The Express. — London, England, 1851-03-26 00:00:00

and. (Rear, hear.) It appear s t o me that it is p erfectl y . rieht and legitimate, it I may pn,unie to expires an opinion on gc. fee the eleory of the church of ngln. in an eceleeie.tical setae, to make their pro test astainst that eo r e ntaie,sioi a I do not speak of the laneta,ge used in snakiest tlia: protest, but or the fact of the pret.-4. But. whole I say this. 1 would point out the coil that it is • very elafereat matter when that clergy conies to invoke the temporal arts. There is one important pert of the recent speech of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) in which I emphatically agree. lie spoke of the great change which has n plea, in the eeclesiastical apLit of the RO MA* c %Oldie church. We all know that in that body, as in I.there, there have been great diviiiime of parties • some chose% of peewits taking eatrente views and centralising eeclesiastkal power in the court of Rome ; others, cm the other head, holding principles in form far more empire hensive, sliming much more to national position and to the rights of national and provincial governing powers. Of these two parties, I understand the noble lord to state — and, if he dial %tete it, I. for one, agree with him, and I, with him, contemplate the fact with the deepest regret—that the extreme party has leaned great ground within the R o man catholic communion of late years ; and that the moderate party, which wa may S 3 ), was 100 years age the prevailing party . in that cosuinuaion, now wri deatly the party which is not prevailing, but only secondary. I agar with the noble ,ord in that statement of fact, and I concur with him in the sentiments of deep regret with which he refers to it. Now, an impression prevails in this country—an impreesion which the noble lord, by his relent epseelne, has done much to foster—that this mea sure which we are now considering is a measure intended, not only to impeole the omen... hone of the Reiman catholic' religion are a whole, but specially as a measure framed to strike at the advance of what are called ultremontane principles. Well, if it were so, I should otrll say, "That is uo affair of ours." I may have, anal I have, my opiuions on it—et:aliments of gladness or of eret ; hut I Mould still say that no case had been made out fair the interference of this house. lit should succeed in proving that ever since the Reformation for 300 years, the DIMS of the Roman catholic laity of Eng land have been en reed in an eurneet struggle for that measure, against which yo.o a...• now legislating, 1 shall be entitled to ask you if anything could he more groan than for you now to interfere with their acts, and to say, although you knew that they coo struggled for t h is measure in order to defend their rights, and to add to their owearitieis against Rome, yet, nee erthebes, under pretence of putting doe. a ultra moontaniam, you will now step in and prevent the acesomplishuwut of their hope.? (Cheers.) I must add to what I have stated, that the y have struggled to obtain this measure throughout with the sanction if the British government. (Boor, hear.) Yes; the Bri tish geverument has ever until this moment opposed the system of'sitvn apostolic, and encouraged the efforts of a certain party of the Roman eitleolies to obtain diocesan bishops. (Rear, hear.) I take my facts from authorities of unquestionable eminence—from Dodd, who has been referred to in the debate, and from Butler, who is well known, and whose fate was to spend his life in religious coutroversy, but who never lost that spirit of the peacemaker, for which a blessing, hen anal hen alt, r, is the reward. I will also quote from a well-known Roman catholic writer, !terrine too. Butler refer. to what took place in 158-1, when the old Itilit'l , l4l ePiO:irry laud dill out, and when Watson, the last Bishop 01 Lincoln, hail expired. In 1581, the very year of his death, Dr. Butler says, the value of the hieraroby being felt, a plan to divide England into two districts, with certain arrangements of ordinance , and ordinaries, was formed. lot regular.. idaveteel to the measure, as encroaching upon and jute rferiug with their special exemptions and privileges. In I.IMO tile matter tele:me-eel further. There were plans for Medusas in ordinary, bishops in partihmx, or vicar, apos tolic, and arelidealeina But Ow government took a distinct III", of tlwomeetion. What government ? Not a government of modern whir-, who hail spent their lives in advancing the auwed ndigiuu. liberty; but the government of Omen Eliza ,. belle 'I he government of tauten Elizahe th desired that any jurielieti to he exereired over the Itomin cathoolice should be exercised through the medium of diocesan bishoopa. In fart, Butler says V/ generally was it understood that the appointment of elimasan bishop* would be accept able to Elizabeth and to her ministers that the whole eathoolic bushy were unaiiimme in favour of such a measure. in 1495, having failed in obtaining these Inehmo. the weeder clergy sent a deputation to Rome, anal petit' I the Heinen see for the appointment of Indio/s in ordinary, with salaries. In 1602 they ugaiu sent two, deputation.. to Rome, and afterwards the secular clergy again sent three deputation for the some purpew. Anal in 1607, says lierrintrton, there were two English Roman esthetic clergymen at Rome petitioning fur the appointment of Roman catholic hiehope iu England. In 1621, the same author says, King Ja.lllt. was iufurum d haw anxious the catholic* were to poseur, bishops, and it was then intimated that this would lw s measure not distill using to the king, ionovided that they wo re chosen men, of moderate mid nut personally dieagrevalile to hems-WI ill 1631 the Roman catholic clerky anal laity preemie,' a memorial to the Pow, praying for the appointment of dimes:en hithope. In 163.1, Paremazzi was envoy in England to Charles I. from the Pope; and in 1641, the regular clergy were lovely emplooyed, and making interest --for what ? liar etiocearin bishops ? No; the re gular", that is to say, the Jesuits, were basely employed in using their influence in order that 1/1410110 should nut he sent over. lii Ifdi, a chapter of the Roman catholic clergy appointed to exercise ejewmal jurisdiction during vacancies, ISM bent over to It •to ees-k for another dioreean bishop with ordinary powers. ; and they then said that they dare host areept of any cetramlinary motto:ate —that is to say, the appautawat of vicare-aperteilk, which at that time a 11.4 a title I believe wholly unknown in this country. The chapter of the Roman catholic el. eery in 1017, nut teethe the Smarts, but under the ciamitionsweidth, sent a meielage too Rome, that they wanted elio-rean bishops, hut that they date not accept of vicar. allo4OlielN cause that would he against the laws of their catholic anee , tors and against the wall of the state. Meer.) In 1060 the clergy had an meat at Ronne, Ur. lime, who was also engaged in striving SO induce the court of Rome to give them ordinary bishop,. And what was the carcase for which they were asked ? Why. they said that if they had apostolic vicars (I am now quoting Dr. Ihrringtoon), the effect would lw to coo oe tem- distinctly lilt' ulea Of dependence upon the Pope, .int the people wen jeislonse of all these prerogatives of the court of Rome and were resolved not to permit them. (Rear, hear.) 1 know that these iii tail" are wearisome, but they are important. (('heers.) So strung was this dis meitiem of the English 141.111211 catholic,, to seek diocesan bisluoie. that they Al i 11311) made up their minds to apple, net to the Pope, but to the Antrbishop elf ltuuen, wh o, from the well known disposition of the Gallivan church, they thought would ho' favourable to them. The arch ',Amp agreed to maws-rite bishop., but the court of Rome int.-trend, and would only allow these very vicars apostolic of which we have so recently fallen in love. (Cheers.) In 1621 there was a general ivesembly of the clergy and Charles the Find, as had James the First, made nu objection to the appointment of bishop', but only recommended them not to receive any person with extraordinary powers from Rome. In 1664 the clergy again made the attempt, had they and the laity again refused vicar-apostolic, on the it 1 that they durst not receive any such dignitaries. In 1670 it WAS exactly the same. In 16511 there was a most remarkable occurrence. At that jwirioel an important con troversy was rising , an amongst the Rom: tat catholies with regard to the oath of allegiance. The moderate party was (astound& to, the oath. but the papal party was as much against it. They %anted a lever to act upon the Woman catholic , in England, to induce them to refuse the oath of allegiance; and what was the lever they employed ? Why, the y made use of this very subject, and they said, " Un less you will support the Pope by refusing the oath, we will not give you diocesans." I ask then whether it is not ' the "ere bva¢ht eetharelehip and injustice when the ancestors of the Roman eatholie , of the preseent day had persevered all along in pressing their claim for diocesan bishope, and when their loyalty to the crown and their sense of duty as citizens watch nut suffer them to consent to such terms as were rev rind, and when their prayer was rejected for this mane -I ask is it possible to conceive a greater and a greaser injustice, now when they hare obtained what they wished, to charge them with a want of loyalty and with a divided allegiance- ? (laved cheer'.) We now come to the revolution. In lees a, when James the Second eame to the throne, the Roman catholic hotly still made their petition for diocesan bishops; and when, at length, sitars apostolic were appointed, they again protested against them, because they said vicars apostolic would leave them no independent power; besides which, their administration would be wholly arbitrary and uncer tain. tttheers.) They said that government by vicars apostolic was against the spirit of the ancient law., and that it would bring them under the immediate jurisdiction of a foreign court, aaaina the jurisdiction of which court, whether ecielesiaaticial or civil, their catholic [MCCOWN had fought, and against which they were themselves pledged to stand up. (Chairs.) James answered that he would admit no spiritual person with ordinary powers; and iieconlingly a vicar apostolic was appointed. The hem,. will wee the uniformity with which the clergy and laity had protested and declaimed against the ap pointment of vicars apostolic, and I want to know if I have ma given ample proof that down to the time of the Iteeolutien the Boman catholice—that is, the lay Roman catholic+ and the secular clergy—of England were ever reeking and contending for this measure of diocesan epis celiac" ; that the force which withheld them from their object was that of the court of Rome and those bodies which are most properly called papal; and that they only desired to TYCrilit• dim-earn bishops till we come to the time of the traitor Jame., who forced them to receive vicars epos t fife . (Lroud cheers) 1 have no evidence for the hundred yeses which succeeded ; and we now come to a period when severe penal laws were enacted against the Roman catholies. The Pope then sent vicara-apostolie; anal the Roman catholic, gut on as well as they could with them. At the same time, I beg the house to obverse that directly the Ro man catholic booty was enabled, in homely phrase, to get their heads above weer again—directly that you repealed or relaxed the penal laws, again appeared this introduction of a diocesan episcopacy. (Cheers.) And now with re spect to the manner in which the question has been looked upou by the British government. I think it is demonstrated that that great man, Mr. Pitt, had a distinct opinion upon this subject ; and I hope ((said the hon. gentleman, turning to the conservative beaches) there is not one of us who is ashamed to march under his banner. (Cheers.) It is plain that Pitt entertained views the very opposite of thaw• which are held by the noble lord, and which I am afraid a majority of the house are going to affirm. (Ministerial cliete..) I will not waste any tame in consi dering the multitude of questions which his enlightened mind would have valved for England had his power been equel to his will; but I will only endeavour to thole you what his opinion upon this subject was. I am sorry to say that his biographies are all so imperfect that I can obtain no direct authority. This, however, I can show—l can show what the Roman catholic body did when a I direct communication was held with them by the govern ment and Mr. Pitt, with a view to his Relief Bill, • which was paned in 1791. In December, 1790, Mr. flumey was sent to Rome to smooths. the way for the Relief Bill. The people went then justly jealous of the increase , of the Roman catholice; and the meaeure met with considerable opposition. Therefore the Roman catholics sent an envoy , to Rome, for the purpose of representing them in a variety , of matters, some of which are irrelevant to this subject— ' but one of them was to smooth the way for Mr. Pitt's I bill, by procuring bishops in ordinary elected by the other clergy. (Cheers.) I will not go into details, hut in the year 1790 1.4. John Cox Hippialey resided in ' linage as the agent of the English Roman catholics, and his constant endeavour was to smooth the way to an under- ' standing between the Pope and the British government. 1 Ile; invariable stipulation wag that the vicars apostolic ' should be withdrawn, and that diocesan bishops should he I substituted in their room. (Cheers.) But perhaps you will , say that these are not bishops elected by the clergy. (Cheers.) That is very true. I should be glid if they were to be elected ; but 1 look on this as the first step towards election by the clergy. (Cheers.) It is the establishment of the local principle, which as long as this 'Teem of vicars ; vestolic is maintained can never take root. (Cheere.) I Ton admit that the catholies are distinguished Ike their loyalty, and therefore deal with them se se to gain all their love and affection to their country. ginsets.) But if you drive them hack upon the Pope, if you 1 e meet thm with this enactment, if you show them nothing eke but a persecuting deposition, what can you expect but to find that you have alienated and estranged them ? (Cheers.) In England the Roman catholic party is com parutively insignificant in numbers, and you may be inclined to underrate their importance ; but the difficulty on the other side of the Channel, where there is an overwhelming ma jority, will be fearfully increased. Ilave you any faith 1 in your free institutions? Do you think so low of Eng land ? 1 ) o you think so low of the national character ? Do you think so low of the capacity of your religion to bear the brunt of free competition, as to say that you will now at tempt to fence it about with legal enactments, instead of trusting to its spiritual strength, to the firmness mid depth of your own convictions, and, above all, to this conviction, that if the truth is on your side, 'Clod will give you the victory. (Cheers.) Oh, I hope you will cast away those unworthy means of fencing that which, if it required to be so fenced, would be little worth. (Hear.) It may he said, this is a trilling retro gression. Of course it is a Dalin; retmeereseion. All suek retrogrcasions will begin by small measures. (hear.) Bat what security have I, if I vote for the second reading of this bill, and 1 desert the ground of principle which binds me I to religious freedom—what security have I that other and more tisrmidahle measures may nut be in the background, and that fur another half century, it may be, that the question of civil disqualification and the question of religious bberty are to abased our time and attention—that these may divide the minds of the British public, separate man and man, and disaslee parliaments, and unmet ministers, and stop the progress of civilising legislation ? (Cheers.) Don't tell me the character of the n oble lord (J. Russell) is a security against all this. If you tell me his pledges , and the uniform course of hi s life, is such a security, I answer, I once thought it WAS. (hear , hear.) But, if you prophecy that the noble lord will not proceed to prohibit the synodical action of the Roman church, and that he will not proceed to prohibit that system of excep tion, prescription with regard to other denominations, I as k, "What would you have thought if you had been told, or rather if you had been foretold, in the year DOI, that he would in March, ISil, bring in a bill to prohibit the assumption of titles by Itomish eceleseatice ? (" Hear, hear,', and cheers.) Would you have believed that then ? Are you going to undo in the last half century what your greatest men did in the former? (Mar.) No, surely not. Recollect your functions in the face of the world. Recollect that Europa and the civilised world look to England, and look to her now more, I believe, than ever they looked, its the mile tress and guide of nations in regard to the great work of civil legislation. And what is it they chiefly admire in you ?It is not the rapidity and acuteness with which you frame constitu tions and approach :distract theories. On the contrary, they know that abstract theories are opposed to your views, and that you resist what is new until you know its safe and beneficial tendency; but they also know that, when you make a step onward, you keep it—that there is a reality and an honesty about you—that you are not a monarchy one day, a republicanism another, and a military despotism the third day ; but that you are free from those vicissitude , . (Hear.) I say your fathers and yourselves have earned this brilliant character. Do not forfeit it. Do not al low it to he tarnished. Show, if you will, to the Pope, and his cardinals, and his church, which boasts of its immutability, that you have sour centre diadem, and that when England has made an advance in the great prin ciple of public legislation, destined to influence her national character, and to mark the course of her policy for ages, to conic—show that when she has done this, slowly, it may be, with hesitation and difficulty, but deliberately, she can no more retrace her steps than the river that bathes this giant city can Now hack in its course. (Loud cheer.) Ot the character of England we are steward+. Let us feel our re ' sponsibility, and understand that if we make this step backwards. it is a step that will recoil upon the national character. (Hear, hear.) No, sir, we are here strong in the consciousness of a strong cause. My Ann. and learned friend the member for alidhuret (Mr. Walpole), said he would claim justice on his side. Ile has the eloquence that bids fair to earn for him a place in the first ranks of parliamentary distinction. (Hear, hear.) Ile is sustained on this occasion, out of our., by strong popular feeling, and he is sustained here by the compact organisation of the government and the opposition. We have none of these aids. We are in a minority insignificant—more insignificant still, because we have no ordinary bond of union anemia us. (Hear.) We are in ensure of twos and threes. We net, however, be• cause we have a conviction of justice, and that we shall wen see on our side the force of public opinion. (Loud ironical laughter.) Well, sir, lam not conscious of having spoken offensively. I would feel extremely sorry if I said any thing in any part of my speech that would wound. (Hear.) But we, minority as we are, are sustained in part by a coo -1 sciousitees that we serve both a generous cause and a gene rous people, and that that generous people will recognise the truth of the farts we represent to them. But we are also sustained by that maw of juaice which we feel be longs to our cause, because we are determined to follow kat bright star of justice, beaming from heaven, whither never it may lead us. The right lion. gentleman re amed his scat amid loud and long-continued cheering, particularly from the Irish members. Mr. DIaItAELI maintained that whatever their opinion ef the aggression, it was not wise to despise the the who had committed it. (Ileac, hear.) He de nied that the Pepe was a prince of no great power. Ile was a prince of very great power, if not the greatest. Be tween regular and secular clergy the Pope had ut his corn ailtilli an army of one million priests, governed by a thousand biehops and nrchbiehope that could only be taunted by the score—the genera ls and lieutenants-general of this disciplined host. And were they to be told that that }serer was to he treated in the same manner, and considered k the same spirit as the Wesleyan conference, or to be amociated with the last invention of the Scotch dissenters? (Hear, hear.) Such comparisons were only the display of dialectics to adorn the debate. But, considering the eminent talents of those who had indulged in ' them, he could not help suspecting that there was a I concealed object in those comparisons of more pregnant in terest. And that had been scarcely concealed by the right hon. gentleman who had last addressed the house, for he asked, "If you apply this doctrine of the Queen's supre macy to the adherents of the Roman catholic communion, en what plea can you refuse to apply it to the Wesleyan conference or the Scotch church ?" But the converse of the proposition was equally true; and if the interpretation of religious liberty supported by the right hon. gentleman and the hon. member for Plymouth (Mr. Palmer), and now countenanced by the church of Rome, was to be accepted by the house, on what plea could they refuse to apply the same principle of religious liberty to the church of Eng land ? (Hear, hear.) Why was she not to have synodical action? (Cheere.) Why was the church of England to acknowledge the supremacy of the Queen ? Amid the .1.3 of troubles in which they were embarked, that had Permed to him a guiding principle ; but the only inference to be drawn from the new philo eophy presented in so many shapes by the right ho nourable gentleman and his friends was, that they were opposed on principle to the alliance between church and state. (Hear, hear.) Ile could not deal with this question of papal aggression on the abstract principles so adroitly introduced • he must look to the circumstances which sur rounded th em; and they were of a significant character. On one side, there was a great and acknowledged revival of Romanism in Europe. No one denied that there was a counter-revival of protestantism in England. (Hear, hear.) The possible result was one which made him shudder; and the government were only doing their duty, if they thought such a contest might take place in this kingdom between Romanism and pro teetantiern, by proposing measures and advising a line of conduct in their opinion calculated to prevent such mischief and counteract such evils. But was the mea sure of the government competent to prevent the mischiefs they contemplated ? The noble lord had introduced this measure in a speech which produced considerable effect. He (Mr. Disraeli) had ventured to say at the time that the proposition was nut equal to the programme, that the mea sure asserted no principle and vindicated no principle. Forty-eight hours afterwards they had another version of the measure, not then introduced, from the chief law officer of the crown ; and in that version it assumed a more im portant character. The Attorney-General had informed them that the government measure was not merely to deal with the titles illegally assumed by Roman catholic pre lates, but to intertere with bequests and endowments to persons assuming those characteristics, and also to deal with synodieal action. What was the third act in the MC&111110 All the projects of the Attorney-General were suddenly withdrawn, and they were told that they were only, though formally, to discuss a hill containing one clause. And when the Secretary of State made this an nouncement, he scarcely concealed the opinion that the measure would be inoperative in Ireland, and might be evaded in England, but that it was necessary to pass it as a ' demonstration and a protest. (Hear, hear.) What more triumphant vindication of the policy recommended by Lord Stanley? (Heat, hear.) If the best course to take clearly was for this country to protest in the face of Europe, would not a protest in the form of an address t o th e t wo a t ease , o f parliament, on the very day they met after this great national agitation, have been more calculated to affect the opinion of Lunme, and sustain the spirit of England, than the project of a law which, in the course of six weeks, had undergone countless transformations —which was now announced by its projectors to be ineffective, and the fate of wch was perhaps more than doubtful? (Hear, hear.) H e would briefly place before the house the reasons why he disapproved of the government measure. The bet was, that by impli cation it confessed that the conduct of the cardinal of which they complained was not illegal. That conduct must have been legal or illegal. If legal, it was not an offence; if illegal, why not deal with it by the taw? It was said the law was obsolete. An obsolete law was a law that dealt with circumstances no longer existing, and which I could not again occur. The circumstances in the present ease were fresh and flagrant. The law was ancient, but it was not obsolete; and it was treason against the liberties of England to pretend that ancient laws were obsolete, be• cause all our liberties depended on ancient laws. (Hear, hear.) Secondly, he ohjected to this bill bemuse it at- tempted to legislate upon phrases, and not upon facts. (Hear, hear.) It attempted to legislate upon titles. It was clear that if they p toed that law, no person who could be subjected to it would ever place himself in a position to be so eubjected ; yet lie would not the less use the title awl exercise the influence which was the consequence of his office. (Hear, hear.) The whole thing was founded on a fallacy; for if they chose to legislate upon titles, they should not legislate against the assumption of titles by bishops of the Roman catholic church, but against the as cription of titles of honour and dignity tothem by her Ma jesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) What a mockery it was, when ministers had been " My Grace-ing," and " My Lord ing," these very individuals, to propose a penal statute, be cause they were treated by the rest of her Majesty's subjects with respect and honour. (Hear, hear.) It could not be questioned that this bill asserted no principle. It would have asserted a principle had it laid down that no person should accept place, dignity, emolument, or office, civil or ecclesiastical, from a foreign prince, except with the consent of her Majesty. (ilaar, hear.) That would have been a principle; it would have been a rational enactment , it would at least have taken the form of statesmanlike pre caution, instead of an apparent spiteful act against popery. Such an arrangement as that would have brought the Roman catholic bishop under its provisions in on honour able manner. (Hear, hear.) It might be mid that the isonsent of the crown would be equivalent to a veto: hut he (Mr. Disraeli) denied it would. (Hear, hear.) lie was sot going to argue that question at such an hour—(halt= past one o'clock) —hut he asserted that by such an arrange ment the Roman catholic bishops would receive their ap pointments as hon. gentlemen after being elected by con- Mitnenrice took their seats in that house, on taking the (laths. (Hear.) He felt, however, the impossibility, after so protracted a debate, after the elaborate speech they had just heard concluded, and at ao late an hour of the night, to enter into a discussion of the question, as it was his wish to do. (Hear, hear.) He felt he had a great difficulty in hand to criticise the government measure. The relations that existed between the noble lord (Lord John Ruseell) and himself were not favourable to a candid criticism. (" Hear, hear," and it lamella if the noble lord were, indeed, his " noble friend" —(laughter)—and if there still existed between them that relation of friendship, even of affection—(a laugh)—he (Mr. Disraeli) would avail himself of the proud privilege of such mutual sensibility, 'and the noble lord might rest assured he would spare neither his policy nor his Pei hogs. (" Hear, hear," and great laughter, in which Lord J. Russell and Sir J. Graham heartily participated.) I And that reminded him that, whilst he had been attempt ing to prove that the measure then introduced by the government was inefficient, and one for the second reading of which he would only vote for the reason that had been already expressed by his hon. and learned friend (Sir F. Thesiger), without pledging himself to the ultimate sup port of the measure ; it reminded him, he repeated, that, whilst expressing his opinion sincerely, and after due con sideration, the bill would be inefficient, as in England it would be evaded, whilst in Ireland it would be inopera tive, a party of the greatest importance had treated it in n different spirit, and described it in different language. Mr. Disraeli then proceeded to comment upon the speech of Mr. Gladstone, remarking that the hon. member had not always refused his assent to a measure because it was the reversal of a Tolley. Adverting to some passages in the address of Sir J. Graham, he alluded to the probable junction of the right honourable baronet with the ministry, and concluded by saying that he did not believe there was a chance of civil war in Ire land. (Hear, hear.) lie believed with the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) that religious liberty was too deeply impressed in the present age tee such an act as the prevent to stimulate the population of that country. (Hear, hear.) It was impassible in this age that Irelana could be governed on the principle of protestant ascendancy. (Hear, hear.) But it was equally true that no government could exist which was not faithful and de voted to the protestant constitution. (Loud cheers.) In its maintenance were involved greater interests than the fate of a government —the fate of a crown, and the destinies of a mighty empire; and trust me (continued the hon. gen tleman) not the less important or precious interest involved is that of the civil and religious liberty of the Roman ea , tholita themselves. (Loud cheers.) Sir 0. GREY said he could assure the house it was with reluctance that, at that advanced hour of the night (quarter to 2 o'clock), and after so protracted a debate, he rose to I offer himself fur a brief period to the attention of the house. But lie felt it his duty, before the debate closed, to make few observations with reference, not to the arguments that had been addressed to the house in opposition to the second reading of the bill; because, having listened to the debate, he was struck with this fact, that the most able of the opponents of the bill— whilst exhibiting great talent, ingenuity, and, he would say, sophistry. —brought forward no argument as to the real principle involved. (Hear, hear.) It had been asserted by Roman catholic gentlemen, to whom lie entertained no feeling but one of friendship and respect, that there was embodied in the bill a principle of religious persecution. (Hear, hear.) Though that assertion had been made, he challenged any hon. member to prove it. (Hear, hear.) He entirely con curred in the views of the right hon. gentleman, the mem ber for the University of Oxford, that the principle which should guide them on the present occasion, was the consi deration of imperial policy. Ile wished it to he distinctly understood that the bill was not introduced bl•Callse there was a religious contest between Roman catholies and pro testiuite. The Roman catholics would be as free as ever they were to propagate their opinions, and he could not regret, on that ground,-that the Pope had taken the present step, seeing that it had served to evoke such a spirit of attachment to the protestant religion in the people of this country, and served to draw closer the bonds of union between the different bodies of protestants, not with a view to the imposition of restrictions on the I Roman catholies, but because it tended to make them over look those minor differences which kept them apart. (Hear, heir.) There were two points in which the question before the house had to he considered. The tint was, whether this step on the pet of the see of Rome was such an aggression on the sovereignty of the Queen and the sovereignty of the nation as to call for the in terference of parliament ; and secondly, if that were so, whether this was th proper measure for parlia ment to adopt. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible not to be struck with the diversity in the views of those who opposed the measure of the government. (Hear.) The hon. and learned member for Plymouth, in a speech, the great ability of which he was ready to do justice to, said that the act or die Pepe was based on the principle of religious freedom, that it was sot opposed to the law of nations, and that it was nememry to the complete organisation of the Roman catholic eipmah, and comparing it with the free church of Scotland sad the Wesleyan organisation, he maintained that parliament ought to he indifferent to the attempt of the Pope. But that is not the view taken by the right hon. gentleman the member for Liverpool (Mr. Cardwell), who, though he came to the same conclusion as the hon. and learned gen tleman the member for Plymouth, thought, nevertheless, that the measure did not go far enough. (Hear.) Ile even used the remarkable expression, that he would not engage in a " little religious war," and hinted that he would be ready to engage in a great religious war. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Wilts (Mr. S. Herbert) followed on the same side, and intimated that it was not against the Roman catholic subjects of the crown, but against the Pope, that they should direct their sets. He did not know what legislation the right hon. gentleman had in view—whether he referred to a veto on the appointment of bishops, or to a prohibition of all intercouose with Rome, by inflicting severe penalties on those who should act in contravention of the law by acting under authority derived from Rome. The hon. gentleman said it was a mere change from vicars apostolic to bishops. He (Sir George Grey) was surprised at that statement, for he found in the advertising columns of a Wiltshire paper, of the 6th December, 1960, a resolu tion, proposed by the Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, and se conded by the Dean of Salisbury, in which the attempt of the Pope of Rome to establish a Roman catholic hierarchy was regarded with indignation, as an infringement of the spirit and constitution of the re a lm—(cheers) —as involving an unwarrantable attack on the prerogatives of the Queen, and a gross insult to the British people — (hear, hear) which they would meet with the most uncompromising and determined resistance. (Hear, hear.) And this, be it recollected, took place six weeks or two (From last Night's Casette.) months after the publication of the papal rescript, so that ST. 7131Ei'S-PALACF, 'MARCH 24.--The Queen has there was ample time given for consideracion and reflection. been pleased to a poi t h e Hon. Beatrice Byng to be one the (Hear , hear.) The right hon. gentleman seemed to indicate of h onou r in Ordinary to her M ajesty, • the that he entertained the same opinions still. If that were so, room of the Hon. Caroline Dawson , resigned . in he (Sir G. Grey) could only say that he gave them very im- F OREIGN-OFFICE, MARCII 24.—The Queen has been perfect capresston in that house. (Hear, hear.) But that pleased to approve of Mr. L. A. Van den Bergh as Consul was not all. An address had been meeting at which the resolutions had at at Portsmouth of Mr 0 C Welsford as Consul at Wey mouth, and of'Mr. - Jolin . Banfield as Consul for Scilly, for w ar ,. hes Majesty the king of Hanover. was not going to read that address, but the lan the etit s a c o r ni e e. twined wile a curiosity, and well worthy perusal. CROWN -OFFICE, MAReH 24.—The Queen has been and " Read.") The right hon. gentleman was proceeding to read the addrees when— pleased to appoint Matthew Davenport Hill, of Lincoln's- Mr. S. HERBERT interposed, and said he would cove inn, in the county of Middlesex, Esq., to be one of the the right hon. gentleman some trouble by informing him Commissioners of the Court of Bankruptcy, to act in the that he refused to sign the address. (Hear.) prosecution of fiats in bankruptcy, in the country, in the Sir 0. GREY said that he had then no more to say on I room of Ebenezer Ludlow, Sir cant-at-law, deceased. that subject, except that the address bore a close eorrevoo. I CaowN-OFFICE, 'MARCH 24.—Member returned to deuce in its language to the resolution he had read. There serve in this present parliament for the Borough of Thirsk : was, indeed, a distinct paragraph at the end of the address' Sir William Payne (iallwey, Bart., in the room of John which he did not intend to read, relatina to their own Bell, Esq., dirt:med. church, which the right hon. gentleman might safely object I COMMISSION SIGNED BY THE LORD LIEUTENANT to. (Hear.) But there was another resolution proposed at or LiNCASHIIIIE.—James Lomax, Esq., to be Deputy the meeting _by the hon. colleagues of the right hon. Li eutenant. gentleman (Mr. Sotberon) in favour of a petition to both houses of parliament, the prayer of which petition was that it might be made penal for any persons to assume terri torial titles conferred by any foreign authority in contempt of the Queen's prerogative. (Cheers.) He brought for ward these things for the purpose of showing that the right hon. gentleman was not the safest of guides when he called on the house to reject the bill on the grounds he stated to the house. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Ripon followed, and the right hon. gentleman characterised the language of the Pope as arrogant and needlessly offensive; and he likewise admitted that the act was one which it was difficult for her Majesty's govern ment to pass over with indifference. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman pawed in review the different propo sitions which had been made, none of which seemed to be satisfaetaey to hits ; and yet he left the house in entire in nomnee of the rouse he would be prepared to adopt. (Hear.) Indeed. the only alternative which it seemed to him was open to the right hon. baronet, after rejecting the various propositions which had been made, was that of reviving the penalties of the statute of prentinire, and that course— and it seal worthy of observation—was distinctly advo c ated by the bon. and learned member Aar Abingdon (Sir F.Thesi ger). But his noble friend had already stated the reasons why he did not think it would he expedient to put in force a statute which would have subjected the persons found guilty under it to confiscation of all their goods and inde finite imprisonment. (Hear, hear.) Then came the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Uladetone). That right hon. gentleman qualified the ex- preeeion used by the right hon. baronet themember for Itipon in refer rase to the papal brief, for he said that the lan guague was " unfortunate and inexpedient." (Hear, hear.) The suggestion of the right hon. gentleman was, that they should have recourse to diplomatic agency, with a distinct intimation, that if unsuccessful coercion was not to be the result. (Hear, hear.) Now, ns his noble friend al ready said, would it be right for them to send a diplomatic agent to Rome to appear with cap in hand before the Pope, with .a view of inducing him to withdraw a brief, whkh they were told by Roman catholic members could not be withdrawn—(hear, hear)—hut, if it could be with drawn, they were not, in ease of refusal, to use coercive measures against the Pope. (Hear, hoar.) Throughout the argument there was an overlooking of the inherent distinction between the church of Rome and the various religious denominations referred to. He passed by the three points on which they most essentially differed. The first point was, that the Roman catholic hierarchy pro ceeded from a foreign power, without communica tion with, or the sanction of, the sovereign authority of the realm. The ascend was, that it proceeded from a foreign power which had from its origin down to the present day been charticterixed by a mixture of spiritual and temporal jurisdiction, claiming to be itself the sole judge of the line of separation. (hear, hear.) The last point WSW the claim of universal dominion, generally ad mitted to exist, on the part of the Romish church. (Hear, hear.) He would appeal to any man accustomed to consider the meaning of language whether the papal documents did not involve a claim of tem poral as well a.e spiritual jurisdiction. (Hear, hear. With regard to the objection that this bill would interfere with the free exercise of the Roman catholic reli gion, be would ask hon. gentlemen who thought that ouch would he its operation, whether they could state one single cane in which, before the brief of the Pope, Roman catholics had been debarred the free exercise of their reli gion, and in what way the free exercise of their religion could be restrained after the measure had been pewit ? If the opinion quoted by the hon. and learned member for Dundalk was correct it would apply to the 24th section of the Relief Act, and not to the present bill ; and the pre lates of Ireland would be little indebted to him for the dis covery. (Divide.) lie should only further allude to the insinuation that the excitement in England was only one of rival churches, and that the bill had been conceded to placate a few titled meted:astir,. He denied the insinua tion, but the return of petitions on the table rendered any denial on his part unnecessary. (Divide.) The feeling was an English feeling, and was the same which our fore fathers had exhibited, when in all ages they had sedulously set themselves to provide harriers against the temporal power and aggreseions of the papacy. (The cries for a division became here so vociferous as to render the right hon. baronet almost inaudible.) lie was understood to say that what he asked the house was to place the brand of il legality on those territorial titles which, once conceded, would he used by the Pope for ulterior purposes. If they rejected his proposal, they might initiate a religious war throughout the country, and an universal demand fur mea sures more stringent than any that were at present contem plated. By passing the bill, they would allay the present excitement, and, as lie believed, provide the best security for what they all prised—the principles of civil and religious liberty. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY rose to address the house, under the impression that he had a right to reply, but wee called to order by the Speaker. Mr. S. HERBERT denied any knowledge of the docu ments quoted by the right hon. baronet the Secretary for the Home Department. (A scene of considerable uproar here ensued, and cries of " Hatchell " resounded from all parts of the house, accompanied by much laughter.) Mr. P. HOWARD protected against the assumption that the Roman Catholics claimed any temporal power in the establishment of a hierarchy. Re also protested against the attempt to brand one-third of her Majesty's subjects. Sir 0. UREY explained that he hail merely asked the house to places brand of illegality on the recently assumed titles. Strangers were ordered to withdraw. The house di vided. The numbers were— For the second reading 438 For the amendment The announcement of the numbers was hailed with load cheers. The bill was then read a second time. Lord J. RUSSELL said that on Monday he would fix • day fur going into committee. Mr. ROCHE said it was important that there should be a full attendance of Irish members on the committee. Lord J. RUSSELL said he would not appoint a day for the committee before a fortnight titter the Easter recess. (Hear.) The committee was then appointed, pro forma, for Mon day next. Mr. HUME asked when the budget would he brought on. Lord J. RUSSELL proposed to take the army estimates on Friday, when he would say when the budget would be proposed. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice to the government that, although he had voted for the ' , mond reading, he should move m committee certain ieringent clatters. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL said that atter the lengthened de bate they had had on the second reading of the bill, and the late hour at which they were then sitting, he supposed it might be agreeable to hon. metabers, as only one matter wan to come on to-morrow, that the house should adjourn to Thursday. (Cheers.) The routine business having been disposed of, the house adjourued at a quarter past three o'clock until Thursday. THE CONTRIBUTION MAT WILL WIN THE PRIZE. — It is rumoured that government intends sending to the Crystal Palace copies M all the measures that have been passed this year, as its contribution to the World's Exhibi tion of Industry !—l'unch. CHILI AND RECIPROCITT.—WO read in the Val paroiso Neighbour of the 17th of January This govern ment, by a note from the Freach Charge d' Affaires, ' being informed that, after the tat of January, the French government will admit Chilian vessels direct with Chilian produce, to enter the ports of France on the same footing with French vessels, finds itself at liberty to grant equal exemptions to vesaels of France direct, and with French products, entering ports of Chili." THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 26, 1851. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. . . HOUSE OF COMMONS. ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES ASSUMPTION' BILL. Ord, re• 0, f. sr refund:it a Joon.' debate oa amendment to sloes. lien (ISM Moreno ° That the bill be now read • seenod time s" and which anaindment wee, to leave nut the word "now," and at the sad of the question to add the words "urn Oda day Mx anonthe.” Question &gals rroposed, "'that the word 'now 1 stand part of the goatlike." Debate resumed; questioa put. lire boos* divided, Ay's, 4:8 ; Noes, S.). AYE& Ably. Fir Therms N. Etteowt. Jae. B. B. Milner, W. If E. Acland Sir Thos. D. Swann, Earl of Milne., Ri-hai .1 M. Adair, Thigh E. Sean-, sir De Lacy Milton, Visegant Adair, K. A. 8. Evan., John birchen, mesas A. Adderley, Charles B. hoses, Wiliam Moffatt, George Akio*, roomas Evelyn, William J. Morgan, Odavitis Anson, Viscount Ewart, William Misruson, Sir William A 01.11), Hon. Colonel Farnham, Edward B. Morris. Divid Arbuthnot; Hon. 11. Fatter, J.smell Mortyn, lion. E. M. Arebdall Captain Al. Fellowee, Edward Malgrave, Earl of Arkwright, George Fergus, John Mullings, Joseph R. Ashley, Lord Ferguson., Sir Kobt.A. Mundy, Willl4ol Bogy, William Vilma. bit':. blunts, George F. Bailor, Hoe. William litsPatriek, Kt lin. Neck; John Basilian, John Fitzroy, lion. Ilenry Neetd, Joseph HaPey, Joseph lisawilliani, l ln.G.W. Needegate. C. N. Bailin', 11. J. Foley, John U. IL Noe', lion. Gerard J. Baines, Kt. ilos. M. Probes, William Ogle, s. C. 11. Baird, James Fordyce, Al. s. D. Ord. William Ilokkak, Edward U. reenter, Hun. Lk C. haul-ton, Lord Baldwin, Charls• it. Eons.; Matthew °win, Mr John Mdica, 1 eorge Freestun, Colonel Parte, Charles W. Bating, Henry IL Frewen, Charles H. lhoret, Lord A. luring, Ht. Hon. F. Filler, Augustus F.. Paget, Lord C. Baring, Thomas GeiweY. Sir W. P. Pallegton, Sir John learnard, Edward G. Galway, Virceant Palmer, Robert Barrington. Viscount 0A4.1111,, James M. Palmerston, Vied. Barrow, Wiliam Li. Gilpin, Rican dT. Parker, John Baas, Michael I. Glyn. George C. Patten, John W. natesna, Thomas Goddard, Ambrose L. Peel, our Robert Beckett, William Gooch, Edward A. Peel, Colonel Beth Jacob G .rdon. Admiral Pelham, lion. D. A. Lienhow, John Gore, W. G. Pennant. Ron. Col. Bennet, Philip Gore, W. 11. 0. Perfect, Robert Knees rd, William Goolborn, itt. Ifs. IL PG°, Samuel M. Berkeley, Admiral Granby, Marquis of Pion; Sir Robert Berkeley, lion. 11. P. Greariall, Gilbert Pigott, Francis Herkeity, Hun. G. I'. Greene, Ibomas Plovrden, William 11. B:rheley, C. L.G. Omni, 11, Charles W. Plume's's', John P. Bernal, Ralph Grey. Kt. Ito. Sir G. Possleit, Lord W. Bernard, Viscount Grey, Ralph W. Prlge, Sir Robert Birth, sir 'l. B. Grogan, ialward Pr nsep, Henry T. Biackstone, W. 8. Grosvenor, Lori R. Pugh, David Blair, Siephen Gurrnary, Lord Rondo°, Colonel Blakernore, K. Guest, Fir John lick; Col. niandlord, kiarquisof Gwen, Howell itendlesliam, Lord Bolder°, Henry G. Han, natant B. Keaton, John C. Booker, Thome W. 1141f°, d, Sir Ilonry Itephoi, G. W. J. Booth, Sir Rob , Fit:. Ilan, Sir Beniatu.n Bicento, John L. Bowles, Admiral Hall, Col. Ricardo, Osmond Bnyie, lion. Cot. Hollyburton, Ld. J.P. Rich, Edward K. Bramaton, ThomasW. Ilaniinon, George A. Rico, henry liremeidge, Richard Hamilton, J. liana Richards, hicharil Bitsco, Musgrave ILoniitem, Lord Claud liots.rtes, 1 bonus J. liroedley, Henry ilanmer, Sir John Homily. Col. lireadswood, Henry Ilureourt, George G. Moonily, sir John larockleburet, John llankastle, Joseph A. Kollin; franca Brockman,lBlward D. Harris, lion. Capt. Ramtauld, Charles E. 'Hooke, Sir Arthur IL limns, Richard Ituabout, taut. lirothertim, Joseph Make, Ales:meet Russell, Lord John brown Humph. Italie, Archibald Rumen, Iln. Edw. 8. Bruce, C. L. C. Hatchet; it. lion. J. Ito sell, Y. C. 11. Bruen, Colonel Hawes, Benjamin tkindam, George Buck. Lewis W. Hawes, Sir Edmund Sandals, Joseph nulkeley, sir K. R.W. Ileatilion, Thomas E. Scott, lion. Francis Miller, sir John Y. Heald, Janes &rope, George P. Bunbury, us idiom Al. Ileathocut, John ticaham, Viscount Bumf:wry, Edward U. iloneage, G. li. W. Boymer, Henry K. Burghley, Lord ileneage, Edward Seymour, lord Burroughes, Henry 11. Herdey, Jneeph W. nhafto, Robert D. lioskila, lik Winn berrhs, Rt. iron. J.C. Sheridan, N. C. Bunton, Sir Farad. N. Hervey, Lord Alfred &Wool., C hotel Callan; Reel. B. Heywood, James Sidney, Mr. AM. Calvert. En derick ilildyard, Rola:et C. Stoney, Robert A. Campbell. lion. W. F. Ilitilyard, Tit e. B. T. Smith, John O. Hare.; WI liana U.l'. Handley, Charles smith, M. Tucker Carter, John B. !lodge*, Thomas L. Smyth, Jahn U. Meld, James M. Hodges, T. T. &collet; A:exander Hon. C. C. li down, 'William N. B .merest, Cap Lin lion. G.U. Notion.; Robert Somerville, Sir W. AL _.....005h, W. AL Dope, Henry I'. hotheron, Thos. li. S. Coyley, Worms! S. H ruby, John Sponer, Mauna Chaadoe, Marquis of Mittman, Edward Staff ird, Augustus Chaplin, William J. Hokum, Lord btanforn, John F. Chichester, bard J. L. Howard, lion. C. W. Stanley, Ede and Child, Smith Howard, lion. E. el. Sooner, lion. E. If. Childers, John W. Mosso; (kora. Sttnattel i, W. S. C. Christopher, It. A. liumplierv, Mr. Ald. Mammy William 11. Cherry, Samuel Ingis, Sir . K. 11. Staunton, Sir tiro. T. Clay James Jackron, William Stephenson, Robert Cray, Sir William Jenny n, FYI Stuart, Lord James Clerk, itt. Hon. S 1. G. Jocelyn, Viscount Stuart, I leery Cliff rd, Henry N. Johstotr, sir John Stunt, John Clive, lion. it. It. Jolliffe, Sir W. G. 11. blurt, Henry G. Clive Henry B. Jones, Capt. Sutton, John 11. M. J Cobb:ild, John C. Ker, Richard Thetis/et . , sir V. Cochrane, Aim D. Kershaw, James Thieknowee, Ralph A. ' Goal, ire, Sir Alex. J. King, lion. P. J. L. Thompson, Colonel Cocks, 'ilium. S. Kuightley, air Chas. Thompson, Mr. Aid. Cole, Ilon. llenry A. Knoz,. o a l . 'f hurneley, Thomas I Coles, Henr) B. Knox, lion. W. 8. Tollemache, John Collins, William Laboucbere, Hon. 11. Townley, iketited G. Compton. Henry C. Lacy, Remy C. Towtishend, Captain Conolly, Thomas Langston, Jomes H. Traill, George j Copeland, Mr. Ald. lowa, s, lion. W.B. Trevor, lion. G. Mee (lorry, lion. Henry L. looney, lion. it. it. Trollope Sir John I Cotton, Hon. W'.11. 8. Lurk, George C. Tufuell;ttk lion. H. Cowan, Charles L. mon, Sir Chu. Turner, George J. Cowpox, lion. W. F. Leonard, mien.. B. Tyler, Sir George I Craig, Mr William°. Lennox, Lord A. 0. Tynte, Doh C. J. IL Cubit., William Lemnos, Lord 11. 0. Tavel; Kir John T. Clateil., Herbert M. Lewis Rt. Iln. Mr T. Verner, Sir 0% llama Dalrymple, Captain Lewis, GeorgeC. Verney &r &r Harry Gamer, lion. Co cool Lewisham, Viscount Yew!, Sam. T. Dostnrod, sir Om. Lindray, llon. Cul. Villiers, Viscount Davies, David A. b. Littleton, Hon. E. R. Alain", Iln. Charles Deeded Wiliam LA. IlthAt, Alan E. lyre, Ito tinted Denison, Edmund Lockhart, William Waddington, David D'Eyncoutkittiln.C. Long, Walter Waratington, 11.8. !hostel; Benjamin Lopes, Sir Ralph Wokley, 'Mna Mont, ' , Alward LAvell'A, Pry.) Walpole, Siemer 11. D el, John W. Lowther, lion. Col. Waler, John Dodd, George Lowther, Uenry Watkins, Colonel Damilss, Sir C. E. Lyvon, lion Gen. Wawn, John T. I Damao. Maiqam of Mackenzie, W. F. Wellesley, bad C. 1 Drumlaciris, Viscount Mackie, John M'eat , Frederic& It . ' Drummond, Henry, Palleition.n, Wm. A. Wrethead. J. P. B. Duckworth, SirJ.T.II. Meniaughten, sir E. %Vagrant, Loftus T. Duke, Sir James M'Gregor, John Williams, John Duncan, Vocettot M'lugeort, Sir John Williams, William Duncan, (horse Mali n, Vise oat Williamson, Mr 11. Durnombe, Hon. A. Moods:vine, Viscount Wriloughby, Sir IL Duncombe, lion. 0. Shingles, Koss IL Wilson, James Uwicult, John Moneys, lord C. S. Warm; Mathew Duero, Admiral Mannura,Lord O. prim Wotichousts Edmund Dural., George Mooney.. Lord John W. od, Kt. lion. Sire. Minder, Kt.lin. Sir D. North, Earl of Wood, k% illiam F. Da Pre, C. 0. Marshall, James 0. Worcester, Marqulsot East, Sir James B. Marshall, Wildam Wortley, Kt. 110. J. S. Etnington, Viscount Martin, C. Wy kehate AVylil, JamPll Eduardo, Geary Magterman. John Wynn, Itertert WAV. Egerton, W. Tattoo Matheson, Alexander Wynn, sir W. W. Ellice, Kt. 11011 1.. Matheson, Sir James Wyvill, Marmaduke Ellie., Edward Matheson, Colonel Yorke, Hon. E. T. Elliott, Ilse. J. E. Maxwell, lion. J. P. TALLOW. Enilyn, Viscount Meux, Sir Henry IFS ter, Rt. IIa.W.G. Enfield, Viscount Mies, Philip W. S. Hill, Lord Marcus BOSS. 611Ven , 1! Anetey, Thomas C. Greene, John Osborne. Ralph Armstrong. Sr A. Henry, Aleionder Palmer, Rolm&II Armstrong, Robert IL Holier:, Henry A. reetiell, Sir OIL lisinm, Mr Henry W. Herbert, Rt. lion. S. Peel, Frederick Blake, Martin J. Hayworth, Lawrenoe Portal, hieleille Biewitt, Reginald J. Minim, George G.O. Power, W. Bright, John Iluboomse, Thomas B. Power, Nicholas Burke, Sir Thomas 110,e, Alexander Roche, Edmund B. Butt's . , Ilene S. Howard, Philip H. Sadleir, John Cardwell, Edward Home, Joseph Milli field, William Caatiereagh, VS.:mint Hutchins Edward J. Scaly, Francis Chatter*, HV. Keating. Robot Seymour, John D. Clemente, li on C. B. Kiosk, William Simeon, John Colebrook', Sir T. E. Kildare, Margolin( Smith, John B. Clorb Illy, M. E. Lava's., Hun. C. Smythe, lien. 0. Crawford, W. S. )I•Cullagh, W. T. Foment, John P. Currie, Henry Hagan, to 'Mom 11. Strickland, Sir G(0. Currie, Balkh Mater. Nicholas V. Sulliean, Michael Dawson, line T. V. Meagher, Thomas Talbot, John H. Deseretm, John T. Mahon, The O . G. Toncred, Henry W. Rills, John Morrell, William Tenniaaq Edward K. Fagan, Win= Moore, George H. Tollerne, Ham F. Fagan, James Mowoit, Francis Townel"y, John Forewent, Chichester More, Colonel Urquhart, David Fox, Richard M. Norreya, Lord Vane, Lord harry Fox, William J. Nugent, Sir Percy Wall, Charles B. French, Filmtephen O'Brien, J. Walmesley, Sir J. Chiron, Rt. Iln. T. M. O'Brien, Sir Timothy Vega Fromm, F. R. Gladstone, llon.W.E. O'Counea, John Toting, thr John Geoid, Wyndham O'Connell, Maurice TIM KM Grace, Oliver U. J. O'Connell, Morgan J. Arundel and Murry, Graham,Rtlln.ilirCi. O'Connor, reargue Earl of Gratin; Henry O`Flaherty, Anthony Reynold/1, John BOILER EXPLOSION AT MANCHESTER.—Yesterday afternoon aboiler burst in ltiga-street, 'Manchester, causing, it is feared, a great loss of life. The building was a factory belonging to Mr. Hardman, and rented by Mr. C. William son, who sub-let it, with steam-power supplied by a 30-horse boiler working a 2-i-horse power steam-engine. The tenants were the owners of a saw-mill in the lower story, employing twenty hands; a wood turner, named Leicester, occupied the second story, employing twenty men and boys; and an engraver to calico-printers, named James Molloy, occupied the third story, with six men and two boys. The upper story, which had been used for cleaning waste cotton, is believed to have been unoccupied at the time. The boiler burst about 3 o'clock yesterday afternoon, en tirely destroying the building, and at the time our reporter wrote (5 o'clock) the neighbourhood was a scene of too much alarm and confusion to enable him to get any very connected account of what had been done towards rescuing the workpcople. One man had been taken out dead; the people employed in searching the ruins had just discovered a second man, frightfully mutilated and apparently dead, but some heavy beams, entangled in masonry, had pre vented them up to that time from removing him. tour persons had been carried to the Royal Infirmary badly wounded, and two of them it was feared would hardly survive. A boy had a leg fractured. Mr., Molloy was one of the first persons liberated from the ruin., and he had a cut across the nose, and several severe bruises, but was able to take part afterwards in directing the work -1 men in removing the brickwork and timber to relieve the ' sufferers underneath. It was not known how many people ' might be still buried in the ruins. The engine-driver escaped, and was seen to creep out of a part of the lower story of the building which had not been destroyed, through a window, shortly after the explosion. The boiler Iwas on the high pressure principle, and at the time it burst the engine had been stopped to repair a strap. CORPORATION FOR RELIEF OF SEAMEN IN THE MERCHANT SEnviez.—Yesterday the usual quarterly ge neral court of this institution was held at the office in' Birchin-lane • Mr. George Lindsay in the chair. The minutes of the last general court having been read and con firmed, 9 .near iva beforeitOtmhoca:mdfwit member, ht:hu:er adjourned. court. Receiver. of an account of the receipts and expenditure to 31st' ' g, m an ow w .hoa u d ynß :tdKhr laid inEe ni. sa . c court December, 1850 dues fur the out-ports of Carnarvon , Ballina, and Coleraine I lT i i wereacrest t d T i 1 appointed,l n h o. E tf h ob C e nu W L ic building d L i II : YfoedhufasTiO.oftioeri C olerainer offered N uli to nas g give e a.. : .:I d f for the erection of the proposed " Magee College " and also endowment. ne Court. The Queen and Prince Albert left Osborne at a quarter before two o'clock yesterday afternoon, accompanied by the Prince of Wakv, Prince Alfred, Prince Arthur, the I'rineess Royal, Princess Alice, Princess Helena, and the Princess Louisa, and attended by the Marchioness of Douro, Hon. Amelia Murray, Colonel lion. Charles Grey, Captain Hon. Joseph Bemoan, R.N., Colonel Bouverie, and Mr. Birch. The august party embarked at Cowes, on the Fairy royal steam yacht, commanded by Lord Adolphus Fits clarence and crossed to Gosport. A special train conveyed her Majesty and the Prince with the royal suite to town. On arriving at the Nine Elms station the august party en tered five of the royal carriages and proceeded to Bucking ham Palace, escorted by a detachment of Lancers. Iler Majesty and Prince Albert arrived at Buckingham Palace at half-past five o'clock, and were received by the Viscoun tess Canning, the Hon. Lucy Kerr, the Master of the Horse, the Lord Chamberlain, Lord George Lennox, the Muster of the Household, Lord Alfred Paget, and Lieut.-Colonel Francis Seymour. The Attorney-General had an interview with Lord John Russell yesterday, at his official residence in Downing street. Mr. Sheriff Hodgkinson had an interview with Sir George Grey, at the Home-office, yesterday. Mr. Littleton had also an interview with the Right Hon. Bart. Mr. Hinds, Solicitor to the Proprietor of Worsbro' Dale Powder Works, transacted business with the Railway Com missioners on Monday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The Rev. J. J. Freeman and Sir Edward Buxton, had an interview yesterday with Earl Grey, at the Colonial office. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Reve nue, and Mr. Pressly, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his officio' residence in Downing-street. Mr. J. A. St. John had an interview yesterday with Earl Grey. The Oxford University Commission met yesterday at the official residence of the 1 first Lord of the Treasut7, Downing street. Present: The Bishop of Norwich, the Dean of Car lisle, the Master of Pembroke, the Rev. H. G Liddell, J. L. Dampier, Esq., the Rev. Professor Powell, and the Rev. A. P. Stanley (Secretary). Despatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office from the Governors of the West India Islands. Despatches were also received from the Governor of Van Diemen's Land, and from the Governor of Gibraltar. EARLY CLOSING ASSOCIATION. The EIGHTH ANNUAL MM.:TING will t•ke 1111 C, at Ws Frew T 1131.11 9. 11111, Grist (Wien-street, 10.)101tIlOW (1lonk:ay) EVENtsr; PI I 4 del•.ck.. _ R. MONCKTON 3111.3.R.e. bq., MX. • will pregide, and the 'wain., am ter • Mewed by Wm. hwart, , Paq.. M.P., Rev. Ilea:) , Lev. m. Dr. W. V. Pettigrew, and ,oLer atee • ...oat, m came. The .ttenda.eo of Lbe friends ot young MA and prat W 1171,11 1.. aragreiy Invited. Ladies arriving earl •el be nrevided r i teat& 7lek^u will rat be rrentred. Ikerivi Ihe 3. Otlima, 32, Ludgate-SW. JOHN LELWALL, Secretary. eke v.rarrrOgi. TO CORRESPONDENTS. drettineenenta Intended for "The Marrero," London Corning paper, mow be at the °Moe, tr, bourerse4troet, by Two .irlook on the day of publication. MGR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TIM LlAT—llormsw, IC 45p. Alt. rum , . fn. 29m. 10-mosaow—lloraung,lL I:is Aqt a no . a, lob. Aga. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26. AFTER a fortnight's hearing of the opinion of par ties relative to the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill, the House of Commons have decided by 438 votes against 93 that it will proceed with the mea sure. 'That there exists a majority for strengthening the bill, at least as far as regards England, and for rendering it, as the Leeds Mercury justly observes, self-executory, there cannot be a doubt. And that there is also a general desire to exempt Ireland, if it can be done, without giving a triumph to Rome, is also very manifest. And yet the bill would not affect any of the present Rouiau Catholic Bishops in Ireland, Knee one. One of the great difficulties in the debate, as well as in dealing with the question , is certainly the habit in which political parties have been of humouring and flattering the Irish Roman catholics, instead of meeting them in the manly and open language of frankness and honest respect. Ihe language of Peelites, whigs, and even radicals, has so long been that of cajolery and compliment, that instead of being able to meet the Irish intelligent Roman catholic face to face, and telling him what is objec tionable and dangerous in his church, government, and religious tendencies, this duty has been so shrunk from and blinked, that the language,when necessarily resorted to, has all the air of insult. The whigs have now been reduced to the necessity of speaking thus openly to the Roman eatholies, of objecting to the consequences of their Roman allegiance and Austrian connexion, and to they prin ciple of rendering all political considerations subor dinate to the desires or the honours of their priest hood. The necessity of stating these objections, of acting upon them, and making them nutters of legis lation, has fallen on the whip ; whilst the onus and the obloquy are rejected by - the Peelites, who, with Sir JAMES GRAHAM, continue their old cajolery to the Irish Roman catholics, in the vain, the idle, and interested hope of swelling a party. It is this attitude of the Peelites which has given inveteracy to the debate, and difficulty to the question. In truth the measure is tatting in itself, though important as a symbol. But the scope end reach of its netted penalties are so small that it is really not worth discussing, and would not have been seriously disputed had not the friends of the late Sir ROBERT PEEL made a mountain of the molehill, and taken their party stand upon it, for the mere p of showing how much more liberal and tolerant they were than the whip. And yet such an appeal as this to the dissenters, and to the liberal religionists, however adroitly made by such loose and leading fishes of the party, as Sir J. Gtiumm, is the most profound of hypocrisies,coming from a band of politicians the ablest of whom entertain notions of religion and of ecclesiastical government, the most opposite of tolerance, of voluntaryism, and of free thoughtcdness. National popery, a worship to en thral the senses, and a doctrine to exclude the ma soning faculty, a government of the state by profes sional politicians, and of the religious mind and church by professional priests—these are the doc trines of the Young Peclites ; and from those natu ' rally How respect, affection, and sympathy for Rome. The most crafty and able of these papistical wolves in protestant sheep's clothing, is undoubtedly Mr. GLAnstosE. Ile commenced his speech last night by admitting that the church of England was in serious peril. The peril was not, in Mr. GLAD.. STONE'S opinion, aught that temporal legislation could cure. From this we can only infer that Mr. GLAD STONE wishes to re-establish convocation, and restore synodal action to the church of England, whilst ho allows it to the church of Rome in England. We must say that this scheme is the most extraordinary one for allaying religious excitement that we have yet heard. We can perfectly understand the American system, which declares the state indifferent to religion and a stranger to it, after having first passed education laws, nortmain laws for personal and real property, and taken every guarantee that can be required against Rome. We can conceive the Americans caring little for Roman catholic titles or synodal action. But in England, to uphold a state church, and then encourage rival churches to jostle and pelt at it, is not possible. The pro testant established church must be either pro tected, or abolished as a state church. As to the protestant church in Ireland, Mr. GLADsroxt: aban dons it, by alleging, with his friend Sir Joust Yousto, that it is such a ricketty concern that the least quarrel with or provocation to the Roman eatholics of that country would give them the pre text, which they want, in addition to the power, which they have, to destroy it. For our part, we had always hoped, and do hope still, that a fair accord may be come to between pro testants and catholics, that the limits between them may be fixed, and the rules laid down, as they are in all countries of mixed religion, how far each may assume and claim authority. Rut this must bo done by law and by parliament—by that temporal legislation, in fact, which Mr. 01,ADsvoNr. depre cates, and without which the Roman catholics will go on assuming, and the protestants resenting, until we awake in the midst of civil war, and that whilst politicians are preaching a peace and a tolerance, in comprehensible to any save themselves. Mr. GLADSTONE says, that to forbid a Roman catholic to style himself Archbishop of Canterbury is an interference with spiritual authority. This ho would not do for the world. But the thrhidding Ro man catholic prelates or churches from inheriting property, that may be done, according to Mr. GLAD STONE, without infringing spiritual liberty. It is a temporal concern. Now this is a mere quibble, for we will be bound to say that more serious perse cution could be exercised against the Roman catho ! lies, and far more serious discontent excited amongst them by following out this principle of Mr. GLAD STONE, than in observing that delicacy of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who inflicts the lenient inhibition to assume territorial titles. Although we have slight respect for those pro fessional politicians, who, though calling themselves tories, affect to pooh pooh the bill as inefficient, and at the same time denounce it as persecution, it is with fear and reluctance we differ from such liberals as Mr. HUME, in whose regret for the waking up of such a question We fully concur. But we think Mr. IlustEdeeidedly wrong in throwing upon government or upon the whig party the blame of having excited this religious feud. The very panciple of the whigs is to keep out of such scrapes; their very instinct prompts them to do nothing in such matters, and we are confident that if Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought ho could with safety and in honour have done nothing, he would infinitely have preferred that course. But unfortunately Cardinal WISEMAN and the POPE left him no choice. What this pair of worthies have dared and have done, may appear of very little importance to those, unactuated by strong religious feelinp, or by principles of liberty which are bound up with these religious feelings, such as English liberalism has always been. These ffirm the very pulse of the nation, and to suppose that it would not, or to say that it did not, heat with in dignation at the appointment of a cardinal to go vern our counties, is Merely to shut one's eyes and ignore the age. Considering that the cause of all this exeitemel . Y.t and offence came from the Rom an catholic party in far from being denounced oicak'rtdmhisaociroin•estired,ellimitndAge7cothatokt,weidn enn ue an d abetted a t be th tt c ed pr li n y ci t p h l o e of the present bill already existed-in the Lot of 1829, which was accepted with gratitutieby Vac Lisheatho press; consideringhowmild and to t the government had shown itself in sanctioning cat and national encroac hments on the part of oatholice on ~'\`, ' '~k P.' ----