The Express. — London, England, 1847-04-15 00:00:00

of one of the regular order". No one could hare achieved a greater moral reformation than he had. Dr. Doyle was an Aneustinian friar ; . and, if the name of the op at of tem p -rare-o was property appropriated to Father Mathew', Or. 1) ,sii i i had • claim to the title of the peer m en's evengeliser. He was the man that insisted that the Irish peasant had as rod a right to his life as the alkaloid had to his iodate. He misted that poverty bad its privileges. Under thin hew, however, Dr. Doyle might have been transported to Visa Diemen's Land sr New SJUilt Wales. Then the question arose whether such a law as this should stand, and, it it wu to stand, for what purpose. They prohibited tee Jesuits in this country ; but it was their fears that induced them to do so. He knew that, ewer since the popish plot, they had regarded the Jesuits with feelines of alarm; bat they ought to be afraid of their own fears. His own impression was, that the charges which were preferred against them were in the main adenine," and he firmly believed that their virtues prevailed over their fault., and against the instance of any one of them whose principles might be looked upon as corrupt might he produced the example of the great Kesler. Let the right honourable gentleman the member for the Uni versity of Oxford enter the picture gallery in the Jesuits College in Horne, and though he may perchance beheld some faces with the wile of the statesman too deeply engraves, yet he would re many open foreheads witk the red ban, the symbol of martyrdom, gloriously and emblematically at tached. (Cheers.) The Jesuits of Ireland were free from blame. What had been their offences? 'they had estah lished a college at Clongower, where the best literature MIA taught in the beet way. They had an establishment of a similar description in Ireland 111.10. They had erected • magnificent church in Dublin, and in that church one may bear good music and good preaching, and may see the cere monies of the Roman Catholic church performed in • man ner becoming their dignity. (Hear.) 'these were their crimes. He begged leave to ask them for a Lingle instance of one Jesuit having interfered with politics for the hot 30 years, during which period Ireland had been constantly agi tated by political questions. lie would adt them to show him one political speech or tract published by a Jesuit in Ireland during that time. He himeolf never saw a Jesuit at the Catholic Association ; and he was assured that no Jesuit attended at any one of the monster meetings. (Hear.) These were facts, the truth of which sus evident, and against which the hon. member for Kent brought forward a book, the name of the author of which he did not know. Ile (Mr. Seel!) drew the attention of the house to facts which were notorious and indisputable, and he 'eked them whether with , these before them they should allow the law to stand se WI is—rendering liable to transportation persons who entered • religions society against which they had no just ground of aecusation. Would the hon. gentleman, the member he Birmingham, advise the Attorney and Selicitor-Generes Is pro-ecute such individuals, and have them arraigned beim the Irish Chief Justice, who was, himself, a Reiman Cathelie ? Why should they adhere to the continuance of such • law on the statute book ? Why should they allow their intolerance to show its teeth, when the teeth wan too loose to bite ? (Cheers.) If these laws Mae shown to be inoperative, why not repeal them 1 He did not doubt that the Dominicans and nap sheens laughed at the law, and he war sure that the Jesuits smiled, but the Catholic community, whose feel ings ...ere involved in this question. considered themselves insulted. The brand which they attempted to strike at the religious orders singed the Catholic community. Some hon. gentlemen spoke about petitions presented from parts of England spinet the abrogation of this law ; but he should like to know what were the number of signatures attacked to them. He observed that not • simile hon. member who presented a petition of the kind dated the number of signs tun.a to it. The hon. member fur Knareshorough presented a number of petitions, but the whole of them he could compress in his hand. It the truth were koown perhaps there were not more then fire or six names attached to each. Did the people of England imagine that they de rived any security from these laws? No. They knew that by the act of Catholic emancipation they tuna'. reed the rotten boroughs of Ireland to popular interest. After rate, blishing Maynooth and recognising the It anon Catholic bishop+, the people of this country knew full well that they were to derive no benefit from the laws which now remain, and they do not vomiter that the security of the country will be promoted by the des fatnation of the Roman Catholics. He wished to suggest to the here and learned member for Kinsale the propr ety at intvelueine a clause. The Irish Lord Chancellor must at present be a protestant; the Lord Lieutenant of Intend must alto he a protestant ; but that mar Cr necessitate to right. It may be right that the Irish Secretary shimld be a protestant also, though it was not stated in the act of podia: ment that he should be so. It may be said also, with scene , ground*, that no Roman Catholic should be admitted into the cabinet; hut why was it that no Roman Catholic btr rioter, no matter how high he may be in his profession, can be made Lord Chancellor of Ireland if he bo a Roman Ca tholic ? The Attemey•General for Ireland may he a Rowan Catholic. Chief Baron Pipit, who tilled that office, was • Roman Catholic, and so were Sir M. O'Leghlin and Chief Justice Ball. His hon. friend the member ea Galway, who was now the Solicitor-General for Ireland, though known to be the highest gentleman in his pruforioe, could not at any period he made Lord Chancellor, being a Catholic. The Chief Justice may be a Roman Catholic, though be could sit at • state trial in which church property may he involved; and it was rather anomalous that the Lord Chancellor, who had nothing to do with the church, should be a Protestant An alteration in this particular might he made with the most perfect safety, anti be suggested to his hon. friend (Mr. Watson) the consideration of the matter. It might be raid that the Lord Chancellor had the appointment of mania testes in Ireland, hut that was no reason why he should not hr a Roman Catholic. Mr. FINCH made a few observation+, which were under stood to be in opposition to the principle of the bill, and were scarcely audible in the gallery, in consequence of the noise in the house. Lard J. MANNERS did not think it right to insist on putting down the doctrines of the Roman Catholic religion by pains and penalties. Ile should held this opinion if they were intended to be put in force ; but when it was admitted that they were inoperative, he was at a 1,M4 to understand why so realoue a fight was made to retain such ageless scare crews. His hon. friend had quoted Switzerland man ex+ ample of the evil consequences of tolerating the Jesuits, but it was an unfortunate allusion, inasmuch, 11l whiiet the Je sui.s were tolerated in some of the cantons, they were put down in others, and the spirit of animosity thus engendered gave rise to the consequences spoken of. He had also said that M. °Meat and nth. r philosophical statesmen of France had found the necessity of putting down the Jesuits in that country. He believed, however, if the English Protestant public knew the general te. diary of these men's opinions they would hesitate before they joined the hon member for the university of Oxford (Sir R. IL Inglis) in his opposition to the Church of Rome. When his hoe. friend called upon the dissenters to oppose the bill, be would venture to remind them that the hon. gentleman was as groat an opponent of their claims as of the hill be fore the house. The bon. member for Birmingham (Mr. Spooner) had read a passage from a Catholic author, and asked the house to reject the bill because they could not reconcile such passage with the Protestant religion ; why, it was idle to deny that differences of opinion existed between the professors of the two religion.; and when the hot. mem ber talked of the necessity of adhering to the settlement of 1829, he (Lord J. Manners) wanted to know why the safe guards of which he spoke had never been pat in forte? The legal advises of her Majesty would, if called upon. refuse to put those laws, which were called Voi safe-guards or motes tsntisot and the constitutioa, into force ; an I he wanted to know how such obsolete pe nalties could be considered rah guards of the throne and constitution ? (Heel., hear.) It was ridiculotts to see the advocates of proteetention taking their stand on such pettifogging pains, penalties, and disthili ties. He could not understand such a defence of our church and state; and if we were to maintain this system of legiala. tion we must give up our character for practical sincerity and good settee. After the attacks which had been made upon the jesuits and other different order" of the Church of Rome, he thought those who believed they were doing great good in the work of education and charity would do no less than heir testimony in their behalf. Dr. C. Wordsworth in giving an account .if the Christian brothers of Paris had stated, that not tone of the youths educated by them had taken part in the insurrectioe—(bear, hear)—and he (Lord J. Manners) had seen, both in Limerick and Cork, the excel lent system of education adopted by the Christian brothers. He believed that a strong cane hal been mode nut for going into& committee on the bill; and he would not detain the house longer, but he could not help advering to the efforts which had been used to stir up what wait called the protestant feeling of the country against this hill. The documents which had been circulated were most inaccurate. He had thee day presented a petition from Melton Mowbray against the bill, and having previously seen it in the papers, he could sac, that two-thirds of the allegations in the prayer of that petition were unfounded, and the result of incorrect state ments which had alarmed the petitioners. Various means, not very creditable, had been resorted to in order to excite .what the hon. member for Birmingham called the great pro testant (reticle of the country ; but he believed the Church of England might rest far more securely in the affections of the people—in the power she possessed to meet ell the require ments of the toiling and industrious population—in the purity of her doctrines, and in the integrity of her ministers, than upon any attempt to retain on the stature bank laws which it was impoesible under any circumstances to put into practice. Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the hon. menther for the uniweraity of Oxford had asked the Attortiey-Generd whether the repeal of one of the acts propowd to he re peeled would not hereafter render it unnecessary for the sovereign, on asoindieg the throne, to declue that he would maintain-tee ascendancy of the protestant religion, and the hon. and learned gentleman had not fir. n a reply --that ought to he practiced enough for the noble lord. It war because the Roman Catholic chursh was intolerant that he wouel not piece her on an equal footing with ether sects, who did nut claim the same supremaoy—who did not claim to be superier in all matters. (dlear, hear.) The pope claimed tat have paramount authority in all spiritual matters, and to be the father of the prince a, king*, and rulers of the world—and that authority it was proposed by the bill before the house to admit into competition with that of our own . soweeeign. (Hear, hear.) The pope also claimed to h e t h e .., cede szpunent of the laws of God and the church, such laws I ...seirlemding as they did to temporal matters, ace ...ding to the I ../ ileirefe the couocil of Trent, to whith the chureh of . e adhered. They were embodied and exemplified laz a -.A. law, by which the pope retained the power tit ~..... ~ dominion temporal as well &A spiritual in every 1 t in the world. It was beestue he ( Mr. Newtlegate) as. be lamer that he would not admit such intolerance. •. .hear.) lelsOugh It was said the • there he'd been .10. •t . very little .. of reeling on this subject, but few peti : . limn havicf prosentel. hon. members would hear of it Viii thi peOPle of England had a right to speak at the wain elections, and if the house tamper,' with s settle• • .. , which was regarded as the great security or protest . an 4 the constitution they would either weaken the of the people or make them iodifferent with regard to eiligion. They did cot petition because they had found ltmillate to do so in the case of the Maynootti grant, hut thew was a deep uadar-current of public feeling on this atalosetwltieh would dad expression by-and-bye if the pro ;tielensege Desensitise law of the land. (Hear, hear.) • diem WA ass introduced into another house, clauses effliMt mon ellatmeter as those no. objected to were struck sink UM stating that unless some ulterior 16664111111 IMO ttiywile the Pope would have more autho rity in this oefseet *Ms he ought to have, and he would rem:amend $ maleeediat with the see of It tine, until which the Catholics weedd sot he under due control. (Hear, hear.) When he considered how greatly the measure must endanger everything we revered as protestant& and loyal subjects, he objected to go one step further with the bill. (Hear.) Sir J. EASTHOPE odd that the discussion which had been raised on the bid did not fairly arise front it. The question before the house was not a comparison of the merits ' of the two churches, but whether the laws sought to be re ' pealed were adapted to effect the purpocs fur which they were intended. (Hear, hear.) Were those hon. gentlemen who most strongly advocated the retention of those laws pre. pared to enforce them as a security fur any religion which they th-ought might be endangered ? The noble lord near him (the Etrl of Arundel and Surrey) had said, with that manliness and candour which characterised him, that if they abolished sill distinctions between the churches the result would be the extinction of proteetintisna. The noble lord was entitle/ to maintain that opinion; but he (Sir J. Ea:Aisne) believed, with equal confidence, that the result' ' would be the extinction of the Roman Catholic religion. Holding that opinion, he believed that it was not wise to retain these pains and penalties as fences sod defences of the religion to which he belonged, and which would expel and degrade some of the best subjects of her Majesty. Were thee to be told that in giviag an honest vote on this no- mien, from which they did not think any danger', to the protestant religion could result, they would be made responsible to the people of this country ? If he believed the measure to be dangerous, he would vote sealed it ; but being of opinion that Vie Protestant reflation did not stand in coed of such paltry fences, he should give his vote in favour of it. Mr. °MILBURN said he did not see any reasons, since the last vote he gave respecting the present bill, to induce him to Meer his mind respecting it. Indeed, the more he reflected upon it, the more he was convinced that be took the right course in voting against the bill. The bill di vided ittelf into two parts, and to that part of it which tended to remove the restrictions imposed by the bill of 1829, he was decidedly opposed. A solemn compact had been entered into as to the state in which the Roman Catholic inbabitante of this country were to stand with reap, et to civil and religietet disabilities. Many persons had acquiesced in the bill of 1829, in consequence ut the restric tions retained in it. A solemn contract bad been entered into, and he, who had been a consenting party to it, would not now be a party to the violation of the contract then made. Was there anything united to iuduee them to vary that con tract ? Had any individuals been subject to the pains and Penalties retained ? Nu such thing. They were inoperative. But it was said they ought to be repealed on that ac count. He did nut think that way a just argu ment The power of enforcing these penalties was placed in the hands of the Attorney-General, sail for this reason, — that they should not be rashly inflicte d at the mere will ofboatile individual*. Particular cases had arisen, in which the law was violated, and in which the penalties might be sued for, but the government, exerce-ing a sound discre tion, did not think it wise to enforce them. No danger had arisen in those cases from the violation of the law, hut he thought it right that authority should he t eserved to meet these cases from which danger might pesiibly arise. He did' not think that there was anething unreasonable in retaining some of these restrictions. Vas it desirable, for instance, even on civil ground', to permit Roman Catholic processions in this country ? (Hear, hear). What would be the probable re sult in Edinhurgh, which the right hon. gentleman opposite represented, or to Leith, if they permitted those funeral pro cessions, with banners and crucifixes, which took place in Roman Catholic countries ? He admitted if the thing was to lie done over again, that he would prefer pains and penalties, which could oe easily inflicted, to those wheel stood in the statute bark at precut. They Should not judge of the mo nestle orders from particular individuals. If they car ried their view backward, they would find that these orders had been productive of mischief as well as of good, and that their very eduoition ilisposed them to eel tendencies. He coact:fed he could not see any grounds for going into committee upon the bill, and if he felt any doubt before of the inexpediency of legislating on minute points affecting the situation of Rem= Catholics and Protestants is this country, the present discussion re moved it. There was at present no dirtur oindice nodes, , an e, therefore, he thought it imprudent to inflame on the one side Use Roman Catholics, by telling them that they en dured grievances which they did not feel, and to alarm on the other side the sensitive mind of the Protestants as to the ob ct with which this measure was Introduced. (Hear, hear.) The first thing which the hon. and learned member for Kin. sale dealt with was the act of the be of Elizabeth. What was the use of repealing this statute, since it was declared that the act of supremacy was founded on the common law of the kingdom, and that any person violating it was liable to be punished by the enlighten lair ? The hon. and learned gentleman mu-t, therefore, have introduced it for mere parade. The boo. and learned gentleman next dealt with so much of the 13th and 14th of Charles H.—commonly called the act of uniformity—which imposed penalties for wit tingly and willingly using any other forma( prayer than that in the Book of Common Prayer. This act merely followed upon the act of Edward VI., and the criminal law commissioner* declared that if the latter act were repealed, the penaltiee retained in the act of Charles were iprojacto repealed also, What was the necessity, therefore, in proposing to repeal this act ? The hon. and learned gentleman next dealt with so mach of the 31st Geo. 111. as related to the disceition of pegeosal property for eorkeisstical perpeses. That was a himaive subject, and it might or it might not be ad visable deal with it m a separate subject; but certainly it ought not to be done by a clause in a bill like the present. (Hear, hear.) His disposition to vote whet the bill was not at all lessened by the suggestion thrown out by the only member of the government who spoke upon it, that there were additional offices which ought to be thrown open to Roman Catholics, as that of the Lord Chancellorship of Ir. - land. (Hear, hear.) If that right hon. gentlemen thought the liberal temper of the times favourable to the doing away with the restrictions imposed by the act of 1829, he (Mr. Geolburn) would remind him that a time might come when there would be a disposition not to extend, but to contract, the privileges enjoyed by the Roman Catholics under that act. (Hear, bear.) He would be premeed to join with the tight honourable gentleman in defending these privileges, and to resist any violation of them ; and therefore to overt the danger to the Roman Catholics them selves, which might arise by departing from tke provisions of the Emancipation Act, as well as for the other mamas he had stated, he would support the amendment which had been moved. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. COLLE rr would support the motion of the has. and learned member for.Kinsale, on the ground of alta interference. It was his belief that he who acted hatiaty was in the right road to beaver, whether he was Pratersesat or Roman Catholic, Mehomtnedan or Hiadoo. (Laostadp.) He was a humble member of the Church of Emiland; but he did not think there was any danger from the Church of Rome. He thought there was more danger to be appre hended from the new-fanglcd doctrines attempted to he in troduced by the Bishops of London and Exeter into the Church of England. A house divided against itself could not stand. They had therefore better look for unity in their own church than find fault with the Church of Rome. (Cries of " Divide, divide.") Sir G. GREY said the quoit/on now before the house was precisely the sense as that which had been -dismissed and.. de sided a few weeks ago, when the right.hen. bart. the member for Tamwerth took almost the game view that bad been taken by the right ben. gentleman opposite (Mr. Goulburn)- The right hon. gentleman objected to one part of the bill, and to another part of it he did not seem to entertain any objection. Now the bill was in accordance with the report of the criminal law commissioners, but there were certain parts of it to which he could nut give his &meat as they stood at present. Investing, therefore, for going into committee he was not pledging himself to all the details of the bill. He confessed he did net participate in that complacency with which the noble lord the member for Newark regarded the spread of religious orders in this country. (Hear, hear.) He was undoubtedly in favour of the priaciple of the bill, , and for removing all those pains and penalties affecting his Rotath Catholic fellow-subjects which could be dispensed with without any danger to the protestantisrn or constitution of the kingdom. Ile knew the string feelings that might be raised on this subject, and the language that would be used. It would be said that the measure tended to the sub version of the Protestant religion and the subetituton of the Roman Catholic. (Hear, hear.) He protested against the injustice of any such imputation. (Hear, hear.) He was final; attached to the Protestant religion and to the Pro ' testant interest, and he held that the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century was one of the most valuable events 1 that bad ever occurred. (Hear, bear, hear.) But it was well known that illegal acts were commiued every day by members of the Roman Catholic religion in conformity with doctrines which they believed to be true, and which it was acknowledged might be held with perfect securey to all those interests which the right bon. gentlemen thought an valuable ; and were they to subject Roman Catholics to the imputation of acting illegally when they were string conscientieuely in discharge of what they believed to be their duty ? (Hear, hear) He believed the question at issue to ho whether the principles of true Chris tian tolerate.n which hal been acted on of late years were the principles which ought to regulate parliament in this instance ? The hon. baronet the member for the University of Oxford ea d that this was only one of that series of men. sores which had been commenced fifty years back. The boo. berseet would not sanction these acts if they had to commence again ; but he (Sir G. Grey) was of opinion that they reflected the greatest credit on the legislature. He thought that the statutes comprised in the first part of the bid might be safely abrogated ; and he be lieved it was fer the interest of the Protestant re ligion itself that they should be abrogated, and that they should discharge themselves from all suspicion of keeping down their Roman Catholic fielow-countryurn by statutes 1:16 . 1 as these. He would go into committee on the tell with the report of the Criminal Low Conuniesinnere in his hand. and - by it he would bo guided. Of the latter part of the b,ll he entertabied doubts, even with the amend ment which the hon. lend Minted member for Kinsale intro duced into it. Ile was not prepared to run the risk of these feud. and h. /ila 10 which religmus processions were likely to give rise lie would be prepared to conies., this and ether objection. in committee, and on this 0.364011 would repeat the vino he Imst given before for the sewed reading of the bill. (II ar, hem.) Mr. LAW said that it was contrary to the common and sta tute law of the r.olin to imniion th e 5 ,,,,,,-,,,,,, y of the crave . and though the act of the lit of Elisabeth was repealed, an y person who did so would render him-elf liable to punish meat The supremacy of the crown had been the subject of • - - !SWUM euesa jealontipiow iniesealeinexhe aims of it is day. The tfoth of Waited 11. wia pored in coaempsenelf of a petition of the commons compleining of the interference of the see of Rome ; so that even in Roman Catholic, times the people of this country objected to it. The supremacy HON, crown was part of the constitution, and the repeal sleets act of Elizabeth could not repeal the constitution itself. (Hear.) The second part of the bill related to the gecarities, eases:et' is 1829 by the 10th of Geo. IV ,e. 70. He agreed with the right hon. gentleman, the member for the University of Cambridge, that the removal of those securities would be a departure from the first principles of common honesty. The whole tide of the regular clergy would thus be let in and the convenience and privacy of families would be invaded by the regular clergy of the church of Rome. Lord SAN DON could not but express his unfeigned regret that the question under discussion had been raised, tending, as it must, to create dimen‘ion; and especially as it was ad mitted by all that no practical evil existed under the law as it then stood. (Hear, hear.) As the bill, however, had been proposed, he felt bound to express his opinion upon it; and believing that the only way to fight the battle of truth was by free and unfettered discusaion, uninfluenced by the action of the state, he could not refuse his assent to the motion for going into committee on the bill. Mr. ESTCOURT said it had been Mated by a right hon. gentleman, as a ground for going into committee, that after full discussion on a former occasion, the assent of the house was given to the measure. He (Mr. Esteourt) would remind the house that on the oemedon referred to, the majority in favour of the second reading of the bill was only three. (Hear, hear.) He would also fecal to their recollection that the right bun. baronet the member for Tamworth, who was opposed to the measure beceuee he considered it an innova tion on the compact of 1829, voted for the second reading on the distinct understanding that the hon. and learned member fur Kinsale was to introduce clauses which would remove that objection. He appealed to the house whether the ciao*. brought forward by the hon. and learned gentleman were such as would tend in the slightest degree to remove the scruples; of his right hon. friend. (Hear, hear.) Provi sions were introduced into the act of 1829 to quiet the con !sciences of those who were opposed to the Roman Catholic religion ; and if this bill passed there would be a downright violation of the compact which was then entered into. Mr. WATSON replied—He said the principle of the bill was chat of removing from the criminal law all penalties affecting individuals on account of their religion ; and if any of t-o proposed alterations did not come within that prin ciple, that was a matter which might he discussed in com mittee. As regarded the right hon. baronet, the member for Tamworth, he could net but think that his absence was to be construed favourably to the bill. (Hear, hear.) The object of the act of 1829 was simply to restore to Roman Catholics many constitetional privileges of which they bad been deprived ; the object of this bill was to remove penal. ties. He was as sincere a Protestant as any man in that country, end he hoped to me the time when all would, be convinced by reason, and by the good conduct of Protestants, of the ttuth of his reli gion; bat it was net by the existence of penal laws that they could hope to obtain that object. Although the penalties sought to be repealed were taken away as re spected the statute law, yet the offences still remained offences at common law, and were punishable as misde meanours ; and he wished to prevent any one from being liable to such punishment. With revard to the observation of the hon. and learned member for the University of Cam bridge (Mr. Law), that the question of supremacy was settled by toe common law, that was precisely the point for which be (Mr. Watson) contended, and, therefore, he argued that no evil could result fr ,m whet he proposed to do. There were two clauses in the 10th Geo. IV. which he pro posed to repeal; one rclatinc to processions, and the other to the regular clergy. He was as adverse es any man could I be to religious processions in the public green, whether they were in connexion with churchmen, with dis.enters, or with Roman Catholics. His object was, however, a very simple one. At present the Roman Catholic priest had to perform the burial service in his canonicals in a private room; he did not accompany the body to the burial ground: what he desired was only to enable the priest to proceed to the burial ground with the insignia of his office. He bad been informed that at the funerals of Roman Catholics there was no raising of the host ; but at all events he would not press his clause on that subject if °ejected to, as it did not affect the principle of the belt What he asked with regard to the regular clergy was simply that they should by law be allowed to perform their spiritual duties, and lie asked this with the more confidence because the regular clergy now performed those duties without any one daring to lift a finger against them. The law as it at present stood did not prevent Jesuits from coming into the country. Ho trusted that the house would by its vote declare that no penal laws ought to exist on se want of religion. The house divided— For the motion Agaised it The h.use adjourned at o minutes to 6. 71 tit rigtgO• NAILS. The Went India male, ovehriling those for Waco, Honduras, and ire Mae/snub, will be mans up on the morning of the 17th April. Tee mulls for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon. Madeira. Clio, and Gibraltar, be made ao on the morally ofhtre-4th April. nit overland suds to Gibr a ltar, Mans,Orrwoe, the lonian hholder Yeas, Adam. Ceylon, ladle., Yong-Kong, and China, via Southampton, will be made on the morning of the th The oo nand Mused eio Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Greyly, (den, Ceylon, India, Kong Kong, Itc., will be made up on the smarm of the 34th ApriL TU. mail. for Mn dela Wales, Vu Dienteah Land, and New Zealand will be male up on the evonialF of the SUth ApriL The mails for Width North Ainenca, Bermuda, and the United Rates, will be made up on the evening of the Yrd May. The malts for the Braeile, the River Plate, Moots Video. Penns, butte, B i nleta, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the /Atha Mb May. TO CORKE.SPONDUNTS. Adrartimmessts latcrotest for The &pass, London evening papa, nom be at the osEop by Two Menet os the day al pub cation. NIGH WATER AT 1.03113031-BRID6E. Tl4ll 11114-240r111311, 42 WE. loot 1; Afternoon, S Aga. part 2 T..llolunow—Maratair. 27 maw. peg 2 ; Afternoon, 30 =A. past 2. LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 15. THE divines and semi -divines, assembled to pass time and resolutions at Crosby-hall, have strangely chosen to style themselves a Conference. A conference implies discussion : it conveys the idea of different opinions meeting for the parpitut of coming together, of getting rid of asperities, rubbing away prejudices, and reason ing each other into moderation. The Conference of Crosby-hall has none of these characteristics. It is merely a gathering of men, for the sake of whetting each other's zeal, and isflaming each other's passions. Moderate men are not listened to. Compromise is scouted. Dr. VAUGHAN himself is hustled as a traitor. A very few minutes in Crosby-hall must have con vinced any one that none but extreme opinions r *mild find favour there, and that the whole purpose of the meeting was, not persuasion or reasoning, but denunciation and war. This war, as areligious or sectarian one, is very deplorable ; but as a political war, which so many of their speeches make it, it is a disgusting and a fac tious business. One gentleman points to the next election : another, Mr._Ntzst.tv, exhorts the congre gation to unite its animus in the refusal of church-rates. " The tortes would not have done this," exclaimed Dr. HAMILTON. " The tones would not have of fended the dissenters by erecting new bishoprics, by coming to the rescue of the National School system, by making a compromise with the established church and flinging the dissenters overboard." In a series of innendoes of this kind Dr. HAmturos 'was loudly cheered," as if the Con ference considered-such arguments as these the most forcible and seasonable ones in an assembly met to consider the subject of education. Dr. AINSLIE evi dently had his view turned in the same direction; the moat forcible 'patt of his speech being an attempt to wrest a passage, in what is said to be the government pamphlet on education, into an insult to the dis senters. We must say, that the opponents of education could not have' taken a line of argument, or ind ulg ed in expressions of feeling, so completely calculated as these are to nullify these efforts, and expose the shal lowness of the motives that urge them on. It is quite evident, on the face of their every expression, that education Is, with them, quite a secondary consi deration that their strife with the established church is all in all. It is evident that these gentle men consider •England and ite people, and its parlia ment, as a Mere battle-field fbr their sectarian squab bles, without taking into account the great moral sad intellectual wants of our large population width ought to be supplied, and the supply of which is equally imperative, equally beneficial, whether the recipients Hock afterwards to the meeting-house or the church. All political men in England are agreed upon this necessity, on the best and most feasible way of meeting it. Whig and , tory are agreed; and the Rev. Dr. HAMILTON calumniated the tones, when he represented them as less courageous than the whigs in grappling with the difficulties of education. The Maynooth bill can; answer for them. No ministry in this country, that consulted merely its ease, its strength, or its duration, would meddle with education. Igor, indeed, wouldhny eine, except Mr. BAIN Es and the A,isines of the conference, degrade so holy a duty and an aim into a mere political ruancenvre. Nothing but a strong sense, of the absolute necessity of raising the intellectual as well as the physical condition of the lower orders of this country, could have made a candidate minister blazon " educa tion" on his banner as Lord Jost H.VssELL did : for the word has no party power, no popular prestige. It is addressed to the very small class of thinking men and philanthropists—men who on the stage of faction are borne down, and in the clamour of popular assem- Tgg' =rims, .1311IIIISililf EVENING, APRIL 15, 1847. Mies unheard. That the present ministry, or the President of the Council, were influenced in drawing up their minutes of education by any wish to please the church, or to conciliate any potent body, more than was necessary to carry out any sehemo of edu cation, is to suppose both to be inept and corrupt. No doubt ministers were exceedingly anxious to commit that crime of which the Rev. Dr. us.....isti.ros; accuses them, viz., "to conic to the rescue of the Na tional Schools." What, if ministers beheld an immense number, the great majority of schools throughout the country, languishing fur want of good preceptors, for want of funds and impulse, for want of a greater and better admixture of secul arl education—should not ministers step forward to supply this great majority of schools—viz., the National, by supplying them with precisely what they want, masters of more secular learning, and with facilities of more secular educa tion ? For dissenters, men of liberal and rational opinions, to find fault with this, and denounce that as a crime which they should hail as an especial boon and blessing, even to themselves and their creed, is one of the blindest specimens of sectarian bigotry that ever disgraced this country. We fully agree with one of the movers of the Con ference, that the dissenters have been the first and greatest friends and promoters of education. We admit that it was their example which stirred the established church to make use of its far greater power in the same task. But it was the dissenters who also set the example of making education a re ligious task, undertaken with purely religious aims, and performed by ecclesiastical machinery. The Church of England adopted this plan in self-defence; and now the dissenters come forward to find fault with the blending of the ecclesiastical and secular functions. And after they themselves had given birth to a system which has grown to giant dimensions, and has rooted itself on the land, they ask a ministry to undo this at once, or take no account of it, but proceed to uproot the old and existing system. They would have the govern ment, not come to the aid of national schools, but make a tabula rasa of all the church has done, and commence the building of an educational esta blishment which wsild cost millions, and might nut, after all succeed. - Between them and voluntaryism thc opponents of the government seem to admit no medium. Some few voices are raised for voluntaryism as the only basis of education. Very few, however, support Mr. SII4EB in this ex treme opinion, of which all must admit the utter futility, and of the fruit of which we have indeed ample proofs in the " Congregational Year Book" for 1816. Having sent out Ila 9 circulars to congrega tional ministers to report the progress made in education, only G 7! answers were received, and of these " record the fact that nothing hes &von done in those localities since the defeat of Sir JAMS, GR %HAM'S bill to advance the general cause of education !" _ . . Such extracts as these show that the present question is, education or no education—schoolmasters or no schoolmasters. Whether* peasant population in a normal state of comfort might not be left to pay for the education of their own children, especially if they themselves had known the benefit of educa tion, is one question. A more pressing and quite another question regards a peasant population re duced to the lowest scale of wages, and reckless from insecurity of means and life. To give them education is not a mere matter of philanthropy, but of policy and self-defence. The daily records of the courts of justice prove it. The present ministry has, we think, with great courage, and with perfect political disinterestedness, attempted to remedy this great evil. They have come forward with a measure, of which the temporary pro visions are such as to conciliate the prejudices of reli• gious creeds, and thus command from them the greatest amount of aid. The government has received the adherence of the majority, but this very circumstance has filled the minds of the minority with fears, and they denounce the scheme "as a compromise with the church." Of course it is a compromise. What in our political world is now possible, that is not more or less a compromise? But is it not a compromise that uni versally extends secular education, the means and elements of knowledge and reasoning? If dissenters demur to this, then we can expend no more argu ment upon them. As to the particular forms of teaching, the little or the less of religious:reading in schools, these matters arc evidently temporary, and may be altered by the will of the legislature. The permanent creation of the new system is the profession of schoolmaster. Dr. Hamturox recurs to the volumes of the political economist, and denounces " any (bounty on the scho lastic profession, as disturbing the natural relations be tween demand and supply, and overstocking the market with a deteriorated article in the way of pre ceptorship." This assimilation of the preceptor to corn or bacon—this application of free trade to in struction, to that instruction which conveys the ele ments of moral conduct and immortal life—is startling in an assembly of divines, as it would be simply ludi crous in an assembly of politicians. There is one thing indispensable to trade in any article, be it free trade or prohibitive ; which is, that the article exist, that it be known, and that the country, which is to purchase it, should know its existence and value. The peasantry of this country are, unfortu nately, unacquainted with the nature or value of edu cation or its preceptors. If the supply is to wait for their demand, we may " hang up" education. Hi therto, the supply has been provided, not by the class demanding, but by quite another and a higher class, from charitable and religious motives. So that preceptorship has been always an artificial article of trade. The state in all countries has founded seminaries of learning, and devoted funds to raise the teaching profession to a level with the other paid and privileged professions. Clergymen arc paid not merely as clergymen, but as filling many dignities and offices. Physicians are paid for the per formance of a variety of duties and functions. Law yers also. There is not one intellectual calling, the members of which may not hope for state employ, as well as private business. Are these professions all degraded, lowered, perverted by this? Or are not some of them enabled, by the dignity and wealth thus communicated, to impart to the original profession a dignity, an illustration, an honour, which acts as a greater incentive than mere money, to procure the first intellects, trained and exercised in the most efficient way, towards the noblest and most philanthropic of ends. When voluntaryism is universal, and when the state shall be forbidden to meddle with any and all professions, then let teaching be dependent on voluntaryism. But, till then, do not condemn the preceptor, who is, after all, the eldest-born of the intellectual family—let him not be thrust forth, like Josses', by the envy of his brethren, and sold to slavery, poverty, and degradation. The Paris papers and oar correspondence of the 13th have come to hand. Numerous appeals have been made by the French railway companies to the Minister of Public Works to relax the severe conditions to which they . have improvidently submitted; but there is both in the cabinet and in the chamber the strongest disposition to resist the principle of backing out of contracts, and it must be acknowledged not without some reason. Before the railway . mania had attained the feverish height which was witnessed during the last two years, leases of 100 years were granted, and the Rouen and Orleans railways were thus undertaken, and are now conducted with success. But under ' the competition produced by the recent excitement vast enterprises have been undertaken on leases of less than forty years. Several of these have proved to be improvident bargains, and the lessees repent of their precipitation. The issue of all this is that the progress of railways in France threatens to be suspended. The contracts made must either be forfeited or government must relax the conditions under which they have been accepted. It is rightly objected that if, whenever a bargain is found dimd. vantageous, it is not to be enforced, companies in future competing with each other will be encouraged to propose conditions to which they never intend to submit, merely to obtain the i ape in the first in stance, relying on tgiTaEgity at a later period to obtain such relaxation as will render the affair pro fitable. This question was debated in the Chamber on Monday, when it was proposed to invest the go vernment with a discretionary power to aid such companie , as are or may be embarrassed, by refund ing to them the caution-money from time to time by small instalments, amounting tonne-tenth of its entire amount, each instalment to be paid on the companies supplying proofs of having expended double the amount on their works, and the last tenth not to be refunded until the lines are in actual operation. This measure, although it has passed the first stage in the l'hamlxr, is satisfactory to no parties. The railway companies feel that it is utterly insufficient to relieve their embarrassments, while others object to it as vio luting the principle of a contract. It is clear, mean while, that the direct and straightforward course would be for the government to declare the contracts at an end, the deposits forfeited, and to put up again to competition the enterprises thus abandoned. The abatement of the railway mania, and the example of the loss sustained by the contracts forfeited, would produce more prudence in the next bidding, and con tracts would be made with the state which the lessees would take care to fulfil. _ An incident took place in the Chamber onTuenlay, involving a collision between one of the committees and the government, which is likely to give rise to some sharp debates in the Chambers. The committee appointed to report on the extraordinary credit de manded for Algeria, has declared it impolitic and dangerous to augment the expenses of that colony, and consequently it opposes the expedition against the Kabyles, projected by Marshal Bagtaue. In consequence of this resolution, the clusirmin of the committee, M. Dufaure, was directed to communicate with the Minister of War upon the subject, which he accordingly did. The latter immediately assembled the cabinet on the question. On Monday the com mittee received from the Minister of War a very la conic letter, written in the name of the cabinet, in which the resolution of the committee is declared to be a violation of the rights of the executive govern ment, and consequently unconstitutional, and that the part the government has decided on is simply to return the communication of the committee. On reading this, the greatest agitation was manifested in the committee, which considered itself offended by the government. The news from Algeria of the re-appearance of Abd-el-Kader, which we received from our corre spondent yesterday, was confirmed by the Journal deg Ilhats on Tuesday. That journal states that the Emir has made an incursion beyond the salt lakes to the south of Mascara against the tribes of the Oases desert and the small towns of the Oasis. An expe dition of the French troop. was about to be sent into this country to bring it into submission, and to induce back the tribes which had emigrated. The object of Abd-el-Kader seems to have been to anticipate this expedition, and to induce these tribes to follow him into Morocco. 'the Conatitutionnel gives news of, and from, Greece of transcendent absurdity. It represents the English fleet as proceeding there to effect a revolution by force ; and it represents at the same time the worthy Athenians with King Otho and Gen. Coletti at their head, as armed and ready to repel the English invasion! The Co”stitutionnel represents the impeach ment of the Greek finance minister, as a portion of their intended move, and depicts England and its government as sorely discomfited by his acquittal. Ste-h is the nonsense to which the Parisians are tr, ate(' by way of information about Greece. We have received the Madrid journals end des patches of the Bth; the only important news in hich, is, the announcement of the official appoint- ment of the Duke of Valencia (Narvaez) to the em bassy at Paris, vacated by M. Martinez de Is Rota. The royal ordouniume to this effect appeared in the Oaz• tee of the Bth. M. Olozaga was expected hourly at Madrid. General Serrano was to have quitted Madrid, on Saturday last, for hiz residence at Arjouilla. Various reports continued to be circu lated respecting the mission of General Concha to Paris, one of which was, that measures were tobe eon certed with the cabinet of the Tuileries respecting the affairs of Portugal. The Queen appeared in the public promenade on the ith in a phaeton and pair, driven by herself; she was aecompanie I by her sister-in-law, the Infanta Josephine, and attended by the Infant Don Francisco de Paula on horseback. Expano: speaks of a manifesto about to be ad- , dressed to the nation by the King Consort, they publication of which, however, it gays, is deprecated by the ministry as dangerous. El Ern del 6,orerrio says that an obstinate opposition to the cabinet in the congress is being formed by MM. Mon and Martinez de la Rosa, and it exhorts the ministry to bring the matter at once to a crisis, either by advising the Queen to dissolve the Cortes, or tendering their resignation. The same journal states, that when the Queen was leaving the palace on the 7th, driving her phaeton, she was saluted by the populace with shouts of "Long live the constitution and the Queen !" " Although these demonstrations," says that journal, " were very offensive to the French party, it is impossible to hinder the honest Spanish liberals from thus testifying their gratitude and love to their sovereign." The Countess de Montijo has been appointed Lady of Honour to the Queen. M. Gonzalez Bravo has been recalled from Lisbon to the council of state. etbr bun. The Queen and Prince Albert visited the palace at Westminster yesterday to inspect the new House of Lords. Iler Majesty and her Royal Consort arrived Irons Bucking ham Palace soon after twelve o'clock, attended by the Countess of Mount F.dgecumbe, Hon. Miss Kerr, the Earl Furtescue (Lord Steward), Major-Gen. Wemyss, and Capt. the Hon. A. H. Gordon. The Earl Spencer (Lord Cham berlain) and Mr. Bury, the architect. received the QUeen and Prince Albert, and attended her Majesty and his Royal Highness during their inspection of the new House at Lords. Her Mirj.sty and Prince Albert, and the royal suite (in. eluding the Lord Chamberlain and Col. B. Drummond), return.] to Buckingham Palace soon after one o'clock. 11.11.11. Prince Albert rode out on horseback yesterday. attended by hie equerry-In-waiting. H.R.H. the Prince of Wales took an airing yesterday in the royal garden. The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace yest• rday in cluded the Duchess of Sutherland, the Earl and Cauutess Spencer and Viscount Morpeth. H.H.H. the Duchess of Kent arrived at her resi dence, Clarence House, St. James's, soon after one o'clock yesterday afternoon, from Frogmore. H.R.H. the Duchess of Cambridge visited her ?Majesty the Queen Dowagar, yesterday, at Marlborough House. A Depilation from the United Wesleyan Com- I mittees et Privileges and Education had an interview with Lord J. Russell and the Marquis of Lansdowne yesterday, at the official residence of the First Led of the Treasury, in Downing-street. The-deputation consisted of the Rev. Dr. Bunting, the Rev. "Scott, Rev. J. Beecham, Rev. C. Prot, Rev. O. Osborn, Rev. J. C. Pengel:y, Rev. 8. R. Hall, Rev. T. Vasey, Mr. R. Matthews, and Mr. J. Hnby. His Excellency the Turkish Minister transacted business yesterday . atthe Foreign Office. Viscount Torrington, Governor of Ceylon, had an interview with Earl Grey, yesterday. The Earl of Suffolk bad also an interview with his lordship, yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had an interview with the Earl of Clarendon, yesterday, at the office of the Beard of Trade. Mr. Henry Berkly, M.P., hod an interview yesterday with Lord John Russell. The Lord Chancellor gave a dinner to the Cabinet / Ministers last eveni ,at his residence in Park-line. The Marquis of Lansdowne (Lord President of the Council) arrived at Lansdowne House, Berkeley-mnare, yesterday afternoew, from bis seat, Bowood-park, Wilts. Earl Grey arrived In town yesterday. COURT OF ALDERMEN. A court was held on Tuesday for the despatch of buOness. _ _ Tut THROWING OPEN OF THE LOAD MAYOA'S COURT. — Mr W. H. Astilitim appeared at ,the bey, and Alderman Hoor ex presented the following petition : To the Right Hon. the lord Mayor and Aldermen of the (Sty of London, the respectful petition cat W. IL Aiburst. of 137, Cheapdde, in the city of London, attorney-M-Law, aberroth, That your petitioner hoe obtained from her Majesty'iCourt of Queen's Bench her illajmtv'o pervmptory writ of mondani., c inimandi..g your lordship and the Court of Aldermen to came tour petitioner to admitted an attonny of the Moyor's Court of the City of london. That he has enured such writ to be duly sewed open the Right lion. the Lord Mayor and other aldermen of the slip. That the mid wilt of mandamus was kotied after full srammat and da.mysion raked by toe attorneys of the said court eisisst your petitioner, and they hare put him to very moolitimble opens sad delay, through the medium of UM days sollettor, and yaw petitioner believes at the expense orris eleirom et Landon. UM your pedikawr hoe beard and believes thee Me earner Mae soil meet Mee nein • &die leer hat le brim resist your matienseis and Mat relmseme winner/I by mar benooreble mom Wir 2, 0 (UPI ealiebor !awl Aruba! hrrg • entree a nem Me judgrese s end ise pmtpone* bedlam be the odd writ at mania mum Tem portimor adore it would net he whe to do either, but to an°lll66='• ea half We" to lOW rot ask own litigation ; and that it be 'Mb& die your bennsmblo court to obey the flimen's writ. norm tree who MA to lice goad Mayor's Court abut up from tie pail me ravines tmr pram that courts of ioneenrenot *tide day anemic 1 to be opens* all her Majesty's snorer, and wn Menierves bear the costa of ono hopeless a took. Tour pritionoreespritfalty pass, to be heard In oppir•ition to the petition of Ids eppmemln" Mr. Assiut/sr upon being asked whether he wished to odd anything to hie petition, said he WWI desirous to my a few words. About three year• had elapsed since he had commenced hie efforts to throw open the .day r't Court to the citizens of London, against whom it was practically shut, inasmuch as the attorney employed by individuals were nut allowed to act there in cases with which, from their acquaint ance with the affairs of their clients, they were beet qualified to act. As a peremptory mandamus had been issued by the Court of Queen'. Bench to udmit him to that court, the Court of Aldermen ought not now to allow the city purr to be resorted to for the purpose of opposing an individual by a process involving great additional experute. Mc sought a public good, and seeing the waif in which justice was ad. nainiatered in the Mayor's Court, the Court of Aldermen ought to wish to have the facilities and pritileges of that place extended. As the case was now, if he molted any. thiug done for a client in that court, he was obliged to go tea stranger, so that double lawyers were to be paid, fur gentle ' men of that profewrion had not the reputation of acting fie nothing. (Laughter.) Alderman Woof) said it was wrongly asserted that the Court of Aldermen in the course they were pursuing io that Case, assisted the attorney of the Mayor's Court. The pro. ceeding in the Queen's Bench was against the mayor and aldermen, and nut against the :attorneys of the Mayor's Court, rind the application for the new return to the writ of mandamus, was, under all the circumstance . ~r th e ease, the only course which the court could adopt. The following report of the committee was then read : We, whose nanny, are hereunto subordied, your committee* general purposes, to whom, on the 23rd day of Marta last, 0 was re. (erred to consider Mt. Recorder's communitation in relation to the judgment delivered In the Court of Queen's fteueh on the mandamus granted by that court, calling upon the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London to admit William finery Ashuest an attorney of one of the sinerior courts, Westminster) to he an attorney of tee lord Mayor's Court ; and to whom it was newt., refereed to ma. skier the pietitiona of Messrs. George Thomas Robert neynal, 10en Outer, and George Ashley, three of the attorneys of Mt lord Mayor's Court, in relation to the said judgment, do certlfj that we have ore. seeded in the consideration of the said reference, mil have Mewed and consulted with Mr. Recorder and the solicitor thereon, and bow abo been attended by Mean. Rental, Carter, and Ashley, three of the attorneys of the sail court, who pure-hosed their Omsk who wen heard, and examined upon their prtitione, and it art peering to be indispernoble that a return or applkatron must be m ade to the Court of Queen's Bench on the nest day of tern, far the corps. ration to be permitted to mate a new return to the writ of mandamus. we referred it to the solicitor, under the advice of Mp. Recta-4r, Mr. (tunny, and Mr. Mugu rim, the comae! employed me the part a the City in the previous proaredruira in this matter, to take suck coupe therein under the circumstances should appear to those gentlemen t the most expedient. All which we submit to the judgincut of the honourable court. —W. T. T,oe. C1141.1.1e, TOO. Wo o .. Alderman Woou said it was of jected to the Court of Al lermen that they kept the great body of the profusion not of the Mayor's Court. Now, what was the effect of the mandamus ? To admit the petitioner to practise in that court. What would the petitioner do there ? It was the fact, that nine-tenths of the business were dependent upon the customs of the City of London,and the same opinion night be formed of the consequences of ignorance of them customs when he 'toted that one of the attorneys of the Mayor's Court bad been obliged to pay 600/. in coos, quenee of an overt act in the simple matter of taking reeoguitances. Hems anxious to throw open the court, but the Court of Aldermen should take care that they were not iavoleed in pecuniary responeibilities by the ignorance of the profeasion. To sa complish such a change as was contemplated by the peti tioner, it would be necessary to hare an act of parliament calculated to reform it entirely. It was said that there was an analogy as regarded the courts between the City of London and all other corporations. He had thought that such was the court but he found that by the Municipal Act the customs of the courts of all the other corporations were annihilated, while the proceedings iu the City of Landon Court entirely depended upon their customs. Alderman Wood concluded by stating that the Court of Aldermen were perfectly Pisti lti.:d upon legal grounds in issuing a writ of error. The Itecontren said the Court of Aldermen were un doubtedly in this cass the defendants nominally, and the were acting under his and Mr. Gurney's and Mr. Hugk Hill's advice in inetrueting the City solicitor to apply for a writ of error. The gentlemen of the Mayor's Court had purchased their places for r• ry large rums of money, and the Court of Aldermen were bound to show that they did not loosely hold the character of the offimrs, or the respornipili. ties attached to them. Trey were bound not to yield t 3 the application for admission to the Mayor's Court till it was clearly ascertained, by the opinion of the other judges, that the writ of mandamus was maiutainahle. Ile should be glad if the Mayor's Court could be put in such a position 1 that gentlemen could practise in that as they practised in other courts but it was impossible to regard the question without reference to the peculiar practice, the heavy liabilities arising from errors of judgment or ignorance, and the lomea to which the attsrneas of the Mayor's Court would he subjected if the whole profession were to pour in upon them. The learned recorder then more particularly de *cerised the nature of the duties of the interacts of the Mayor's Court, and stated that the Court of Aldermen were acting upon his serration to proceed deliberately, without in the slightest degree prejudicing the interests of either party. Alderman WILSON considered that, instead of expending the City's cash, the Court of Aldermen were duieg a;1 they couli to save it.. . . . Alderman iiI:3IPHIIET acid the court was bound to drop the matter altogether, as Mr. Aahurat had obtained the lint .4' mandamus, and let the attorneys fight it out amongst themselves. __ ..—..—. Alderman Mmitonove suggested that the petition of Mr. Ashurst should be referred to the committee from which the report had emanated; and thought that some means might , be adopted for the avoidance of litigation.—Some converse tion here arose on the sat ject of relocating the corporation, and— Alderman WILSON started up and said : " By the bye, what progress is Alderman Humphrey making with his reform bill ?" (Laughter.) Alderman HrmrittLET said the answer to that question would in some degree involve the recorder. His proposition had been agreed t.., and the ri membratteer had been ii. strueted to draw up a bill to repeal the 11th of Geo. 1. Without the opinion of tho recorder end common serjeant, however, that officer could not get on ; and the Recorder happened to be so occupied the be could not give may opinion on the subject. The learned gentleman, however, gave an opinion in the comrnitte.-, which they followed. He said they ought not to proceed with the bill, and the majority agreed with that opinion, which showed whet sound re formers they were. (Laughter.) Now he was prepared to support the bill which he suggested, and which, with oat clause, would effect all that was necessary; and he was convinced that it would meet with the approbation of parliament. The liacohnen willingly took, upon himself the blame of opposition to the grand remedy of the worthy alderman. He fervently hoped that the court would not think of proceeding with a bill so limited. He hoped the corporation would not meddle with the qualification of electors without looking also to the qualifications of the elected. (liar, bear.) Hit thought it was contrary to the interests of the Court of Aldermen to go to parliament to legislate without the as quiescence of the other branch of the corporation, to attempt so alter any of the institutions of the City without the con sent of the Court of Common Ci.,uncil. (llear, hear.) He wan opposed to the idea of cobbling the ca.rporation with a singe clause of carving out a little novelty, to send to par liament to be licked into shape. (Laughter, and tries of " Hear, hear.") Tho petition of Mr. Ashurst was then referred to the cow mittee, and the court adjourned. MEETING IN FAVOUR OF THE GOVERN- - MENT PLAN OF EDUCATION. FREEMASONS'-llkt.L. —Last evening a meeting of the friends and supporters of the guyerument scheme was . held here. The room was densely crowded in every part. The Eight Hon. Lord Ashley took the chair at seven o'clock, after which the Rev. Melville Lee opened the meet ing with prayer. The CMAIUMAs comment's(' the businee of the evening, by reminding the meeting that they were assembled as the friends and supporters of the educational unborn* which her Mejesty's government had recently submitted to parliament. They were to declare their readiness to co-operate with the government, and he hoped that their example would have some effect on those timid persons who believed that thee was hidden under the minutes of the privy count some dark and mysterious conspiracy against the civil and reli gious liberty of these realms. (Hear.) He hoped that their declaration of opinion would convince those timid persons that they were not about to be either enslaved by the govern merit or suffocated by the priesthood. (Cheers.) Their btuartess on that evening was solely with the minute which bad been laid on the table of parliament. They had nothing to do with queetioning the source from whirl( they had come; he knew that many . objected to th e construction of the committee of P rivy Council, bet that was an accomplished fact, and they had only to deal with the propositions which bad been laid before them: He would undertake to say that any person reading thee minutes for the first time would expect, not only the they would not be opposed, but that they would he thankfully and generally adopted. Why would they expect this ? They would say them was a great detect to be sup plied, a great evil to he remedied, and the remedy would be found in the minutes, which, while they reseeded the rights of religion, offered assistance to all sects, without die tinction or partiality. (Hear, her.) An opposition had arisen to the minutes from a party, from whom °pr.*. ought least to have been expected. (Hear, hear) The party which had supported the minutes of 110, opposed these of 1847. Now the latter minus a mamma much good, which those of 1839 did not ; while in t hem were to be found no evil, not also contained in de minutes of 1839. (Cheers) What were the grouse of opposition ? Firsts.. state interference. Why /m il not that been started until the current year, um' Me that since 1839 the objectors had themselves tees participators in public grants. (11, ar, hear.) How was it that themirerettady and hourly calling for state interference with thelruivenities of Oxford and Cambridge, and MATO' big the towards and distinctions conferred by the state h London University? (Loud cheers.) Next they were told that thee minutes would greatly increase the power of the clergy of the church of Ettelaad. If the ohjicting earths did not do their duty, no doubt that would be the case, but if they came manfully forward there would be no unfair advantage to any flee or sect. (Hear, hear.) Then it was said that they (the minutes) would increme government patronage and power, and bring the whole British people under the claws of the dragons of Downing-street. (A laugh.) He denied that assertion , On the contrary, governor nt had placed a limit on their choice and freedom of appointment. They courted no sew power, they sought to reward deserving persons, not OR adherents or electioneering partisans. But the erowasj argums nt against the government scheme was, that it wo altogether extinguish voluntary efforts. He' was not pig to decry voluntary efforts, but he would ask had they tom in this kingdom of so tempi. to a character as to MO as shiver in oar seam when any attempt made to disturb the exclusive cement* of the principle? bet them look at the state of the cottony uteasst of this vast metropolis, with their thousands and who had never been brought within the heari,:w the pal, and yet they were asked to leave everything ta ' t voluntary aystem. which hod tormitted such s state of thee to exist. (Hear, hear). No, he maintained that the great combination should be, the principle of an establithinent with the exertions of voluntaryism, toe eatablisementgi te t permanency to the voluntary prioei, le, wlmih the latter in fused renewed life and vigour into the estatilishamet , I land cheers). But with the view of producing ao effect. ..• deceiving thee who had nut time ta consider these proioL tione, they wees called a goreenmest scheme of odusties•