The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

relined. Like the hopes end expectations of the hon. uaks, they were founded en the commerce with France ; hue at that moment they were on the eve of the longest and wow iaterneciee struggle that ever took place between two wenn—longer than the thirty years' war in Germany, The increase of commerce did not prevent war then • why should the war now ? (Hear, hear.) He believed the by aid of a wise diplomacy the peeve of Europe was eeees mere POCUTV ; he believed that the struggles of farmer t imes would gradually be forgotten, but there never was an wgurneat founded on a more flimsy b that which °trend commercial relations so a bond a pe r ch pepetual peace be twee* venous ; and as long as the universal priueiples of hu an nature were not repealed by acts of parliament. he would believe in what the truth ot history attested, and that nations would continue to be agitated by the pressure which gave rise to war. But it was said that new tendencies had been introduced by the new system of commercial polity. The only tendency which he recognised in the new priucip:e was the increase of their taxes. (Hear, hear.) The gat ntlemen who represented the Mauchester school were not content wth relieviug themselves, but they must inflict taxes up in their oppolients. (Hear, hear.) This new principle was, it seemed, an omnipotent deity, under whose wheels every in stitution was to fall. (Hear, bear.) lie, however, was not prepared to believe that the commercial so ndency was strong. r than the religious tendency, and es the people of Eurape professing the same creed fur ceuturiee, wonkipping the same got and the same eaviour, were not prevented from having recourse to national defences, he ale its swaddling clothes, wo would proluce remits en marvellous. The hon. gentleman at the meetiep in Manchester, where he promulgated his formal revelation, quoted a flewery speech made at Rotten by M. Cremieux—a speech qure worthy of the purple rhetoric of the Anti-corn-law League in its palmist days—es his vindication to the people of England. That gentleman also anticipated the mibenium, sad terminated his speech with the words " liberty, equality, fraternity." Why that was the Jacobin Sanuer un furled? (Chee.s.) What did thane words terminate in before? Not in perpetual peace. (Hear, hear.) Some men were for liberty. many men were for equality, but as for irate, city, the only objection he bad stoniest it was this, that he always found that every party and nation who wished to get, or who preached fraternity, were always prepared to perform the part of elder brothers. (Much laughter and cheering.) That was a rather alarming coil munication, but it was not all, for whi n the sun went down "The moon takes up the wondrous tale." and the right hon. gewleuaa . the member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) inspired by " liberty," by "equality,' and of course inspired by fraternity—(laughter)—came forward and told them that wax not enough, that the great movement was not to preserve perpetual peace alone, that it must do more—that it mud tauch the law of land inherit ance—remove the anninaliet of pritnegeniture—(cheen) — and certainly if you inflict n five per cent. income tax this wired be the reeul , . Reverting, however, to the subj. ct of debate. he (Mr. Disraeli) reverenced the rude simplicity of the government. (Ironical cheers.) He only wished their supporters had kept their principles for Covent garden. (Renewed cheers.) But what was it the government asked them to do? The object of their policy was to give the franchise to one class, who throw the burden of taxation upon another. (Hear, hear.) In an age of monopoly let them take care that there was not a monopoly of taxation. (Renewed cheers.) The ministry were acting up to the spirit of a class whose principles were, in his opinion, opposed to the permanence of our prosperity. He wished the sources of that prosperity to coutii.us, but he felt that it was impossiele to secure the wealth of nations without se- , curing their power, lithe principles he referred to succeeded even for a moment, still they were principlm opposed to the independence of the country. They might even be opposed to the defence of the country ; for on the principle that they thought nothing of a colony, members opperte might recon cile themselves even to consider England a province of France. (Loud cheers.) But though they on that side of the house were, as they were called, " a broken and dis tracted party," he hoped there was spirit enough left to deal with these principles in a firm and manly mode. (Loud op position cheers.) Weak or strong, they must be prepared . to inquire what were the principles of the system they were in vited to t hr o vend be prepared to support at all hazards the ancient and erated institutions of our realm. (Great sheering.) Mr. COBDEN rem amid much confusion—l fear, sir, he said, that I shall have to descend from those realms of ima gination into which the hon. member has soared, and to relinquish the honourable 'mho} , in which his kindness would have placed me. (•• Hear," and laughter.) Although helms followed me from Covent-garden to th Continent, he must yet pardon me if I find in his speech not s ary much to refer to on such an occasion as the present. (Si me oppo sition laughter.) I coats ss that 1 have not heard with much surprise the disastrous rt port of the first minister respecting our finances. His budget is but a counterpart of the balance. sheets of all the industrious charms of the country But what has astonished me in, that, unlike every other commercial and mercantile man in England during the past year, instead of trying to make both ends meet, instead of attempting to balance the accolint, by keeping the expenditure down to the level of the income, he seems to have but one thotterbt, and that is, to make the receipts equal to an increased expenditure. (Cheers Now I must say that I have been exceedingly pained, not only at the defalcation of which we are informed, but at the tone in which the necessity for increased taxation has been alluded to. I my it with the greatest regret, but I do not believe a speech has been made by acv Prime Minister in this house mime the war so calculated to do mis chiefs to this country and to others. (Loud liberal cheers). What is that but an incitement to hostility ? (Loud cries of " No," followed by loud liberal cheering.) What is that but a threat that this country m. ,king preparation ? (Renewed cries of " No," and applause.) lam not sorry to hear these cries of "No." lam anxious to give you, the representatives of England, an opportuaity of disclaiming any such sentiments as those convoyed in the nob!e lord's speech. (Loud cheers.) But we must eeriness r that we have to deal with a sensitive people, and that we cannot be too cautious. (Renewed cheers.) And here let me ask, what is the occasion for all this ? (R• peated cheers.) Where is the indication of war From what quarter are the hostilities described to night to be looked for and expected ? We were told, in the Queen's speech, that this country was at amity with every foreign nation. (Cheers.) It is time we asked this question—Does the language of the sovereign convey the truth? If so, how can the language used to night einvey the truth? (Cheers) Where, I ask, is the danger to come from? Have the French bee., arming against us? We have no evidence of the kind. I know it is said that the French have been augm. nting their navy. (Hear, hear.) Yes; and when that question. comes before the house I shall be prepared to show, from the speeches in the French chambers, that your augmentations of the British navy have been the steady plea and excuse for this increase oft he French force. But what are the facts ? Why the noble lord himself told us the other night that our fleet was double the size of the French fleet. Are the French then going to invade us. knowing we have a fleet double the strength of theirs ? Who favours such a thing ? Who is alarmed at the idea ? Who's afraid of the French ? Where are the people who express their fears, and pr ty you to afford them better protection? (Great cheering.) Why, air, I re present in this house the larpeet and most important coqeti tuency in the empire—a constituency consisting of a million of people—and I will be bound to say that there is not a town in the West Riding of Yorkshire where a meeting has not been h. Id to theclaim a.l fear and all desire of protection, and to pray you not to augment your naval and military armaments. Why, in the West Riding there are thirty-six thousand electors, and I will venture to any that not one member of this house will deny my state ment that the vast majority of those electors are entirely op posed to your pretest proposition. (Cheers.) I mention these facts with the greater satisfaction that they may go forth to France and to Ithropu along side of the r's address. And now, turning to another phase of the subject, let me ask at what a time is it that you take these measures ? (Great cheering frith the Is. , er benches.) I should be sorry at any time to hear of this; but at present you must pardon me for crying that the most cogent reasons are needed to jus tify such a propoeitioti. (Repeated cheers.) I have not heard to-night true feet from the noble lord to call for such a proposal. (R. flowed cheers) Not a single fact. (Re peated cheers.) lie says that Mr. Pitt in 1792 sought to dis arm the country though we were on the of w. It is true ; but how different were ourcircumstances? in 1792, and at the present time. Why, I believe if Mr. Pitt had had the intol.igent middle chess governing the country, and the instructed working class taking part in its strain, as we have now, Mr. Pitt in those days would never hare plunged US into war. He was driven to that measure by the aristocracy and by the obstinacy of the monarch, who bent the aristecrsey to his with But England had her lesson ie the debt which followed, and which you are now calling on us to increase. (Hear.) Then look at France. How different the circumstances of France then and now France has gone through her revolution. I know of no mo tive she now has for a war France now has no privileged orders—no cot hlished church—(ironical cheers from the on position)—no great inequalities in the condition of her people, and she has a very minute subdivition of herland. What mo tive hesFraneetle n.for another revolution? These are factsthat the Minister should have borne in mind. But then he feels the dangere which we have Intakerecently one through. He re erred to Mr. P Why, that matte' to be the best proof possible that additions to our armaments are not required, and that there is little fear of our going to war at all. We are told that in some of the closets at the Foreign-office there is a bundle of old letters which satisfactorily prove ' how very near the foreign ministers of England and of France were comine to loggerheads about that matter. Why, I will be bound to say if the ob stinacyor the recklessness of either of three two gentle men had been carried so far as to precipitate a war, the re sult would have been that the people of either country would have turned them out of office. (Cheers and laughter.) But the prime rainisti r tells as it is not necessary to arm against a probability; we ought sometimes even to arm against an im probability. Why, sir. ie not that dealing with the country with some degree of levity . (Cheers.) Impoverished as we are, loaded and oppri seed as we are with heavy }suede. a—which you're new seeking to increase—is it not too load to press such rat source upon us against the wish of the inhabitants of all our lerge towns, with no better excuse for them than that we ought to take precautions against an improbability (Repeated ethering.) But I would salt, even with theseer nble improbability t guard against, is it not powibl to make the pretest amount do?? (Hear, hear.) I would tele that consistent economist the hon. member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward)—(ironical cheering)—if even he does not think our money this year might be mode to go a great deal fur • ther than it did lest? I ark members connected with rail ways and with banking arol monetary affairs, what is their experience in this point? The hon. member for Sheffield will reply, perhaps, that a great port of the millions voted for the be 7, is spent in payment alibied wages. But there are a few of those millions that go for stores, and I beg to ask any one whoknnws anything about it whether those stores may not all be contracted for this year at least Eve and twenty per cent. cheaper than they were lest? (Cheers.) I repeat, then, what I have said before here and elsewhere, that I am unprepared to vote any increase whatever, and that when the proper time arrives I shall give every opposition in my power to the appropriation of a single shilling for the per. poses the government have indicated. (Cheering.) And now, as to this income tax it is proposed to increase. I have ne objection to an income tax as the hon. member for Buck. inghemahire supposes. But income taxes are of different kinds, and they are net alone paid by those who can afford to pay them. I ask the honourable member for Buckinghamshire does he not think that the poor wretch who goes on • Saturday night to the chandler's shop of some Buckingtsamshtee vitlage to buy two pennyworth of sugar or twopenny worth of tea, and pay three fialence of his twopence to the government in taxation.—l ask hint if he does not think teat individual pays an income tax as well as the landowner ? (Cheering ) As contra-distinguished from a prop, rty tax, 1 have, indeed, oltejt ctiotts to an 11103010 tax; and when taxes are put 011 merely to prevent the possibility of our effecting economy in oar e xpentliture, 1 object to both. But, let me tell the hon. member, that if he continues to tale as he has done to-night, he may crate some misapprehension in Buckinghamshire as Ito what are our objects and arguments. He talks at a great deficiency. Nothing is mire easy than to have a great defi ciency. Have a greatly increased expenditure and you may have • great deficiency . without any trouble. But let me ask who votes the greatly increased expenditure? (liear.) Is it not the hon. member for Bucks and thou who vote with him ? (Loud cheering) Has that hen member ever g yen a single vote in this house on the side of meson toy? Though he dislikes increased taxation, yet he is always pre pared to vote for increased expenditure. (Cheers.) Let him not then, in future, charge " free trade " with causing it. In 1835, our tota l expenditure was forty-four and a half millions; and now it exceeds fifty faun millions ; this increase is nearly all in our army, navy, and ordnance. Who caused that ? The member for Buckinghamshire and those who vote with him. (Cheers.) Their extravagance causes the necessity for this increased income tax. If it had not been for them we might have kept our accounts to the standard ail 1835, and the saving that would have accrued would have enabled us to dispense with the window tax and the duty upon tea; nay, it would have berme qu.l to the amount of all the poor's rate of the country. (Hear, hear.) Teen I say to hon, members opposite help us to cut down the expenditure. ( Hear .) I will give you • remote why : I will talk to you protectionists as men of sense. ("Hear," and laughter.) I will say to you, Give up this idea of yours of forming a party on the principle of pro!ection. You must see that its of no use. Your leaders drop away from you ; and why ? Because you have no party and no princi ples. Your protection, as you call it, is a sham and a fudge. it Oh!" and laughter.) You might a, well attempt to restore she Stuarts. (Cheers.) You might as well attempt to roll back the year 1816 as attempt to restore the corn law of which that year witnessed the abolition. That law has gone. I promise you you shall never see it again. (Hear, and loud cheering.) Well, then, what is the next thing for you to do ? You cannot indemnify yourselves fur the reduced price of Caro by comine on tke public taxes. As fur the corn law itself, rely upon it you shall never have t het again. (Hear, hear.) What is your nextcause ? When I look back through a long series of pars, but more especially during the past 30 years, I find that whenever the prices of corn have been low there has been a vehement clamour on the part of the landed interest for a cutting down of the expenditure. Now we all know that the price of corn is low, and will get lower. And don't think that we repent of the bargain by which we Se cured low-priced corn. The traders, the manufacturers, the working classes are perfectly satiefied with th. it bargain. They are true to their principle now, and they will be mole so, if possible, when corn is down to 40$. You protectionists, then, I say, have no, chance of restoring the corn lawn, and your only remedy is —(cries of " questi in"). I suspect lam rather too near the question. (Ileac, hear.) Your only chance now is, to help the free-traders, who seek to reduce the expenditure. (Hear, hear.) Your constituents, I can tell you, will soon look at things in this practical point of view. They will no longer be lead away by the cry of pro tection. As to free trade, I never said it would bring about the milleniunt—(hear, hear)—but, as to its effects on inter national matters, I al waysi said, as I say now, that its direct tendency was,by a free exchange of commodities , t o bind nations in the bonds of peace. (Hear, hear.) We carried free trade—it ma, be by an accident, for, truly, free-trade principles cannot be 'aid to pervade this assembly, nor even, indeed, after the warlike speech of the noble premier, to inspire hon. gentlemen on the ministerial benches; but, having carried it, rely upon it that free trade wilt work out its great ends, despite your sneers and despite your menaces. (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to say • few words. lie denied that his noble friend's props). 1116011 could be characterised as a war budget. It was pre pasteroes to talk of an increase of 300,0001. iu our military and naval departments as being calculated to inspire our neighbours with jealousy and anxieties. The whole tcnour of the conduct pursued by her Majesty's government mini. rested them to be moat earnest for the preservation of peace. As to the number of our seamen, it was not, by one man, , greater than the number of seamen voted by France. The number of French seamen was 29,000, and the number pro posed to constitute our navy was also 29,000. (Hear.) As to the expenditure, he begged to remind hon. gentlemen that whatever the expenditure of the government had been, it had been decidedly sanct iened by the almost unanimous vote of the representatives of the people in that house. (Hear, hear.) There was no man in the house more anxious than he for sound ccouemy ; but he could not consent that any economy should be introduced inconsistent with the maintenance ef our natienal honour and security. With reference to the income tax as it now stood, it was quite true that he had expreased the opinion that there was no prospect of its being taken off. He cer tainly considered that au income tax to the amount of 3 per cent. was a permanent part of our taxation. (Hear, hear.) No doubt, when it was proposed, it was not prop -teed as a permanent tax ; but when it was voted he oil not think that any man could really and truly have believed there was any prospect of its ever being taken off. (Hear, hear.) The 2 per cent. additional tax now proposed he regarded as standing on very different grounds. (Hear, hear) He would make no promises, because he would not hereatter be taunted with breaking any promise—(ironical cheer.)—but it was proposed to impose this additional tax with the view of making the house at the earliest possible moment,—afforded by increasing revenue and &decrease of expenditure,—to in terpose. He contended that there was nu reason to despair if the recurrence of a surplus. Such a crisis as that which had recently befallen us, indeed, could not be immediately repaired, but he had every coo fidence that its effects would gradually disappear. With regard to the objections that had been urged against that portion of his noble friend's statement which related to the income tax, he should postpone hie observations until a' future period, when he would endeavour to show that it was a most unobjectionable mode of raising the revenue. Sir It. INGLIS said that not one of those who had ad dressed the house, except the right hon. baronet who spoke last, and whose speech must be deemed a professional one. had given even a qualified assent to the propasition of the government. He would not say with what feelings the speech of the hon. member for Bucks hal been listened to, but with the exception of some historical blunders, and es pecially with respect to Prussia, which had surprised him (Sir Ft. Inglis), the hon. member ha mad an impressi which could not be very acceptable e to ministers on . The government had also been fired upon by on., of their own soldiers now on half-pay, but he (Sir IL Inglis) could not understand how the hon. member for Portsmouth, to whom he referred, could, after adopting . the principle of an income tax, which he had at first rejected, refuse to sanction its increase front 3to 5 per cent. But the qiiestion was, whether the money was required, and if so, how was it to be raised ? People would not volunteer a tea, an ! some mode of raising means was imperatively calloil fur. That real calamities of war had not been known hi El.!141/t1 far centuries. The special intervention of Providence had on two signal occasions saved the country from invasion. Could it be expected that a miracle would always be wrought on behalf of the people of England, or could the nation re- fuse to make provision against an itivasicie by m, ant of steam power ? For the reasons he Wed stated he was ' prepared to give his support to the proposal of the govern• meat. But, at the same time, he must state that he re served his opinion with respect to the details of the income tax. Mr. M. MILN ES regretted to observe the the speeches of the noble lord the Fleet Lord of the Treasury, and of those who had followed him, were exclusively taken up with one topic, to the exclusion of those which ought to have co cupied the attention of the house. He regretted most deeply that the subject of invasion bad been brought under the notice of parliament. He could not but most profoundly deprecate and deplore such a discussion as the pd sent. Mr. BRIGHT had come down to the house prepare to hear the minister make his financial statement, but he I found the noble lord's speech referred snore to military than to financial, or manufacturing or commerci d eubjeete. The speech delivered by the First Lord of the Treasury would have come more properly from the noble lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who was more g gniunt of the state of, the relations of England with foreign et- eintries, and also with the details of what was passing its the continental kiug doms than the noble lord at the head ef the government I could by possibility be. The state of the country, par- I ticislarly of that portion of it which he repro rented, was such as to forbid any increase in the amount of taxes. It was, in fact, that ecarly every cottothmill in Lancashire had, for the last twelve months, be. n paying its whole amount of wages out of capital, and the proprietors had been paying their income-tax out of loss. As to the I mode, he was not going to q arrel with the princiele of direct taxation. The fact wae, that indirect taxation had reached its limits, and so would direct taxation very soon, so that the people would have only to cheese between being eaten up by the French, H o beng devoured by their own, soldiers. (Hear, hear.) ompleined, however, of the injustice of taxing at the same rate professional income and landed property. If the government required mere taxes, why not have proposed a more equitable arrangement of the legacy and probate duty. (Hear, hear.) They were draw ing two millions annually by this tax from the commercial and middle classes, while the east landed estates of the aristocracy passed from father to son without paying one farthing. (Hear, hear.) Seventy millions had been drawn from the people for this tax since 1797, while the landed estates hai reained wholly untouched. • (Hear.) Ile had beard of an m order of monks that of La Trappe, who generally employed themselves in digeing their own graves. He feared that the government had entered the fraternity, as they were certainly digging their political graves by their present policy. (" Hear, and a laugh.) Mr. NEWDEGATE said that government hal great reason to complain of their supporters. Income awl pro perty tax had before been the downfall of great natiene, and he feared that at this moment the people were not able to bear it. It was in fact, and he ease it with deep regret, only the consummtion of the free trade measures which sity had awed a deficient a re venue, &La c onsequent ly the neces for increased taxation. Kr. BROTI moved that the committee report ERN# L reminded the hon. member that they had only to par a formal resolution. Viscount PALMERSTON said he did not wish to pro tract the discussion, or to enter into subjects which could be better discussed on • future occasion ; but he wished to say a word or two in answer to what had been said on that (his own) side of the how. It might be very natural for young members who were not accustomed to the tactics of the house to be ill at ease on entering, and to let fly a speech which had been prepared beforehand, even although the subject under discussion should not be exactly that for which they bad prepared. (A laugh) But he wee 'surprised that gentlemen so accus tomed to debate as some hon. friends behind him should fall into so palpable a mistake. The house had been told that his noble friend at the head of the government was preparing vast armaments in anticipation of immediate invasion, and ho was also charged with holding language calcu lated to excite animosities on the part of the French people. As to armaments, there were none. No doubt his hon. friends behind him bad expected a vote for 20,000 soldiers and 10,000 a laws, and had come down prepared to protest against it. Of the army, however, there was no increase. There wee a different dispesition, but not a single addition. There were trifling addition' to the artillery, and on these his bon. friends had founded their denunciations. He trusted that when his hon. friends should have reflected on the smallness of the increase the opinions they had exprewed would receive some modification. But be also wished to defend his noble friend from the attacks which had been made on him for holding language calcu lated injuriously to affect our relations with the French. Why, whenever it was the duty of a minister to propose an increase in the military or naval establishments he must assign some grounds for so doing, and the only way in which he could justify an increase of our naval force would be the necessities of our commerce, or the amount of force possessed by other countries, against which, in the count.. of events we might one day be placed in a position of hostility. So far from this affording the French any grounds for thinking that hostile feelings were enter tained on the part of this country, he was sure that any one who had followed the debates in the French chamberon their naval estimates must remember that then precisely the same course was pursued, enmity an cnnumeratiat of the amount of force possessed by other powers. Therefore he entirely denied that anything which had tall. n from his noble friend or from the Chancellor of the Exchequer fairly deserved the interpretation which had been put upon it. In fact, his noble friend had expressed sentiments in which he (Lord Palmerston) was sure the house would concur. He bad ex pressed the strongest desire that the relations between this country and France should continue not only friendly, but as intimate as possible. (Hear, hear.) But there was only one method to pewee e international friendship, and that was to maintain perfect equality. He was not ane of those who entertained anticipations of war. He quite agreed that the principles of free trade were calculated to promote friendly feelings between nations. (Hear.) At the same time, perhaps, the commercial relations of France were not exactly those to which free trade measures were so applicable as in our own case. But he depended on the progress of civilisation and mind in France: and so far from thinking, so the hon. member for Oxford appeared to do, that the long duration of peace made war probable, he thought that each year's continuance of peace made war less likely. (Hear, hear.) Besides which, if there were any two nations in the world which deserved to be on the most friend l 7 and intimate terms with each other, it was England and I. met. (Hear, hear.) He mould not consider that the propositions of his noble friend were en titled to be represented as they had een—as great and ex pensive armaments. Fresh arm.iments there were none. (Hear.) The principle on which the government went was, that the country in time of peace ought to have the means of defending itself against any sudden attack that might be made. That principle he was convinced was the sound principle, and if persevered in, he believed there was but little danger of peace being interrupted. Mr. BRIGHT asked whether the charge for the 6,000 men withdrawn from the service of the East India Corn patsy was charged in the present estimates. Mr. F. MAULS replied that it was The Citentuas then put the question that the resolution be reported to the house, which was agreed to, and the house resumed. CARLOW ELECTION. The SPEAKER said he bad received a letter from Thos Baker, intimating that the petition against the return for the borough of Carlow was withdrawn. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL. In reply to Mr. G. BANKER, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he would aims this bill for Monday, when he would state the day on which it would be proceeded with. PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. This bill also was fixed for Monday. on the understanding that the day on which it should be further discussed would then be stated. In reply to a question from Sir B. HALL, Lord MORPETH said, he had before stated that be pro posed to bring in a series of bills to complete the legislation upon the sanitary question, amongst which would be a bill for the metropolis ; he could not, however, enter into any explanation of those measures until he was prepared to salt leave to introduce them. NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. ELECTION COMMITTEES._ LYME REGIS.—The committee assembled yesterday, Lord Ashley in the chair. Mr. Channon Taylor, of Lyme , Regis, proved that on the day of the election, Mr. Abdy, the sitting member, accompanied by Mr. Waring, a solicitor, called upon Dim to solicit his vote, telling him at the same time that if he had any pecuniary difficulties they were pre pared to remove them. He was, however, in doubt as to whom he should vote for, but ultimately he made up his , mind to vote for Sir Fit aroy Ktlly, but he had since ascer tained that he would have been much better eff had he voted far Mr. Abdy.—Mr. Robert, mayor of Lyme Regis, proved that Mr. Waring, the gentleman alluded to by the previous witness, paid Mr. Abdy's share of the legal election expenses. SINSALE.—This committee re-assembled yesterday, Mr. Bouverie in the chair. Helen Ryan was acquainted with a voter named Mike Mahoney. Before the election he told her that be hail been offered money for his vote by some of Mr. Guinness's parte, but before he accepted the offer he should try and ascertain what Mr. Watson's side were going to do. He afterwards told her that he had done so, but they would not give him anything, and he added, that if he could have got half as much from Mr. Watson as he could have got from Mr. Guinness, he would have voted for Mr. Watson. He voted for Mr. Guinness, and she subsequently disclosed the whole of the conversation to the priest at confession after the election.—John Leahy, an elector of Kinsale, remembered the morning of the election. In the early part of the day he happened to be paining Sisk's public house, where Mr. Guinness's friends were in the habit of meeting, when Sisk took him in doors, and, after treating him at the bar, he invited him up to a corner . of the bar parlour, to have some private conversation, and, on his retiring to the cornar, Sisk offered to give 1001. if he ' would vote for Mr. Guinness. He afterwards saw Dr. rillgO at Sisk's house, who gave him 55., and told him that he had it in his power to get situations for half.a-dozen young men. He declined to accede to Sok's offer, and then went and voted for Mr. Watson. tgraorgs MAILS The overland mails for Gibraltar, mei% Orrtee, the lonian Wand- Aden, ?,epyonionik,end.i,:,nlLoiro-ilitoba:g, and China, Ws Southampton wiT he made The overland closed math, no Marseilles, to the Mediterranean :net, Aden, Ceylon, India, Bong Kong, fee., will be made up on the evening of the 24th February. The mail. for British North Anterior, Bermuda, and the Unite -tater,. will he made up on the eveuing of the 221 h February. Toe mails for vie°, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cedar., and Gibraltar sill be made up on the morning of the 97th February. The Made for New South Wslee , Van themen's Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evi•ning of the 29th February. The mails for the Weal Comet of Africa and Madeira will be made I up on the evening of the 29th February. The West India Mails, including Bermuda, Nassau, Havann., Honduna, New Orleans, Vera Crue, Tampico, and Forto Rico, and excluding those for Madeira, Jacmel, Carthagens, sant. Martha. Chagrea, Panama, West Coast of South America, and St. Juansie- Nicaragua, will be mode on on the rooming of the 2nd March. The malls for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, rill be made up on the evening of the 4th Match. NOTICE. Tsui number of SIAM VS iatued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during the year 1847, was: From Jew. 1, to Dec. 31 , 3,447,0 09 This, i we believe, is within eight per ent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Mornng Chronicle, and Morning Post, 'ALL PVT TOGETHER. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NE WS, Mornino Paper, there were is s ued for the Evening Edition , TEE EX P HESS, From JAN. 1, to Dec. 31 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers. TO COARESPONUENTS. mriseasats Mauled log • The Elpyr.." Lembo weals' pow. MU Ile gam 10. BOIMI - anti. ay of pabuosuoa. 'ti.`ll n`i~: ~ior~ NIGH W 12611 AT LONDON 11321/01. 2 Two D.9—NortHet. ll ad. prl AHlnerra..N &a. pat to-lluszw—Namag. nil. pot Aflame" 1 6 ma p a s , 3. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 19. A MINISTER has seldom come before the country with a more lugubrious tale to tell, or a more difficult task to perform, than fell to Lord JOHN RUSSELL last night. Another minister would have veiled it or turned it to profit in some mode or other. But Lord JOHN does not understand the clap-trap of statesman ship, and has accordingly told a plain unvarnished tale, the accounts of the last year mournful as a bank rupt's inventory, while those of the coming year fell short and heavy, we had almost said, u the axe of the gnilo tine . The present income - taz for five years, its . 7d. in THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1848. the pound blotted out for two years, in order for the figure to be replaced by 12d.—whilst this tremendous carve out of the national capital is not redeemed by one single boon to commerce or to the iadnstrious classes ! All that could be offered to the genius of free-trade, was a mere 40,000/. worth of duty on cop per, very necessary if we are to have any copper to smelt, but not of sufficient moment to awaken the feeblest cry of approbation. Decorum, as well as expediency, one should think, would have suggested the necessity of not making the estimates for 1848 exceed those of 1847, which were introduced in the full tide of commercial and fiscal prosperity, and amidst a state of interna tional relations not materially different from that which now exists. Hitherto there has been, for the last dozen years, a silent increase in military expenditure, but heralded by no I proclamation of motives. So that whilst England I showed symptoms of precaution, it at least threw out no cause of provocation. Now, however, we have the phenomenon of a debate on foreign policy introduced apropoe of the budget. We have the ships of the French navy jealously enumerated by the prime minister of the crown, and the Duke of WEL LINGTJH'S name dragged before the public as con nected with the necessity of fortifying and of arming., And all for what? As an excuse for adding ' 245,0001. to military and naval expenditure. Independent of the question whether there be cause or not for armament and mistrust, we do think that I the public agitation of such a topic weakens the country and the government in the eyes of Europe, more than a quarter of a million expenditure strengthens it. The revelations of great personages display England showing her weak side, trembling before the contingency of invasion, and thus pro vokiog projects and policy of the kind, whilst the same debate reveals a large party in the country, deprecating all ideas of military rivalry and defences, and proclaiming aloud the neces sity of England's ceasing to meddle actively with the politics or the balance of Europe ! Would it not have been better to have adhered to the old rule, and have adjourned all discussion or cause for it to some other moment than that, in which a deficit of three millions was announced, and the proposal made of swelling the income-tax to a decidedly war propor tion, though for peace necessities? We must say that Lord J. RUSSELL did not suc cessfully make out his case for the necessity of increased estimates. Following up the official communication made last week in a cotemporary journal, the Premier insisted on the crisis of 1844, when we were so near to war with France, it is alleged, because M. GUIZOT refused to make repara tion for an insult offered to our authorities at Tahiti. But why did M. GULZ:a hesitate to make this repara tion ? And whence arose the danger ? It arose, as Lord JOHN RUSSELL recounted, from Sir ROBERT PEEL'S having given way to a feeling of resentment in the House of Commons, and having spoken words, which savoured of a threat. This rendered it difficult for M. GUIZOT to make reparation. The danger of war between the countries arose from the imprudence of a minister, not from 'his neglect in arming or expending. The mode in which Lord JOHN RUSSELL put the question to the house was, whether it could sanction such a reduction of the estimates as would bring the expenditure down to a level with the reve nue at present, or whether they would vote an increase of the income-tax, and a certain portion of this in creased reve me in national defences. The House of Commons does not so look upon the question. It accepts the increased income-tax to fill the void caused by the failure of crops. But to equip and feed soldiers and sailors in the present aspect of affairs for purely fighting purposes, we are quite confident, that the nation would refuse income-tax, nay, the lightest and most unfelt indirect tax, that the CHANCeLLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER could point out in the lists of customs and excise. As to the purely fiscal provisions of his budget, it is plain that the minister would have encountered no opposition. The house received the announcement of the rise of the rate from 3 to 5 per cent. as a capital joke. Lord JOHN RUSSELL smiled in announcing it, and the member for Finsbury was convulsed with I laughter. But however excellent the joke may seem to politicians, what is life to them is death to other people ; and we should opine that the country will consider it no joke at all. Least of all should profes sional men, and possessors of life-incomes relish such humour, especially as their claims were left altogether out of account. Lord lons seemed to agree with Mr. BABBAGE that it mattered nothing to him or to the tax-gatherer, whether they took 5 per cent. of the widow's jointure, the veteran's pension, or of the fine old, imperishable, English gentleman. THE case of "Baron e. Denman" is in every respect a remarkable one. The courage of the plaintiff in bringing the action, the enormous expense that must have been incurred in its prosecution, the extraordi nary facts disclosed in the evidence, the important points of law which arose in the pleadings, the singu larity of the point reserved for discussion in the Ex chequer Chamber, and the admirable manner in which the trial at bar was conducted, all combine to render the cause most notable. The action was un doubtedly a desperate attempt on the part of the }Ja van& slave-dealers to avenge themselves on, and, if possible, to break down our slave-trade suppression system; and in the attempt they have as undoubtedly been defeated. For, even if the point of law reserved for discussion be here after decided in their favour, the evidence of the plaintiff as to the extent of goods destroyed under the authority or by the directions of Captain DENMAN was so flatly contradicted by the witnesses for the defence as to deprive the plaintiff of all chance to re- I cover damages to anything like the extent claimed by his declaration ; and thus, whatever be the future result of the legal discussions, he can have no hope of punishing the defendant pecuniarily. The object of the suit has, therefore, been defeated—defeated, too, atter a trial which may be regarded as a model ape cimen of English judicial investigation, in which the plaintiff had the benefit of most able counsel, and of a charge to the jury impeccable against the slightest imputation of partiality or undue inclination. Though we can have no sympathy with the plain tiff in his horrid trade, we are not at all sorry that he brought the wrongs of which he complained before an English court of law ; for the proceedings of our cruisers on the west coast of Africa are (necessarily perhaps) of so arbitrary and belligerent a character, have had such important effects on the public opinion of France and the United States, have had such in adequate suppressive results, constitute so great an item in our yearly national expenditure, and are continually interfering so very prejudicially with lawful commerce, that the very fact that they can b.: made the subject of law proceedings, the knowledge that our judges will not for the sake of a noble end overlook unlawful means, and the settlement of many points of doubtful law, must all have a beneficial ,Ilia on our cruising system—if it have to be much longer continued. And though we could have no desire to see Capt. DEextaN mulcted in the enormous damages claimed, still the very narrow escape he has had from a verdict against him with same substantial damages will, it is to be hoped, restrain that ardour on the coast which on more than one occasion hu rtaken more of the spirit of a MORGAN and of a PAUL JONES than of a COLLINGWOOD or an Ex- MOUTH. Of the great point reserved for discussion—viz., that the posterior ratification of a treaty will give to acts done at the very moment of its conclusion the autho rity of a prior command—is of the very greatest im portance, because of the practical consequences which it involves. Let the Court of Exchequer Chamber sanction the law, as laid down by Barons ALDERSON, ROLFE, and PLATT, and any enormitiLs may be per petrated with impunity ; for what government will leave its officers without the protection of such a ratification, however much they may disapprove of their acts? In this very . case of Captain DENMAN and the treaty with the Gallinaa chiefs, that document was certainly ratified formally, but eubtantially it was disapproved ; for Lord ABERDEEN, when foreign secretary, directed the Admiralty. to recall any instructions under which her lAJESTY a cruisers on the coast might renew such exploits, repeating the dictum of Lord STOWELL in the case of "Le Laisis," ea eloquently enforced, "that a good, however eminent, should not be attained otherwise than by lawful means ;" and in conse quence of these directions from the Foreign-office no such exploits have been performed for the last seven years. The subsequent experience, indeed, of the value of the DENMAN treaty is at once decisive of the grave question, which for four days perplexed both ikidges and jury, as to the right of King SIACHA, ,heady owed, but s . is h i e td , di w tio o n u tl i sum to pay t to he .e elsen t s: q bpan ...... iards . away, So I told them they must stand the eons*. I Prince MANNA, and the ROGERS Wilily, to make th e " laws," and of their inclination to observe them I re gret not being able to bring this to &conclu sion, but we are ea co nvinced that they think we are afraid when made. For in spite of t heir solemn engage ment to suppress the slave trade at the Gallinas, the to touch the Spaniards' property ; and that till they see we trade is earned on there with extraordinary vigour ; have destroyed some of ttlisie;rooharrezeouen on ni d. or !alms some , uch hos e ttle steps, and notwithstanding their equally so lemn nndertak - ty it l ts have. li —R ze . q Yus k , n to t ta he' rn a an t le s r lii . ing that Spaniards should not be p ermitted to settle Commodore Jones. &a there again, the slave trade is carried on by Spaniards If this brief narrative be not sufficient to expos, still. the monstrous folly of treaty - mongering wi t h the From the last published series of the slave trade gentlemen of the Gallinas, no comments of ours on it correspondence, Class A, we learn that scarcely had will. These poor crafty savages would sig a treaty Captain DENsfart left Gallinas before ha Majesty, the princes, and chiefs, whale treaty was ratified by undertaking to find the philosophe r s stone, er the lon gitude for a bottle of rum, get gloriously drunk on it, the British government, opened shop again , and in and light their pipes with the treaty with as little spite of all remonstrance have kept it open. Commo- regard to its character or contents as if it was a cons dore JoNas, the late commander of the station, being mon "spill." Yet it is over such a document and ea off the river in the Penelope, despatched letters missive its consequences that a solemn English trial has been to Prince MANNA, complaining of his Royal High n h e ld ess ress'ed s disco to hiurtesy in not answ ering the letters ad dm by the officers of the squadron and by himself, and of roug hly handling their messenger , ! d one TOM GAMBLE by name, who was obliged to beat a retreat with such precipitation that he "lust his hat and handkerchief,' which the niggers incon tinently appropriated and refused to return to him. Prince MANNA, upon the receipt of this communica tion, foreboding perhaps another invasion, quickly sent an answer, the purport of a hich is rather diffi cult, from his royal highness's peculiar phrascology,to understand. It is evasive, however, of Commodore Jones's accusations, and explains the circumstance of the Spanish Monsieur Tonson coming again by the lamentable fact, that since the date of DENMAN'S treaty all " those chiefs and kings depart this life, and what young chiefs is left we obliged to conclude and give you answer, my dear friend, as respecting the Spanish trade, my dear friend, we are willingly for to tell them for to go homes to their country and all their property." His royal highness's argument may be stated thus in brief—that Yung Gallinae does not consider itself to be bound by the act of Old Gallinas, but with truly amiable promptitude, was ready to use the moral force process of persuasion in order to induce them to leave the country. But, also, comment fire ;t With touching simplicity Prince MANNA foreshadows the difficulty these poor people are under on account of the blockading squa dron, and pathetically implores the commodore "to unlock the Bar of Gallinas, that they write to these merchants and send vessels to take them home to their country;" asking for this purpose the space of six months, during which, in the event of his reason able request being granted, his royal highness no doubt calculated on doing a large stroKe of business. As to force, that is quite out of the question. "No more of that, Hal, an thou lovest me ;" for, " if we drone them (by) force they may call us Roge"—a thing utterly repugnant to his royal highness's LA PLATA. By the Ipswich merchant ship at Livcrpo 1, adviose have been received from Monte Video to the 2(1.11 of December, and from Buenos Ayres a day or two previous. From Corrientes, despatches from General Urquiza, at the head of the forces of Itosas and Entrerios, an nounce that he tad obtained a signal victory over the Correntinoe, taking 1,200 prisoners and many officers : 700 of these unfortunate men were mas sacred. Most of those who escaped had taken refuge in Paraguay. From Monte Video it is stated that, under the pretext of an expected attack from Oribe, six pieces of artillery and a battalion of marines had been landed from the French squadron, and placed in the more fortified posts of the city. On the 20th ot De cember the port of Buenos Ayres was to be closed, according to notice, against vessels trading with or touching at Monte Video. POLYNESIA.—TaIIITI.—News from Oceania to the end of S. pte tuber has been received by the frigate Vir ginie, just arrived at Rochefort. The new governor of Ta hiti, M. Leveed, had continued his task of pacification. In New Caledonia some French missionaries and laymen had established a colony, whiett was beginning to prosper, when one day the natives attacked and devtroysd the esta blishment. Its the conflict a missionary called Blain was killed. The other persons sought re fuge at Puebla, where they believed themselves in suf ficient safety to be aisle to recommence their little colony. In a short time they had built a church, houses, &c., and had undertaken considerable works. Having, however, received tome merchandise, the cupidity of the natives wax incited, and they again attacked the colonists. burning down .he church, destroying the works, &c. The colonists forte nstely escaped to the corvette the Brillante. On the 12th of August last Commandant Dubouzet determined to chastise the natives. He accordingly sent a detachment of 84 men to the island, under the orders of M. Lefer de la Motto. In an engagement which took place the Caledonians had • number of men killed and wounded. The French had one man killed and one midshipman wounded. feelings. This choice epistle was not, however, satisfac tory to Commodore JONES, although he thought it contained signs of " a better spirit;" so he replied to it with a categorical statement of his intentions and demands. First, that the British government was determined to abide by Capt. DENstatr's treaty of 1840, and to carry it out by force if necessary ; second, that whether the old chiefs were dead or not, the treaty was alive, and by virtue of it he called upon the prince, " for the last time, to send away forthwith all those evil Europeans who are settled at Derain corro and elsewhere, in your country, for the purpenss of slave trade." As to the princely plea, that this motion be read that day " six months," the commodore could by no means consent to it, but threatened the penalty of fire and sword, unless his demands were acceded to. " Bat," adds the worthy officer, " my eyes are open and you seek in vain to deceive me any longer. You wish to protect the white man-stealers. Bat I say unto you that if, after a certain early day, of which I will give you notice, one of those people should be found in your country, I shall consider the treaty broken, and proceed accordingly." In a previous paragraph the commodore justly complains that, not withstanding they bad had three of their towns burnt they were still trying to overreach him," and ascribes the craft to over-indulgence on that occasion. Incorrigible Prince MANNA. It appears, however, that there was a small matter of account, amounting to 800 dollars, between the prince and Capt. JONES, being " a moderate fine doe to Englishmen who were ill-used at Dombocorro." To this demand the prince pleaded poverty, and in the names of himself and " all other chiefs and heads mons of Gallinas," besought their creditor " to drop" this claim, for really they "do not able to pay this sum of money ; if we has it we could." Though the latter argument is conclusive if true, the commodore is sceptical on the point. " Where," he asks, "is all the money brought here by Spanish slave-dealers?" and then it is broadly hinted that they might be made to disburse and ought to do so, for they " committed the wrong and it would be every way just that they should be compelled to pay for it." That however is the prince's affair. fhe com modore concludes by a general threat un less " the chief and head mans," with MANNA at the top of the lot, don't accede to his terms. The answer is brief, but comprehensive, at once dida tic, logical, and conclusive, and, being short may be given in extenso • GALLINAS.—IIouored and kiend Sir,—l have received your letter, again concerning the treaty betwixt us and Jos. Denman ; the promise was, if we agreed to take the treaty he will give no half price cargo, but after he went home we never hear of him as yet, so we have not sold our country to any nation ; we did agree that we cannot sell any Queen's peoples in our country ; if we have don it we have broke the treaty, but we have not don such thing. Honored and kiend Sir.—You are well aware that we are poor black heathens, we do not understand to build vessels and send to Urope peen country, so if any nations brought any trade to us, if we has what he requier, we will bay it from him; our country is free port, we oblige to buy slaves, that is the rule of the country ; the cruel peoples in our country we oblige to sell them that punnishment of the country for we has uo gaol to punaish them, so we beg your honor not to trouble us any more. The country is belonging to us, it is our country, we oblige to buy slaves, that is the rule of this country no we beg that you must not trouble us any more.—So we remain to be your:truely friend, Puircit MANNA, and Headmen and Chiefs of Oallmas.—Commodore Jesse. All this took place during the early part of January, 1846, from which period up to March 21 in the same year there is a hiatus in the printed corre spondence between the commodore and these black princes. From the contents of a letter bearing the latter date, addressed by Captain JONES to Commander YORKE of the Albatross, it, however, appears that the negotiations were continued, and that a meeting was arranged between these accomplished diplomatists and the commodore, wbich the latter, being obliged to go to Sierra Leone, was under the necessity of leaving to be managed by Commander YORKE, to whom he issued his instructions to insist upon the treaty of 1840, and if the Diggers expressed contrition and promised to he good boys for the future, to forego the fine of 800 dollars, but on no account to listen to "any proposal on their part for compensation or presents from the British government. The mercy extended to them on this occasion, together with the oblivion of the past, must be viewed by them as s trong proofs of the clenie ncy of the Queen, for which they are bound to be grateful." How Com mander YORKE fared in his enterprise may be beet learnt from his report thereon : Albatross, off Gallinas, Mar.h 21, IBl6.—Sir,—l have the honour to inform you that on Monday, the 23rd, the bar being reported practicable by the pilot, I made the sig nal agreed on to aesemble the chiefs, end pia-rid the bar with some difficulty, in company with Commander Ed munds and Oldmixtoo, but as the chiefs had not assembled, and ;n the meantime the bar had got worse, I determined to remain until the next morning. This forenoon Prince Manna and the chiefs of Galiinas having arrived. I proceeded to state your wishes to them, and read the treaty you wished them to sign. After having retired and consulted toge•ber, they returned, and Prince Manna made a speech, the suit. stence of which was that they did not understand how the Spaniards were to go if they wished it, that they did not like to drive away people who " had been their fathers and their brother., and to *bons they ow. d nearly all the property they possesses:l," if we wished them to go, why did we not send them away ourselves ; they did not believe that it was a true copy of the letter from the For, ign-office, an extract of whili I read to them, desiring you to use force to compel them to fulfil Commander Denman's treaty in every way, and that this treaty was forced from them. I replied that, it the only obstacle to the Spaniards getting away was the diffi:ulty of conveyance, they might easily hire vessels at Sierte Leone, or boats to take them there, and ee rhaps you would order the to niece to assist them in their embarkation; hot that we Irok to them, as chiefs of the country, to send the Spaniards aw I 7 to to the treaty ; that there could not be much di ffi culty in persuading them to go, as they had very little trade last veer, and that now, as we had increased the number of oar ;hips and the French were going to send an equal number, there would be very little chance of their being able to run a single cargo. With regard to the letter being a false copy —that it was not the custom of the English to tell lies like the people of Gallinas, who made treaties and never meant to stick to them, and that if they did not sign the y treaty they would have to pay not only the 800 dolla they erbe Court. The Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Prince of Wales, the Prince's Royal, and tne Duchess of Saxe Coboure, left Buckingham Palace, at hali.pust three o'clock yesterday afternoon in a carriage and four for Clare. moot. Prince Alfred and the Princess Mice, the Mar chioness of Douro, Madame Is Baronne de Waugenhrim, Col. the Hon. C. B. Phipps, and Cul. Buckley, followed in two carriages and four. Her Majesty and Prince Albert were conducted to their carriage by the Hon. Misses Murray and Macdonald, Maids of Honour in Waiting, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, the Earl of Morley, Lord in Waiting; the Vice Chamberlain, Lord 9. Lennox, Lord in Waiting to Prince Albert; the Master of the Household, Col. B. Drummond, Groom in Waiting, and Col. Wvlde. The Duke of Saxe Cobourg, accompanied by Count A. Mensdorff. and attended by Capt. the Hon. A. Gordon and Baron Fritach, left Buckingham Palace yesterday morning, for Woking, on a hunting Pzeurine. --- Mr. Baacroft, the Ameriewu Minister, had an inter view with the Right Hon, T. Milner Gibson yesterday, at the office of the Beard of Trade. Sir Thomas B. Birch and Mr. Rushton bad an in terview with Sir G. Grey weeterriev, at the liome•o®ce. Chamberlata's Office, Feb. 18. — Notice is hereby given, that his Royal Highness Prince Albert will, by the desire of her Mai( sty, hold levees at St. Jamie's Palace, on behalf of her Majesty, on the following days, at two o'clock Wednesday March 1 ; Wednesday, March 22. It is ber Majesty's pies:ure that presentations to his Royal Highness at these levees shall he considered equivalent to presentations to the Quiets. Addresses to the Queen may either be forwarded to her Majesty, through the Secretary of State for the Homo Department, or may be reserved until her Majesty shall hold • levee.—The knights of the several orders are to appear ia their collars at the levee on the 16t March, it being a collar- From last night's Gazete." DOWNING-STREET, FEB. 14.—The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Lang, Esq., to be Police Asps trate for the province of South Australia. _ WAR-OFFICE, Pnseraar IS. let Reg. of F.—Lieut T. It. iildgood, to be addl., vice Punter, dm.; Ens. W. V. Scott, to be heat., vice Itidgood, app. aclit.; A. Draper, geol., to be ens., vice Scott. 17th l'.—Lleut. 11. Thwaytes, from Ind West India Hest., to be lieut., vice Wedderburn, who exchanges. 19th F.—O. Lidwell, gent, to be em., by par.. vim Taylor, who retire. 471117.—Lint R. W. Lowly, to be ceps, by . pur., vice Collins, who met ; Ens. C. Elgee, to be beat., by per., vice Lowry ; it. IL Ellinon, gent., to be em., by par., rice blare. Slat V.—T. Crawford, M. u., to be anistaiirg., vice T. L. Belcher, who rein:eon half-pay. 32nd F.—Ens. the Hon. L 0. Curzon, to be Gent, by pur., vice Riley, who ret.; C. .J. Lyon. gent., to beeps., by par., vice Curzon. glad F.—Lieut. A I). A. Stewart, train 214 F., to be Cilpt., without pur., Tice Herbert, deceneid. Ist West India Regt.—W. A. Biddle gent., to be cm, by par., Moe Foam% who retire. 2nd West India Refit—Lint A. Weilderhorn, front 17th P., to be teat, nee TM/MU", wbo exch. ; Assist. -Curs., W. wawa., M.D., from the staff, to be surg., ti er Dining. app. to the staff. Iloserta. timer.--Surg. A. Collings, M.D., from 2nd Weal Ingle Refit, to be staff-aura. of second dais, vice Robinson, deceased. L scrramon. —tree. Lieut.-Cot P. Young, from major b.-p. unatt, to lieut...eoL, without rumbler. Riszess.—Capt. W. C. E. Napier, of 23th F., to be major in the army ; Capt. W. M. G. M'Murdn, of 78th F., to be major in the anay. MOIMUNDCII.—The exchange between Paymaster Low, of Sled Rest, end Paymmter c a nce lled of 21 as stand in the Goc4te of lot Oct., 1111-0, bas been . The evistian 111112C4 , of Etudes Walsh, of Tied F., are Thames John. ERRATUM in the Gazettr Il Feb., ;3rd F.—For Lieut. peel;. Fitzgerald, from h..p. Glad F., to be lieut., vice Murray, road, vim taunt, killed at the Cape of Good Hope. ADMIRALTY, Fes. 12. Corps of Royal Marine.—A. A. Dougla., gent., to be sec. lieu-; I C. L. T. Usher, grist, to be sec. heat. ; li. L. Blake, gent., to be are brut - _ - JOHN BRIGHT IN OFFICE.—A trait, indicating the feelings of the hon. member for Manchester towards toe re ligious body in tilted) he was reared and educated io recorded by a correspondent of the Leeds Mercury. In the Friends meeting at Rochdale, of which he is a member, and when at home a regular and exemplary intender, it is thi practice for the junior male memle re to act in turn as " door-keeper." The duties of this offi are, to see to the roper seating of such strangers as moy ce co me in, the closing o f th e doors when all are supposed to be gathered, sit next the doors, and open them seam at the meeting's close, and act as may oe re quirel for good order during the sifting. Mr. Bright, in stead of now being, as many might suppose, wishful to be excused his turn of duty takes the other with alacrity and hie wonted deciaion ; on , some OCCISIO/11. volunteering for an absent =minx r. Duet this at all detract from his present popular 'Minding ? Oa the contrary. A week or two after his election for Durham, as secretary to the meeting of business, he " read himself in" so door-keeper Lex& in turn. Fints.—DESTRUCTIOS OP A 1314CUIT FACTORY At WAPPING WALL.—Last night (Friday), shortly before 8 o'clock. a fire, attended with a serious debtructiene of pro [poly, broke out in the midst of an immense pile of pre mise s, extending from the main street, termed Wapping Wall, to the water side. The flames when lint perceived were issuing from the spacious factory and warehouses be logging to Messrs. Robert Stephenson and Son, ship biocuet makers and Irish provision merchants. The adjoining pre miees are not so seriously injured as might have been antic. *steel from the great heated the flames. How the disaster occurred cannot be ascertained with accuracy. INQUEST, YESTERDAY.—SUSPICIOUS Before Mr. Baker, at the Fountain, City-road, on view of the body of Mr. Jas. Lyle. aged 40, who has for many years carried on the business of a whisky merchant, at No. S, Upper Fountain-place. The body lay upon a bedst-ad, in the back parlour, which, with the room adjoining, wag nearly divested of every article of furniture, aad the deceased presented all the appearances of starvation. Mr. T. Mather, surgeon to the police, No. 63, Bunbiltro c, said that on Wed nesday evening he made a post morteni, examiaation of the body, which was a complete skeleton. There were the re mains of some water-gruel in the stomach. The vital organs were extensively diseased, and, in hie opinion, death was produced by inanition and the want of sufficient nutriment—Mr. Jas Hall, bookbinder, 3.3, James-street, Islington, bat known deceased ten years. He was a bachelor, and of eccentric habits. Witness had lodged in the house in Upper Foantoia-place several years. Deceased was in the habit e f rising at four o'clock in the morning, and taking a walk round the neighbourhood of Hormey. till about 18 months ago, when he became addicted to the abuse of drinking ardent spirits. At that time be got acqueinted with a man named Thompson, who had a situation in the Post-office. Subsequently he intro duced himself with a female, who be said was his sister, of the name of Spottiawood, and her brother. Witness gam up his lodgings about six months ago, when he leg deceased under the care of Thompson arid his relatives. Four months ago he saw deceased, who was bruised about the face, and had two black- eyes, which ha said were caused by Thompson. nets asked him wby he did not give Thompson into eustody. Deceased observed that be called out " police," and that a polmeman cams to the door of hie house, when be at a win lying, when he told the officer that deceased was o