The Express. — London, England, 1847-04-23 00:00:00

D eal be decided. He did not succeed ; and ARP a ware was afterwards taken up by . succeed governments. He (Lord John Rumen) Introduced qty ls on that subject--seyeral others haying the same introduced by the right hon. beronet the bee° h ha • r me mber for Tamworth, an t e question ling test been Wen up in 1824 or 1825, it was not until the y env ear 1846 that me ow, passed on the subject ; and it was not until weenies the last month or two that the measure so paned had been brought into operation. (Hear, hear.) If, then, there had been so much difficulty with regard to • question which did net excite religious prejudices. sues it not allowable for the gommment to wait for some years before they introduced e p eminent bill on so difficult • pion ion as that of nttior.al education. (Hear.) He thought V a st by the introduction of this vote in the present ) ear, and the improvement of the ratcm hitherto acted upon, had tended tu bring out and to elicit many useful opinions on this subject. It had above all shown thin the disposition of this limos was favourable to the principle of ednuition being aided by the state. ( Hear.) Melly of those who would tote with the hon. member fur Fins bury in femme of a resolution which would put an end to any grant for the present yeer, were :API favourable L ouseg education by the state ; and the m ijority of the h, he trusted, would show that they were nut only in favour of the pn yet vote, but else in favour of state educatiou. Ile t e et eent likewise that many intricate points had been da red of by the disposition evinced by the emitter part of the members who had spoken to lave the question decided one way or the other. He thought the proposition of the hoe. a• sl teeniest member for bath ( Mr. Roebuck) that there should be a system of at. eu'..tr education, wax so en tiron. entsounistic to the opinions of the present bowie, as he believed it wool 1 be to any succeeding Douse of Commons, that its sneciss was impossible. (Hear, hear,) Ile Wan of opinion that any future 'mohair, such as the hoe. and learned gentleman imagined, who came down to exceed the present gori =mem m liberality, might so, but would not be likely to have a very lorg tenure of office if he proposed that education should be without religious instruction, and that seheu.s entirely secular should be established by the s tate. (Hear, heir.) With regard to other matters there bad really men so much support riven to the proposition of the gw,rnment—so much handsome and generous support oy bees. et who had spoken tomight (Sir W. J ame s, ; t ie noble 1, MI the member for Liver pool ( Lord Sandon) ; by the noble lord the member fair Hertford ( Lord Sinhon), and by man' other boo. nimbus that he (Lord J. Roved) would cone.wle by =attain; them and the house for the reception which the propesiti,a intended to raise the character of the people of this countre had met, and with that support t °did not think the pa-imminent wou'd be disappointed in the expectations they entertained. (Cheers.) Colonel bill IHORP next aildrened tbe house, mid (Ic eland the as he on not eupport the amendment of the hen. member for Fin bury, anti as he eoull not conscien tiowly stection the praniteition of her Majesty's goverumenr, mein! the ulterior object they had in view, as distinctly declared by the noble Iced who had ju.t sat clown, he should best discharge his duty to the country by retiring from the house, and declining to vote on the present occasion. (" Hear, bee . .." and a laugh.) Sir H. PEEL—Although l feel it to be wholly unneces wry to add anything to the arguments by which Coe motion of the rode lord at the heal of the goveromt nt has been supported, yet I should be unwilling to permit the house to proceed to • division without shortly stating the grounds on which my concurrence will be given to the 111.3t10U of the neble lord. (Hear, heir.) Considering the position which, for five years, I held in the route Is of the crown ; consider ing the connexion I had with tine appropriation of the educa tion vote during that period, as a member of the Committee of Council on Education; considering the oppoioon which the present government has had to el:mounter in pro posing a measure, the main outlines and principles of which I cordially approve; I think it is incumbent upon me not to shriek from taking my full share of any unpopularity which may attech to this course of pro ceeding. (Item, hear.) I am perfectly willing to admit that there are circumstances connected with that measnee which I think are deserving of mature eon,ideratiou. In 1839, I fuily shared in the objections which were urged to proceeding by a single cote of this house in reference to a measure of such importance as that of devising even an im perfect scheme of geccral education. I still think that the same objection exists. I think there will be meat advardage in 'dieting to the ordinary course, wad in submitting to the deliberation of both houses the regulations under which the education of the people was intended to be conducted, I think, Nether, that there is an evil in excluding the house of Lords from an opportunity of full consideration of this subject, by leaving to them no alternative but a complete acquiescence in or a peremptory rejection of the =ensure. But, sir, with my view of the importance of niskir.g some prefaces in mitigation of the monstrous evils which have tended to the neglect of public instruction, and seeing the probable consequences of insisting on the opinion which I gave in 1839 in refusing my :latent to any measure connected with education, unless it had the legislative sanction of both houses of parliament, in the shape of an act of parliament. I will not now incur the risk of further delay by insisting on the objections which I urged at that period. I feel,sir, that 1 cannot with propriety now insist on these objections, for during tho six years that have elapsed since that time there has not oily been acquiescence on my part, hut on the part of this house, in giving to the privy council the exercise of those powers. (Hear, hear.) In 1842, when the late government assumed power, the vote given to the Privy Council did not exceed 30.0001. ; anal it was by our advice that it was iaereasei to 75,0031., and after wards to 100,0001. We, being charged with the re-pon Dai nties of government, and having the support of • great ma jority, did not think it necessary—parliament having ac quiesced in 1840 and in 1811, after the debates of 1839, and after the majority declared by the House of Lords in favour of proceeding by a bill—seeing that parliament thought an arrangemeit had bean made between the government and the chief authorities of the church, and that in 1810 and ISII there was no disposition to renew the &s -cessions of 1339, we did not think it necessary to adopt another course, and I say, considering those things, and the increase of the rare by the ndvico of the crown to parliament from 30,0001. to 100,0001. a-year, without re quiring any alteration in the channel is wh Ai it was to he appropriated, I should be pursuing an unworthy course if I now attempted to throw an impediment in the way of an imperfect application of a remedy of the evils of which we all complain. But has nothing occurred since 1842 ? Have we not made the attempt to proceed by bill with reference to education ? and what was the result ? When the late Secretary of State for the Homo Department, from a deep sense of public duty, exposed himself to the obloquy with which he was mailed in attempting to introduce • measure respecting the education of factory children, he thought he should mitigate opposition if he proceeded by public enactment; and we did not then proceed by vote--we made the attempt to introduce some further facilities with regard to education by legiela tire enactment ; but we met with no greater encouragement with respect to the bill than the noble lord has met with now; and my right hon. friend, very much to my regret, was obliged to abandon that attempt to unite all parties in devising some scheme by which, without the violation of conscience, greater facilities for education might be pro vided. (Hear, hear.) Now then, in 1847, seeing the failure of the attempt to proceed by legislation—seeing the evidence which exists, that for the thousands that swarm in the course of every week, there is son sufficient provision for their education, either intellectual or religious, I am ready to consent to consent t r any measure which, without violating the con scientious scruples of any cla-a of christians, afford+ some remedy for this monstrous defect. (Hear, hear.) In the course of this debate there has been much and most able argument with reference to the authority and duty of the state to interfere with respect to the education of the people, and in this house there has been but a faint denial of that duty. And I should apprehend on the part of the great body of her Majesty's subjects who dissent from the doc trines of the church of England there is no disposition to deny the importance of education or to deny the right or duty of the state to promote that education by evert. means in its power. (Hear, hear.) I apprehend the chief objection of the nonmonfonning body to this proceeding on the part of the government, is not so much a denial of the right of the state to promote education, as a doubt whether or not the measure proposed is really calculated to promote that end. (liver, hear.) The non-conforming holy, if they are consistent with their former declarations on this subject, can only object to this measure on the ground that the volun tary system is better calculated to promote education than any interference on the part of the state, and if I could believe that non-interference oat the parlor the state was calculated to facilitate education more than such interference, I should at once admit that in this country, with such a difference of Itinistoantoon " might ye s , Itbjweeotiulpdrellailloi;:r t w hatwiat su e avoid evehrin.tehrt ferenee ; but I think the evidence is conclusive that the voluntary principle has failed. (Hear, hear.) I believe, if we could know the real extent of this evil—if we could have presented to us a full amount of all the crime that has been generated by ignorance—if we could know what has really taken place within the last fifty years—if we could know how much the evil example of the 'parent has introduced infection into the character and disposition of the child—if we could know how much of violence and of rapine, how much of crime against both life and property has been caused by the neglect of educa tion—if we could know how many immortal souls have during that period been ushered into the presence of their creator and their judge, ignorant of the great truths sad principles of Christianity, I think, sir, if we could show all this, we should be disposed to shudder at our own neglect, and to endeavour without delay to remedy the evils of the past. (Loud cheers.) Sir, Ito to the vo lumes of evidence which have been presented within the last few years—and I hold in my hand one of those volumes—tho report of the comrainioners who were appointed to inquire ii do the state and condition of children employed in severeldistricts. This single report refers to the condition of the children in north Someraetshire, the west riding of Yorkshire, Cheshire, Der byshire, and North and South Wales. The evidence has been collected and the opinions are expressed by men of the highest integrity and the greatest talent, and they uniformly came to the same conclusion, that there is complete degrada tion in many parts of this country on account of the neglect of education. 'Hear, hear.) I believe we are little aware of the extent to which that neglect prevails. We see returns of the number of children educated, but we hardly inquire what is the real state of the education of these children. We see that here is a population containing some 400.000 or 500,000 children, and that 300,000 of them are educated and 200,000 are without any education whatever—and we are shocked at the disproportion—but if we were really ac quainted with the nature of the education which has been given to the 300,000, our reflections would be still more bitter. (Hear, hear). I have not come to a conclusion on this subject without having maturely considered the weight of evidence. I know that a reference to documents of this kind is not very palatable, but it is of much more import ance than mere speculative argument. (Hear, hear.) Now, I will take • district of great importance—the district of ' Oldham—and I look to the evidence of a gentleman who is the curate of St. James's, in the parish of Oldham ; and, Sir, this is the account which he glees of the state of the educated dunes in that famish, the provision made for education, and the neture of the education they receive. lam now considering the question, which is the akin one, whether it be safe to trust to the voluntary prin ciple for the education of the poor, and whether or nut we can safely assent to the doctrine that the state ought not to interfere. (Hear, hear.) This gentleman says: "There is in this district no public day-school whatever. I have made several attempts to establish one, but in vain. I hose had assietanre from the national society and the parli ..mentary grant to establish a public dey-school, and I have had a ' building erected, but an attendance of scholars cannot be got so set° pay a master, and it is now our years since all hope of success has been given up. One of the roams has been lately let to a person to keep a school on his own responsi bility, but three masters have attempted it without senoras - the hut glee up last week, saying, "he could get plenty of scholars, hut no pay." Now, ols.erve, that district, and it is not a bad specimen, Iwo no public day-school whatever. It is teas there are Sunday schools—the persons emeluyed in aide; and collieries have lees objection te their children attending the Smiley schools, loomed it aloce not interfere with their working during the week ; and, therefore, they are returned as clurated children. (Hear, hear.) But this is his statement of the attendance at the Sunday sellout. Ile says, "Asa means of religious instruction, it as obvious that schools composed as these are must be imper fect in the coon use; as secular schools they do harm by low ering the people's estimation of the value of secular instruce don, and making them contented with less than they ought to have." Therefore, you have co day• schools ; you have none of the habits which a day-school would bateau; and Oct these are among the clue end returns (hear, hear). and I think the clergymen of whom I speak may well draw the concise ion, th at attendance.on Sunday schools alone is not only en unpile feet mode of education, but that it does more harm than go ; toot seculer instruction there is worse than usdees, and religious education is almost as imperfect. The evidence of the loss themselves is most imeortaut. Here is a boy examined fifteen years of age: he 'lasi he has been at a Sunday school five or six years, and has only learnt to reed his letter. Weil, then, there's enotter bey, who states that he went to a day school—he does not know how long—can't read or write ; he goes te a Sunday school sometimes, and sometimes to a 'methodist chapel. Now, within the course of a few months there have been attempts made to induce masters to take charge of that school, and they have left their employment ; the parents have been unwilling to send their children, or at least to pay for them ; and is not that a proof that the voluntary principle cannot be relied upon to ensure the attendance of a competent schoolmaster? (Hear, heir.) And what is now proposed ? To elevate the condition of the schoolmaster—to exalt his condition in society—and to give him encouratefincnt by the aid of the revernment. ( Hear, hear.) As to the patronage to be gained by the government, the objection is too futile to he urged in this house-1 bear, hear)—but I consider the most important part of these minutes of council is, their ten dency to raise" the character of the schoolmaster. (Hear.) Why any one who has net .3 on the committee of the Privy Council must know that as soon as a schoolmaster 'nu be come competent to his duties, es menus he has dietinguished himself by his ability anal acquirements, the tenure of his office becomes precarious. .ranptitions aro held out by merchante and manufacturers to any one of them who has acquired a knowledge of arithmetic, end has distinguished himself by his cepabiiities anal integrity, and he is temoted by the prospect of double salary and a lees irksome task to undertake other duties. How can you expect otherwise of them, seeing that their office is not respected, and holds out no pro:lmA of permanent provision ? How can you expect that you can retain the ser vices of good schoolmasters, unless you teach them that their office is honourable, end hold out • pros pect that when they are incapacitated from perform ing its duties they will obtain some provision for re tirement. That part, therefore, of the plan which is in tended to improve the condition of the schoolmaster has my most cordial concurrence. I deeply regret that this minute is not approsed by the nonconformists. I entertain for toot body a great respect, and I have *hewn, in the instance of the Dissenter' Chapels Bill, that I was not unwilling to incur obloquy cud risk in order to do justice to the daunting body ; and, attache l as I am to the established church, and desirous as I am of the pre-eminence of that church, I should be sorry to gain for her any latent or increased advantages as regards education, if thereby in justice was done to the dissenters. It is impossible to forget the services which the dissenters have rendered to the cause of education. When the established church was indifferent an example of real in that respect was set her by the non conformists, and if I thought that their objections to this minute were just in themselves , deeply as I am impressed with the neceasity for this remedy being applied to the exist ing state of things, though I might give my support to this proposition, it would be but a reluctant one, and the satis faction I should feel in my acquiesence in it would be much modified. But having deeply con sidered those objections I cannot think that they are founded in justice. The principle on which this aid is granted is • fair one. The minute adopts the volueta-y . principle. That principle is nut suspended, but is only set in force through the intervention of the minute. A voluntary subscription for the support of the schoolmaster* is essential before a vote of money is granted to aid in iucreesing their salaries. It in open to the dissenters to take advantage of this as well as the established church, and yet they complain of partiality. That has been the conduct of the established church for the lest ten years. Impressed with the magnitude of the eviLead the necessity for a remedy, she hes waived allobjeetions. Noe is she seeking to obtain any indirect advantage by means of this vote. But if the church is more zealous, and if she contributes more, on what principle con you withhold aid front her in proportion to these contributions? It is said , that the established church w ill receive eighteen.twentieths of the vote. Is it not by her superiority in point of num- Isers,—and, if so, is it not just that it should be so • and if she exhibits superipr c o al and liberalite, does not that give her a claim to increased assistance ? Try it by what principle you wiil, you no objection against this, or complain of any supisosad advantage obtained by the established church. II do not deny that the established church is powerful, and I rejoice that she is so. I think that power is increasing ; end why ? It is my firm belief that she has obtained on increasing hold on the affections of the people of this countey, increasing be cause she has awakened to a sense of the magnitude of her duties. (Hear, hear.) It is my firm belief that the church has obtained an increased hold on the respect and veneration of the people by her willingness to submit to timely and salutary reforms. She has consented to a reduction in the emoluments of her higher orders, a ol devoted them to the increase of accommodation and the advantage other inferior members; and by this conduct she has greatly added to her power. I think this power la is been legitimately ruined. It is not by means of government grants that her influence has 'been lumped. That is a mis take. She would hove been as powerful without them. What is the venom of this increwo of power in the church ? Why, it is the power which is derived from educating the poople. Ido not say it invidiously as regards the dissenters, to cause I believe they are actuated by the same principle, and that all persuasions attend to this iniportent point ; but the influence of the church has been anon and by her conduct in this respect ; it will continue to be so, and it you give go vernment aid to the church, her legitimate influence will not be diminished, and I rejoice that it will be so. The princi ple of this grant is one of perfect equlity. It is on this ground that I support this proposal, and I;nd myself unable to vote for the motion of the hen. member far Finsbury. We have had abundant time for debate. the facts are well-known, If we sift the evidence we possess, no further inquiry is necessary to convince us that our constitutions are not capacious cnoueh as they now exist to provide edu cation for the countless millions engaged in the operations of industry. A question of importance wine in this discus sion which does not relate either to church or to what are usually called dissenters—l mean as regards tie Roman ca- tholes. I am of opinion that no system of general educates's, even in England, could be comp.ete, which excluded the Raman catholics. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL, as we beeieve, made some observa tion. Sir R. PEEL: The noble lord ear there is no alteration of the principle of the minute of 18:19. In this respect it is different. (Hear, hear.) You are about racticaaly to make this difference in the principle—you are about te admit to a particieation in the advantages of this vote a portion of the di ecnting community which hes hitherto been excluded. Hitherto the Wesleyans have not practically participated in the vote. They were not in connexion with the National School Society or the British and Foreign School Society, and any society not in connexion with those societiee, was excluded, and the Wesleyan received no pecuniary advan tage from the vote. Yon are now about to alter tb it p ciple in that respect ; yen have assured the Weskyans that Ike rule is not applicable to them—that their schoils are entitled to, and that their authorities will be consulted with regard to inspection. Surely, so far es the Roman catho- Ike are concerned there should be no materiel difference. In point of feeling as well as of morals you should extend the sphere of your bounty, and the gentler that sphere is extended, the more marked will be any exclusran. I think the time has come, and I am the more anxious to avow this opinion, because I believe the avowal will be un popular, when justice and geed policy require that you should give mature consideration to this claim of the Roman Catholics. I will take the case of the Romeo Catholic popu lation of Manchester or Liverpool. Let us look at the ques tion, without insisting, on the operation of this or that minute, or on the exclusion of the ROOM Catholics, because they are not connected with the National School Societyjor the British and Foreign School Society. You are gout to extend the system on which you have been act ing, end I do not see how you can continue the exclusion of the Roman Catholics. (Hear, hear.) know, es my right hon. friend has said, that it might be expedient to postpone this question for some months. I do not wish that there should be a precipitate measure, but yet I am not dispossed to yield the opinion which I entertain. (Hear, hear.) Take the catholic population of Manchester. There is a district called the Irish Town, which contains 60,000 or 70.030 persona. What is the class they belong to ? They ace distinguished for industry and good conduct, and they give to the manufacturers the advantage of their labour. They have no natural yr 'teeters there ere no wealthy menu facturers of their persuasion who can hare regard to their spiritual concerns, er to supply ample means for their educa tion, Here, then, are 60,000 or 70,000 of the poor CLIMB, and how is their education attended to ? I con fees f cannot conceive • more urgent case, not merely so far as the intel lectual advantages of the Roman catholics are concerned, and in relation to the principle that each a state of things is productive of crime, and barbarism, and degradation, on which we are all agreed ; but is it not for the advantage of the Protestant community that this Roman catholic population should not be so immersed in ignorance. So far as their condition is concerned, there could sot be a stronger claim on the provident and parental aid of the government. I will not be influenced by any spirit of party, THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 23, 1847. or by the obserratioes of the noble lord as to the abstinence of feovernment during the lest hoe years to make this pro vision. It may be that it ought to have received attention earlier, but if so, that is but en additional reason why we should attend to it now. it is the prevailing opinion of the house that it is just and politic to make this provision. 1 do not deny the difficulties and importance of the suaject, and that protestant, may attend these schools . But I believe it is generally found that Roman catholic schools are in tended for the education of Roman catholics only; but if any of these schools are intended for a joint education, is it just on your part that the principle of exclesion should be applied to them (Hear, hear.) I may be told that it is a violation of principle to aid iu any way the teaching of reli gious error ; but my belief is, that you are more likely to soften the minds of the Roman catholics—that you will be more likely to conciliate them towards the I rotestant religion, —nay, without making any other attempts at couversion than the enlightening of their undentandiug—that you will be mare likely to prepare their minds for the reception of the truths which you yourselves profess—than if you doom them to perpetual exclusion from civil advantages. (Cheers.) Would you, in deference to religious principles, prefer having a sect of uneducated and hostile savages in the state, to having the Roman catholic, educated under your own eye e ? (Cheers.) I am persuaded that it will net only he fur the civil advantage of the state, but for the ad vantage of proiestmoism itself that you should pro vide—without any compromise of yrnciple—for the intellectual and secular education of Roman catholic children—(hear, hear) ; for probably th it secular education is all you will be called on to give ire the caw of schools kept. exclusively for Roman catholic,. I beard the right how. gentleman the Secretary of State (Sir O. Grey) with great satisfaction, for it appeared to me—seeing a temper in the house which was not . expected—that his speech held out a greater hops of an artier settlement of this question than I was led to entertain tram the preceding speeches of the member, of the government. I quite understand the difficulties which encompass the subject, and the dif ficulties with which the government havo to con. tend, and the danger of a failure of their efforts, and I am ready to admit that in order to secure not only the ultimate good, but this present imperfect one, it is wise, in the present state of public opinion this couatrv, to proceed with caution and hesitation. (Hear, hear.) fut I wish to 'erre,* my opinion, that in making this change in the minutes of council, and in tho system of public in struction, the noble lord has engendered the neces sity, in point of justice and of policy, of providing means by which aid can he given to Romau catholic schools. (Hear, hear.) I tell my how friend (Sir It. [agile) fairly, so resolved ant l—l see au great an evil, and think it no impor tant that an immediate remedy should be applied—that I will lw little disposed to throw any obstructions in the way of her Majesty's government. (Loud cheers.; I think there is a prospect of passing thin measure. I understand, from the declarations of the government, that we may rely on an earl/ considerat ian of the Roman cathodes; and I for one will nut be inclined to prejudice the consideration of this measure, by any compulsion on the government to propose their scheme of Roman catholic educe. t on. (Hear, Lear.) But I call on them, after the declara tions that have been made, not to accept the support of any holy to the preiLnt scheme. under the erroneous impression that the Roman catholics are to be excluded. (Loud cheers.) If there is a probability of an early election, it may he more import int that there should be no enisunderranding on this subject. (Hear, hear.) And if the government recognise the principle which I understand them to recognise, let them freely avow that recognition, and give fair notice to all patties that, though there may be some delay in preparing an additional minute, yet that they recognise the principle ; that they do not mean to take one class of chrtstiene, and of her Majesty's subjects, and doom them to perpetual ex clusion, on accouct of their religious tenets. (Cheers.) I entreat of persons of all religious persuasions, to look back on what has taken place with respect to this subject of education. The want of it in this country arose ori eleually from indifference to the subject. Then it was supposed that religious opinions would be endangered. That impression has pasted away, and indifference again succeeded. From that indifference the dissenting body was the first to be awakened. They set the example of activity in the cants of education. They were followed by others, and of late yew' there was groat activity displayed, but our own religious differences were the great obstruction to education. (Hear.) All admitted that education was preached because each body wasafraidthatsome other body, from whose religious opinions des, differed, would obtain some advantage. The dissenters apposed it one day, because they believed the church w mid gain some advantage, and the church opposed it another day for fear of the recognition of dissent, but what, in the mean time, wan becoming of the 800 chit leen who were born every day, of the 301,000 of our i ; tipulation who were in a state of ignorance. (Lou I cheer..) While we are dally ing and squabbling on these points of difference non are neglecting that which ought to al Christians he a deep sub ject of consideration, namely, the enlightment of all in Christian truth—the improvement of their intellects, and the teaching of them the principles of that religion in which, notwithstanding their differences on minor matters, they all agreed as to the main points. (Cheers.) Sir, I believe that true chatity, that true policy, and true regard for re ligious truth. enjoin on us to lay aside those minor differences, and to teach the children of all sects the great truths of Christianity. (Cheers.) I em for • re ligious education as opposed to an irreligious one. (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that a purely secular education would be acceptable to the people of this country--(hear) —that, in the words of the noble lord, it would be only a half education, the moat important part of which woo neg lected. (Hear, hear.) But, believing it to be for the interest of religion itself; believing, above all, that it L for the interest of the protestant religion, which shrinks not from the light which courts inquiry, and rejoices in the spread of knowledge (cheers); believing it especially to be for the interest of that Protestant religion, which I my self profess, that the people should not be left in a state of Ignorance, and that by receiving intellectual culture, the mind would be better prepared for the reception of those great truths which arc, in the first instance, the foundation of all religion; and that that religion which meet courts in quiry, and most inculcates self-judgment, would be likely to be molt peanoted thereby ; I will support the proposition of her Majeety's government. (Laud cheers.) Mr. PLUMPTRE begged to ask the house in what the difficulties of this question, of which the n fight hon. baronet and the noble lord spoke, consisted. The right hon. baronet knew, and the noble lord knew, that they arose from no other cause than that the people of this country were a religious people. (flora.) He was glad there was no concealment in this matter. The people of this country would know now what they had to look for—(cheers)—and would, if he was not much mis taken, endeavour to secure true and faithful representatives of that christian and protestant feeling which prevailed, and defeat the schema and measures of the leaders on both Aides. In referring to the condition of any part of the popu lation of Manchester, Liverpool, or any other town as a justification of the course which it was now evident they proposed, the were proving that they had little regard for principle. (Laughter.) This might be expedieneg, but it was not ehristianitj:. (A laugh.) lie called upon them to take care that in their attempt to educate in all religions they did not leave themselves open to the charge of infidelity. (Cheer. and renewed laughter.) Mr. NEWDEGATE wished to know whether, as the noble lord had thought fit to take the opinion of parliament on this minute, he would feel equally bound in any future minutes recommending plans of popular education, to pursue the same course ? Lord J. RUSSELL replied, that in any future minute , ' which should require a grant from parliament to carry them out, it would, of course, be necessary to apply to the House of Commons. (Ilene., hear.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but before the division took place, ' Mr. T. DUNCOMBE requested permission to withdraw that part of the amendment which censured the government. The SPEAKER said that it would be necessary first to with draw the amendment, end propose a new one. Mr T. DUNCOMBE proposed a new amendment, identi cal with the former one, except that it did not contain the words of censure. Lord DUNCAN having seconded the amendment, The house divided—For the amendment 47 Against it 3; 2-323 On the motion of Lord J. Russell, the debate was than adjourned until thin day. The house adjourned at one o'clock. invaders, and cherished the revenge which before long he was destined to gratify so fully. When the universal hatred of the enemy brake out in the insurrection of the autumn of . 1841, AKIL.IR, notwithstanding his high birth, scarcely exercised a nominal leadership over the turbulent chieftains by whom he was earrounded. By degrees, however, the ezcrgy and vigour of his character and his irrecon cilable enmity to the foreigners, led to a general recog nition of some sort of pre-eminence over his col leagues ; and he was enabled to tale the chief part in . the deed fiom which he derives the greater part of Iris fame and his notoriety. When the incredible imbecility of the English commanders had led to the evacuation of Cabul, and yet prevented the adoption of the only remaining alternative of forcing a way to Jelledabad, MAIIONIED AKBAR was one of the chieftains who entered into an agreement with MACNAGIITEN for the cafe conduct of the arms - to the border of Affghanistan. Immediately afterwards , with Oriental I craft, he proposed to the envoy a scheme for seizing some of the other chiefs who were parties to the treaty. Sir W. MACNAGIITEN, unfortunately, entered into the treacherous proposal, which was, in fact, a mere trap Ifor his honour and his life. At the conference, when the plot r:a, to be carried out, a counterplot was pre pared. AKBAR seized the envoy, and, on his resist ance, shot him with his own hand. It has been the custom, in a portion of the English and Indian press, to speak of this murder as an inex piable crime, and of its perpetrator as a miscreant and a fiend. Li the few days which followed, he com mitted a far greater crime in permitting and aiding toe massacre of the army which ho }iced pledged himclf to protect. Tic melancholy history of the army which perished in the mows of Khoora Cabal is inseparably connected with his name. On the 6th of January, 1",12, 17,000 human beings moved nut of their cantonments, and on the 13th one man of them arrived, half crazed with fatigue, at Jellalabad, with the news that the army was anni hilated. During this short and terrible interval AKBAIt was hanging on the skirts of the invader., and no doubt exulting in their utter and rapid de struction. At an early period of the retreat the ladies who accompanied the army, and some of the officers, surrendered to him as prisoners ; and it must be remembered that lie honourably discharged the trust of protecting them. From that time till their release in consequence of Pommel:A invasion, he treated them with uniform kindness, associating with them from day to day, and ever. making him self a favourite with the ..hildren who were among his captives. His treachery, however, notwithstand ing the palliations which might be alleged for it, made it difficult to treat with him for the restoration of the prisoners. While General POLLOCK was middy g his preparations at Peehawur, lie entered into negotiations for this purpose, which uniformly failed,l in consequence of his natural distrust of the promises of the Affghan prince. In the mean time Msnomen AKBAR, having re coiled with the hordes which had destroyed ELPHlN erose's army from the steady valour of SALE and his little force at Jellalabad, was occupied in the manner familiar to oriental princes, with squabbles and intrigues for supremacy at Cabal. Kinsmen and chieftains, ZENIAN ANIKKOOLLAII, MA HOMED Site, and FerrEir JUNG, were fighting with AKBAR, or allying themselves with him against each other, from day to day ; but gradually his vigour, and the great services which he had rendered to his country, not the less valued, perhaps, for the treachery that stained them, gave him a certain increasing pre ponderance; and when, by POLLOCK'S masterly *demoe through the Khyber passes, the English ' Aug was again enabled to advance from Jellalabad, it was AKBAR who experienced on the field of Teycen the incapacity of his countrymen to oppose an Anglo-Indian array under a capable commander. In Mr. LL'AIING TON'S able and eloquent work—" A Great Country's Little Ware"—AKBAR'S conduct is trammed up with' , perfect fairness. It was a crime sot to be defended on any pretence of patriotism. Yet the massacre of Jaffa, for which there wus less excuse, has not destroyed the French adoration for Nsro- LEON. Blacker treachery for the same purpose has not prevented the Germans from making a national Ihero of Aate:et us. Among those who have founded or extended empires in the cast, there arc few whose lives are free from similar or worse stains. The Mali iratta hero, SEVAJEE, would have done it; ACRES , GREBE would have done it ; or to come to those with whom we have ourselves been connected, TIPPOO or HYDEr. would have done it." Since the time of the final evacuation of Affdhanis tan, MAIIONIED AKBAR KHAN has not again crossed the orbit of general liattory ; but the new:; published by the Indian papers, from their native correspondents beyond the mountains, has shown that hie customary activity was still in full exercise. On the return of his father to Cabal, in consequence of the peace, AKBAR established himself as his vizier, or principal minister, perhaps, also, in some degree, as his compe titor fur power, Sometimes he was reported to be en gaged in a struggle with some discontented chieftain; sometimes he was intriguing with nr against his uncles; at Candahar. More often still, he was reported to be watching an opportunity to recover the key of the country against Incite and the Punjaub, the old Affghan possession of Peshawar. All his schemes have been, it seems, cut short by a premature death. It is impossible to regret the loss of an able and energetic opponent, who would pro bably have remained through life, as he had shown himself hitherto, our irreconcilable enemy. England however, and India, can well afford to do justice even to those few enemies who have succeeded for a time in resisting our power. The crimes and temporary successes of An esaliave rescued him from the oblivion which awaits eastern chieftains, who hare only assisted in native struggles, those " Soakings of the kites and crows." It may be hoped that it 'Anise long before we give another enemy such an opportunity of ac quiring a historical name. THE House of Commons came to a division last night on Mr. DCNCOMBE'S amendment. The numbers show how little impression the more extreme denun ciations of the congregatiemilists have made upon parliament. To hear the arguments of certain very liberal members, such as Mr. HUMS and Sir W. CLAY, ono would suppose that 18t7 was the first year, in which the subject of education was broached in par liament. One would think, that the necessities of education having become every day more manifest, and all religious creeds and their professors consequently more anxious to set aside their prejudices, and agree in the great task, it only remained for government to concoct a scheme large, and liberal, and munificent enough. According to Mr. HUME, the country was quite ready to support a plan of education, independent of ecclesiastical considerations and religious sects. The ministry had but to announce it in order to over ride church and dissent. And Lord Joins Russet'. is very poor-spirited, it seems, for not making the attempt In the classical language of Mr. Hume, the characteristic of the whig Premier is, that he „ms s " • Is it possible that honourable members can so totally forget, or purposely throw into oblivion, all that has been laboured and has failed, been done and undone, on the subject of education for the last eight or nine years ? Is it not known that the very first effort to give a few thousand rends to education, and create a board for distributing it, was met by the determined opposition of the tortes themselves? Is it not recorded in " Hansard" that an administration, of which Lord Jonst RUSSELL was one, sought to establish in Eng land a system of instruction in normal schools, from which religious teaching would be set apart? Wm not the effort made to establish inspectors inde- LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 23. pendent of any society or church? Was it not made Tits Indian mail announces the death of MA- as evident as any proposition in Euclid, that to HOMED AKBAR KHAN, a man sufficiently remark- persist in any such scheme, however desirable, was able to justify a passing notice of the event, simply to shipwreck ar adjourn indefinitely all hopes even if he had not acquired a permanent place of national education? in history by his connexion with the greatest mis- Surely every one knows that the English system of fortune which, for many years , befell the British public instruction, the co-operative system, as it is empire. AEBAR had scarcely emerged from boyhood called, of the people and the state, was founded in when the Indian government first threatened the 1839 by a compromise between the two great parties power and existence of his father, Don MAHOMED, in the country, and that this compromme offers the i who was then, as now, Chief of Cabul, as well as that only possible foundation for building up any edifice' of his kinsmen, the other Baruksye princes, who of public instruction. filmed with him the sovereignty of Mfg • . In In 1843, Sir JAMES GRAHAM made an attempt to a short time he saw his country invaded and occupied enlarge education, certainly not on the principles of with no pretext but the right of the strongest; his this compromise. The bill for education in factories biller was first an exile at Bokhara, then an unsuccess- leaned decidedly and unfairly to the church. It was fill insurgent in the country where he bad reigned, and met bv the opposition of the dissenters, who p s cre at last the prisoner of Sir W. MACNAGUTEN, who joined' by the chiefs of the liberal party lia governed Afghanistan in the name of his contempti- went, and Sir James GRAHAM withdrew his bill in blc puppet Snan SOOJAH.' In the mean time discomfiture. MA/103:ED AKBAR kept himself out of reach of the The present government were too wise to follow 71 - fte 1 -1 1 pregO. MAILS. The overland closed motto, rtes Marvelßes, to the Mediterranean, Bgypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, thing Kong, Ac., will be made op on the evening of the 24th April. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Liobon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibreiter, will be made un an the morning of the 270 April. The main for New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and NOV Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 30th April. The West India mails, excluding those for Mexico, !Redone, and the will be made up on the morning of the let May. The overlent mails for Gibraltar. Malta, Greene, the kudos lolanda. Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, llong-liocg, and Chime, via Southampton, will be made up on the morning (tribe 3rd May. The malls for British North America. Bermuda, and the Dulled States, will be made nn on the evening of the 3rd May., The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte ideo, ?crows- Ono; Bahia, Madeira. and Buenos Ayres, will V be made up es the evening of the ith May. HMI WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Tzn DAT—Morning, 58 :Bin. put 7 ; Afternoon. 9 4 win. 9 214 a To-XORIOII-11ornine, 11 min. put 9; Aftanoon, 49 ant. put 9. say wok example. The scheme which they did rear was kept within the limits of tho great compro mise, was in fact but an extension of its principles. The Church accepts it, why should not Dissent ? But the fact is, that the example of 1813 made cer tain clamourers of that party believe that they alone could raise an outcry, and make that outcry prevail over the sense of every politician of experience, ar.d of the chiefs of every party in par liament. Ecclesiastics, who were evidently not men of the world, trusted to this clamour, and engaged in a crusade, like that of PETER the Maxi; from which all the lateral leaders, all the warriors of eminence and experience. held aloof. PETER the Henmtis horde of crusaders scarcely ever reached I, Palestine, or reached it but to succumb. And so is it with PETER the Hensler of Leeds. Nine-tenths of the objections raised to t"•.c minutes of 1846 might and ought to have been raised against those of 18.;9. But it would appear that a host of san guine permits, oongregationaliatsandeatholics,and their champions in the press, believed that the legislation of 1839 merely made a few concessions to the church which the lapse of years was to wear away; and that the 3car 1817 having brought in a ministry of undoubted sway and irresistible majority, the chief of that ministry could possibly have no difficulty in set ting aside the compromise of 1639, and opening quite a new era of English education on quite novel and lay principles, independent of creeds and churches, whose objections or whose enmity he could brush away with a wave of the hand. We really do not know whether to attribute such objections and suppositions to a want of common fair ness or to a want of common sense. People who speak so, either do not see the state of thiugs and of parties, or they will not see it, from being wrapped up in their own resentments and hallucinations. We trust that. now the question bids fair to be settled, they will open their eyes, awaken to the realities and necessities of things, cease to clamour for such impossibilities, or for undoing all that has been done towards national education for ' the last ten }'ears, and give over denouncing our moat I emineut patriots as traitors, merely because they do not again wreck a cabinet in a yam attempt to force exclusively lay education down the throat of the Church of England. the establishment of an united diet, which is called upon to discuss all general laws, relating to champs in personal rights and in those of property, and to taxation. That right of discussion cannot be replaced by the votes of a provincial diet or by a committee of the united diet. Most Gracious King and Lord, so true subjects, honour ing the word of our royal ruler, even when it sffliets us (auchwems es arhrnerzlirh laertihre), and respecting the speech from the throne, we now tarn to your majesty's de claration, that the low of Jan 17, 1820, gives rights to, and implant duties on, the States which cannot be exercised or fulfilled either by provincial assemblies er by committees. But we cannot assert that the united diet, an far as the tune• lion guaranteed to it as an imperial assembly are concerned, may he legally represented by other bodies emanating from the States, and that by the convocation of such bodies, when the question of a loan is raised, the co-guarantee of the united diet may be dispensed with. Obedieut to the call of your majesty, and on the point of commencing our labours, we Gel censcientiou.ly bound to lay before the throne our present respectful declarations in &veer of the maintenance of the ri g hts of the states. Full of ez,ntelenee, we turn to the magnanimous prince who in his Isis lom has collected us around hint, in order that the power of the throne may be insepnrahly united with the advanta geous activity of the states. Your Majesty has pointed out the right ground for such a union when your Majesty ex claimed, "Let truth exist between us !" Wc live in the joyful anticipation that on such a heals the e lifice of the I future prosperity of our fatherland will rise more beautiful than seer. The power of the throng is well established when it is rooted on the moral consciousness of the nation. Under such eircumstaneee, tbo I'ra•aian nation has before it the propect of a sore mode of development, safe against all the clang, rs of the prescat time. Unds r the blessing of a pcwerful monarchical governmer.t, the natien will partici pate in all the advantages of a free and open national exist er.ce—OZlC that will aerate all claws of the people; and, whilst firmly bound in love and troth to its oovaresge, will premed on the mission to which Providence has called the Prussian people and the whole of our German fatherland. Our Paris correspondence of Wednesday has brought no domestic news of interest. The Chamber continued to be engaged in the debate on parlianrm tory reform and secondary instruction. The report of the committee favourable to a postage-reform had been presented to the Chamber. The Duke of Ikvonshire and Lord and Lady Car digan had arrived in Paris. A letter from Rome says that the Popo had declined receiving Don Enrique unless he were presented by the Spanish minister, but that the Prince refused to allow the latter to be present at his conferences with his Holiness. After a lengthened debate, the address was adopted, with the suppression of the prrzion in which a periodical con vocation of the diet is claimed, and with the modification of the part which was intended as a sort of remonstrance to the King. The suppressed paragraph was as follows: " The decree cf the Fith January, 1820, compels the authority chargel with the administration of the public debt to gire an account annually to the assembly of the states of the kingdom, and thus ensures to it the vital condi tion of useful avian, sir., its periodical convocation." The concluding portico of the address now stands as fol lows. comparing it with the draft prevented by the committee, it will he sera that the language is much more subdued than in the original : " We are confident that your Majesty will not cons:der it a want of gnnitude, if, in the csurse of our deliberations, we should be occupied in a more circumstantial manner with the points of the decrees of the 3rd of February of this year, which many amongst 113 do not regard so being perfectly in accord with tlac most anti, nt laws ; for, in order that the faithful states of your Majesty may prove a true support to the throne, in order that we may be able efficaciously to aid your Majesty in your efforts for the security and prosperity of cur dear country, those whom we represent must have the most sincere conviction that the representative r.ghts accord ed to us by the King are dear to um, as well as the honour and force of the crown; and that we will protect the one and the other as being equally precious. It the diet., in the course of its deliLerntions, if your Majesty, from motives, which in such case the diet will respectfully lay before you, should he convinced of the divergences between the ancient and the present laws, we clout not tkat the wisdom and justice of your Majesty wi:l adopt measures to had to an accord cempatible with tho prosperity of Prussia— a pro sperity which rests upon the force of the monarchical prin ciple, and on a sure and well-regulated representative legis lation." The Madrid mails of the 15th and IGth have been received, but their contents are without interest. The new ministry have succeeded, by the aid of the Pro gressist party, in securing the election of the candi date of their choice to the vice-presidency of the Chamber, vacated by M. Salamanca. Several new appointments in the royal household have been made, among which is mentioned M. Luis Maria Pastors, named gentleman-in-waiting on her Majesty, well known for his talent as a writer, and for his acquaintance with subjects of administrat:on and finance. M. Olexa , m. had been graciously received by the Queen, and had solicited the favour of being presented to the King. The ministry had presented to the Chamber projects of law upon the liberty of Ithe press, and several financial measure , . El Espana i says, that M. Henderson has addressed another re monstrance to the Minister of Finance, on the subject of the foreign debt. GERM ANY.—PatramAN Frnawca.—By the law of 18th January, 1820, it is enacted that the excess of receipts over expenses in the coffers of the state. in 1810 and the sub sequent years, should serve as a fund to enable the Prussian army to be put, at any time, on a war (doting, without new taxes on the people ; the present king on his accession found the fund in a aatisiketory state, from the strict economy that had been observed atter the expenses incurred by the military preporations of 1830 and 1831 ; and from lit July, 1840, to 31st December, 1846, the fund bra been increased by 7,621,964 thalers (upwards of 33,030,00*ft.). The total amount of this war fund, is, however, not stated. Relative to different special funds, the control of which is confided to the treasury, the first and most important is derived from the realisation of paper money. having risen to 4,520,000 thalers, a royal order decided that 4,000,000 thalers should be taken from this source fur charitable pur poem. The second fund is created by the sums obtained for homes of the disbanded regiments of the leedtcehr, w hich are made over to the regular cavalry. It amounts at present to 324,426 thalers. The third fund is formed by the profits derived from the postoffice, after deducting 200,000 dialers paid to the treasury. This fund is devoted to the encou ragement of the arts, and to the payment of unforeseen ca ptions of public worship. It was from it that the amount necessary to the establishment of the protestant bishopric, at Jerusalem, was taken. The total amount which has been disbursed from it is 674,046 dialers. The fourth fund, f which is left at the disposal of the king, is destined to egoist distressed landed proprietors, merchants. isoldiers,and others, with loam on mortgage or on simple acknowledgmeata. The amount in hand hoe been as high as 890,513 thalers, but at present it is only 637,627 chafers. GREECE.—ATHENS, APRIL 4.—The Ottoman Porte has sent a circular to the great powers explaining the motives of its conduct in the Greek difference, and announc ing its intentisn of p.rsisting in its ultimatum, and of the interruption of its diplomatic relations with Greece. There was a rumour that the partisans of Marromichalis and Tzauchakis badcome to blows, and that blcsd had been shed. This was attributed to the presence of the British squadron. —Allgenseine Zeituu SOUTH AMERICA.— MARANHAM.— We have received the Publicador Maranhaisc of 9,11 March. It is literally destitute of mws, with the exception of a letter (dated 21st Feb ), from Para, auguring gloomily of disturb ances to result from the impending elections. and stating that there was a great scarcity of mandicca meal, which was sell ing at unprecedented high prices. ALGERIA, MARCH IG.—The Monitersr Akgrien, of the 13th, says " The accounts from Oran confirm the news of the presence of the Deira of ALd-el-Kader iu the country of the Ahmyan Oarabu, where it is under the guard of the regular infantry. The object of Ahd-el-Kadet in coming among the Ahmyan Gateau, from which he is said to have proceeded to the Beni Oules, a Morocco tribe bordering on the Ahmyans, is supposed to have been for the purpose of stirring up resistance in the Khours (walled villages of the Little Desert), before which General Cavaignac is soon to present himself. It is said that Abdsl-K ado. has made his peace with the Halals, and that all his efforts for the moment tend to re-establish his influence over the Moorish tribes of the frontier. We have already mentioned the precautions which have been adopted. The columns of Generals Ca vaignac and Renault are in operation, that of General Yusuf is forming itself at Tenietel-Ildad. The column of Orlean. vale, after having by a razzia chastised the Ouled Jounes and the Ouled Abdallaha, has been dissolved, and the troops have resumed their different labours." PROJECT OF ADDRESS, AS DRAWN UP BY THE COMMITTEE. IN ANSWER TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA'S SPEECH. Most puissant King, moot gracious Lord,—Your Majesty, ever since your accession to the throne, has on cesasngty laboured to promote the noble development of national existence, and the country gratefully rejoices in the blessing which is bestowed en it through the people being enabled to feel a more lively sympathy in public affairs. Your Majesty, recognising the want of a general organ of the states, one that would promote and advance the unity of the country, has been graciously pleased to convoke the pro vincial diets to a general one. Through a free and truly royal resolution your Majesty has deigned to take a great step, and we only fulfil a sacred duty when, in insepa -1 table attachment to your Majesty's person and house, we lay before your throne the thanks of a loyal people. Through the elevated spirit of its prince, and the power of the national feeling, the country has been raised in the social scale, and its future prosperity reposes on a double bards. That basis has received a new guarantee. In your royal patent of the 3rd of February last, your Majesty expressed the intention to erect a superstructure on the laws left by the late King—la ens to which Me people adhere as to the well-earned Inheritance of their fidelity in Me contest. Whilst your Mnjesty has maintained in force the reserva tion expressed in the law of Jane 5, 1823, and has given the name of " United Diet " to the assembly, which in that law is called " A Genteel Assembly of the States," and in the law of Jan. 17, 1820, "An Imperial Assembly of the States," (Reichstandische Versammlung) there are several rights made over to the General Diet —rights based on former laws (in friiheren Gesetsen begriindekn Reehte). The ordonnance of Jan. 17, 1820, requires the directors of the national debt to lay a yearly report before the Imperial Assembly of the States , and thereby secures to that body a periodical convocation, which is the vital condition of activity. The same law not only requires the co operation of the Imperial Assembly of the States with re spect to loans, for which the entire property of the state is pledged as a security; bat also for each new loan which the state it under the necessity of contracting for its own maintenance, or for the general good. Consequently the guarantee of national debts depends greatly on the correct knowledge of the financial state, and of the resources of the treasury; and consequently, also, the co-operation of the states with respect to the management of national property (as guaranteed in the law of January 11, 1820), became' a portion of their rights. Moreover, the law of June 5,18'23, provides that, so long as no general assembly of the States shall take place, the projects of general laws shall be laid before the pro vincial diets. This provision bas now been carried out, by 'Zbt court. - - - Her Majesty the Queen Dowager visited the Queen yesterday, at Buckingham Palace, and remained to luncheon with her Maim, and Prince Albert. Their Royal 'light:easel , Prince Albert and the Duchess of Kent visaed yesterday, at Willie's-rooms, the Buser fee the relief of the famine in Ireland, and distress in Scotland. 'for Majesty and Prince Albert honoured Her Majesty's Theatre with their presence, last evening. The royal suito consisted of the Countess of Charlemont, lion. Miss Kerr, E art of Tlorion. Major General Wemym, and Captain the lion. A. 11. Glrdon. tier Royal IliAhncas the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, also honoured the p,rformana a at lite Majesty's Theatre with her pet senee, last evening. Iler Royal Highness the Duchess of Rent visited her Majesty the Quern Dowager yesterday, at Marlborough Mouse. His Excellency the Baron Schemmelpcnninek, the Dutch ambassador to the British court, arrived in lundon yesterday morning, by the General Steam Navigation Com pany's mail steam-ship Giraffe, that lett Rotterdam the previous day. A deputation respecting copper ore had an inter view with Lord J. Russell yesterday, at his official residencein Downine-at. The Marquis of Northampteu, Lord J. Stuart, and a deputation, had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home Office. Mr. Riley, chairman, and Mr. Holt, solicitor, of the company of proprietors of the I.:vegool Water Works (usually called the Bootle Water Works Company), a deputation oe the health of towns bill, had an interview with Viscount Morpeth. yea. terday. at the office of her Majesty's Commissioners of Woods and Forests, in Whitehall-place. Mr. J. B. Buller, and Mr. .1. W. Badham, had an interview with the Right lion. Edward Strutt, yesterday, at the office of the Commissioners of Railways, in Great li,orge-straet. Mr. liigham, Secre tary and Comptroller-General to the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, yesterday, at his official rev demo in Downing-street. A deputation front the Rochester Water Works Company, including Mr. W. Roberts and Mr. Thomas Booth, had an interview with Viscount Morpeth, yesterday. Lord Portman had an interview with Sir G. Grey, yesterday ; Mr. Hutt, M.P., and Lord Villiers, had also interviews with the Right Hon. Baronet, yesterday, at the Home-office. A deputation on the subject of the Factory Bill had an interview with the Marquis of Lansdowne, yes terday, at the Privy Council office, Whitehall. Sir J. Graham had an interview, yesterday, with the Right Hon. E. Strutt. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a general meeting yesterday. 'rho Metropolitan Improvements Commission had a meeting yesterday, in Whitehall-place. The commissioners present were Viscount Morpeth, the Lord Mayor, the Right Hon. J. C. lisrries, Sir R. Inglis, Sir C. Lemon, Mr. Hope, Mr. Gore, and Mr. Milne. MARRIAGES IS Hiatt LIFE.—The marriage of the Marquis of Salisbury and Lady Mary West, youngest daughter of the Earl and Countess Delaware, is to be solemnised in the course of the ensuing week. The nuptials of the Hon. Miss Gage, daughter of Viscount and Viscountess Gage, and the lion. Mr. Vereker, son of Viscount Gort, is to be celebrated early neat month. BURIAL OF SIR WALTER SCOTT.—The body of Sir Walter Scott was brought home in the Wellesley, and is now en its way for interment in the grave of the author of Waverley," in Drybergh Abbey. Abbotsford does not, as previously stated, pass at once to the son of the editor of the Quarterly Review. Lady Scott, by her marriage settle ment, has a life interest in the estate. HEATH OP Mits. llisnsEn.—On Tuesday infor mation was received in town of the demise of thislady, the wife of J. Disraeli, Esq., author of " The Curiosities of Literature," and mother of the present member of par , liament. She was in her 72nd year, and died at her seat in Buckinghamshire, much regretted by a numerous circle of friends. LONDON DIOCESAN BOARD OF EDUCATION. METROPOLIS SCHOOLS FUND.—A meeting in aid of the objects of the Loudon Diocesan Board of Education was held yesterday, at Willis's rooms, St. Jason's. The Sieben ,:of London took the chair, and in opening the bun dem of the meeting stated its objects, which were simply to obtain additional Lunde, not only to increase the efficacy of the existing schools, but in building a considerable number of additional ones, in order to provide in some degree for the educational wants of the metropolis. It was unneces airy for hint to do more than briefly allude to the want of religious instruction, and the state of moral depravity of a large number of the people ; but there were two or three facts which he thought should be stated. In the county of Middlesex, from September 29, 1843, to April, 1846, 2,032 young thieves had been is enetraly, almost • sixth part of whom had teen uneducated. Out of 252,544 persons charged with offences in England and Waite, from 1836 to 1845, only . 22,159 mid read and write well ; and only 1,085 had received superior ecluration. Of prisoners tried at anises and sessions ' from 1839 to 1843, nine per cent. only could read sad write well ; of those who were summarily convicted only four per cent. ; and more than ninety per cent. of both classes had received little or no instruction. The proposal contained in the minutes of the committee of the privy conned on education offered assistance of which too schools would be able to avail themselves, except those which were in • state of comparative efficiency, wLich was satisfactory, inasmuch as they knew that no part of the grant would be wasted ; but the fact rendered it necessary that the schools should be brought into such a state of efficiency as would enable the schools to take advantage of the grant. They (the diocesan board) agreed entirely with the government that it was their duty to make the schools efficient ; and for that purpose he conceived it to be indispensable that the condition of the minters should be improved; for it was vain to hope that they could obtain the services of well-instructed and efficient masters, unless they could secure them something like • decent main tenance. To carry out these objects it was necessary that funds should be raised, and his lordship concluded with an earnest appeal to the public for their assistance in so doing. Lord ASHLEY moved the flint resolution : That the meson of edneation for the poorer dames of the ammo. pity are proved to be Inadequate; and that it I. of the highest im... pottiest that mature* should be adopted on a male commensurate with the existing wants, to remedy the evils arising from the neglect of so large a portion of the population. The Rev. Dr. which was about ' man ea the plhne The CILLIWIAN Ol irregater t soul could the protect, which of thediocesan board. lion without further 'unanimously. ireiznessm assianded the ruolution, to be put to tits meeting, when a gende- rs said he had ea amend ment • • • • . r observed that math a p • • - • Id Act be permitted in -• "tinnier •• ' &wu ore entirely • • • • • snpio 'rd. Ile would • ."1 • pettilee resole--I ter delay. 'the 71' . eras adopted— ' ' •,„ •