The Express. — London, England, 1851-04-04 00:00:00

Ilir IL INGLIS thought it far hetter for the eommittee Doe to recognise a purpose which the house had declared would not recognise. Mr. GROGAN said the word" Eshihition" was new first p ro pped to be recognised by the house; and he begged to reit ... d the right hon. baronet ipisoite that the insertion o h words Archbishop of Dutiiin" in a private act of parliament was adduced by a luminary of the Roman catholic church as one of the strongest arguments against the Eecksiaatical 'fitly. Bill. (Hear.) Colonel SI I:1110RP objected to that protection being given to the toreigner whkh was denied to the English inventor. Mr. Alderman THONIPSON said the provisions of the bill mainly applied to the Exhibition of Veil ; how then wee it possible to avoid mentioning it ? The manufacturers in the north of England especially were anxiously looking for the passing of this bill. Time premed ; the period had nearly expired; and great public ineouvenienee and dis appointment would ensue if this bill were rejected. Mr. 6Eeniil saw no objection to the use of the word exhibition." As to the use of the words " Archbishop of Dublin" in a private act, he would observe that they had been introduced by Earl Grey. Mr. NPOONEII said the government had not pledged themselves not to ask for any tote of money in aid of the exhibition; they had merely stated that they bad no such intention. Mr. NII'LLINGS did not think the preamble at all an essential pert of the enactment. The preamble might me rely state " Whereas it is desirable to enact as follows," I I and nothing more was necessary. Mr. LABOCCIIEItIi ;tenanted that the enacting part, ° of the hill were not affected by the preamble ; still it was ] preferable to have a suitable rather than an unsuitable • one. The sole object of the bill being to protect foreign and British exhibitors at the exhibition, it was proper to state that in the preamble : all the pledge that the govern- meat could give, and which he mpeatml, was that they had , • nn intention to ask fur any vote ; an.l them was less proba bility of that now than there was NS( session. After a few words from Mr. Iltrt LV, Mr. W.tLl'ol.l.: suggested that the difficulty would he got i.vice if the preamble were made consistent with the object of the bill as StAtill in the first clause. Ile prole...sect lu accomplish this be inserting in the preamble. after the word " invelltifll3,•*tlll. words "in any place of exhibition pit certified by the Lords of 'otomittee of Privy Council to be a plan• o f exhibition within the meaning of the Desimis Art of Ifshe" (Hear, hear.) Sir J. ROMILLI" saw no objection to this alteration, except that it wan putting the exact words he wanted in three lines instead of "nos. Mr. Arwright's amendment was then withdrawn, and Mr. W,dpole's sneer. stem tieing received as an amendment, The house divided. 'the numbers were : For the amen d ment r"; Against The am. nolinent was euesequently lost, and the bdl pawed through committee. APPRENTICES TO SEA-SERVICE (IRELAND). The Apprentices to Sea-Service (Ireland) Bill was read a mewed time. 'SMALL TEN E'MENTS RATING ACT AMENDMENT. The Small Tenements Rating Act Amendment Bill was umus sr .d a second time. BOARD OF ........ The Gener.il hoard of Health Bill waa wad a second time. The noumitt.. lust Need fur NEinilay. pitorEss AND PRACTICE (IRELAND) BILL. Oa the runtime that the. hill lw read a second time, Mr. HATCHELL stated, in reply to a queation put by Col. Donne, that the hill was intended as an eztension of the hill passed in the lied atwainn. The hill we. then a aummilltime. MARINE MIA IN BILL. This hill was remd a third time on the motion of Mr. F. Marts, as tam was the Mutiny Bill. The reniAinind orders were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at h.ilf.past 12 a'eluck. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. OATH OF ABJURATION (JEWS). gennutien n- , „ lent) wed; Inman mad., ale tittenthe put, "Ilea the Mew ug,l otentedeatele moles Itself sent n committee. In t.. 14 iatonoooderattoo the ante d odminietertag the nth or shonot o p t.. peteoft• •leoetits tholes - in retionte."—(Loed John Rowell.;—Tut 11.0 e divided; •yee, III; wee, 9S. A \'Y.l Adair, lllimb Y.. .._ (na .ell, Irani M. Parker, John Agit silty, Henry A. tilimin, I WAS al M. Put At, Prance. A'eg ir 1., 1 booms lillium to once Pilkifirton, James Atalautax. Orilla, I :rue, (Meyer IL J. Pinney, William Amity, Thum. C. Cr inc., Tholes. l'. Power, Nicholas Monatomic, Mr .1. I:pl . . Kt ll.m. SW Li. l'ooorlett. Lori W. Pairibmw. John lire,. B.lph W. Price, Wr !Wert Num it, lit. lion.M.T. II oue. Aleunder Motets, Henry T. lianas. Mr t. T. Ilmelmil. Kt. lion. J. /taw tion, Colonel Ihamard, E.d...r.1 (1. Mfr.*, Hrn).mig 107nniali, John Damn, Mr Drury W. Ileathomt, John Mc ado, Oman Dell, ',lob Cleary, Alexander Ki•e, Ildward It. Deli... Ilarhard M. Drys rob, Locums Witturesh T. J. A. Pulteley, Admiral Illisom., Omer UM. lb molly, Coker, Notelet, Hon. 11, r. llobnim..Thomm IL Roundly, Sir Juba Berkeley, C. L. G. Doter., 1 Mama L. IttuoelL Lord Jolla Dermal, Ralph 11• enc, Mr James W. Koch, I. C. U. 111..kr. ?Clint J. Illutiw, Jewph 14:01.1r, John Bright, John Iltimphrev, Mr. Ald. Plaivrey,Cultierl liscoslebuut, John Ilutehifte. Edward J. Seho weld, William Proflurtnn, J.seph Hut.. Wiliam Wally, Prone,. Iturkr, sw T. J. J0......0n, William. Seymour, Lord Mutltr, nem S. k y•mg. itittert Short.; Itobtol D. eardwell, Email I. pih, Wi 144114 Smith, Kt. Iln. It. V. Child Tr. Jabs W, k, ~run, lass, Knish, John Abel Clay, I..me. Latrechere. Kt. lion. somerrille. Sir W. N. Clerk. Kt. Dm Sir (I. Lasomon. James 11. mutton, Millions 11. Cothbarm sir A. J. K. 1,111 S. /fit Marla Staunton, Sir Demme Culehrooke Sir T. K. 1...Ws G. urge C. Str wklamd, Mr George Collins. Willium I...ekr. J. vpi Sullivan, Michael Curpe., lion. W. F. Livotirs, Pim Talbot, J. Demist! Crawford, W. 0. 31.1irriror, Jobs Towed, Henry W. Crain, Sir W. U. Mquirart. Sir John Thicknuer, K. A. Cubit t., William II liter, Nichl... V. Ilautopeon, Colomil lu'ormple. Capt. Mahon, The Ift forra. Th 'rale', Thomas Damon, lion. T. V. Mangle., Mat D. ?oniony/Me. Ile. F. J. Venom, John V.. listhemo, Col. Townie., IL 0. IrErw,airl.lbta.r.T. blaulr, .t. Its. Vol Tumadiend, Capt. I auveli, Kt rdarram blr'rund, V kvount Tufeell, EL lion. 11. hake, Mr June. Wats It 4• tr.l M. Vane, U.l Harry lame.% Ximsmot Mitchell. Thomas A. Volans, SM. C. Dun an, George Moff 4.,(M0rm0 Vivian, John 11. Duna.% Admiral Moms(,. Weisim Wakley. Tholmlin Duirtaa,ltt.llon.sirli. Moir., hard Wilmal, Sir J. Donne. Colo-el Muli.z, lir. wire V. Weeth.., J. P. 8. Ebrisirtan, Viscount Autrey., Lord Willcox, IL MlSible Ellis, John More..., Mr D. J. Wilbur, Juba Eras., Willhua irlirier. 3• Willumn, Walvis gnat, Williiim Wisp/milt, John Wtllliimmon, Mr U. Vegan, Williun l)t,mis ii, Morgan J. Wiliam, Jamas ',pap/ I'm henry I r ruturtr, An th ony Wilson, Mathew 14.417, John li. 11. lied, Wit Lim Wood, Sir C. I , yen, Alexander 1/..N.r. r. it.Oh Punnet, Matthew I i aen, fir John VILLA'S. AWL, Williams J. root Lord Alfred Iloyler, Kt. HILW.G. Vreutun, i olor el Paget, Lord Garrison Hill, Lard Manus. Trench, Eitutephen Pyinuratos, Viecount Arland. Sir T. lt. ift v eh, tvlward A. Peel, Sir Imbirt Maoris/hi, Gears, I❑r• kulburn, Itt. Ile. 11. Pennant, Ilas. Cal. A.hley. Lard tovis .0. Edward Plowden, Men H. C. 'Wirt. Jontro linen, Howe! Prouptre, Jahn P. ILornw, I% Wise, it. ii..4.,41, ,4r Henry Reid. Coker' Borrioo;i1, withion II imiiton, George A. Rendleshani, Lord &Imam'. Viscount 1114,e, Sir Edmund Berton, Jelin C. Nest, John 11:31.1, Jame. Washout, Captain Hi... Leone, W. S. Hearts. Joseph W. Boomer, Henry Km Kim., Stephen IliMlyird, Hobert C. Sibthorp, Colonel Books, Admiral Brithani, Lard &mallet, Alexander Itrewralge, NachArkl Jowl.. Cuptain tiothrrton, I'. 11. S. liri•co, Musgrave I.isy, Herat C. Spooner, &chard Itemse, C. L. C. Isnwrx, Lord A.G. Stafford. Augustus Muck Lewis W. Lind.... lion. Col. Stanrird. John Y. linter, Sir John T. Lri:hat: 1, Allan E. Stuart, John Carew, W. 11. P. Is vltlisrt, William Stun, Henry G. Christy, Smut Long, Walter Taylor. Thomas E. Clive, Henry B. Currie. Henry Imps% sir Ralph lbeniser, Sir F. I.cgiin. lion. Cienrral Tollemarbs, John Devine. Davit A. 4. 131 . .coasthren, Sir E. Trvior, Hon. G. IL Net, Hamlin liiabon. Viscount Tyler, Sir George Ma; J. S. W. S. E. hiiir% Witham Vevey. lion. Thomas thasssibe, lion A. *only . , Charism A. Wrodingtan, 11. A. lluncuP, John m,..re, (.4 wipe IL Walpole, Sproter 11. IM Pro. C. George Wore rn, Octavio, Welbv, Olynne Y. Earn, Sir Jame. B. AI oiling, Joseph 8.. Welksley, Lord C. EA ewer, henry Stonily, William WIT3III, Loftus T. Porter, Jams Nvpisi, Joseph Workhouse. Edmond Piker, Sir Edmund Noriil, Joh• Yorke, lion. E. T. Eloyer, John N.V.'ll, Joseph Porter, Wiliam i ....tilreon, Lard TeLLIIIi• Gallery, sir W. P. I' .I..narton, Sir John Inglis. Sir IL Galway, Viscount Pslie r, Robert Newilegate, C. N. Sir J. YOUNO we. shut out of the division on the second reading of Mr. Locke King's bill, against which he would Lou voted with ministers. be Court. The Queen held a drawing room yesterday after- noon in St. James's Palace. It was the first public recep tion for ladies this season, and was brilliantly and numerously attended. tier Majesty and Prince Albert arrived from Buckingham Palace shortly before two o'clock, attended by the ladies and gentlemen of the Royal suite. Before the drawing-room her Majesty, according to an nual custom, received a deputation from Christ's Hospital In the Throne-room. The deputation, which was ushered to the Royal presence by Sir tVilliam Martins, gentleman usher in waiting, consisted of Mr. Alderman Thompson, M.P.. the president; Mr. William Gilpin, the treasurer; Mr. James Bentley and Mr. Jahn Alexander Hankey, two of the governoirs of the institution; accompanied by the Rev. William Webster, M.A., the mathematical master ; Mr. William H. Burk. the drawing muster; and the 40 boys of the Royal Mathematical School, founded by King Charles the Second, and was must graciously received. The Queen condescended to inspect the charts and drawings, and was pleased to espn ss her high admiration and appro bation of the drawings of the boys, and especially of those representing the ships, harbour, and fortibcations of Portaamenth. Iler Majesty's Ilon. Corps of Gentlemen at Arms was on duty in the state 111.1.10114.. Yeomen of the Guard were on duty in the palace as 11M1.11, under the command of Captain Britain , . the exon in waiting. The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by the royal suite, returned to Bielkingharn Palace after the drawing- MOM. The Greek Minister and Madame Tricoupi were pre vented by indisposition from attending her Majesty's Drawing-room, yesterday. The Agricultural Jury of the Royal Commission for the Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations met yesterday at the Eahibitioc Building in Hyde-park.—Pre sent Mr. Pusey, M.P. (chairman) ; Colonel Challoner, Mr. Brandreth Gibbs, Mr. 'Esmond. The Muter of the Bolls hu appointed Mr. Brett, of the Chancery liar, his chief secretary, and it,. Knight his first gentleman of the chamber• rr lIE QUARTERLY REVIEW, Nu. CLXXVI., ± will Int pab.iottrd \,riWe. Y. Coorro 1. Poultry I.lterolor, 2. WMIMM In Iran..—Madan. de Moist/rm. 3. Johns Cn.ar-14.1,41/4 Wools 114tory. 4. lb. Ilrourlm. or •oe C. ache.. a. Mannar, Movement -Central motion. 4. Linn of Calvin. By Itpr,ka. 7. Lord Holland'. Rendalconals. L Lord lobo KUP•eq. John Mornay, ATbrinark.otrort. ght erortoo• TO CORRESPONDENTS. dreetlearmeablattudeel Eapreaa" Lavin Erevan paper, anus be 11 tag elem, le, lloaaaruastraat, b TIN Wekek ea nu dgef puerile:sties. lIIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE Tau D44-1313raim 31. 41m ..Afteraer 31 Sir Teamakew-24cesisis. 4i. Allmon, 41. Air LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 4. "NOT yet :"—this is confessedly the KUM and sub stance of Lord STANLEYN elaborate address on Wed nesday lust, in Merchant Tailors' Hall. Within had gathered all the hungry, all the hopeful, and all the hesitating adherents of protection. They had been by various assurances decoyed into participating in the scene, and each no doubt cherished his own an ticipations of what their common leader was going to say. Dukes who had been in dudgeon because a Mil der course was not avowed, consented to leave their sulkiness at home, and to cat one more City dinner in honour of a re-united party. Marquises whom this same Lord STANLEY had helped to snub and to foliaxser from offices of public trust, condescended to drink his health as though he had never insulted them. Jobbing earls, whose near relatives the whigs but yesterday had made bishops, rejoiced in having such an oppor tunity of laughing in the face of their dupes; and not a few might he named whose personal adhesion, through the vaunted freemasonry of family con nection," we have often been told, constituted one of the principal claims of an exclusively aristocratic cabinet to bear rule. But whatever mar have been the diversity of mo tives that brought to the same table so many hete rogeneous nonentities, in their disappointment, at least, they must have found themselves agreed, when after an hour's oration they heard their chosen chief conclude without pronouncing the long promised words for which during the last two years they have so watchfully waited. Other leaders have carefully ab stained until the eve of action the choice of an appropriate signal. Many considerations render such merve politic and wise. But forethought is not Lord STANLEY'S forte. To give vent to his own impetuous and irritable temper, and to afford excite ment for the moment to his exigent followers, seems to be at all times his governing impulse. And ac cordingly, we all remember the marvellous harangue which he delivered, in one of his fits of excitement, to a collection of agricultural delegates, many months ago, and which contained the sober and statesman like declaration, that whenever he saw his way to drive the free-trade party from office, he would give the word—" Up, guards, and at them!" Anxiously were these ill-omened words waited for on Wednesday night. Audible were the palpitations of many an elderly and foul ll ill c heart as the would be Per? Seemodus laboured to prove that the liberal party never were so disorganised, that the adminis tration never was so weak, and that they, the elderlies and feminines of the good old tory school, never were so indispensable to the salvation of the state from impending ruin. Now then, if ever, must the watchword be given. The opportunity had presented itself in the disunion among reformers. The sense of duty," at whose instigation alone all men in this country profess to take office, never was more urgent or imerative. Surely, surely the day of reaction had conic at last. " Up, guards, and at them ?" Unhappy men and Merchant Tailors—Lord STANLEY still exclaims—" Not yet r true, pity, and pity 'tis true. We don't wonder that in the first paroxysm of chagrin a morning contemporary should not have had presence of mind to invent any excuse for the sad display of indecision on the part of its chief. Sentimentalisms about Sir Ronmt . and Lord GEoinit: BENTINCK, and much chiaro scare about the maintenance of protestantism, with the usual commonplaces about rank and property displayed on the occasion—all these would be very well at any other time, or apropos of any other topic. But these cannot compensate for the lack of spirit and resolve so glaringly betrayed in the long-winded evasion by Lord STANLEY of the sole question his entertainers of Wednesday last expected hint to answer, namely, whether he was ready to take office? Atter five sad years of patriotic endurance of the country's prosperity • a ft er witnessing the remission of successive taxes, and the gradual increase, notwithstanding, of the public re venue ; a ft er witnessing the kingom's escape from even the thought of revolution, and resuscitation from the calamities of famine and . panic, in a space incredibly brief; after calmly submitting to all these aggravations of their spleen, without attempting to seize the helm, or turn the ship's head against wind and tide—country gentlemen naturally feel it rather hard to be merely told, in very verbose rhetoric, that their principles are undoubtedly sound, and that, sooner or later, they are sure to prevail. Really, Lord STAN LEY'S love of trifling sometimes carries him rather fur. In the same spirit of merciless waggery we note his way of giving the health of his distinguished lieutenant in the Commons. Could he think of no graver or more generous terms in which to acknow ledge the priceless services of the only man of genius in the camp of dulness, than those in which he spoke of Mr. Insit.tett's "wit and general talent," which had made him "the terror of his enemies?" As might have been expected, the announcement in this style of the hated and envied plebeian's name was received with " laughter and cheers." No wonder that the buoyancy of the man forsook him, and that the few sentences uttered by the slighted leader of the faction in the lower house fell fiat and pointless on the assemblage. And this, then, is the end of long, arduous, and inestimable services rendered by a child of the people to their discomfited and despairing masters in their hour of need. This is the recognition a man of self-reliant and self-dependent spirit finds from the supercilious and insolent class for whom be invented a cause, wove a banner, and forged a whole armoury of weapons of defence and of attack. " Wit and general talent," and that is all. Had Mr. DisusEtt been born the son of a peer, and made any one of his numberless speeches in the cause of protection, what laudations and eulogies should we not have had from his haughty leader ? With what bursts of well-bred enthusiasm would such praises have been responded to ? But he is, and must on the moat conspicuous occasions, and in the moat invidious phrases, be reminded by the ungrateful and ungenerous masters whom he unhap pily saved, that though for them in the field, he is not them at the board. They are the old and incor rigible oligarchy who lived upon the industry of the wople, and who would, if they dared, set about their hereditary work of prey. And he and every other man who, forgetting the wrongs and the nghts of his own order, lends them the aid of his ability, elo quence, and versatile power, has this inevitable fate before him, to be spurned as an intruder TIIR conviction of LEVI HARWOOD and Jams JoNEs of the murder of Mr. HOLLaaT by the evi dence through which it was mainly reached, has deepened tenfold the tragic interest of the Frimley catastrophe, and given a novel incident to the dreary and repulsive annals of crime. What the foul deed itself wanted in romance, the manner in which it has been proved to a jury has now surrounded it with ; and, though justice will not be baulked of some of the criminals, the actual murderer, there is too much reason to fear, will escape the penalty of his guilt by the success of a treachery which was prompted, not by any moral remorse or mental compunction for his act, but simply by the animal instinct of self-preservation. HIRAM SMITII seems at once to have realised the danger in which he stood, and made a desperate attempt to escape from the consequence of a burglary to which he himself added murder by disclosing all he knew, except those parts which by his own the most prominent guilt of the occurrence. In this dash for life the wretched man has so far been me. medal, and the law consigns to the 'gallows his less daring and really less guilty companions. Whether THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1851. it will grant him the impunity he expects remains to I be seen ; for the proclamation of the royal pardon to accomplices specially exempted the one who fired the fatal shot. The peculiarity of the ease. as tried, consists in this, that whilst,without t he evidence of Ht RAY SMITH, there was but slight, imperfect, circumstantial evidence : against the two convicts—(that against LEVI BAR- . WOOD consisting in the possession of a penny token that had been stolen on the night in question, and that against JAMES JONES in the recognition of his voice as that of one of the men who assisted in the murder by poor Mrs. lioiiEsr, and in the inferences to be drawn from a conversation between him and LEVI lIARWOOD, overheard in the lock-up house after their apprehension);—whilst, exclusive of the statement of the approver, this was the slender chain of testimony that connected them with the burglary and murder; it seems to have been quite possible to have convicted the approver himself of the murder by evidence which, though far from overwhelming, was still strong and irresistible. A heavy responsibility therefore falls on those who preferred convictingi;LEvi Haawoon and JONES on the testimony of IRAM SMITH, to establishing the guilt of SMITH by the evidence of Mrs. liot.i.Esr, her servant ELEANOR VANNER, and the witnesses who saw the party proceeding towards Frimley on the night of the dreadful offence. ELEANOR VANNER proved beyond a doubt the visit of Hia‘st Swim a dav or two previously to the murder at Mr. HoLLEsfs - house in the guise of a hawker; and, taken in connexion with subsequent occurrences, that visit conclusively establishes a pre liminary inspection of the premises with the view to a burglary. Then come the invasion of Mr. ana Mrs. IfoitEsr's bed-chamber on the night of horrors; also the frightful incidents of which the unhappy lady so clearly stated ; how she, with a keen wo manly sense of danger, at once dispelled the cheer ful and affectionate mistake of her disturbed hus band—that the noise of the ruffians was only a playfill freak of their happy boys; how she pre served her senses whilst at the mercy of their vio lence., how, whilston the floor, threatened with death herself, she heard the pistol fired at her husband; how she saw the man who had fired it struggling with the unfortunate gentleman ; and how—but here let us use her own emphatic words—She Thought that Smith was the man who w struggling as with my husband, and who shot him, and I think so still. (tien , ation.) Mr. Dallantine—You still believe he was the man who shot your husband ? Mrs. holiest—l certainly do; that is my deliberate opinion, given upon my oath. (Great sensation.) Take the evidence of the preliminary visit, with this strong, deliberate, and deeply conotientious ex pression of identity; and add thereto litaANt Smut's own admission that he was present when, as he al leged, I.Evi IlAnwoon tired the shot ; consider the motive he had in thus transferring his own act to that ruffian—viz. pardon and pecuniary reward— and it is impossible to doubt that the actual murder was committed by SMITH. But deduct from the other facts Sunlit's own account, and to the former merely add that SMITH was proved to be an asso ciate of I.Evi llAnwoon and JONES—that he was seen going on the night in question towards ',rim v, preceded by IlAnwoein and followed by JONES; and there is little doubt that, hod he been placed in the dock on Monday last, he at least would now have been convicted for the murder, in which both judge and jury believe he was the chief actor. No doubt I.Ert 11.tawoon and JoNF,s went pre pared fur violence; no doubt both in law and in morals they are responsible for the consequences of the shot flutist SMITH fired; no doubt, therefore, that their conviction for murder is a right one. Still it does not follow that either of them would. in the position in which SMITH stood over Mr. llott.r.sx, have fired as he did; nay, the fair inference is that LEvi 11.tawoon, who was also struggling with that victim of SMITH'S brutality, would have hesitated before murdering him. So, whilst justice is satisfied at their conviction, our moral sense of retribution is outraged by the escape of HIRAM SMITH ; if his escape has been ensured by the precipitation with which he was accepted us approver. And the ruffian anticipates not only pardon, but also reward. " Mr. Charnock—Who first showed you the government proclamation of a reward ? Witness—The master of the station-house at Farnham. I heard there was to be 1501. reward, 50/. by the widow and 1001. by the government, and her Majesty's most gracious pardon to any of the accomplices who would confess, except the one that fired the shot. Mr. Charnock—Don't you expect to get a free pardon? Witness—lf these bills arc acted up to. Mr. Charnock—And a share of the reward too? Witness—Well, it were held out to any person that told the truth, and I have. (Laughter.) Cross-examined by Mr. Woollen Did you never ask Ilollington if the terms of the bill would be acted up to if you " peached ?" Witness—l don't know the meaning of the word." A pardon this Su ITII can never have from the Crown after3lrs.llol.msr's declaration that be killed her has band. Justice will have sadly miscarried, if he be permitted to evade punishment by the cunning that proved too much for the Surrey justices. ' But what a state of society within 50 miles of this metropolis does not the Frimley tragedy disclose. ' A band of ruffians, having Guildford for their head quarters, fixing on the particular premises which they • will, night utter night, break into; making in chis ' guise their preliminary surveys; prepared to murder • all the inmates for the sake of a bowl of pence, a • few silver spoons, or an old gown or two ; their • habits, their practices, nay, their trade—for burglary was with them a trade known and recognised by the persons in whose houses they lodged; and sympathy rather than disgust and hor s r exhibited for them after the commis- sion of their crimes. Talk of bands of Italian brigands ! Why for them there is some ex- CUse to be made—for their existence some apology can be suggested. But to have tolerated on the barren heaths about Guildford, in their beerhouses, a nest of burglars, is a disgrace and a scandal of the most inexcusable sort to the country. If government cannot protect the villages of Surrey against such out rages, society had better betake itself to the back woods of America, and seek safety there. It is useless to talk of education, of improved mo rality, and of religious influences preventing such crimes; we may wait half a century for =mu nity from outrage by such means. What is wanted is a little sacrifice of personal and domestic freedom for the sake of safety. Here, in the ease of these Friuiley murderers, they were all found lodging and living in beer-houses. Why not increase the powers of the police over those hot beds of crime and violence ? 1)o not put them down but place them under active surveillance. Give the rural police power to regulate rural lodging-houses as the Health of Towns Act of 1848 does such places in districts that hare come under its pro visions, and if these deeds of violence be not quite suppressed, they will be greatly reduced. At pre sent the growth of burglars and murderers in the country is unchecked ; there they tiourish in beer houses, lodging-houses, and low taverns ; carry on a systematic business in house-breaking; and only attract general attention when they perpetrate such horrible acts of violence as Mrs. HOLLEST has such just cause to mourn over. FRANCE. PAR I §:Ttt t• MOAT EIFININO. The ' , wend des Debars publishes a long memo randum on the German question, addressed by the French government to the powers who signed the treaty of N'ienna. The memorandum treats under all points of view the question whether Austria has the right of demanding the admission of her Italian and Slavonian provinces into the German Confederation, and whether this demand falls within the sole com petence of the Confederation. The document is dated March ti, ISM, and is as ollows : The Germanic confederation wee constituted by the federal treaty concluded at Vienna, June 8, 1815, between all the German governments, and of which the Ist article is conceived in the following terms: " The sovereign princes and free cities of Germany, including their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and the Kings of Prussia, Denmark, and the Netherlands,—that is to say, the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia, both for the whole of their rissessions formerly belonging to the German empire, the King of Denmark for Milstein, the King of the Netherlands for the Grand Duchy of Los , emburg, establish between them a lasting confederation, which shall bear the name of the Germanic Confederation." This article and the ten other articles of the federal treaty, which contain the principal hales of the confedera tion were re-produced verbatim under the Nos. 43-63 in the general treaty of Vienna signed the next day, June 9, by the representatives of the principal European powers. As to the articles 12-20 of the federal treaty, collectively desig nated as " special provisions," and applying to questions of minor importance, they were not, like the preceding, for iodic repeated in the general act of the Congress ; hut what . amounts to the same thing, the 61th article of that act, to which they were annexed declared that they would have the same force and validity as if they had been textually inserted. _ . Thus the treaty constituting the confederation, including its 'cut essential clauses, forms on integral part of the general treaty of the Congress, and if this principle were strictly carried out, not the least alteration could he made in the least clause, without the eoncurr•nce of all the go vernments which signed the general treaty. A fortiori, the some principle applies to article 1 of the federal treaty (Art. 53 of the general treaty) which creates the Confederation, gives it a rank among European states, and determines its limits. Front the declarations made by Austria and Prussia in 1818, at the moment when, in exe cution of the clause relating to them in the Ist article of the federal treaty of June 8, 181.1 (Art. 53 of the treaty . of the 9th of the same month), they designated for in corporation in the Germanic Confederation those provinces of their respective dominions which had formerly belonged to the empire, it has been wished to infer that this clause was considered arbitrary rather than strictly obligatory; whence it would follow that if Austria did not specially comprise Lombaidy among the provinces called to enter into the confederation, as she then claimed the right of doing, by virtue of the relations which had existed between this Italian possession and the German empire, the reason was that Abe waived, as she declared, giving this extension to the article. Austria had neither to interpret nor to extend the article. For her ns well as for Prussia the question was simply to execute it, by indicating those of their German possessions which were to enter into the territorial circumscription of the confederation. Lombardy could not assuredly Is• con sidered as entitled to figure under such a denomination in virtue of her former feudal relations to the German empire. And that this was the view taken by the cabinet of Vienna is clear from the exclusion of Lombardy, settled in the sitting of the diet on April 6, 1818, from the list of Austrian pros inei, which were to form part of the Confederation. Austria was then bent on proving to Germany how little it entered into her view. to extend beyond the Alps the line of defence of the Confederation. . Austria had no right beyond that which was created for , her by the treaty of J une 11, 181.1, in relation to this terri torial circumscription of the German Confederation. It would be. quite as difficult to aomit the other supposition, that Prussia, in 1818, would base had it understood that ;K: 7 1;1141ound in rigour to enter into the Confederation with all her provinecri which had been formerly &p en- deneies of the empire." Witneas the terms of the vote given in the name of the King of Prussia, in the sitting of the Diet on the nth May: ' ilk Majesty thinks that he cannot better prove the sin cere part which he wishes to take in :al which promises to secure the future repose of Germany, and the most perfect development of her internal strength, than by joining with this object the Germanic confederation, with all the German provinces of the monarchy already formerly attached to Germany by language, manners, laws, and in general na tionality." The designation of these provinces follows. Such a declaration implies no sort of reserve, supposes no arrierepenst:e. It shows, on the contrary, how fully Prussia entered then into the spirit of Germanic homogeneousness which prevailed in the formation and composition of the confederation. _ _ Prussia conformed purely and simply to the clause of the tat article of the federal treaty of June 8, 1815, and still more so to Art. 53 of the European treaty of June 9. The only argument hitherto brought to contest the right of the European powers which signed the treat• of Vienna to intervene in modifications of the territorial limits of the confederation rests upon Art. 6 of the Final Act, concluded at Vienna in 1820, between the plenipotentiaries of the Germanic governments, to complete and develope the pro visions of the federal treat•. It is therein said that, " The admission of a new member into the confederation can only take place when it is judged compatible with existing rela tions and with the general interest of the confederate states." _ _ It is difficult to understand in what respect this article can invalidate the right of European powers to take part in the alteration that might be contemplated in the arrange ' ments of 1815. . _ . _ In the first place it speaks of the admission of a new member, whereas nothing of that kind is at present in ques tion. Austria makes part of the confederation ; and now she want* to figure therein with all her provinces, instead of those provinces which are German. For the rest, even were it admitted that, in default of the literal sense, the spirit of this stipulation applied to the case of the incorporation of new temtories in the confedera tion, it would have the meaning attributed to it. From the circumstance of its exacting for this case the unanimous consent of all the German governments, it by no means follows that the same article contests the right of the powers which signed the treaty of 1815 to interfere for the purpose of ratifying or of opposing the change in ques tion. It says that to authorise such a measure the consent of all the German governments is necessary ; but it does not say that this consent dispenses with that of the other powers ; nor can it say so, because the contrary results positively from the treaty of Vienna. It is in fact clearly not competent to the German goverment. alone to alter stipulations agreed to by Europe in common. It is therefore evident that article 6 of the Final Act has not in any respect derogated, nor can derogate from article 53 of the general treaty; but that it has left things in the state in which the latter article had placed them ; and that in order to modify this state of things it is necessary to have recourse to the authority by which it has been established— that is, to obtain the consent of the principal European powers. It is objected that in 1848 the Diet of Frankfort admitted into the Confederation several provinces of Prussia which had been hitherto foreign to it. It is easy to answer that, Europe not having sanctioned this decision, it is, as far as right goes, null and void, and that the general circumstances which shook the whole European edifice explain suf. ficiently the absence of formal protestations. No one, it would seem, has any interest in maintaining that all which then passed in Europe, without becoming the subject of a protest, has by this circumstance obtained the sanction of legitimacy. Besides, the opinion of France on this subject has been made known. It remains to examine if there arc sufficient reasons for determining the European powers to give that consent the necessity of which has just been established. Austria, it is said, having established in her internal administration the system of unity, can only remain in the Confederation with the whole of her territory. If she were not permitted to do this, she would rather cease to be a member of the Confederation than create a schism in her possessions by subjecting them to two different systems. There is here a question of right and a question of fact. Let us begin by examining the first. When the confederation was formed the interior system of Austria allowed it to join it on the conditions prescribed by the Federal Act and by the general Act of Congress. She cannot now argue modifications which she has thought fit to introduce into her individual constitution as a reason for requiring what will change the very nature of the Con federation. Nor can she threaten to retire from the Confederation if her demands be not acceded to. It is said in effect, in Art. 53 of the General Act, so often cited, that the German governments should esta blish between themselves a perpetual confederation, and the Final Act of ltial interpreting this clause, says expressly in An. 5 that "the confederation is indis soluble by the very principle of its constitution, so that none of its members have the liberty of seceding from it." So much for the right. As to the fact (which doubtless must have great weight when it has reference to so great a power as Austria), it m a y b e a ffi rme d, w ithout hesitation, that the Cabinet of Vienna, whether it obtain or not the incorporation of the whole of its provinces, will never voluntarily renounce making a part of a confederation on which it exercises an influence which is one of the principal elements of its political powers. It may be added that the undivided existence of the Austrian empire has not yet so absolute a character, is not so much an accomplished fact that no means can be found of reconciling it with the maintenance of a portion of that empire out of the Confederation of which the rest should continue to form part. To satisfy Europe . against the con sequences of the proposed innovation, and indeed to afford it a means of deriving advantage from it, recourse has been had to arguments of a very different nature. In reply to those who allege that France and Russia, in case of a struggle with Austria either in Italy or on the eastern frontier, would necessarily find themselves ireduced by the effect of this innovation to the necessity of opposing the entire confederation, and that, consequently, their 'position would be rendered worse, and that they have the right to oppose it, it may be said that that would make no change in the actual chances, the force of events necessarily involving sooner or later the confederation in any serious con flict in which the most powerful members might be engaged. This allegation, and consequently the inductions from it, are not quite exact. In past times, when Austria, by the imperial dignity with which its sovereign was habitually clothed, found itself placed at the head of Germany, it has not been wen that she has always succeeded in involving it m the wan of Italy and Hungary. Nothing, then, absolutely proves that under the empire of the federal pact of 1811 she should succeed better. Even supposing that this result were probable at present, it is only a probability, whilst after the projected incorporation it would become certain. It is enough to say that this incur rotation is not, as it is attempted to be made believed, an indifferent circumstance as to the balance of power in Europe, and one with which the other governments have not to concern themselves in that respect. The cabinet of Vienna pretends also that, funda mentally, there will be no change in the principle. of , the German federal right by the explicit and effective aggregation to the Germanic confederation of the non-G.-man provinces of Austria, because, in case of defensive war, in which Austria or Prussia may be engaged, one or , oothe r, before as well as after such annexation, would bring into the conflict all its disposable forces without distinction of those furnished by the Germanic or non-Germanic provinces. It is added, that in the actual state of things, if the war should assume larger proportions, the whole Confederation would he inevitably led to juin in it in virtue of the article 47 of of the final act of May Li, 1820. This articlestipulates that if a confederate state " shall be menae d or attacked in its possessions not comprised in the Confederation, it shall not be obliged to take measures of defence, or an active part in the war, until the Diet shall have resolved in permanent council by a majority of votes that a danger exists for the territory of the Confederation." It may be clearly seen by the very terms of this Article, that a state of the Confederation having to fight for its non-German possessions, cannot, ipso facto, draw Germany into the quarrel; but Germany must judge it necessary, .or its own safety, to take an active part, whilst in the new and rohnorrnal situation imposed on it by the incorporation of all the provinces of the Austrian em pire the Confederation would find itself engaged a priori, by the effect ot' a complete military consolidation, to take part with and for Austria, in a war that she might have to sustain out of Germany. In the present state of things the Confederation would examine, discuss, consent, or refuse as it may think proper. In the combination in question it would have only to obey—its free will would vanish. This situation would assuredly he very different. It is supposed, it is true, that, the whole of Austria made part of the Con federation, the Diet, using its right on a state sub mitted wholly to its jurisdiction, would prevent the Austrian government from engaging too easily in struggles of which it would have to submit to the consequences. This argument is identical with the supposition that Austria, although representing in the Confederation a territory and population three times greater than now, would nut exercise the absolute preponderance that such an increase would stem to insure her,and would not pretend to any greater influence than heretofore. The apologists of the project of incorpo ration pretend, in fact, that this measure required by the interior necessities of the empire, ought not to confer on her any increase of power either in Europe or in the Confederation. This assertion appears difficult to reconcile with the reasoning to which they have recourse to show the advantages that the incorporation would have fur the cause of order and peace. It was then urged that Austria, become'more power ful in the federal council, would be better able to restrain the revolutionary spirit in Germany, and the ambitious in fluences which are too often sought as a means of aggran disement. Doubtless in thus expressing itself, the imperial ca binet slid not intend to raise for its own purpose.si a vain phan. torn of terror. The revolutionary reality, as exhibited by the press, is in its view imminent, and the whole com bination of Germany is not too powerful to quell it. Facts do not authorise Austria to bold . such language. Its army is strong, revolt has found itself crushed, the detestable doctrines of the demagogic have not corrupted it, it presents 400,000 men • red to war by a proof which often demoralises the bravest tnnips—eontact with revolutionary ideas and insurgent people. Nothing has weakened thin powerful army, and it is in I vain to represent as weak and unprovided with sufficient means of repression, a power which is so strong after having traversed the dangers of wars and revolutions. A choice must be made between these two stat:ments. Either the proposed change will in crease immeasurably the power of Austria, and then Europe, and France particularly, have the right to interfere for the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe, or it will not have any sensible effect, and in that hypothesis as no advantage would result, au innovation which would render uneasy public opinion, by changing the public Eu ropean right, should not b: made. The Germanic confede ration is one of the bases of this public right. Interposed between the great pawers, the encroachments of which it is its interest to prevent, it contributes powerfully by its ex tent, and, if we may so say, its passive power, to the preservation of general peace. The homogeneousness of races, which in the midst of its diversities constitute a real unity, renders it wonderfully tit fur this great and noble part. Limited to the hounds of thin homogeneousness whilst the confederation shall impose on itself at once the obliga tion not to surpass them,and not to allowthem to be curtailed, it will he the surest safeguard of order and European peace. A contrary policy would naturally have quite opposite con sequences. To extend arbitrarily those limits natural or consecrated by time, by joining to the German populations Selaves, Hungarians, Illyrians, Italians, amongst whom they would been gulfed,would be to denaturalise tlf eConff Aeration whose name must be changed not to be in contradiction with the reality. This mass, absorbing in its hisom twenty peoples and twenty different states, would present itself to the mind not as a guarantee of peace and balance of power, but as a menace, as a symbol of confusion and invasion. Even in the interior of the countries which compose it, it is doubtful if, spite its apparent Circe, it will succeed better or even so well as the present Confederation in maintaining order and authority. It may be conceived that a basis of common nationality would - allow the forces of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria to intervene, without too notch °Gliding public [feeling, to sustain or restore the govern. ment threatened in Saxony, in Baden, in Hew. in Holstein, hut what would be the effect produced by the employ of Hungarian or Polish troops to re-esta blish order on the banks of the (thine; of Bavarian or Prussian troops to quell insurgent Hungary ? Would not such a system, proposed not as an excep tional ease or under given circumstances, hut as a normal constitutional state of thi ngs,ereate sooner Mater repugnance, irritation, which might compromise the repose of Europe ? Is there no fear, too, of the difficulty of putting in mot' so enormous, so complicated a machine ? I'he federal organi sation sincerely applied, and consequently respecting the independence of the several governments, would be evi dently powerless. A man of genius —a despot favoured by circumstances, ouch as Charles V. or Ferdinand 11., would cause it to succeed perhaps for a moment, but then the instrument placed in his hands would become too formidable for Germany and for Europe. This moment passed, the pretended federal power, exhausted by its own excess, would fall into real desuetude, and the Confedera tion, from a desire too much to extend itself, from end by strained the springs of its existence, would perhaps finish by dissolving itself and giving up Germany to an anarchy which would leave Europe without equilibrium. Combinations then involving so many dangerous and fearful consequences, without any chance of benefit, should be avoided. Odilon Barret declared on Tuesday, at a dinner party, in presence of M. Fould, that the President had never demanded from him any political pro gramme, neither had he himself proposed any. As to the law of May, about his designs against which so great an outcry had been made, the modifications which he contemplated went no further than those which had been adopted by the committee on the Municipal Bill. The decision of the chamber yes terday in favour of the first part of M. Beaumont's amendment makes the duty on sugars proportionate to the quantity of pure sugar, instead of taking, as the committee proposed, the saccharine richness as the base of tarification. To-day a ballot took place in the Assembly for appointing a successor to M. Arnaud (de l'Ariege) as secretary. But none of the candidates having ob. tained the absolute majority, there was no result. The votes were distributed as follows :—Number of votes, 413: Yvan, 183; Alonet,lo4 ; Victor Lefmne, 31; Chassaigne-Gozon, 2.7); F. do Lasteyrie, 23; 1)c Kerdrel, 14. A fresh ballot will take place to morrow. The Assembly proceeded to discuss the proposition of M. Pain, demanding freedom for the exercise of the profession of bookseller and printer. The committee rejected the taking the motion into consideration. After a long speech from M. Pain, and a debate in which MM. Moulin and Boysset took part, the mo tion was put to the vote, and rejeeted. by 320 votes against 213. (tumours of serious disorders having broken out at Montpellier and in the departments of the south oc casioned to-day a sort of panic at the Bourse. The Fives fell 6.k., closing at 92f. 75c. ; the Threes closed at 57f., with a fall of 49c. The French refugees, it is said, contemplate pre senting a stubborn resistance at Geneva, where they have concentrated their numbers, to the decrees of expulsion issued by the federal government. The 17 refugees already proscribed, including MM. Boichot and Pyat, are said to have joined the others at Geneva. Some serious disorders may spring from this concentration of irritated malcontents at Geneva. The Moniteur contains a decree appointing the members of two commissions for the distribution of the Mexican indemnity. SPAIN. MADRID, MANCH 29. M. Martinez de la Rosa is appointed Vice-Presi dent of Royal Council. It is expected that the re port of the committee on the settlement of the debt will be presented on the let of April, and that the debate will open on the 3rd or 4th of April. ITALY. TUSCANY. The Monitore rowan°, official organ of the go vernment, announces that Tuscany will be in future represented at the court of Madrid by the Austrian instead of the Sardinian minister. GERMANY. A telegraphic despatch from Berlin, of April 3, confirms the announcement already made that Prussia will send a representative to Frankfort. THE ORIENTAL COMPANY'S STUN-PACKET GANOF.S, Capt. Brooks, arrived at Southampton this morn ing, and landed km ship-letter hags from Constantinople, Smyrna, and OSlarattar, under she charge of Capt. Brooks. She brings only two bona al colic. PORTUGAL. [By Eedne Teepoh.] (rkox OCR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY, NooN, The Montrose has just arrived, with dates from Lisbon to March 13. The Chamber of Peers have decided that Vallada cannot take his seat, be cause his father signed the requisition to Don Miguel to declare himself king. The Portuguese govern ment have formally conveyed to the British their intention to bring the British claims before the Cortes ; but it is supposed that this is an evasion to gain time. The Cortes was expected to close on the 2nd of April. Exchange, 321; discount on Bank notes, 21. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. We have received Cape Town journals of Feb,, 8, five days Inter than any hitherto to hand. They contain litt'e intelligence from the scat of war,whence dates ure to the Ist Feb. Matters scent to be uhuost in Mau quo. General orders from head-quarters at King's Wil liam's Town, of the 2Mth and 29th of January, nomi nate the officers of the Genadendal Levy, 31i0 strong, and of the Cape Town and Albany . levim Orders had been issued (states a postscript in the Graham's Tarn Journal) for a column of 2,200 men under Colonel Mackinnon,to move on Forts White and Cox the next day (30th January), the main object being to throw supplies into those forts. From Fort Peddie the following notice appears in the same paper, under date the Muth January: " Capt. Davies marched front here on Sunday with his men, about 400 in number, leaving all their wag gons behind. He took the mute by . Wesleyville thus avoiding Line Drift, where it is understood Sevolo remains in position in great force." The following Istssages are from the Grahant's Town Journal of Feb. 1: The investigation into the disaffection of the Ilottentota at Theololie having proceeded so far as to criminate three of the residents of that institution, they were forwarded to the ptisun at Graham's Town, where they were safely lodged about 11 o'clock this morning. The ringleader, Kievict 'liqueurs, is one of the number. The prisoners were sent in a waggon, in charge of the chief constable of n:Ahura, and escorted be 12 coloured men, chiefly Hntroes. Two others were apprehended by the held commandant when at Thttopolis on the :nth inst., hut the evidence against them not being of a suffieiently conelnsive cha racter to warrant their detention, they were coiessprently 'iterated. Lynx, or Lintrs, to he himself writes it, the writer of the letter, so often alluded to, is also in custody, in sepa rate confinement, so that he may not exercise his persua sive powers over others, to the working of farther mischief. The chief evidence against the prisoners is f led upon the oaths of certain Fingoes,who unhesitatingly declare that in their opinion the 'Meow,lis Hottentots would have j • the Kattirs had the enemy appeared in that vicinity. One of the WitllC.l.4l COLTONITAIC% the statement made by the Rev. Mr. Snit, that that gentleman advise.' the people not to follow the rebellious course that the Blinkwater Hotten tots had pursued. Tlw matter is not yet cleared, as further evidence will yet he sent in, but as the affair stands at present there is nothing of a more serious charge against those in custody than that of L• unlawfully assembling," ex.. so that Piqueur and his colleagues stand iu the same position as the Kaffir prisoners of war. 'I he seven Hottentots, whose committal to prison we noticed last week, were liberated to-day, and have set of Theopolis to look after their crops. l•ione of then, have guns, and the institution has loon rendered so tar powerless as that a small force might at any time inflict a wholesome chastisement upon those who rebel." Our intelligence from Fort Peddie is calculated to cause a good deal of uneasiness, 44 respects the Flllgo , , in that locality—not on account of any actual disaffection on the • part of those people—hut front some instinct. of inisinsi ! &rawness towards them 011 the part of some of the motto : relics, that has a tendency to generate feelings which we L cannot too carefully avoid at this juncture. We trust that t alter this reference, we shall be spared the nesissity of t bringing the subject more pointedly before the piddle. the Fort Peddle have cent Neuf their nunlitur to the front, iudependeut of which those who remain are in a position not inertly of danger to themselves, but of im mense importance as respects the colony. 'the public should look to it, that this defence be not weakened by injudicious treatment, or by any want of that consideration which is of so much importance in all our dealings with Roue people. News has just come in from Fort Armstrong that the rebels have got p0....1011 of the buildings, exee•it the Tower—to which place all the loyal people have lied for refuge. These are hemmed in. and derided by the gentle men below, who have sip:oiliest to the Rev. Mr. Thompson, &c., that they will have permission to depart, but their sincerity is doubtful, and they have consequently remained. Their sufferings must have been great, and report says that they have 111,11 without provisions during she last three days. Measures are in train by the testa people of Fort lhaufittl, assisted by the Fingoes, to effect their deliverance this MAR, and may Heaven smile upon their Millets. Further accounts from Fort Hare, dated yesterday, state that the resident magistrate of Rat River, Mr. \tienand, arrived there ou the 2Uth ult., escorted by a party of loyal Hotteands, among whom were the field-cornets fetter and Betlut. 'this Aker escaped with no other property save the clothes of his person. The rebel 1 lottenteta under a man named Ijithaulder gave Mr. W. safe conduct through the country in his possession. The party took the read to Fort Beautbrt, in preference to proceeding to Fort Hare, to which place Mr. Wienand wax subsequently escorted by commandant Ltovey with some lIIPIt under his orders. Su exasperated are the Fingoes at the ateiwities of the Hottentot rebels, that Col. Sutton deemed it tIVIVSSarI to give an escort to the party who came in with the magis trate, in order to save them front the venire:owe ,if these people. It is said that many of the Hottentots have ClL pressett a wish to return to their allegiance, and that Col. Sutton has given them a few days to present themselves in Beaufort, and deliver up their arms. It is further said, that Jan Hermanus, eldest son of the late rebel chief, has requested to Ito permitted to come in, but whether the request has iwen complied with or not ia not known. A rumour is also afloat, that the body tentots who, atter being stripped of their booty ;and dis armed, were permitted by Mr. Dodds Pringle to go at large fell subsequently into the hands of the lingoes and were destroyed. Tins report, however, requires confirmation— while, even if the catastrophe he true, the circumstances which led to it are totally unknown. It is stated, on what is considered good authority, that the Itottentots are very short of ammunition, and it is supposed that 400 mounted burghers would, in a few days, disperse or destroy the whole of the rebel bands, who are, however, in the meantime, roaming about unmolested, feasting in the dwellings of the farmers, and laving waste the country. The atisoi up Siren is still at Port Armstrong, which post is now occu pied by the rebels, who have, it would appear, not treated hint with any violence. The South ...Ifiican Commercial Adrertiser, of Feb. 8, says: Letters from Graaff-Reinet, to the lilst ult., convey tho intelligence respecting the present alarming aspect of affairs in the divisions of Cradoek and M rset. A public address issued by the civil commissioner, seems to he the el./sing act of a Reset deal of needless tpisunderstaniline, that had unfortunately arisen between the authorities and inhabi tants of Graalf-Reinet. It now seers certain, how ever, that from about 300 or even 100 num, would proceed immediately to the relief of Crudoek under Mr. S. Meintjes. In a lute Adcertiser a letter appeared from a cerrespowlent giving the particulars of the removal of some suqweted }taffies front Gnu& Iteinet, by an escort of civilians. The further course of this proceeding, which has not ended very favourably, is thus described by the same writer, who furnished the first particulars published: "The Kaffirs who were sent off to Cradoek, as I men tioned in my last, have been recalled, or rather what remained of them iu the custody of our people. Simul taneously with the lute unhappy communications from eradoek, a report reached town that half the Kaffirs bad got ulf. It turned out that our worthy field-cornet had not sent handeffllti enough with the party; con sequently, when they halted for the night, under Naude's berg, they had to tie fourteen of the fellows with riems. The commander of the party was a previously stupid fellow of the town, and it never seems to have occurred to him that if he allowed the whole batch of prisoners, men, women, and children, to roost together us he did, riems were not exactly the things to tie the men with. At midnight the party were awakened by the shots of the sentries, and u tremendous yelling sad scuttling among the Kufflrs. One was shot, and fourteen with their women and children tlecanqwd. When this news reached Grauff-Reinet, the Board of Safety, who had just heard the Crudock news also, had the party ordered back. It will be remembered that the /taffies were to ho brought to Creduek, for the purpose of being further transported across the border." The letter adds, that the statement is erroneous which has been liuldtely made to the effect that Mr. J. J. Meintjes had written to the gover nor, that the burghers of Grumf-Reinet would only go out under Sir A. Stoekenstrom's command. This appears, at all eventa, certain from private letters,—that some relief for Cradoc would immediately proceed both from Graaff-Iteinet and from the western field worneteies of Somerset. The following are the letters and notice alluded to above: _ . _ Gruaff-Iteinet, Jan. 31. I herewith send you a most painful letter we received last night from Cradock, appealing to the inhabitants here for assistance. We are daily receiving despatches and reports from Crudock and Somerset, which latter place is in great danger. They arc fearful of an attack upon their town. 'fho respectable and loyal inhabitants here are now making active preparations to proceed to Somerset. I have no doubt some will go on to Cradock, although the greatest danger is appre hended at the former place. There will, I have no doubt, be 300 men to their assistance ere you receive this. The Kattirs of the place have been mustered, and forwarded on to Katfirltuid, cm Cradock, under an escort from this place; they, however, endeavoured to escape the vigilance of the men who were sent out with them. An order was afterwards sent out to recal them, when one-third of the number came back, leaving the others to escape. I believe there were 130 in the whole, men, women, and children, that left here. The women commenced the attack, by throwing their petticoats and blankets over the heads of the watch, and commenced striking them with sticks, stones, etc. The Kaftirs who escaped obtained possession of two of the guns belonging to the watch. However, one of the Kattirs who was riemmed to the waggons was accidentally wounded, but not severely. Strange to say, from the account of the men who formed the escort, their guns would not go off when they attempted to fire. The rew Kaftirs who were allowed to remain have all since left the town, including a Kaffir named Buoy, who was in the service of the Southeys for 15 years ; he has two i waggons and a good number of oxen, and s in good circum stances. The people here are much alarmed. You will please insert within the columns of your valuable journal the blamed letter from Cradock " Cradock, Jan. 29, 18.51. ? i behalfoff of th the Boardoiho of b S ita af o e to ty o o f f this tow enbehoi town, I em desired to address you, to implore your mis now that the time of our extreme per sat hhand.".eoontltiolenfo,--, andOn week we despatched letters to the Board of Safety of Graatt _ Reinet, to the civil commissioner, and also the Rev. L. • :Y i •- •• 7 j co !~. N„0 I