The Express. — London, England, 1853-04-05 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OP LORDS.—MoriDAT, Avnu. 4. The LOUD CIWICILLOI took his soot at :5 o'clock. nal lON PRESENTED. rt: it WILL4.—By Lord CAMPBELL, tram the pro test, magistrates, and town council of Cupar, Fife, corn plastang of the complicated state of the I los as to wills where Bcutchmen I sire property in England, and praying that it may be resealed. LAw or SETTLEXENT.—By Lord LYTTELTON. from EI tilinninster and an.ther place, praying for an amend neat of the law of settlenseat and removal of the poor. AloMlAilloN JILITfi TO PAIILIAIIINT.—By the Bishop of BXBTEkt, front a place in his diocese, against. THE CITY DEPUTATION TO THE EMPEROR. OF THE ORO:NCH. Lord CAMPBELL wished to put a question, of which be had givtu notice, to t.oi Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on a sloileet of great Rational importance. He referred to a Ws' ement iu the neespeper., that a deputation bad goes to Paris, and there presented an address to his Imperial Ms, sty Naleileun the "I used, In the came of the British ua t.es.. Ile imputed les blame to soy of those individuals, ms..y art wh -su he had the pleasure of knowing, and all of wham were highly respectable; and he had no doubt th -.r mousses were patriot C and disinterested. But if they 1144 acted w.thnut the authority of their government, be kyreliende , l they It id been guilty of an offence against the hew of the land—at all events ageing the law of mamas-- which could not be pass- el over in silence. He btlieved it was an estolidshed rule that MO/COWS:3 between indepen dent nation, could only be carried on through the medium of ministers or limbo-. e'en appointed by the governments of the respective countries. This was a rule that had been ireta'ilaeheel for the purpose of preserving internal tranquil lity in every notion, and maintaining peace and amity among thomatious of the wurld. %%tut had laid down this rule, tor which he had the authority of Peoleutfort, and all lis illustrious predecessors. Ile said : " Nobel's are to treat and hold intercourse with one another, asi, Wend by reciprocal obligation, to con sent to such cummunicatinn. But nations and wee tesoks do not treat together immediately. The only expedient for nations and sovereigns is to communicate and treat with can other by the agency of pro cu7l,ofil or mandataries, of delegate. charged with their oominande and vested with their powers, that is to say, puldie Ku . ten. The minister is, in sonic sort, • repre *rotates e of a ionise pewee, a person charged with the com mute& of that power, and delegated to manage its affairs." Aecordiag to Vetted it was only such a minister that could properly inttrfrre in may intercourse between two nations. **snout trouOliag their lordships with quotelions from ether jarists, he would refer to what took place in 1791, when • declaration was scut from England to tl.e Empress Catherine. At that time there was one party in this country who thought we were aggrieved by the Hessian go ys:assent. and another party who considered that they were right, and that the English government were to blame. The party who %lolled to preserve peace sent • deputation in the person of Mr. Adair, who now survived, sad could vouch for the truth of his statement. Mr. Burke in big celebrated pubOcation to the Duke of Port land commented with great severity on that proceeding. He said .—" This proceeding of Mr. Fox does sot (u I conceive) amount to absolute high treason; Russia , though on tied terms, not having been then declanedly at war with th.s kingdom. But such a proceeding is, in law, not very remote from that offence, and is undoubtedly a must un constitutioual act, and an high treasonable mi.ilemeantaar. The legitimate and sure mode of communication between this nation and foreign powers is rendered uncertain, pre carious, and treacherous, tsy being divided into two chan nels, by wh.ch :Deans the hong° powers eon never be assured of tae real authority or validity of any public Unsubtle Thie peoceeitieg has given a stroud coun tenance and an eucour &ging example to the doctrines and practices of the revelation and constitutional societies, and of other mischievous societies of that descrip tion, who, without any legal authority, are in the habit of proposiu4, and, to the but of their power, of forming leagues and alliances with France." Now, he appeehendesi on this principle, unless those e.epti ties were authorised by the English government, they had sane mciously violated the law. The eteclareetiou was per fectly harmless; and le: concurred in its sentiments, as 'eery loyal subject he helices d did also. He knew uo law to prevent any section of the Queen's subjects from meeting and expressing their sentiments on say question whatever; but this declaration contained no allusion to any ad dress to be presented to the Emperor; and he understood that many of those who signed it did so under the idea that there the matter ended. Ile considered it a most Munn' declaration, but one that was quite unnecessary, as he never remembered • time when there was a more general concurrence in the sentiments of peace and amity which it expressed. But after the signing of the declaration there followed what he held to be a clear viola tint of the law, namely, it, presentation by a deputation from this country to Napoleon 111. seated on his throne and surrounded by his ministers. That deputation, aceurding to their own statement, represented the British nation. lie did not find that the English ambassador was there, or that L..aactiun had been asked to the step which had been takeit ; and that being so, he must suppose that Sir James Duke had been gent over to supersede Lord Cowley, and bad been invested with the powers of ambassador extraordi nary and minister plenipotentiary. At all events, he might be so regarded from the language he used, RS the represen tative of the British people. He said : " Sire,—We bees the honour to appear before your Majesty for the purpose of presenting to your Majesty and to the French nation a declaration from the commercial oommuuity of the metro polis of the British empire. We have only to add the ex preesioa of oar conviction that this document conveys at the same tmc • faithful representation of the feelings of the people of England at large." They express a fervent hope that under your reign France and England may be always united," de. His Majesty in his reply said : 'lt confirms in me the confidence with which the gaol sense of the English nation has always inspired me." He refers to the alarm entertained last year, adding : " But the good sense of a great people cannot be long deceived, and the step which you now take is a striking proof of this. Like you I desire peace; and, to make it sure, I wish, like you, to draw closer the bonds which unite our two countries." If it had been a deputation from a railway or canal com pany asking the concurrence of a foreign government in their projects, it might not have been objectionable; but when it related to matters of peace and war, and the relations of ami t y between independent countries, there was decidedly a national character given to it. It purported, in fret, to be an address to the French nation from the English nation conveying a representation of the feelings of the English people at large as to the relations between the two countries. No doubt the sentiments it expressed wen such as the great body of the nation must share, and the answer which it elicited was also extremely gratifying; but ne vertheless, if it were allowed to pass in silence, he thought such a proceeding would afford • very dangerous precedent, and lead to transactions fraught with the greatest peril. He would only remind the noble lord of the alarm occasioned some years ago, when Mr. Smith O'Brien and a deputation of Irish sympathiser went to l'aris to present an address to the then government of France; and though it might truly be said that the objects if the present deputation were of a far less objectionable nature. still the principle that applied to such proceedi hxe was the same. How liable such • deputation were to made merely the tools of the Stock &hangs. The bolls were anxious to maintain peace and amity, because that kept up the price of the fonds; but the bears, whose in terest it was to keep down prices, might just as fairly get up a declaration of • precisely opposite character, the tendency of which would be to create alarm and lessen put lie conddesce. He had no wish to give offence in en quarter whatever, or to do anything calculated to disturb the relations of amity at present prevailing between the two canneries, bat be held a high judicial situation, unconnected with the government, and as a guardian over the len, he hilt it to be Media] to pat the gaieties of which he had rives setiet—emeely, whether the deputation of London amebas who ware stated to have presented an address to tike Bawer of the French, as to the relatioos of peace and war between Fhb events" an France, wen sanctioned is what they did by her Majesty's goverment ? The Earl of CLARENDON thought his noble and learned (rived had attributed more importance to this mat ter than it deserved. When be received notice of his inten tion to put the gasifies, he did not 'spent to have beard Vella, Burke, and other high legal authorities quoted, and to have bees carried bate to transactions which occurred 60 years ye. He was aomewbat surprised that his noble and learsieu friend, occupying, as he had told them he did, a high judicial situation, should have declared on such evidence as that which was before him, that eertaia citisens of Llndon had not only violated the law, but had all bat committed high treason. The greater part of kis noble and learned friend . ' statement was, in fact, based on a fallacy, for he believed he had attributed t s those gentlemen an act which they had not committed, awl he assumed that they had been speaking in the name of this nation when they had sot been doing any such thing. They had done no more than present an address to his Majesty from certain merchants and traders of the City of London. He hail no objection to answer distinctly the two questions of the noble sod learned lord. la the first place, he begged to assure him that Lord Cowley had not been in any way superseded by Sir James Duke—daughter)—and he could also inform him that the 'auction of her Majesty's government had not been given to th • deputation, and had not been asked. (Hear, hear.) A highly respectable gentleman with whom he was aeluainted tilted on him two or three days before the declaration was carried over to France, and showed it to him. He read and it certainly appeared to him, as it seemed to have appeared to the noble and learned lord, to be perfectly uiloojeetionanle— (hear, bear) —containing simply • record of opthion such as every right-minded man in this country, Leling the importance of national peace, and knowing the feeling meting on the part of this country towards France, would have no possible objection to sign. lie was told by the gentleman to whom ht referred that the declaration was to he presented to the Emperor, and he saw ne objection ts‘itosidgiag the declaration to ha an expression of the oeamou of others. He dal not see anything in it that could It, said to hear a national character beyond its beat the expression of opinions *bared by everybody. (Hear, tear) If Le had been ia,ked to instruct the British amber. sailor to be present whoa the declaration was presented, he should not have given such instructions ; and, in fact, be wee not present Whether it wai received by the Emperor on this throne, or not, he did not know. Lord CAMPBELL—On his throne, surrouhdel by his minister'. lb* Earl of CLARENDON mast say that, as far as he had heard, the declaration had produced a good impres sion ; but if his opine n had Leen e.1.e;1.• r it Ws desirable that any inch adtlrtas *LULL:. 11.%e Le u t.: • tied Over to the Emperor of the French he should have said 0 " No," because ke should have considered it perfectly un necessary, looking at the good understanding: o/d s u bsist: int between the two countries, and which, he was liappy to say, was of the moot cordial description. Ile should have thought it unnecessary, also, because he 'did trot helicon, that any misapprehension existed on the part of the Freya:AL people with regard to the feeling enseetaigied towards them by the people of this country. Although he agreed with the noble and learned lord in' much" of what had fallen from him as to the inexpe diency of communication on the part of individuals befog regarded as hiving a national character, and that the deputation in question had no right to speak on the part of the nation—if they really had done so—he must say he did eat think that the transactions of ISIS, to whieh the noble lord had alluded, bore any analogy ti that of which he now complained, the objects of the parties and the nature of the two addresses being so entirely different. (The noble earl spoke in a low tone of voice across the table, and was very indistinctly heard.) The Earl of ELLENBOROI.:GiI thought the question a most important one ; and he thanked the noble and learned lord for having brought the subject under their lordships notice. It was satisfactory to him to have heard from so high an authority that the transaction was illegal, as it 11111113: be repugnant to the feelings of every Englishman who did not disparsike himself and his country by being present on the occasion referred to. The whole transaction filled him with the most unqualified disgust. fie had heard almost all the speech of the noble and learned lord, with the exception of certain epithets which he had used with approval. Some inconvenience might arise, however, if the noble and learned lord had brought before him on t .e seat of justice those persons whose c induct he complained of. Ile could only repress his hope that if such should happen to be the case, he would neither in the cextence passed by him, or any o bservation, by which that sentence might be acc,mpanied, say anything savouring of compli ment—(a laugh)—but that the rights and nianity of the crown and constitution of the country would be maintained and enforced. The Eirl of MALMESBLRY said it was impossible to misunderstand the allusions which hail been made by the noble and learned lord to the funds, but if he read the names of the persons— Lord CANIFBELL heeged to interpose. lie had care fully absolved those concerned in the declaration from any improper or unworthy motives, but he had pointed out the daager which might hereafter arise tom such proceedings. The Earl of DIALMESBURY was glad to have given the noble and learned lord the opportunity of making such lan explanation. Ile agreed with the observations of the I sable earl opposite sad thought the address was not nines eary. He regretted that it had been made, but as the set W taken place, it was a circumstance of much gratifica tion to him to have been accidentally in Paris at the time, and seen the good effect which it had produced on all classes of the French people. Misi.ters end persons out of office had assured him that it was reseired with the greatest pleasure; and he could not perceive la them the slightest indications of any ,feeling deloga wry to this country or to the English nation or government. He did not mean to defend the act as in all respects ese rect, for he agreed with the noble lord, that under certain eir wastances it might be attended wilt great fascia vcnience, and posseibly danger ; but it having been caw mitted, he could not but congratulate their lordships and the noble and learned lord u; on the result—(bear, hear) — and that neither harm nor danger could arise from this ill judged, perhaps, but very successful proceeding. (Cheers.) The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH presumed from tke tenor of his noble friend's obseresiion, that had he still been secretary for foreign affairs, he would, when he ad dress was submitted to him by these gentlemen, have alp proved of it, and given it the weight of official sanction. The Earl of MALMESBUItY would, lead he been in the noble earl's (Clarendon's) place, have given precisely the same answer to the geatlemen who submitted the ad. dress in question to hint which the noble earl himself had given. (Hisr, hear.) After a remark from the Earl of ELLEssortorun, which was nut heard in the gallery, The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped his noble and learned friend (Lord Campbell) did not mean it to go forth upon hie high authority, that such a proceeding was necessarily and in all circumstances illegal. (Hear.) Dffibtlesa under circumstances such as his noble and learned friend had poiuted out considerable difficulty and inconvenience might follow from allowing it to be drawn into a precedent; but at the same time it would, he thought, be going too fez to lay it down as the rule, that any such proceeding was necessarily illegal. If he was not greatly mistaken, it had been a common prac tice fur persons in this country—the subject" of the British crown—to present addresses to foreign sovereigns on varies, subjects —mere mattersof cour esy perhaps—but still illegal, if the doctrine of his noble and learned friend were correct, that it was, under all circumstances, illegal fur the subjects of these realms tapreeent addresses to any foreign monarch. (Hear, hear.) He recollected during the last autumn, while he was on the continent, that a certain number of British subjects presented an address to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, on a subject which, as far as the feeling of the people of this country was euncerned, might certainly be said to be national, and which relsted to the treatment by that sovereign of certain of his own subjects. Possibly that proceeding too might have been illegal; but while he en tirely concurred with his noble friend near him that suck proceedings were to be deprecated its likely to lead on other occasions to inconvenience and difficulty, he trusted it was 114 to be permitted to go forth to the country on the high authority of his noble and learned friend (the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench) that they were necessarily illegal, rendering these who took part in them liable to a criminal nroaecutlon. (Hear, hear.) Lord CA&IPBELL said his noble and learned friend should define what he 11111.111 t by the term "illegal." If by " illegal" he meant such an act as might be made the subject of indictment, he was quite prepared to admit that unless some mains animus could be shown the act would not amount to a misdemeanour, but if he meant by the term "illegal" such an set u the law did not sanction, bat which nevertheless amounted, as Mr. Burke said, to a "treasonable misdemeanour," and for which a member of hadmight be impeached—then he (Lord Cempbell) that the proceeding in question was illegal. Of tours a distinction must always be drawn between national ob jects, and those which were not national. The address to which his noble and learned friend (the Lord Chancellor) had referred—that in which the Grand Duke of Tuscany was requested to release certain of his subjects who were in carcerated on account of their religions opinions, had nothing whatever to do with the questioa of peace or war, and could not Weald to be national is the slightest degree. But the proceeding to which he had drawn attention re lated directly to a matter of peace and war, and what he said was, that where English subjects interfered without the authority of the government to represent the British nation to any foreign power on any each matter, they did that which was illegal. (Rear.) The conversation then dropped. VACCINATION EXTENSION BILL. Lord LYTTBLTON in moving the second reading of this Wt, intimated that be proposed to introduce certain amend- Sella which would be printed in the bill previous to its effigefato committee, when the discussion might be tak e a Earl of ELLENBOR01;011 had no objection to the sesond readies of the bill, but thought great amendments were required in it. Earl GRANVILLE approved of the bill so far as its general object went, but considered seems of its protn sons • unnecessarily stringent ; and in coommtiog to the mend reading, on the part of the gov be must reserve to himself the right of moving such ts is committee as he might think proper. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH=that while the bill imposed various penalties for to have chil dren vaccinated, no facilities fur vesennation were provided by it. Lord LYTTELTON was not aware that there were any' tillionitimin the way of having children vseeinated, but ef teeffilthe Smithies cou ld be provided he should have no oh he bill was then real a second time, and committed for 1111.tharrow (this day) week. ARMENIANS IN INDIA. Lard CAMPBELL presented a petition from the Arme nian population of Calcutta and Bengal, complaining of the difficulties, incoavenienee, end injustice to which they were subjected for want of a defined code of Civil and criminal ' law applicable to them. Originally the Armenian popula ties: of India were guaranteed under the treaty of 1688 to share squally in all the indulgences th e company had posied or thereafter might grant to their own adventurers or ether English merchants , that they should be at liberty to reside in any of the company's cities or stations, to buy, sell, and inherit land, and to til all civil offices in the same way as though they were Englishmen ; and that they should be protected in the undisturbed exercise of their re ligion. Under this treaty large numbers of Armenians settled in the company's territory, and for nearly a century while that territory wee confined to the precincts of Col inas, and of the ether cities of the presidencies where the English law prevailed, no inconvenience was felt. But sub sequently, u the territories of the company extended, and the Armenian populatiun spread over the Mofussil districts, they were subjected to a Ten different state of things. There was no les loci in India, each stet and each class of ' religionists being governed by their own laws, and the Armenians having no code of their own, the greatest t.itticulty arose in fixing upon the principle of law upon which eases (criminal or Mei.) that nine before the courts, in reference to Armenians, should be determined. This subject bad been brought under consideration in 1833, on the renewal of the East India Company's charter, and a commission was appointed to inquire into the laws that pre vailed in various parts of India, and to form a complete • civil and criminal code. Such a code was prepared, and the commission proposed that, with regard to the Mofussils, the law of England should prevail, so far as it could be in troduced without interfering with the codes already esta blished; and, had that proposal been sanctioned by the 1 gislature, the Armenian population would have had no cause to complain. tnf.rtunately, however, the report of the commission, and the measure which they had prepared to carry out their views, had been allowed to remain a dead letter, and the Arminian ; opulcion were up to this atrment without any defined or understood law, civil or criminal. What, therefore, the petitioners prayed was that the house would legislate, and, in doing so, would not only point out clearly what ought to be done but take efficient and stringent measures for dome it. The Earl of ELLENBULtUtiti II admitted that the case of the Armenian. was one of hardship, but believed that the introcthetion of tic law of England amongst the Morussile would be welts% as it would be dffilcult, if not impossible, to find the meets for administering it. Ile sag .4os!cti that much benefit might arise if the noble and itarned lord would attend the committee on Indian affairs and examine the witne.s.s as to the mcdc in which justice Itl4 sebninistired in In ^:l. :1., i'..irl vi ALEL.. , L.EN th1..1 a few sverdi, but ins as THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, '853. Mr. DISRAELI begged to ask when the noble lord pro- posed to state tbetetentions of the government with regerd to the Win kg ovaromelat of our Indian territories ? Lord T. RUMELL mid be could not state the meet day, but as soon as the measure was prepared, be would state its substance to the house. EDUCATION. On the motion of Lord J. lixecar.t., the orders of the clAy were postponed until after the statement on the subject of education. The orders were accordingly read and post poned; after which Lord J. RUSSELL said—l now rise, in pursuance of the notice I have given, to state g Ily the intentions of the ' government with regard to the important subject of eduta tion. la doing so, I certainly do not think it necessary to sok the attention of the house, for I am sure that, however inadequately I may perform the duty I have undertaken, the sutject is one so important, and affects so deeply the morality, the religion, and the future well being of the Country, that the house will readily give its attention to any statement which is made, or any proposition of the government, on a subject of this nature. I shall begin by ' stating what has been the course taken with respect to the education of the poorer classes in this country from the commencement of the establishment of public day schools. Those schools were commenced in the begia niog of this century. At that time two persons oho bud paid great attention to the subject of education, and who are deserving of commemoration both for their intelligence and their laudable efforts in that cause, Joseph Lancaster and Dr. Bell, were instrumental in causing a large establish ment of day schools for the education of the you-er classes. Both those persons proceeded on the system of having mo nitors hi the schools chosen from among the boys attending them, by whom lemons should be given to those children who were nut sufficiently advanced to obtain the entire at tention of the masters. It was believed,and indeed it has been the fact, that by this means a larger number of children would be educated than could be attained by adopting the method of having a greater number of schools each of them having a separate master. But no doubt the system was exceedingly defective, for it only used the instrumentality of tomes who were themselves but little adverted in learning, and who had no peculiar aptitude fur teaching, and who could not give instruction in the same rapid and intelligent manner as persons who had devoted themselves to instruction were capable of doing. A difference also arose on a topic of a most exciting nature with regard to the system adopted pursuant to the advice of these two persons. The system of Lan caster was adopted by a society, called the British and Foreign School Society, which was established in 1805, and proceeded on the principle of teaching the Bible to all the children, and that was the distinctive feature of the system. The King, George 111., gave his immediate and liberal patronage to this plan. Many persons who were anxious for the promotion of education, among them the Duke of Bedford, my father, combined in placing themselves at the head of institutions of this kind. Lord Brougham, Sir Samuel Romilly, and many others, aided them by their ability and support. At the same time, while the establish ment of schools was promoted, there arose an objection among members of the established church, that although the Bible was taught in the schools, no instruction was given in the furmularies of the church of England ; and ac cordingly et a later period, about the year 1811, I think, a society, called the National Society, was formed for the purpose of giving instruction not only in the Bible, but in the Catechism, and a rale that the children attending the schools should also attend the established church on Sun days was established at the same time. There was of course, geeing this dill:J..llw of opinion that existed, immediately a hot contest with regard to the principles on which the schools should be conducted. I will not enter into the merits of that controversy further than to say that we to this day feel its effects, and while it is admitted that each of these societies has contributed largely to the cause of education, yet feelings were produced by the contests of those days which render it now difficult, if not impossible, to unite the poorer classes in one general system of education. On the one hand, the National Society, connected as it is with the established church, insisted on the children's learning the chatechism, and on their attending the church to which they belonged ; and to this the dissenters conscientiously objected. On the other hand, the dissenters, forced as it were into opposition to the system, called together great bodies and formed schools on their own principles, and this system was organised in a manner, which enabled them to bring great power to bear against any plan of education which those societies which were chiefly composed of dissenters, did not approve of. The edu cation carried on by these two societies produced a number of wheels all over the country, and caused a great increase in the means of education. In the year 1831 or 1832, a pro posal was made for the first time to the House of ommons by the government to Lord Grey, that the state should aid the education of the p weer classes, and at the same time it was proposed to grant 10,0001. a year to each of those two so eleties in aid of their efforts. This plan was continued until the year 1839. The Treasury conducted the aid they gave according to the rules which, as the Board of Trea sury, it was incumbent on them to adopt ; and they gave the grants according to the means which had been volun tarily subscribed, and distributed them in proportion to those sums, and took no note of and paid no regard to the kind of education which was adopted. In 1839 the govern ment of Lord Melbourne proposed a change in the system. It VIM proposed that a committee of the Privy Council should be formed, which committee of the council should take a more enlarged and discriminating view of the busi ness of education. Holding at that time the office of House Secretary, I wrote a letter to the Marquis of Lans downe, and that letter and the answer to it was laid before parliament, as showing the ground of the proceedings then taken by the government. It was intimated in that letter by sommand of her Majesty that it was the wish of the Queen that the youth of her kingdom should be religiously brought upend at the same time that the ril hts °Cr:mimetic. should be respected. Among other pro s for increasing the means nima of al= r and furthering t is object it was proposed to i found normal or training schools, in which persons of different religious persuasions might be educated and at the same time that a chaplain of the church of England should instruct those who were members of that church. The proposal excited considerable apprehension and alarm, and, after much threatened opposition, it was withdrawn by the government ; but the proposal to obtain a grant to be placed for distribution in the hands of a committee of the Privy Council was persevered in and sanctioned by a narrow majority of the House of Commons. In the year 1646 a further step of considerable importance was taken. That step was an endeavour to improve in a great degree the quality of education. In stating in the year 1839 the views the government took with regard to education, I declared that in their opinion the main object to be had in view was the improvement of the character, knowledge, and general condition of the iindeedasostee, for as sehoolinaster is so is the school. Un less Me meld so improve the character and condition in the sieseissater we could hope for no great Improvement in the education of the poorer classes. (Hear, hear.) The adman which were then agreed to, in 1846, were Anwar& the foundation of the grants proposed to Oil house; those grants were carried into effect; and I do not know that since that time there has been any great change in the matter. The house will thus perceive that the education of the poorer classes in this country has been conducted, generally speaking, by the voluntary efforts of the great religious communions; that they have had the 'mistime of the state, partly to increase the quail- Itity, hut more especially to improve the quality of that education ; bat that the state, as a reeurrence I. a view of the history of them grants would prove to be the fact, has not materially interfered with the nature of the instruction. Great Improvements ' have been made—l may say a great revolution has been accomplished—in the instruction given since the commence ment of the schools under Lankaster and Bell v but those improvements have taken place almost altogether, at the suggestion of the various societies who managed the edu cation for the bodies over which they presided—or it has been the managers of the schools who have in troduced such improvements. But, sir, what I wish now to call the attention of the hones to, is the point at which we have mind with respect to the edu cation of the country generally ; what it is in amount, in its character, and in its nature; before I proceed to men tion the further steps it may be desirable to take. I re ceived only yesterday a statement from the Registrar-Ge neral with respect to the number of schools, and the num ber of children receiving education in this country. This return comprises the public day schools and the private day schools; the number of both sexes belonging to the schools, and the actual number attending the schools on the 31st of March, 1851. The total number of day schools is 44,898; public day schools, 15,473; pri vate day schools, 29,420. The number of persons of both sexes attending in the day schools is 2,108,473; those at tending public slay schools, 1,407,569; those attending pri vate day schools, 700,000. The number of both sexes at tending on the 31st of March, 1851, was 1,754,976; of which there were at the public day schools, 1,115,237; and at the private day schools, 639,739. It is stated in this table that the proportion of scholars on the books is 11.76 per cent., or of 1 scholar to 8i persons. The proportion of those attending to those on the books is 33 per cent. ; or that s.6ths of those who are on the books attend. It also appears from this account that the number of scho lars in what is called private schools does not average m re than 27 ; but that in the public schools, with which we have more immediately to do, they amount to 93 ; and we may, therefore, take 93 scholars as the average of pessons attend ing at these public day schools. I will now state, from different sources, that which I believe is a very correct esti mate with regard to these schools, of the number of per sons, boys and girls, who belong to each of the communions. The number, it will be found, differs Irons the total numbers returned by the Registrar General; and this lilly arise partly from there being many of these schools not con nected with any society, and partly from the date at which these accounts I will now read were taken, being previous to 18.51, it being obvious that since they were taken there may have been an increase to explain the discrepancy. The number of the schools of the church of Englaud as meet. Wised by the National Society, in 1817, I think, was 17,015. The British and Foreign Society's Schools were 1,500 ; the Wesleyans, 397 ; the Congregational Schools, 89 only; the Roman Catholic Schools, 585; the Ragged Schools, 270 : total 19,1116. The number of scholars, of the Church of England, was 955,86-5 ; of the British and Foreign Society, 2'2.1,000; of the Weshyans, upwards of 38,000; of the Congregational Schools, 7,000; in the RUEOII/1 Catholic Schools, 31,000; in the Ragged Schools, 20,000: total, , 1,231,077. I will now state, as faro may be ascertained, the i incomes of those different religious bodies appliid to the pur poses of schools. In the church of England schools, in 1817, the sum was .317,0811. ; in the British and Foreign Society's schcols, 161,2501.; in the Wesleyan schools, 27,3471.; in the CongregationA schools, 4,9u11.; (with regard to seve ral of these congregational schools the sum is not given so completely as in the others) ; in the Boman catholic scisoole 16,0101. • and in the sagged schools, 20,000/. ; total, 1.046,6791. In reckonieg the sources of income it as been calealeted that the local endowments are about 69,5371. ; the local subscriptions, 366,8231. ; the local eollec ! time, 114,1001.; and the school pence, 413,0141 ; and from other sources 83,0761. I should state that in none of the accounts of income, except in those of the Roman esthetic schools, is there any sum placed to the ac count of private schools, which are entirely supported by the contributions of individual persons who wholly niain• loin these schools. It is 2,0001. for the Roman catholic schools; and I have thought I should make so estimate a good deal under the mark if I lidded 61,0001. from other communioas to the other sources ; and the sum then ap applied to the maintenance of these schools would then be 1,100,0001. Now there is one sum in these sources of income to which I would wish particularly to call the attention of the house, via., the 413,0001. from school pence. I have no doubt that is an underestimate; and that if we were to say that 500,0001. is contributed by school pence wo should not be relying on ea excessive estimate. And I think the house will feel, considering that halt a century ago there were only Sunday schools which cauld be called public schools for the poor, that the efforts made by the pour themselves, as appears by what I have stated, are striking and likewise satisfactory. (Hear, hear) That the pour and working classes of this country shoal contribute milt million sterling a year towards the ex , penile of the instruction of their children, I think the house will consider a most gratifying fact. (Cheers.) I confess that it is a fact which induces me to believe that the steps we ought now to take should be such as would strengthen and improve the system of education which has grown up chiefly by voluntary efforts rather than set up anything in its place, which, while disturbing the existing system, might fail in supplying its place by anything like an equal scheme for the support of the in structiou of the poor. (Loud cries of „ Hear, hear.") At the same time I think we are bound to consider, while large sums are thus given, and while there are a great num ber of persons who receive instruction, that a great part of this instruction is deficient and inadequate, and that with out disturbing the existing system, we may still do much to develop and to improve it. (Rear, hear.) I will state to the house what has occurred, chiefly under the minutes of 1846, hut partly before those minutes were issued. I have already stated that the plan which was in the contemplation of the government of 1831—et having one training school under suite direction and control—did nut meet with public favour, and was not persevered with The consequence was,thc erectionof a great number of train ing schools in different parts of the country, the greater portion of them belonging to the church, but others to other denomination; and these institutions have proved of the greatest value and utility. Indeed, it is impossible to deny —what is said by one of the most intelligent of the inspec tors appointed by the government—that in many respects the dispersion of the pupil teachers and of the apprentices under the present minute, and according to the present sys tem, has an advantage over a system which would combine in one, two, ur three training schools all those who are about to be educated as schoolmasters. The plan adopted, and now is force, is this. Ose of the boys or girls, as the case may be, who shows intelligence and capacity for teaching, is retained as a pupil in the school. The pupil teacher is retained for live years in that capacity ; . - nil a sum is paid from the grants voted by this house, and applied by the committee of council, beginning at 101. and rising to 201., before the papil teacher leaves the school. There is then an admission to the training school or college, as some of those training schools are called; and the school teacher becomes a Queen's scholar, and fur two years 201. in one year, and 25/. iu the next year, is devoted to the purpose of enabling such Queen's scholar to become a schoolmaster or school teacher. For this purpose not only is the best special in struction given, but an opportunity is afforded to those pupil teachers and Queen's scholars to show, by practical example, their capacities ter teaching. In this way a large number of them are educated pro perly and specially for the purposes of ful filling the office of schoolmaster— an office which long ago I declared in this house was out held! in sufficient estimation—(cheers),—but which is now rising ' in the just estimation of mankind—(cheers),—and whiett ts certainly oneof the most sacred and responsible offices which a man can hold. (Cheers.) I must say, I think it an ad vantage, with regard to these pupil teaches, that they come from families scattered over the country, some of them of the middle orders, same of them be longing to the working-classes, who have a pride, and a just pride, in seeing that their children by dint of the intelligence they show, by dint of industry in learning, and by dint also of the religious and moral conduct which they evince, may obtain from the masters of schools, and from the inspectors appointed by the government, honourable evidence of their fitness for the office of teacher. (Hear, hear.) Since 1811 up to 18,51 it appears that the total outlay for training schools was 3'53,4021.; the grants made by parliament 13 7, 62 3 1 -; the income of twenty-one training schools in POI was 44,0001., the annual grants at that time being 4,334!. On the whole, however, 40 of these training schools have been established, and the number of persons educated as pupil teachers has much increased since that time. In 1852 the total expenditure ujider the Committee of Council was 188,0001., solely for the purposes of the improvements of training schools and gratuities to schoolmasters; and s pt is in that way, I think, very great good may be done. I now then conic to the question—the question which has been discussed with great ability, and has excited great in terest throughout the country—what we should do with respect to this system ? Shall we continue it, improving its efficacy, augmenting the amount of aids given by the state ? Shall we abandon it altogether? Shall we adopt another system in place of it? (Hear, hear.) I will take these two last alternatives before I consider the propositioa which it will be my duty to lay before the house. It is said by persons of very considerable talent, and who have thrown great light on the discussion, that it is not the duty of the state to interfere at all in the religious and moral training of the people; that that is a matter which ought to be left entirely to voluntary efforts, and to those who choose to undertake religious instruction. I own I never could subscribe to the reasoning by which that view is supported. (Hear, hear.) That question, however, was argued very fully in 1847. This house decided, by a very considerable ma jority, in favour of the aid that was then s o ug ht by the government for the purpose of promoting edu cation. (Hear, hear.) Since that time it has not ap peared to me that the opinion of the house has been changed, and certainly it has not appeared that the country agrees with those who support what is called the voluntary system. But there is mother system proposed for adoption as a system which ought to influence the •state in its de cision on this subject. I mean that which is proposed for the establishment of what are called secular schools. The scheme is developed by many writers, with great authority by Mr. Coomb, and the proposition is this—that very imper fect views are taken with regard to religious subjects, and that very often those rules which the Almighty has laid down t r oar conduct in this life are far from being followed, ore wilfully or blindly set at naught, and that it is the Waimea of the schoolmaster to teach those laws of social economy and of physiology by which the youth ot this kingdom may bo better instructed so as to conduct themselves without danger of those courses of vice into which too many of them fall. Bat I think it will be obvious to the house that that is a proposal differing essentially from the original scheme of secular ed uca ti on . (Hear, hear.) The original plan is is give tem jegal, or secular, instruction only in schools, sad is leave religion to the professional ministers of soliglon. But this second view of the subject is, that there I* a national theology which should be taught in schools, although Christianity is not to be taught in those schools. Z, hear.) That is a view more extensive, and un- I STedly more dangerous, than the primary one. (Hear, hear.) My belief is, that the people of this country have acted with a right instinct when they have, by their exertions, by their associations, by the sub scription of their money, by the devotion of their time, and of the time of their children, declared that there shall be religious training in their schools, and that that religious training shall comprise all the great doc trines of Christianity. (Cheers.) I, therefore, sir, could not, nor ceuld the present government be a party, to any plan of substituting the secular system of teaching for that which is at present in force. (Cheers.) I consequently arrive as the question, What can be done under the present system ? I do not think, owing to those difficulties which I mentioned at the outset of my observations, that it would be possible to unite throughout the country persons of differeut religious communions in one distinct plan. There it obviously a very great difficulty with respect to those requirements that are made by the National Society on behalf of the established church, and the counter requirements which are naturally made by the dissenting bodies on behalf of their own children. There is, it appears to us, one kind, one sort of community in this country which might obtain the means of supporting schools by rate. I allude to those towns which have a cor porate organisation, which under act of parliament or by ancient eliarter have a coporate council who manage the concerns of the town. In towns of this kind there is not any necessity for establishing schools of one kind. There are in those towns generally schools of the various com munions, all of which receive some support from the minutes of the committee of Privy Council, or which might receive such support. It appears to us, therefore, that it is possible at all events to give power to the corpo rations, the municipal councils of such town to vote a rate, for the purpose of improving education in such towns. But in so doing, we should think it necessary to impose certain conditions, in order to prevent the evils to which I have referred. In the first place, we think it would be right that two-thirds of the town council should agree in the imposition of such rate. If it were a majority, and that were a small majority, it would give rise to attempts to overturn the vote, and probably cause dissen sion in the town. But, if two-thirds of the representatives of the community give a vote in favour of the imposition of the rate, it would probably be the general sense of the town. In the nest place, we think it necessary that the rate should be applied, not to establish schools in substitution of the former schools, but in aid of the volun tary efforts of individuals, and in aid of the school-pence given by the parents of the children. We shall propose some such scheme as this, that a rate may be applied to pay 2d. in the week, if the scholars provide ed. ; er if 4d. were contributed from other sources. We shall propose like wise that the 'snails a hich shall receive that assistance shall be the schools which under the minutes of council might receive I assistance, and that the power of the town council should r , uo further than the appointment of a committee ,which ship', i d distribAr the sum according to the opinion ot the com mittee. The committee might be formed partly oe mem bers of the town council, partly of other pinup' res id ent in the town, who would elicit accurat e i n f or r . , ati „, with regard to the schools, and see that all th e conditions re ' paired hy the Mate were complied with it. those schools. I , lust ?a.? th..t I still propose to OP l '. Up - :Lave this evening to bring in a bill to carry into effect these provisions. We propose that in these schools the parent shall have the power of withdrawing his child from the religious instruc tion if he should object, but it is obvious that the parent, on the one hand, would not send his child to • school where the religious instruction would be repugnant ; and that, on the other hand, the school which has A strict rule that every child should have religious instruction would refuse to receive such child. Therefore, all that can be done by a clause of this kind would be to lay down the g I principle. Seeing that such a plan could nut be adopted generally in the kingdom, and for this plain rea son, that for many parishes in the country there could he only oae school, we propose, by means which have been under consideration, which have not been yet fully ma tured, to allow in certain instances, in places which are nut municipal corporations, a certain sum per head for the cleildrea attending the school. It would be necessary to confine any such grant to those schools where the schoolmaster has obtained a certificate, but as I have said, the provisions of that minute bas e not b een fully matured. When it has it shall be laid b e f ore t hi s house, and this house, before coming to a vote o n th e sub ject, will have the opportunity of seeing it. Th e co mm i ttee of council have considered on the propriety o f makirg ad ditional grants ter building in some pour places, wh ere the is the greatest difficulty en obtaining a suilicieut sum t er establishing a school. I should say that the sehouls, t a l e . log the country generally, may be dieiled into three ,at ferent conditions —one, where the education ie already sufficient, and where it is of sufficient quality ; th e next, where there is nut sufficient in quantity or mquality ; and the third, where education has been entirely neg. lemma The first class is already considerable, gad is increasing. The third class is, I trust, certainly not very large, but it is the second class which is the most important aad the largest class of the *kola country, and, therefore, requires the utmost aid and assistance. Sir, I have now stated what is proposed to be done by the bill with regard to a rate, and by 'Mantes in regard to building and assistance, but there is a subject of the greatest import ance upon which a bill has already been introduced to the house on various occasions, and therefore it is right that I should state generally the evil, and the proposed remedy, but it will be unnecessary fur me to go into any details ea that subject. I mean the very large anaemia which has been left by charitable bequests, and which is now the income of public charities. (Hear, hear, hear.) noble fri e nd the Lord President of the Council, will ask to iutro ' duce a bill into the other house of parliament con taining the views of the goeernmeut on this subject. I trust that to whomever that power may be given, ur whatever may be the extent of thou powers, that we phial he able otter ten years of attempted and frustrated legislation, that we shall be able in the course of the present year to legis late on a subject of this vast importance iu a way to improve the distribution and management of these charities. It is proposed that charities not having au income above IX a-year shall be referred to the cuun.y courts, lead those above 3dl. shall go to the Master of the Rolls or the Vice- Chancellor, who will have special powers entrusted to him on this subject. I have now stated generally what arc the views of the government upon this question of the education of the working-claws, and of the poorer clams in the 'country. The sum that will be asked will appear In the votes, and we shall then be able to expl a i n the minutes which we shall have adopted, and it will be for the House of Comments to say whether they will grant the sum. There are some other topics upon which I wish to touch, because they are akin to this, and are matters of very great interest, though I propose not to go into them at any length. The one is that the speech of her Majesty, delivered at the commencement of this season, has occu pied the attention of government. The earnest delibera tion of parliament was requested on the subject of science mud of arts, and it was proposed by the Board of Trade that the sums hitherto granted for the department of schools of design, and for purposes of science, should be united under one department, t t be celled the d e partment of Science and of Art in the Board of Trade. Without any very large expenditure it will be round that there will be the means of opening museums fir seieenific objects, and likewise a great museum of art, which fee the present will be placed in Malboteagh House. There aill likewise be the means of giving instruction on questions relating to science, art, and manufactures, so as to improve art as ap plied to 'he manufactures of the country. Dr. Lyon Play fair will be appointed to the scientific and her. Cole to the art department, and under their care and superintendence it is hoped that great advantage will be derived in both these respects. What immediately concerns that which I have had to state to the house on the present evening is that it is proposed for the department of art, that, in stead of sending to certain schools in the coun try which had grants, and which will continue to receive grants from this department the particular forms and models, the best of the drawings and models shall be furnished as parts of those grants at half price, and applied for the purpose of improving their pupils in drawing and in a knowledge of the art of design. It is a subject to which very great attention has becalpaid in many of the schools in the country, and it is one in which great progress has been made. Sir, I said that I would state on this occasion what were the general views of the government with regard to the reports of the commissioners who were appointed by the crown en the subject of our two universities. The house is well aware that those commissioners have made reports of a most valuable kind, stating in great detail the history of those two universities, giving a great deal of evidence of a most instructive nature, sad themselves suggesting vari ewe reforms in the universities. I will not state any par ticular scheme which it is the intention of the government to adopt. Oa the contrary, the government are of opinion that they would not fulfil their duty in the best manner if they proposed any particular scheme for the adoption of parliament until the matter had Leen much further consi dered, and until the universities had had the opportunity of giving at once their suggestions, their observations, and adopting such measures as they may think desir able to adopt on this subject on the changes recommended. Speaking of the University of Ox ford, in the first place there are some points on which the commissioners have touched on which I think it is as well to state the views of the government. One subject with regard to Oxford which is of the highest importance is the constitution of the government of the university itself. 'We are of opinion that a very considerable change is required in the constitution of that government. (Hear.) We think it desirable that there should be a greater power of introducing into the governing body of the university persons in the situation of professors or engaged in teaching in the university or in the several colleges. What should be the particular form of that governing body, as I have already stated with regard to suggestions generally, we do not pretend to decide. What we say ie,it is en object to which our attention will be directed, upon which we shall be ready to receive any suggestion which may come from the University itself ; but if those suggestions either do not some, or if they should fail to meet what we think is re quired, it would then be necessary to come to parliament on the subject. (Hear, hear.) There is another matter upon which our opinion is no len decided, with regard to prin ciple at least, and that is a mere full and free admission to the teaching of the University. gear, hear.) My belief is, that these universities were intended tobe andought tobe educational institutions for the benefit of the country, and that those objects ought to be fulfilled more completely than of late years they have been. For this purpose I be lieve it: will be necessary that there aborts' be apowcr of ad mission and of getting the teacbiage of the university and el enjoying its privileges other than belonging to and re siding in the colleges. With regard to the recommenda tions of the commissioners of the university of Oxford and the different recommendations of the commission for the university of Cambridge as to which should be taken on this subject, I will not now pretend to decide. Any change which shall effect the object, and which shall effect it without interfering with the discipline of the university, because that must be taken into account, will be considered by us. Another evil, as we conceive it, in the present state of the university of Oxford, is the amount of restriction which is placed on the attainment of fellowships and other honours and emoluments. Many of these restrictions, it is true, owe their origin to the statutes or the will of the founder, but we have to consider that if these statutes and if these wills were to be literally obeyed, we should not have the present state of the universities, bat- a state very dify ferent, and one which it would be impossible to allow. Aarther matter deserving the greatest consoleration, and which the commission both for Oxford and Cambridge pro pose, is that all the restrictions as to place of birth should be abolished. Ido not say whether that would be fit. All that I say is that merit and industry and ability should have their due reward when applied to a subject of such a nature. I should say further, with regard to another topic, that a greater part of some of the income and revenue of the colleges should be devoted to the purposes of instruction, to giving additional income to the pro fessors, or hi some other way made conducive to instruction in the university. No doubt we must keep in mind on this subject, as on others, the trusts which have been crested. At the same time, Ido not think it is possi ble to lose sight of the times in which many of these foun dations acre made, and the views which were entertained by those who founded them—views which were entertained naturally and properly, according to the belief of those times, and perhaps according to the circumstances of those times, but which no longer apply to the present time. Fur instance, it was thought at one time that it was most desire ble that studious men, perhaps of the ecclesiastical profession, should devote their time to study and to prayers, and that they should remain in seclusion from the rest of the world. Far be it from me to say that they who thought thus took a mistaken view. I believe that the time when no man's house was safe, when armed men were constantly meeting in the plains and valleys of this country, and when there was no security for lite or property—i believe that the sacred character which was given to these institutions ena bled men thus secludei, to preserve those aorta of learn ing, those peat classical work: which at the time of the revival of letters 'sere found in the monastries and con vents, and which amidst the din of arms and amidst that state of ignoranc e which might have led to barbarians, kept alive the sacred flame from which we have derived our eine. ligation. (Lot id cheers.) Far be it from me, then, to say that thous tet en judged unwisely, still less that the course they had Wien was not beneficial ; but the circumstances of the proteent day are entirely altered; and those men who, animated by a love for learning, established those founda tions would probably if they lived in these times be the first to provide instruction of another kind. (lieu, hear). There is a view likewise which they might have entertained with regard to the localities to which they eterffined their bequests. It might very well be, that a was of property seeing that Lis county was in a state of 0%- ranee, and entirely devoid of letters or science, might thought that the foundation in the University of Ox ford and Cembridge of a fillowthip devoted ter the iubabitants of the locality, would turn their wands to the &munition of learning, and so lead to a general increase in education, aad eivilizetion. (Hear, hear.) I do sot say that that was sa unwne view ; but what I say is, that the present elate cf our commaaicatiou, and the gemmed dilfusiou of ancaeeitse ;ty _ low a tone that his observations could net have been heard two yards from him. Not one word of what he s a id reached , the gaVery ; but. from .the rejoinder of-'Lord who expressed sarctioa ateorap;aaeurasee glean , the toblc • earlpeobably pr sod the atteotion of the government tlfi'object. After a few woods from the Earl of ELlA:monorail, the gost s ition vrts ordered to lie on the table. TIIE CANTERBURY ELECTION. ' The Earl of ABERDEEN gave notice that when the evidence taken before the Canterbury election committee was before the house he should (on Monday next) move that the house sores to the address, praying the crown to issue a commission of inquire ADMISSION OF JEWS INTO PARLIAMENT. The Earl of CLARENDON presented • petition from Burton-upon- trent, praying that Jews mays be admitted to seats In parliament. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 7 o'clock HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY, APRIL 4. Tha SPEAILIIIL took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. _ _ THIRD RlADlNOS.—Blackburn Gas; Dudley Gas; Sun derland Gas; Whittle Dean Wwerworks ; Bangor Water works; Blackpool and Layton with Warbrick Improvement; Bristol Waterworks; Carmarthen Markets; Cork Municipal Corporation; Devonport Gas; Dublin and Belfast Junc tion It iilway ; Eastern Counties Railway (North Wool wich, &c.) ; Benham Bridge ; Great Yarmouth Water works; Lowestoft Water, Gas, and Market; Nottingham Gas; Ormskirk Gas; Sheffield Waterworks; Stockport Improvement ; SRCOND RE.tumis —Charley Improvement; Glasgow and South Western Railway (N.). 2) ; Ne wport, lawrga venny, and Hereford Railway (Taff Vale) ; Oxford, Wur cmter, nod Wolverhampton Railway (Extension of Time, &c.) ; Price's Patent Candle Company (N 0.2) ; Saint Mar garet and Saint John the Evangelist, Westminster, Ves tries; Wimpole, Wrestlingworth, andPottou-road; Bills. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS PRESENTED. ADMISSION Ur Jsw TO PA RL IA MINT. —B y Mr. CHILD, from Mahar', Smtfordshire ; Mr. BUCK, from Tremiagton, D.:von ; Mr. D. WADDINGTON, from Har wich ; against. . SUBMITS COORTS.—By Mr. HOME, from Arbroath and Montrose, for reform of, but objecting to Lord Adv.°. rate's bill. — E01•1110LD Acro.—By Mr. HUME, from Norfolk, for repeal of. LAW OF PROLIATRS.—By Mr. HUME, from Arbroath, praying that the law in Scotland may be made the same to that of England. OPINING OP TEE CRYSTAL PALACE oN SUNDAY3.—By Mr. CHILD, from Hanbury, Staffordshire ; Mr. MORRIS, from Carmarthen ; Mr. A. PELLATT, from the congrega tion of Independents at Clapham, Surrey ; against. NIIIICANTILE MARINI BILL.—By Capt. SCOBELL, from master mariners, mates, and seamen of Hartlepool, against that part of the bill which allows foreign seamen Without limit to be employed in British merchant vessels CLIROY Itranavas BILL.—By Mr. CIIILD, from the clergy and other inhabitants of Uttozeter, Staffordshire; Sir W. lOLLIFFE (for Sir F. Thesiger, who was unavoidably absent), from the inhabitants of Stamford ; against. TM. BALLOT.—By Mr. MORRIS, from Llanelly, in fa vour of. PUBLIC•HOUSIS (SCOTLAND) BILL.—By Mr. HUME (3), from Glasgow, against.—Sir G. MONTGOMERY, from the free church presbytery of Biggar and Peebles, in fa vour of. OCEAN PINNY PO3TAOE.—By Lieut. Colonel DOYLE, from Frome, io favour of. 'Kerma TAX—By Mr. GASKELL, from members rf the medical protestivu in the borough and neighbourhood of Wenlock, praying for a readjustment of. Tam it SCOTTISM UNIVEUSITIT.S.-By Mr. KIN NAIRD, from the united presbyterian church of Perth, for the removal of. CERTIFICATE DUTY.—By Mr. IfARDINGE, from the attornies and solicitors of the Borough of Duupatrick, pray ing for repeal of. Lions 'I ax.—By Sir J. WALMSLEY, from the owners of !Italie s and lands in Genre., County's( Leicester, praying for inquiry into the present state of. Texts ox KNOWLEDGE.—By Lord D. STUART, from the inhabitants of Marylebone, against. REMOVAL AND SETTLEMENT OP THE Poi:lg.—By Sir J. WALMSLEY, from the Chairman and Guardians of the Union of Leicester, praying that the existing laws may be repealed. RELIGIOUS WoitaßlP REGISTRATION BILL.—By Mr. TIIOItNELY, from the deputies of protestant dissenters, against. CoNsoLIDATED ANNUITIZs.—By Mr. F. SCULLY, from the grand juries of the North and South Riding of the county ofTipperary, and from the Cashell Board of Guar• &ails. for a rimiswon of. COUNTY FINANCIAL BOARINI.—By Mr. EVELYN, from the Bowl of Onardims of the Gutlaord Union, fur the establishment of. _ • PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.-By Mr. CRAUFURD, from the members of the Publie Library of the Burgh of Inverary, for supply of. PONTIV. OP MAGISTRATES.-By Mr, OLYN, from the mayor and corporation of Kendal, praying that the power of magistrates, in cases of persons pleading guilty of larceny, may he increased. WINDSOR ELECTION COMMITTEE.— OREN FELL, from John Thomas Bcdborough, Eiq., one of the magistrates of tho borough of New Windsor, against that portion of the report referring t* the inadequacy of the police arrangements at the late election. NALT AND Rot. DCTT.—By Mr. CUBITT, from leve -1 sal parishes, for repeal of. CLERGYMEN OP THE ESTABLISHED CHUROIL—By Mr. IIUbIE, tram sessional schoolmasters in Olanow, com plaining that they have been deprived of their situations by clergymen at the established church. WINDSOR ELECTION. Mr. M. GASK ELL appeared at the bar with the report of the committee appointed to try the petition complaining of an undue return for the borough of New Windsor. Ile stated that the committee begged to report: That the Hon. Charles Wellesley, commonly called Lord Charles Wellesley, is duly elected a burgess to serve in this present parliament. That the petition of William Henry Banks and Henry Thompson is not frivolous and vexations, nor the opposition to the said petition frivolous and vexatious. The committee have also agreed to the following resolu tions : That treating to • conpiderable extent appears to have existed at the last election for the borough of New Windsor, but that such treating was sot proved to have Yana plass for the purpose of corruptly inftuncing the *flint it was by the order, or with the sanction, of Lost Chris Wellesley or his agents. That a practice ap pease have prevailed at the recent election of the said of New Windsor of hiring or employing large Indies of man for the purpose of protesting the voters and premeds. evelm. That the seeiminse me of opinion that snub • pude* leads lathe Meer * esiseelve and exor bitant empress. ad ie. 'seam seseekta, demoralising and peribinest but the 4111111111iMIN am ales of opinion that this evil Molests moldy stated by the insufficient arrange. utents h a: l tit: nut deeds • for the said borough, and by etthe pol" Mr. CO D ems to ies. Minna a petition from certain electors of the Mrwgb of Windsor, which stated, with re. foresee to the with regard to treating contained fa the roped et Wall *dins sommittee, that the petitioners were at a lees to mnselve for what purpose treating could have been wrist en, except for the purpose of corruption, or by any bat these who were Interested in the gaining of the seat ; that, eh/sough they did not mean to impugn the decision of the committee, they wished to call attention to the fact of a number of public-houses being open at which refreshments were supplied to voters without limit, and praying for inquiry into the existence of such practices, which ought not to go unpunished. He (Mr. Cobden) wished, on the motion that the evidence do lie on the table, to remark that although he did not for a moment tea! pup the impartiality , of the committee, for he had • deliberate conviction that the committees had done their sloth not only impartially, but had done justice, and levers jostle. ; but there was an impression at Windsor, that the decision in the present case was not such as those who had watched the evidence thought the committee would have arrived at. He would suggest, therefore, that, in addition to laying the evidence on the table, it should be printed. He understood that one of the witnesses was to be indicted for perjury. However that might be, he was fleetly con vinced that the committee had come to their decision con scientiously; and if there was any discrepancy between that decision and the evidence, that it was an error in judgment; and therefore, in justiee to them he thought the evidence should be printed. He should move that the evidence be printed. Agreed to. WEXFORD ELECTION. The SPEAKER stated that he had received a letter from the agents of the petitioners complaining of an undue elec tion (or the county of Wexford, stating that it was not their intention to proceed with the petition. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. FLOGGING IN THE NAVY. Mr. W. WILLIAMS gave notice that he would to-mor row (this day) put a question to the First Lord of the Ad miralty as to whether tbe statement which had appeared in the public papers was true, that a large number of seamen in her Majesty service had deserted, owing to the disgust they felt at the flogging of a petty officer in one of her Majesty's steamers ; and also that he should move for • copy of the minutes of the court martial on that petty officer, and the correspondence relative to his punishment; and also a re tarn of all her Majesty's ships on service during the lut three years, with the names of their commanders, and the somber of men who had been flogged in each of those ships, the names of the men, and the number of lashes inflicted, the crimes for which they were punished, and whether such punishment was ordered by the captain or by sentence of court mart ial. THE COURSE OF PUBLIC BUSINESS—THE IIUDGET. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice that on Friday next he should move that the house do re solve into a committee of V e whole house, to consider the Consolidated Fund Bill and the National Debt Redemption Bill. He would take this opportunity of 'lying that he should state the intentions of the government with regard to the finance of the country ou this day fortnight (Mon day, the ISth). Mr. DISRAELI asked whether it would be convenient to the noble lord (J. Russell) to state when he would pro ceed with the third reading of the Clergy Reserves (Canada) Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said he proposed to take the third reading on Monday next. and in order to do so he would postpone the third rt ailing of the Jewish Disabilities Bill until tl.e Friday folluaiug.