to stop the progr.vs of re. form. (Hear, bear.) If the hon. centleinao were earnestly ', desired to sac beneficial changes, he could not have taken • I snore unwise course with • view to their accomplish ment. The hon. gentlemen had not atopp. d short at imputing general insincerity to the residents at the uni versities; he said they were all asleep until the commission was appointed; yet he incidentally stated that a great sail extensive change was adopted just before the appoiatuseut of the commission. Sh. BLACK ETT said he expressly distinguished between the university and the colleges. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not herr that, but if the hon. goitleinau adhered to that distinction he was satisfied. Still, the university and the colleges being composed at present of the same persons, it wus scarcely possible that a spirit of reform should pre vail in the universities, and that the same persons who advocated reformation in the universities, should be Gable to the severe censure which the hon. gentleman had cast upon them. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman seemed to be of opinion, not merely that it was desirable that Changes should he made in the universities, but that they should be made by an extraneous authority. His noble friend, sic !ortling to the boa. gentleman. committed a fatal error in giving them time. Why, the commirsion, which was net deficient either in ability or in diligence, took two years to frame its report; and slid the hon. gentleman think that bodies of this kind, who had for centuries dis charged moat important duties, and who, whatever might be the opinions which prevailed with regard to improve ments, enjoyed at that moment, he believed, the confidence and respect of the country, as consisting of men who performed most arduous and useful labours—did the hon. gualemen, be asked, think it desirable to ov e r-ride the free and independent action of these bodies., when, too, free and independent action was essential to the ends for which they existed? (Hear, hear.) lie did not say that circumstances might not arise which would justify such a course, but it would, in his opinion, be a great misiortune if the required improvements were not effected from their own free choice. Nothing could be more undesirable than to hold out threats as the hon gentleman had done. It was imp issible to eon. thatl'm! the Universities were in such a sense absolute masters of their own atf.iri—that parliament bad no right to interfere with them. It woe the duty of parliament to rpose fur the purpose of regulating end improving any such bodies for an adequate public cause; but to any that it should interfere because much remained to be done, was as unreasonable as it would be to reproach the House of Commons for not having done everything that was re quired. There were ancient public foundations, with great difficulties, as the hon. gentleman knew, standing in the way cf reform. Ile protested against the hon. gentle• men's doctrine, that such bodies should be at once swept away. (Hear, hear.) These were questions which wmsY not admit of that kind of treatment; if they wished is accomplish their object, they must be contented to proceed in order, and must give to those who had important duties to discharge an opportunity of making beneflciel changes, unless, indeed, they had res. son to believe that such changes would not be produced by their free action. The hon. gentleman complained that tho universities did not at once act on the recommendatioas of the commission. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) protested against that doctrine as one adverse to liberty. (Hear, hear.) It was the business of corporate bodies re submit themselves to reason according to their own view el reason. It was not their duty to adopt the views of a amp ntineime of inquiry, unless they considered them rigid. , Ulm. hear.) He hyped that the opinious of his noble Mad would be taken from the speech of his noble friend himself, and not from the constructions which had been get span it. (Hear, hear.) Reference. had been made le what Ms noble friend said with regard to the introduc tion Weft universities of students not connected with the ; but it appeared to be forgotten that his noble said distinctly that the mode in which they were to be introduced was to be such as would not weaken or relax the discipline. This was a most important reserve, Lion—(hear, hear)—and he apprehended that if the views et the hon. gentleman were acted upon there would be a re laxation of discipline. He had been led farther than be intended by the asperity of the hon. gentleman'. censures upon a body of men who, he repeated, were engaged in performing most important duties. He trusted that the house , woad adhere to the views laid down by his noble friend; lihnt they would steadfastly pursue the great end in view. mad that they would give the universities them mho tei mei fair time to propose the measures best NNebo attainment of that end, of course reser v i ng be yes the right of requiring these corporate bodies • doillsoir duty; and if they did it not willingly, compel ling these to perform it by act of parliament. (Hear.) Lord J. MANNERS captained. • Mr. BLACKETT disclaimed the attention of casting any eelletehes un the tutors of Oxford as a body. Mr. APSLEY PELLATT regretted that no allusion had been made to a very interesting and important class of her Majesty's subjects—namely, Sunday school teachers, whose avocations bad been pur sued for the lest 70 years with great advantage to the country. There wet. at that time 2,000,000 Sunday sob la sad 200,000 teachers, whose instructions were all voluntary. In Manchester alone them were 90,000 Sunday scholars and 9,000 teacher.. So far as the noble lord's plan provided for the handing over of public money to municipal corporations for educational purposes it had his approba tion ; and he believed it would tend to check that spirit of centralisation which was so much objected to by many of the trading communities. A suggestion bad been made by a Derbyshire manufacturer which was, he thought, worthy of the attention of the government, namely, that a certifi• rate of educational advancement should be given to children and presented to employers when application was made for employment. Leave wee then given to bring in the bill. CLERGY RESERVES (CANADA) BILL. Mr. F. I'EEL moved the order of the day for the consi- ' deration of this bill as amended, and observed that the only material amendment was one which allowed a certain period (as we* understood) for reference to the home government 'ado,* any alteration was carried into effect; a similar pro vision being inserted in every Canadian act. Mr. lIUME thought it of the utmost importance that all questions for legislation should be determinable at once by the government of Canada. Considerable inconvenience had arisen from delay with regard to Trinidad. The amendments having been agreed to, on the question that Monday nest be fixed for the third reading, Mr. 111:DIE complained of the retention of the clause with regard to the payment of 9,0001. a year, and said he believed it would leave discontent in Canada. Monday next was then fixed for the third reading. PILOTAGE BILL. - • - - - - On the order of the day for the second reading of this I bill, Mr. HL ME wished to knew whether it was intended to refer the bill to a committee, as there were applications to be beard from tour or five of the outports. He was himself I in favour of the change. Mr. CARDWELL said all he wished for was facility in passing a bill which he believed would prove beneficial to the snipping interest. Mr TURNER said, though it was not his intention to oppose the second reading, ha mast declare that the ship owners and merchants of Idverpuol viewed with great anxiety the provision with 'regard to the licensing of masters and mates. The pilot hoard of Liverpool was of very ancient date; and they feared that the effect of the bill would be to diminish the efficiency of the pilot service, by diminishing the rune. for its support. Mr. DEEDES hoped the bill would be referred to a "elect committee. Mr. } ORSTr.,It could not undcrst .nd what shipowners were to goo'. by this alttration, thouah it was of course thsißiled fr r their relief. No one hut the pilots of the Citique Y orta would be really benefited ; while shipowners would b e handed over more convict.. ly than ever to the tender mereir:s of the Trinity Board. Y.r, W. M. smnu said having that day attended the Wart! of Trade on the subject with a deputation, ho was THE•'" EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVEIIINO. APRIL . 5, 1851 contested to leave the matter in the hands of the right hon. 1 1 tS:as;ltitrrit..h:J. . a bu n M ill ( A M .E C h r z o l C ß isd ar E ebe l G:O ail e e ß l d i : t eo hta n ov e ia u n ie i we d ° m i t ri ceo th mk ez n ef...'uttailld &Owl r e leage of the pilots of tne Cinque Ports, he felt bound to state that they anticipated no benefit from the bill. Mr. W. P. PRICE, as a shipowner, sea reoreeenting shipowners. expressed his satisfaction and his acknowledg ments to the right hon. gentleman fur the introduction of a comprehensive, conciliatory, and practice! measure. His constituency was largely interested in the question, and had had cause to complain for years of evils which this bill would redress. The navigation of the Bristol Channel up to the port of Glouenter was a very elifikult one and called fir a better and more compreheusis• aysteni of pilotage than tines existed, and which could not be dealt with by any local acts, and therefore he was grateful for the inteo damion of the present bill. Mr. HUDSON was bound to say this measure hail given satisfaction to his constituents, and he should give it his cordial support. The bon. member for Berwick said it pro- pose no benefit to the shipping interest, but the people of Sunderland must be very stupid if they sports% td of it, unless they touted some advantage in it. He believed it would he beneficial to the shipping interest. Ile had no objection to the bill being referred to a *sleet committee, 1 but still he thought it was a measure with which a commit tee of the whole house could deal very well. Mr. DAGGE said that many of his col.stituents would be deeply injured by the bill if it passed in its pr e se n t s h a p e —he hoped it wo u ld be seat to asi lect committee. If it was nut, there were several amendments which he *timid have to propose. The clause which compelled the Cinque Port and Trinity House pilots to navigate vessels both ways, so far from conferring a privilege on them, would be thought a grievance; and he would suggest that it should be ma th, I permissive and not compulsory. There were also objections to the transferring of certain funds and property held by the pilots to the Trinity House. The diminution of rates would cause a orievous loss to many pilots—in the case of the Cinque Ports amounting to at least 50 per cent. Ile yet hop , d the bill would be referred to a select committee. Lord A. I'AGET said that notwithstanding what had been said by the hon. member for Berwick, the hill would be of advantage to shipowners by giving to their ships good and efficient pilots, which was no: always the case now, as many of them were incapable from age, and it was a griev ance to have such pilots sent on board ships. Under the present system there was often a thffieulty in getting pilots as soon as they were wanted, and it was only on 28th Feb. that the Roxburgh Castle, with a large amount cf specie and 78 passengers, was unable to get a pilot when she first requited one. Mr. Phillips, a shipowner an I shipping agent. had written hint a letter, in which he stated " that this bill would effect much 2ood fur the shipping interest, by causing a competition with the montipoli.iii4 Cinque Port and Trinity House plots, and that much damage had been done to ships by their inefficiency and supineness, which would cease under the pre,sure of competition. Mr. D. SEYMOUR said th it this bill would any in crease the power of the Trinity House, and consequently add to a monopoly which all shipowners had long felt to lie a grievance. He was surprised to hear his hon. colleague state that Sunderland was favourable to this bill. He (Mr. Seymour) could say that it was looked at with discontent by the shipping interest of that town, and that his hon. col league must have sten by a paper which he no doubt re ceived from his constituents as well es he (Mr. Seymour) had. At Sunderland there was in authority an antiquated body called the Trinity-house of the corporation of New castle-on-Tyne; by the charter certain dues were derived from certain creeks, and by that charter Sunderland w.is defined to be a creek belonging to Newcastle-o»-'Tyne. Such a pretence as that ought no longer to be perpetuated by the keeping up of such a corporation under the name of a Pilotage Bill. When his hon. colleague asserted that the people of Sunderland approved of this bill, he (Mr. Sey ne.ur) could only say that they did no such thing. (" hear," and a laugh.) He hoped the bill would be re ferred to • select committee, so that shipowners might have an opportunity of expressing their opinions upon it. After some words in explanation from Mr. IItDSON, Mr. CARDWELL wet surprised at the discovery of the lion. member fur Berwick (Mr. Forster), that this bill would confer no advansage on the shipowner; the object of the bill was in the first place to effect a union between the pilots under the Trinity House and the pilots under the Cinque Ports; and that was a measure which he knew had long been itesired by, and would meet the decided appeebation of the shipowners connected with the Thames, the advan tage being that the pilotage which affected them would then lie under the control, not of a distant body, but of a body resident in London. An econo nioal system of pilotage would amount to a reduction of bur-. thens; and surely in that respect there would be some advantage conferred by this bill. (Hear, beak), -With re spect to what had been said as regarded the eleriefri•fac te etering charges, he bed only to explain, as he had stated in introducing the bill, that it had never been contemplated by this bill to make a compulsory reduction of charges. The power was permissive to the pilot boards to make rc ' ductions, with the sanction of the Board el Trade. As re garded the Cinque Ports, he hail heard nothing to induce him to believe that there had been any invasion of their vested interests; there had been the most serupulme exactitude in securing for them, for what they I lost, full reciprocal advantast a. Then th e oppo sition of the honous able member for Liverpool threatr. Turner) fasft w t es co d m ize it t t ed ee t w o a, onl p Lo o r ed po e i n n t t i . rel His one clause, the 10th, whereby permissive power would be I given fur te examination of masters and mates of coasting I vessels and steamers, with a view, in certain cases, of avoid ing the expenses of a pilotage which they did not want. This permissive power was now exercised by the Trinity Houses of London and Hull ; but had always been resisted by the people of Liverpool. The Shipowners' Association of Liverpool, quoted by the bun. gentleman, did certainly oppose this clause ; but then they at the same time aekuowleiged that • desirable change would be • reduction of rates on coasters and coast ing steamers, such reduction to be approved of by the Board of Trade. Now, this was exactly such • concession as it was the intention of the bill to produce. (Hear, hear.) The very printing and laying on the table of this 10th clause had already produced an effect which bad up to this time been strenuously resisted ; and such a concession was, of course, the moat perfect justification of the introduction of the clause. (Hear.) He wished it to be distinctly under stood that he did not wish the compulsory clause to be car ried into operation ; but it was clear that there would be great benefit derived to the shipping interest generally from leaving it as it stood, as a last resource, If proper re ductions were not voluntarily made. Against Liverpool, Sunderland was to be pitted ; the complaint of tho hon. member (Mr. Hudson) was t at the Board of Trade did not do hall enough to have the objects of the 10th clause more fully carried out. So much, then, for London and Liverpool. There were real advantages already admitted and recommended ; and they had the testimony of the honourable member for Gloucester that the Severn wou:d be benefited extremely by the bill. On the whole he hoped that he had argued In favour of the bill merely on practical grounds, after having consulted all interests, and studied allaides ; and believing that it was a measure which would prove • great boon to the shipping interests, he trusted that the house would regard it in the light of an unambitious but really practical and useful piece of legislation, and, as there had been no opposition to the second reading itself, would reject the proposition of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Turner) and trust to the committee of the whole house to make such alterations' were de sirable. (Hear, hear.) Agee some few words from Kr. U. Fos, The bill was read a second time. On the queueing that the bill sbould be committed on a certain day, Mr. TURNER gave notice (as we undentood) of an amendment that the bill be referred to a select com mittee. Mr. HENLEY threw out same suggestions for amend- ment in details. Mr. DEEDES expressed his regret that the; right hon. gentleman had not seceded to the reasonable proposition of the hon. member for Liverpool. It sea very desirable that the interests involved should not be legislated upon in the abstract—that they should be heard against the and that practical defeats in the hill should b`s a select committee. The house could not itself deal wi th such a bill If it required extensive remedy. Mr. TURNER read in eztenso the resolutions or letter of the Liverpool Shipowners' Association against the 10th clause. The male objection, in addition to those already re- Served to, was that the question of rates of Mersey pilots was entirely one for Liverpool, to be dealt with locally, and not by a system of centralisation of which the country was na turally jealous. Mr. Turner stated that the shipowners who made these representations had no connexion with the pilots, and were not directly interested in the question of rates. Mr. D. SEYMOUR considered the clause would give no practical relief. The bill was then ordered to be committed on Mondsy neat. NEW FOREST DEER REMOVAL ACT AMEND- MENT BILL. This bill passed through committee. _ . _. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL stated that on Friday evening his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would explain the proposition of which be had given notioe and after that, they proposed to go into committee of supply on the miscellaneous estimates. LAW OF EVIDENCE (SCOTLAND) BILL. Thu bill passed through committee. OATHS IN CHANCERY BILL. ' This bill was read a third time and parsed. MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL. _ . . On the order of the daifortnesecond reading of this bill, Mr. TURNER presented petitions item the tewn council of Liverpool and the dock trustees, praying that the bill might not pass. The bill was then read a second time. TILE WRIT FOIL CANTERBURY. Mr. K. SEYMER moved the turther suspension of the writ for the City of Canterbury till the 2nd May nest. The hcuse then adjourned at a quarter to eleven o'clock. DREADFUL ACCIDENT AT A POLITICAL DEMON STRATION.-Sir John Maxwell, Bart., was entertained with a dinner by his tenantry, at the Crops Keys, Cannobie, on Friday last. W. N. Hodgson, Esq., of this city, was among the guests. A correspondent says :—" Before the arrival of the carriage containing Sir John and Mr. Hodgson, the tenants demeaned themselves by supplying the place of the horses and drawing the baronet along bite beasts of burden. Oite of them, Mr. John Ferguson (who also farms under Sir James Graham), fell beneath the wheels, and sustained injuries of so severe a nature that his life is despaired of.— Carlisle ✓iurnal. 4he erprefigi. To Ct o jtRF.SPON DEN T 5, • 'erred Enteon ;f1 Th b . nreis," obotaioireg ebb Iwo ebonies's ChEett," puYiehed emirs I. ".idal sad Maar *tette tr UAW kr poet. & %vet ti. mem. la tende d tor "m.,:nrrai."Leatioa_ Era* losPsf. abb. be nt the tMee, 10, Bouveris.r. mete b 7 TWO 0-01 °Ck ea tb illoy of public:4We. RION WATER AT LONDON ilu. my—Noma& Ob. Is ...afternoon. Off • " IL fuoluakow—liceolft, 01. 3 38-.........f1atra10a. 11. UM. L' DON. TUESDAY. APRIL S. DISENTANGLED from the historical and explanatory remarks of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the Government proposition about education may be described in very few words. In the first place, it is not a plan for National Education, but only a scheme for patching here, and improving there, the school systems now in operation. It is a plan that will require an additional vote of money from the taxes, and that promises in some degree to render the many local endowments of the country more available for educational purposes than heretofore, but it makes no attempt to give education to every child born into a community, in which such child is sure to be either a benefit or a nuisance in propor tion to his good or evil training. Following, to some extent, the view that has been put forward in these columns—in reference to local management and the adaptation of local funds to really educational tares, — Lord Jonx Itussr.u. proposes to give Town Coun cils the power of levying a rate in aid of voluntary school payments. This recognition of the principle of an educational rate is, perhaps, the must valu able part of the plan ; and, together with the proposition for reforming the endowed schools, gives the scheme some claim to support as an accept able instalment of Educational Reform. This rate is only to be available where voluntary effort is active, and where the children themselves are enabled to contribute their " pence ;" whilst all the schools so assisted by a rate will be to some extent under the control of the Committee of Coun cil of Education, by having accredited masters. Thus far this is only giving to local bodies a power of self-taxation in something like the same cases and in about the same proportion that aid was hereto fore obtainable on application to the Privy Coun cil from their fund. The rates, when raised, are to be distributed by a committee of the Town Council to schools of different denominations, whilst in places where there is no Town Council to do this work of self-taxation and distribution—aid is to be still obtainable from the Privy Council. In other words, the towns are to be allowed to tax themselves, whilst the poor in rural places—the tenants ;aid labourers of the squires,—will be provided with schoolmasters out of the general taxation of the country ; this system all the while being in no sense truly national, but merely an extension, with some improvements, of the present sectional and sectarian arrangements. The part of the scheme that proposes to deal with local charities will meet general ap proval. Everyone will agree with Lord JOIIN Rus- SELL when be speaks of the uselessness of many local charities—such as distributing six loaves ut bread at Christmas, and so ou. Yet, on these now wasted gifts is frittered away a large total sum of money that may be very much better spent in giving to youth the food of learning than to sturdy beggars the bread of idleness. Besides the sum derivable from useless charities, no less than 312,0901. 'a year has been bequeathed by benevolent and pious persons for purposes of education. We have be fore now exposed the plunder and waste of this important national fund ; and with groat satisfaction, therefore, we now find at last a Mini er proposing to deal with the abuse, and intending to turn to purely educational uses, funds bequeathed for national benefit. The Committee of the Privy Council are to be vested with power for securing the reform of these educa tional endowments, and they may win a large and noble share of public gratitude if they deal with the great work in a large, wise, and courageous spirit. So far, then, as the partial concession to localities of power to levy a rate is concerned, and so far also as the proposition goes for reforming the educational and special charitable endowments, the Government are entitled to distinct commendation. But how small this concession is—when compared with the great ness of the need—we only see when wo compare what is to be done with what is to be left undone. We ask for industrial training for those thousands of human waifs and strays of our towns and villages, who, when left to themselves, ripen into " dangerous classes." We ask educational training for classes specially needing it, and are' offered a mere extension of present defective plans —in which these thousands arc ignored. We need really national instruction that shall include all—we are to get a School of Science and Art. N e want realities, and are offered makeshifts and ornaments. It reminds us of the ploughmen, who, when starving for lack of bread, were advised by a Duke to try curry powder. And hereon hinges another recollection. The surplus fund of the Great Exhibition was parasitically voted by those who held it that a royal whim might be tickled by the esta blishment of a Valhalla at Kensington. This doom of the surplus gave an excuse to Mr. DISRAELI to get another large sum from the House of Commons to be devoted to the Kensington scheme —and now, when we ask for education for the people, we find this Valhalla School of Art starting np again, to be woven into any plan that Parliament may sanction as an instalment of public education. Schools for teaching every child to read and write and cypher are not to be had because the Coalition Mi nistry are afraid to grapple with sectarian objections; bat in offering science for those who are denied the knowledge of A 13 . C—there is no difficulty. The outcasts may still be outcasts,—but we shall see that Belgravia will get its Kensington Valhalla. Good old stories are always finding new illustra tions. When the groans of a starving nation were heard through the very windows of a palace, and the wail was soil, "Bread, bread, or we die," "If they can't get bread," said a pitying Princess, "why don't they live on pound cakes?" So will some say of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S Educational speech. The wail is for the bread of learning, for those utterly destitute—for mental food to lift our Pariahs into the ranks of intelligent men, and Lord JOHN says, " Let them thrive on science and art at Marl borough-house." Science and Art are both admirable things,—but what we want first is National Educe , tion. Give all the children in the land the weapons of learning, and you will have men of Science and of Art springing, more abundant than ever, from the ranks, just as BRINDLEY ARK WRIGHT, FARADAY, HOGARTII, sprung without the aid of Royal Com missions. In speaking of these advocates for National Edu cation who see in the sectarian element the one great difficulty blocking the road of progress, Lord JOHN ItUsSELL did not behave quite fairly. They are advocates of Education because they know it to be the help and mainstay of morality and of religious purity and elevation. They merely demand, for the sake of society and of the individuals composing it, that every child should be rescued from ignorance. The tolerant men who would educate all are the best friends of morals and of true faith. And with this protest we may repeat that the Government Scheme can be only accepted as an instalment which we verily believe might have been much better worth taking had we bad in this matter to deal only with Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and not with a Coalition Whig- Peelite Cabinet. , ITER MAJESTY, we learn from la s t Fri d ay's Gazette, has been pleased to ordain that Manchester shall be ennobled—raised from the plebeian grade of a borough to the dignity of a city. In the case of individuals such announcements are usually followed by a line or two in the report of the next levee or drawing-room, intimating that suoh or suet& a', ono was presented, by such or such an one, c be 4 ,,, g pro _ meted to the rani: ot,—&c. But how e..• present a city, and that city a Manchester, in tho B.eyal circle is a problem that might pilule the most experienced master of ceremonies—a Pulurdous himself, if Ham-' Zvi had left him alive. A still more interest'.ng matter of speculation is what effect this inert..4sc of worldly dignity may have upon the bearing and deportlnent of Manchester itself. 'What amount of re . ,,pectful deference will it exact from its tit.igit'',our Salford, which remains as before simply a borough? One consequence of the change in the rank of Manchester we think we can foresee. There,—as in the seaport town where ,Merest." It was the " gentlemanly young Martin Chu:demi! an d ilark Tapley Lintlei that fort.::d the . main strength o f on thei.' return from America,—there is a last electi o n. N ow , as t h e o l d c.. Ty - bo ok line hark iC " na ge tleirti t is l nt e " m l) a lMAN'S and Nr r . .tAXII'S suntuArt ers a t it, " Honours change manners," the "elevation" in cident to men promoted from being mere burgesses to being citizens is not unlikely to increase the num bers of the "gentlemanly interest." Will they be ambitious of having one of their representatives, at least, a lord ? Again, how will the addition to the rank and honour of Manchester be taken by other boroughs which have been act:Warned to regard themselves as at least its equals ? Liverpool believes more firmly in its own superiority to Manchester in respect of gen tility than it dues in the Bible. Birmingham, which before the days of the Anti-Corn-Law League looked upon itself as the birth-place of its own Political Union of the Reform movement of 1ti:;0, has ever since the repeal of the Curet Law been strangely jealous of the notoriety acquired by the birthplace of the League, as eclipsing in sonic measure its own more antiquated notoriety. Both will be apt to insist that they have as good a right to be, and be called, cities as Manchester, unless it,deed they affect—as some old families among our country gentry afkct to look devils upon new creations in the Peerage —to despise the mushroom honours of Manchester. Even Leeds, Slit tfield, and other places, with more slender claims to rivalry with Manchester than Liverpool the genteel, or Birmingham the stardy, may feel within them stirrings of jealousy or envy at the promotion of Manchester. The path, however, which all as yet unennoltled bornglis which may aspire to the rank to which Manchester has attained, will have to pursue for the fulfilment of their ambitious desires is plain enough. Manchester has been made a city, not because of its magnitude, or of its wealth, or of the genius thereiu displayed for the invention and perfection of ma chinery and its applications ; no, nor because it was the stronghold of Jacobitical Toryism in the north before it was converted to democracy, nor because of the power it has in these latter days shown itself to possess of can-ying points upon which it has set its heart in d e fi ance of the banded effhrts of the aristocracy and hierarchy of England—Manchester has been made a city because etiquette requires that the metropolitan seat of a bishop shall be a city. So if Birmingham, Liverpool, Leeds, Sheffield, or any other borough, wises to be, like Manchester, transformed into a city, it has only to submit like Manchester to be Bishoped. FRANCE. PARIS, he Evastxo. There is a current report that the Count de Cnom bord has protested to the court of home against the intervention of the Pope in the coronation of the Emperor of France. Envoy from the Pope arrived in Paris last night by the Lyons Railway. One of the Im perial carriages was in waiting at the station to receive hint. The grand affair of the coronation may now, therefore, be expected to receive a speedy solu tion. Yesterday morning, at 12 o'clock, the Emperor re viewed in the court-yard of the Tuileries and in the Place du Carrousel the sth battalion of Foot Chas sears, the 3rd Regiment of light infantry, and the 49th Regiment of infantry of the line, which are about to quit Paris for change of garrison. The Emperor and the Empress went on Saturday to pay a visit to Prince Jerome, and with him they minutely examined the works of the tomb of Na poleon, which are nearly completed. As already stated, the tomb is to be inaugurated ou the 4th of May with great pomp. A letter from Coutances of the 2nd says : We were very much alarmed last night, at eleven o'clock, by a shock of earthquake, which was repeated twice within 50 seconds of time. A portion of the ceilings of our stymy rooms fell, but no further damage was done. The night was beautifully clear, clouds moving rapidly over the sky, with occasional bat stormy gusts of wiad. We passed a sleepless night, and felt some slight shocks at half-past 12 and 4in the morning. The alarm in Coutances was very great. At the cathedral the high altar is slightly injured, the marble slab is displaced, and the crucifix was turned round. The shock of earthquake experienced at Havre ex tended, it appears, to Cacn, where the furniture SVCS moved in the hothes, and tho barrels set in mothin and rolled on the quays. The weather was perfectly calm at the time. At the Bourse to-day the general rise that took place in the funds on Saturday was-not maiitained, these securities, except for the Four-and-u-lfalf per Cents. for cash, having experienced a decline. The Three per Cents. for cash fell 20c., and for the ac count, 15c. The Four-and-a-Half per Cents. for cash advanced 10e. on the closing price of Saturday, and Bank Stock 15f. The market, before the close of business, had assumed a generally firm tone. The following are the closing prices :—For cash : Three per Cents., 79E 50c.; Four-and-a-Half per Cents. 103 f. 40c. For the account: Three per Cents„ 791. 50e.; Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 1031. 20c. Bank Stock, 2690f._ The following are the latest quotations from other continental bourses :—Amsterdam.—Dutch Two-and s-Half per Cents., 644; Three per Cents., 774 ; Four per Cents., 95 15-16 ; Spanish One per Cents., 244; ditto, Inter., 434; Belgian Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 521; Austrian Metal., 814. Vienna.—New Loan, 941; ditto, 1851, 107; Lombardo-Venetian, 100; Bank Shares, 1,408; Exchange on London, 10.50. Frankfort.—Austrian Five per Cents., 97, Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 7% ; Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 444; Russian Four-and-a-Half p er C en t s . (Baring), 1031; Four per Cents. (Hope), 921; Four per Cents. (Stieglitz), 92; Spanish Interior Three per Cents., 441; One per Cents., 24 15-16; United States Six per Cents., 1171; Exchange on London, short, 1191. Berlin.—New Loan Four per Cents., 991; Four-and-a-Half per Cents.,lo3 ; Bank Shares, 110. Antwerp.—Loan, Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 1844,ditto,Cony., 981• per Cents., 1844, 5,1 ; Spanish Deferred, 241; ditto Three per Cents., inter., 43; ; Austrian Metal , 83 ; Exchange on London, 23.10. Brussels.—Loan, Five per Cent., 1852, 1004; Four-and-a-Half per Cent., 1844, 981 ; ditto, Cony., 1832, 984; Three per Cents., 1838, 744; Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 1844, 6513-16; Austrian Metal., 85; Spanish Deferred, 241; Roman Loan, Five per Cents., 98; ; National Bank Shares, 1,690; Belgian Bank Shares, 901; Exchange on London, 25.05. PARIS, SUNDAY EVKXING. The Casette des Trilmnaux publiihcs an opinion on the question of religious inarriago by M. Dupin. The greater part of this opinion turu s upon points of law which are not doubtful. In conclusion M. Dupin says: The question is whether, bee to.. the nuptial benediction is a sacrament temporal, sovert:igns are to abandon to the church all the civil jurisprude ace relative to marriage. This is what will never be cosier ded by French legists and ma gistrates to the Ultramoutteaes. U they could give way on this point the result woo' d be that everything regarding marriage, and consequent ly the civil counition of jursons, would be under the control of ecclesiastical authority. Our laws will not admit of this; they lead to the very opposite. One of the first, the ..nost powerful, the most useful effuets of the revolution of l 7 9, was to locularise legislation. The legislator has part'. cu l ar ly d ec l are d thot the law considers marriage only as A civil contract. In this, the authors of our laws have oe ly marked a just separation between the temporal power and religious authority. Count d'Escayrac de Lanture has arrived in Paris from Constantinople, to prefer a complaint to the Emperor against the Turkish government : and tio demand redress foe an ttttitek upon his house and violene':• offeea to his person by a mob at Damascus. Accoraing to the account of the affair given by him ar'j, he had for upwards of eight months resided in Damascus, for the purpose of finishing an historical work. He took a house in a part of the town called Kanavrat, a quarter inhabited by several influential native families, but principally by government em , 1)100 of a high grade. Passing most of his time in study, he avoided receiving any natives at his house. The foreign consuls and a few Europeans were his only visitors. The Turks of the fanati cal party, however, took a dislike to him, and sought occasion to drive hint out of the quarter. On January 31, 1833, Count d' Escayrac had a party at his house. In the course of the evening an es member of the Nleflieles, named itassibi-Eltendi (who had been turned out of the Council at the lopes' of