The Express. — London, England, 1848-07-15 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 1 m▪ easure, end even should the house determine that no por tion of the ins' alments should be re-advanced there was yet another object for which it was desirable the bill pats. The first part of the bill enabled government to re-advance the instalments as they were repaid for the pur pose of completing the works which were left unfinished last year. The second object was to postpone for half a veer the time for repaying the first instalment; sad the third was to enable government, looking to the circumstances of Ireland, to diminish or increase thenumber of instalments by which the loan was to be repeill, so nu as to relieve the pressure upon those districts winch were the most distressed, and to enable ethers when time was not an object, and whets it would be an advantage to repay the loan at an earlier period than was originally intended, to do so, by diminishing the number of the instalments. With regard to the first object, the power of remdvancing the money re paid, to which the bon. gentle • man had objected, it would be recollected that the purpose of the works for the completion of which such re-advances were to be made was to give relief to the destitute poor, and not the execution of the works them 'elves. It was all teasing understcod that when that pur nose was attained the works would be stopped, to be completed afterwards by the districts themselves, if they thought fit. At one time, in the year 1847, upwards of 700,000 found employment oe these works, an 1 though it might be charged that in setae instances a wasteful expen diture had been incurred, it was impossible for any officer of the government, looking at the extent of relief required and given, aiid the difficulties to be encountered. to confine the expenditure within a reasonable limit. It was due to Col. Jones totem that the firmness and prudence he displayed had enabled them to reduce this great army of labourers, without any interruption to the peace and tranquillity of the for counhic try, or suffering to themselves. (Hear.) he works wh presentments had been made amounted to 8,000,0001 in round numbers; the sum actually c o ns iderabl e somethiog undsr 5,000,0001. But a very portion of the works was left uncompleted when the relief commission, under Sir J. Burgoyne, commenced operations, early in the year. 'lbis naturally gave rise to numerous complaints, as it left the country, so far as improvement was concerned, in a worse position than though these works had never been commenced ; and the relief commissioners, in their report, specially r, ferred to the great inconvenience occasioned by the works being left in an unfinished state, and urged their completion. The direction given at the close of the year was to proceed with those works which were indispensably necessary to complete main lines of commu nication, and to leave to the grand juries to make pre sentments sot the others if they thought proper. 'roe Board of Ordnance bod intimated that to complete such nem:guy works an expenditure of 650,0001. would be required, and that the completion of the whole would cost about 2,000,0001. The completion of a certain portion of these works, it sae obvious, would di minish the claims for tempensation from various- parts of the country, as the advantage the estates would ultimately derive from them would in many cases deprive the parties of all claim on the ground of priseot lose. As he had said, government had received the meta urgent representa tions iron. all parts of Ireland se to the necessity of com pleting these works; and as an act of justice, the government faith having in a manner been pledged in the matter, be felt they were bound to afford sine facilities fur that purpose. Be had had much difficulty in resisting the pressing demands of Irish members for large advances of public money to carry out the object, and he had intimated to them that though he could Oct consent to further advances he should not be unwilling to remilvimice the instalments, as they were made for a certain time, say three years, in order to complete the works— the Board of Works in all cases to decide whether the proposed works were fit and necessary. The yearly instalments amounted so 315,0001., 015,0001. therefore would be the amount of the three years' instalments. The first object, then, was to complete the works which had been undertaken under grand jury presentments for the relief of the destitute poor. (Hear, hear.) But it seemed there were some districts in which public works were not the most desirable way of employing the labouring population in re gard to the country or to the labourers themselves, and where it was thought they might be more profitably employed in draining the land than in completing the roads which had been commenced. An ohisct which was regarded with great interest by many proprietors in Irelacd was what was called arterial &airtime, and a bill was introduced to make advances for carrying it out, the money to be obtained from private sources, not the public funds. So many ap plications for assistance under teis act bail been made that last year it was found necessary to vote 307,0001., to give employment in arterial drainage during thatyear. That money was exhausted, and the commissioners were left to obtaiu further funde as they could from private source., go-' vernment not feeling justified in making further advances ; the result was that many works had been stopped. It ap peared to him that it would not be an unwise application of the money repaid to the exchequer on the advances already made, if they were re-advanced tor the purpose of giving em ployment in this way ; and that when such repayments were not required by the localities from which they came, they might be very properly applied to other districts in which such assiennce was needed. (Hear, Lear.) Sir J. GRAHAM inquired in bow many instances wen the dreinige works for which advances had been made, com pleted? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER doubted whether the works were completed in more than a few in stances. About 60 o f these works were to be completed during the present summer, hut he could nut say whether any of there were finished. Well, the second portion of the measure was to enable government to postpone the period for the payment of the met instalment. The provision as to the repayment was, teat the presentment should be made at the last spring assizes, and that an iastalment should be paid M Gawk oubseq...l. melee. But at the spring assizei some doubts had arisen, consequent upon au opinion given by Justice Perrin, as to the legality of the presentment, and in Armagh and some other counties none had been made. It was not until the 6th of June that the Court of Queen's Bench had decided that the presentment was legal, and that was too late to have the books ready in time for the assizes. An application had accordingly been made for further time, which the government was the more willing to accede to, knowing the great diffi culty ail classes had in Ireland, in making payments during the three summer month.; they proposed, therefore, to tsione the first payment until after the summer assizes— Lear) —by which time he had every reason to hope—(for ere was no ground for supposing that the harvest both in grain and potatoes, would not be tolerably productive, the last accounts of the potato crop being much more favourable than those received some days before)—that the parties veined be enabled to pay that which they were undoubtedly bound to pay. (Hear.) Then, as to the last part of the measure. It was well known that not only could no general rule be laid down which should be equally applicable to all parts of Ireland, but that no rule could be Teemed which would apply equally to all parts of the same county, or even the same union. It was shown by the reports of the poor law commissioners that while in one electoral division the rates couldnot be obtained, in another there would be no lack of funds, and that while in sonic places the poor rate was 12e. to 15s. in the pound, in others it was not more than 3s. He admitted the heavy burden on the finances of the country at this time, and that Ireland was bound to pay these advances ; but the question was, whether it would not be impolitic to refuse her some assistance until she was freed from that distress under which she was still labouring. (Hear, hear.) The poor law rate, which was almost a new burden to Ireland, had amounted up to the last rate to 2,500,0001., and the last rate alone was 1,600,0301. In many districts, especially in the west, it was found impossible to raise the funds necessary to give relief under the poor law, much lege to rem, these hamlet:tents, or for the landlor le to find employment for the labouring population in useful improvements, as arterial draining and other agricultural works which would tend to the permanent prosperity of all clasees,without assistance. (Hear, hear.) lielieviug these objects to be of great importance, it appeared to him a legitimate employ ment of these instalments as they came in (for a limited period only), to advance the money to those localities by which they were paid, or should these not require it, then to other districts where it was most wanted, and thus diminish the pressure for the ensuing year, and afford the means of giving employment to the people. On Friday next he should I probably have to make a statement as to what had been done to effor.l relief to the suffering people in those districts in the 1 west of Ireland, where it was only by the aid of the British Association and the food that remained in the government stores, that the people—especially in Mayo—had been kept alive. Mr. GOULBIJRN observed that the right hon. gentle man had not referred to those financial considerations which in his view were the fatal objections to this measure. He had told them that this bill had three objects—the advance of moneys for the coiunletion of unfinished works—the post- ' ponement of the period at which the repayments were to commence—and the granting a power of extending the pay ments of tie sum for ' , Mich Ireland had contracted fur so lengthened a pitied a. in his mind to render null aed void the chances of them psymeets being made. If a preposition had been made to se • teem, the period of the payment of the lint instalment merely, he might have cheerf city acquiemed in such a proposition. But what did the proposition Aefore the house mean I It professed to have the completion of the public works of Ireland a the extension of arterial drain ing in view. Now, if these objects were in view, how were they to be accomplished without the levy of a rate I Yet, from the statements of the right hon.gentleman, the attempt to levy a rate would be, it would seem, nugatory and fallacious. The right hon. gentleman had dwelt upon the evil of undertek- Mu public work., for the purpose of employing the people of Ireland, which were not brought to a state of completion. It was clear that such works were disalvantageous rather than beneficial to the country, and thus the community was actually injured by the remittance which was given to them. But this money, it was asserted, was to be applied to a work of great impedance—namely, the promotion of arterial drainaec'e but, if it were to be applied to that purpose , what was to be come of the completion of those roads which were to have been of so much advantage in elevating the condition of the country ? Ile was actuated by feeliugs of the greatest kindness towards 'ramie, and was desirous to join in giving her every assistance whose application might be useful ; but if in carryinr out Mat assistance a course was to be purse , d m that which wm adopted when they gave such large sums for the construction of roads in that country, which eventually proved hurtful instead of advantageous, he certainly would nut join in the support of any such course of proceeding. They would destroy the moral character of the country if they inculcated the notion that when money was lent to Ireland that country stood on a different footing from any other with respect to the repayment of the loan. (Item, hear.) When Ireland was in a state of great distress. England was called to her assistance, and the first proposi tion was to advance a large sum to enable her to get out of her difficulties, which was to be repaid by instalments ie a seri. , ofyears. It afterwards Appeared that a toll repayment would press too heavily on her means, and England deter mined that one halt of the money should be given as a grant, and that the remainder should he paid back by instalmeate. Under these eiretniestances he thought that this country had a right to calculate that the exchequer would receive the answ ba erck the portion of the money thus promised • but was that the money had bee n s p ent in unireductive o w o rks. Now why was this ? Because the people who undertoo the management of the presentments in - Ireland did not distin guish between useful works and those of an unproductive ha tuts, but presented for all, and threwthe burden of discrimina tion on the government which they should have borne them selves. (Hear.) He was disposed to give Ireland every assis tance consistent with the financial prosperity of this country, bet further than that he cou ld not g o, recollecting as he di d how closely were the financial and commercial interests of the two countries interwoven. The eoonotnisation of lles revenue—the equalisation of revenue with expenditure was a very important point to look to, and the way to effect this was not by throwing charges on the consolidated f u nd. When they heard of 315,0001. a year being taken eta of that fend, it would be well to see how Ireland stood in relation to it. Ireland already owed the consolidated fund 8,300,0001. Of that sum 3,400,0001. was owing for debts contracted previously to 1847, and the remainder formed the debt which of had bun ncurred in the course of that year; yet the amount nterest paid by Ireland in this year was only 3,5001., being omewhere about 9J. per cent. on the whole loan. Now when the bargain was made it was understood that it was to have been adhered to, and that according to the stipulated terms, 315,0001. a year would be paid by Ireland until the loan was liquidated. Now, when they were told of an additimial million to be taken from the Con solidated Fund, it would be well to consider how this country can bear the removal of such a sum in her present condition. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had distinctly stated that he expected a deficiency of not less than a million, even under the most faveurable circum stances, and that million would ha ve to be paid out of the balances of the exchequer, this, of course, making them lower than they were at present. The million which it was proposed to devote to Irish relief would necessarily be taken from the same source. He did not pretend to say what was at the present moment the balance in the Exchequer: but is January last it was 8,600,0001 , while in April it had de creased to about 6,000,0001. There had been a considerable falling off during one period at least of the year, and at no distant periodthey might expect this balance to be brought to a very low point indeed. On economical considerations, therefore, this proposition to draw another million from that source should not les entertained. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to condemn the bill on the g round that the poorest districts of Ireland would be those on which the heaviest rates would be levied, while they were comparatively ex. eluded from participation in the proposed grant. lie else strongly objected to entrusting to the Board of Works the *election of the works which were to be executed, after the experience they had of the inefficiency of that board during the emergency of last year. The right hon. gentleman ought to have come down to that house with a list of the places which requited assistance, an account of the nature of the works to be executed, and an estimate of their expense. With such dan t/rents before them, the house could satisfy itself at the works were really useful and necessary, and take care that they should not be executed in districts not requiring assist ance by money, the payment of which would fall heaviest on the poorest baronies. (Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing to shake the opinion he hail formed when the bill was first proposed, and be was therefore determined to continue his opposition to it for this reason, as well as those be had stated, teat it seemed to him this measure meant nothing less than an abandonment of the attempt to levy a rate in Ireland for the purpose of repaying the loan which had been given to that country. Col. DUNNE opposed the amendment. It seemed to him that it was altogether a matter of necessity that the measure should be adopted and money distributed in those districts I which were unable to support themselves. He admitted that the expenditure of similar grants during the year just passed had been wasteful and extravagant, but they should either go the length of letting the people starve or give them work. It was absurd to expect that rates could be collected when the charge. on the land in many cases exceeeed its value. Mr. NEWDEGATE said it appeared to him that the greater part of the money spent in Ireland was as much lost to :he resources of tho empire as if it were thrown into the see, and he was decidedly opposed to a centinuanee of such wasteful expenditure. A great mistake had been made when the proposition to grant a sum of mono) for the construction of railways in Ireland had been rejected. The supporters of that proposiion were told that the length of urns which meat elapse tefore repayment could take place was a fatal objection to the scheme but he now asked what chance of repayment there was of the money which had been ad vanced, not tor the construction of railways which would have been advantageous to all, bu: for works which were actually injurious to all ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. llELtutacr (Kerry), u we midi ntood, opposed the introduction of this measure because the area of taxation wallet be enlarged in consequence. The beat way to assist Ireland was to individualise responsibility, but an increase of the basis of taxation would have a contrary effect. Sir Fe. FERGUSON avreed in the remarks which had been made with respect to the increase of size in the unions and el,ctoral divisions. In the large unions the poor-law was a dead letter, but they had managed, at a great expense it wee true, to struggle through in the small ones. lie for one would not support the bill if the right hon. gentleman had selected the machinery of the Board of Works for di rating the operations which it was proposed to undertake ; but he believed that no advances would be made except in localities really requiring them, and where the local gentry pressed for them. Ile 1a .4 no doubt that the Board of I Works would work well if it were reduced to the footing on which it originally stood, namely, the exercise of a system of control, and to that position be hoped soon to see it brought. It was well known that in the county of Mayo tne govern ment last year had been obliced to appoint paid guardians of the poor, and even now there was not the least possibility of making any levy for the poor rates, still lees for the par- pose of public worts. In fact, in the west of Ireland the whole state of society seemed to be entirely broken up. Sir L. O'BRIEN said that, having had the honour of fre quent interviews with the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject of this bill, he felt himself in some manner bound to support it, but he thought it right at the same time to state that he had received and presented a peti tion from the grand jury of the county of Clare against the measure, and stating that they would prefer to repay the debt they owed within ten years rather than lave it' re payment protracted for three years longer. (Hear, hear.) The petitioners described the reckless manner in which the public advances of money had been expended; and in that respect they complained that they had been left no option in the selection of the public works to be executed, but bad been constituted the mere pessive 'genet of the government officers ; and in consequence they stated that good roads had been broken up ; that the population had been taken away from the cultivation of the land to be em ployed upon unproductive works; and the result had been that 60,000 persons in the county of Clara had been receiving in and out door relief to the amount of 11,0001. per month. However, as this bill would accemplish one important and benevolent object, that of postponing the repayment of some of the advances, on that and other grounds, if the govern• ment should think it whet to persevere with the bill, he should certainly give it his support. Lord J. RUSSELL said the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goulburn) had opposed this bill as not being a good measure of finance ; end be argued that it was better to have 1,000,0001. in the exchequer, than to part with it for the purposes contemplated. As a measure of finance, he (Lord J. Russell) agreed with the right hon. gen tleman that if they had simply to consider whether they would keep 1,000,0001. in the Exchequer, or whether they would lend that sum out in the way proposed, it would be better in the present financial condition of the country to follow the views of the right hon. gentleman. But this was only one portion of the question to be considered; and looking to the state of Ireland during the lest few years he (Lord J. Russell) could not think that financial considers,- I lions solely ought to govern the deciion of the question. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman had adverted to the public works which had been undertaken in Ireland. This had been done under a system which began under the auspices of an administration of which the right hon. gen tleman had himself been a member, end when large sums of public money had been granted and others advanced for public works during periods of great destitution and distress. The system had been extended far beycied everything which had been done prior to 1847, when the eupply a the ordinary food of the people utterly failed. With the experience they had had, he acknowledged that a far batter plan V; have relieved the distress of a people who were starving would have been to have afforded them directly food in the cheapest possible tootle, rather than the adoption of a mixed mode of relief, moiety, finding them food, and employing them upon public work!. Experience had shown, that although there wee an apparent advantage in having works of public utility executed by thee, pauper', yet that in the end it would have been a cheaper system to have fed the paupers, and to have required nothing from them in return, but to have employed the best se - de-bodied labourers on the public works, giving them such wages as the species of work on which they were employed deserved. (Hear, hear.) Although, however, such was the result of past experience, he (Lord J. Revell) still thought the object of the measures of 1846 had been introduced to combine the two objects. He found that Irish members spoke of the works which had been undertaken as if the primary object of those measures bad riot been to feed 3,000,000 of people who otherwise would have been entirely without the means of austentation. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Portarlington (CoL Dunne) stated that the works undertaken bad all been selected by the officers of the government, but that asivrtion had been com pletely answered by the hon. baronet the member for Lon donderry (Sir R. Ferguson), who hail declared they had been selected from the various barony presentineres made by the country gentlemen themselv. a to the Board of Trade, and the nee to the treasury. Therefore, if the works were valueless an d un productive. the country eentlemen acquainted with the localities, and not either the Board of Works or the government, were to blame for the selection of those which hid been uncli rtaken. (fleet, hear.) But the works having been undertaken for the purpose of feeding the population, great inconvenience must have resulted from a sudden ter mination of label,' on the works which had not been com pleted, and the question now was whether, having obtained some porting' of the moneys before advanced, it was nut advisable that the government should be empowered to re-issue part of that so repaid, in order to the completion of the works. It was obsious that many of the roads might be completed so as to be of some public Lenity. The right hon. gentleman (Mv. Goulburn) argued that it would have been much better to have called for the repay ment of all the n dunce', and then a s eparate scomittee of supply te have proposed the grant of a sum for pualic works in Ireland. Ile (Lord J. Russell) could agree with the right hon. gentleman if there had been such a repaynr nt of the advances es would have justified that course, but he wee afraid the et payments had not been such as the right hon. gentleman seemed to suppose. While in some districts a repayment rate of Is. or Is. ed. in the pound could be o' • tamped, In others it was almost i m mpeesible, under presere i nt t eras car : ausestancea,to obtain any repayent at all,and therefo by this bill that a certain distortion should be left rird government, and that where some small avenue b a d been repaid, • portion of these repayments might be re-briaird ; and in. ether eases, where the state of the country required it, • further pompons ment of the repayment of former advances should b e granted. As to the question whether or not there ought to bo an inquiry into the operation of the pool law in Ireland , this was not the time to discuss such a proposition. It was rather too much to say that they should pass a law one F usion and seek to inquire into its operation in the nest, before the parties charged with its execution had had time to carry it into full effect. ( Hen, hear.) From some parts of Ireland he had heard that there was scarcely enough raised from the rates to keep the people alive, while in other districts he rec, sued satisfactory accounts that the poor law was working beneficially. The time might come when it would be well to look into its working • and then, to any amendment which might be suggested the government would be ready to consider it, with a view to make the ex isting law more perfect and beneficial. (Hear, bear.) Mr. SADLEIR said that, under all the circumstances which surrounded the question, he felt bound to give this bill his support. At the same time he must remind the noble lord that the local authorities in Ireland had been left no discretion In the selection of the public works which had been undertaken under the first sot which had been pawed on this subject. It the expenditure on many of those works was returned to the house, he thought it would be found that much had gone in cigars and bode water for the officers sent to carry the act into operation, rather than to the popu lation for whose benefit the law was intended. No good would be done until the area of taxation was reduced for poor law purposes. It was monstrous that in Ireland there should only be 130 unions, while in England there were upwards of GOO. Ile felt satisfied that sooner or later the areas of the Irish unions must be diminished. Mr. R. AI. FOX decried the works which had already been carried on by the government in Ireland, and contended that more discretion in their selection ought to be I, : ft in the hands of the local authorities. Mr. P. SCROFE couteuded, that 'without looking to France for an example, Ireland had herself proved that no government could beneficially undertake to feed and employ the population of any country. The works undertaken iu 1846 had been wholly unproductive, and he was firmly con vinced that with no result the expenditure of public money had not only been useless, but profligate. He maintained that all advances made should be absolutely repayable, and from the repayment there ought to be no escape. If this principle was followed he would undertake to say that in the whole western district of Ireland, including Mayo and the barony of Erris, instead of the lands remaining waste, they would be made by their owners productive, and able to maintain the population resident upon them. Mr. P. S. BUTLER thought the proposition now made by the government neither unreasonable nor reprehensible — it was demanded by the urgency of the case. The present time required the legislature to deal with facts and not with theories, and therefore, regarding the preeent measure as -e of practical utility, he should give it his most cordial support. Mr. GOULBURN, in the absence of Mr. Stafford, was understood to withdraw the amendment, and the bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. WAYS AND MEANS. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE QUER, the house resolved itself into a committee of ways and means, when the right hon. gentleman took a formal vote of money out of the consolidated fund for supplies already voted. The house resumed, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday. POOR REMOVAL BILL. On the order of the day for the consideration of the Lords' amendments to this bill, '(he SPEAKER observed that some of those amendments might be held to be an interfe rence with the privileges of this house. Lord J. RUSSELL said it had been customary, on bills to connected with the administration of the poor law, to waive that consideration ; and he skould recommend the house to do so in the present instance. Mr. BAINES said that the amendments were not such as to interfere at all with the principle of the bill. After a convers.itiou the amendments were agreed to. PLACES OF WORSHIP SITES (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion that the report on this bill should be received, Sir J. GRAHAM said he had intended to take the sense of the house on an amendment which he meant to propose, and which went to the principle of the bill; but as the mo tion had come on rather unexpectedly (it being fixed for half-put eleven), he would postpone his motion till the next sta r: Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to this course, pro vided the discussion was not allowed to tattiere with the progress of other public business. Alter a few words from Sir R. 'Notts the report was received. SAVINGS BANKS IN IRELAND. Mr. REYNOLDS morel far a select committee to inquire into and report on the laws regulating savings banks in Ire land, and on the large deficiencies in several branches of those bulky, in consequence of frauds committed by the officers, with a view to amendment of the law, and the better security and protection of the depositor'. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it wu his intention to introduce a bill oaths subject, and he, there fore, hoped the hon. member would not press his motion. Mr. HUNIE asked when the bill would be brought in ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said almost inissedletely • the bill Iv u already drawn. Mr. H. A.'IIERBERT hoped the hon. member for Dub. fin would not postpone his motion. Mr. REYNOLDS said the subject was one of vital im portance. He had been anxious to amend the management of savings' banks, and to give to the depositors that security which they now erroneously believed themselves to possess. By the failure of the St. Peter's savings bank in Dublin the depositors had lost 50,0001. ; and if this sum was not recover able from the government, he hoped the trustees would be made liable for it. Though he wu unwilling to press his motion, after the Chancellor of the Exc he q uer had promised to bring in a bill, he trusted that bill would provide for ye inibutsing those poor persons for the losses they had suffered. Ile would postpone his motion till that day week. The house adjourned at 20 minutes after 0. ELECTION CONIMITTEE.—YESTERDAY. DI:BLIN.—As on tho previous day the time of the committee was taken up with the arguments of the learned counsel on both sides. No vote was struck off. Zhe erpreiso. MAILS. The Wert India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, Havanna Honduran, New Orlearu., Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and including those for Madeira, Jaernel, Cart hagena, Santa Martha, Magma, PAMIIIIII, West Coast of South Americo, and tit. Juan-ile- NieleagUA, will be made up on the morning of the 17th July. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Linton, Madeira, Cadiz, awl Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 17th July. The overland mails lot Gibraltar, Malts, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, m ade ylon, India, llong-Kong, and China, no Southamp ton, will be up on the morning o f the 20th July. Ihe mails for British North America, and the United States, will be mace up en the evening of the 21st July. The overland closed walla, in Marseiles to the Meditenean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon. Hong-Hoag, &e., will be made cal m on the evening ache 24th July. The malls for New south Wales, Van Dieman's Land, and New Zealand will be made op mi the evening of the 316 July. The malls for the West Went of Africa and Madeira will be made up on the evening of the 31st July. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco. &ibis, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made tap on the evening of the 4th August. NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS. The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the Stamp-ottioe, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3.447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, A/or/sing Chronicle, anal Morning Post, ALL PUT TOOETHEK. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Eoenins Edition, TILE EXPRESS 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were lensed either to the Globe or Standa►d, Evening Paprre. PlOll WATER AT LONDON HRIDOR. 14,—MeraIng. 13.als.imat 11 Aftww.ea.3leslo.past . To.ruazow—Alorns.v. 66 I; Amos.% D. WA. owt 2. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 15. ——- - - THAT unfortunate Borough Elections Bill! One is really almost tempted to ask—what is the use of purity ? Here is poor Sir JOHN HARMER, who has for the last four months been exposed to the unopar leg midnight assault of the ruthless SIBTIIORP, thrown altogether overboard—his toil and trouble all in vain. No one was better qualified than Sir JOHN HANMER for the task ho undertook. It was not a very gracious one, perhaps, and possibly it was scarcely the sort of public duty you would hare ex pected a member for Hull and for Shrewsbury volun tarily to perform. But the occasion was important. Sir JOHN lIANMIIR looked around him; he saw no purists by profession rise either from the ministerial bench he sat on, or from the opposition bench he had deserted; so, with the great occasion rising great, he applied himself to administer a purgeto bribery which should beat the celebrated purge of the head of the administration. Lord JOHN Russia'. adopted the prescription ; bat as Sir JOHN HANKER was meddling with a case that fell properly under government treatment, he undertook the charge of administering the rem&. Tne result has been that the physician and his medi cine arc alike thrown out of the window ; that the patient remains in the same state as at the commence ment of the scssio; ; and that a new course of treat ment is to be tried, of which we venture to predict that the result will partake as little of a cure as ever. Seriously, in how ridiculous a pos'tion have not the government placed themselves and the country by their conduct in this matter—how grave are the suspicions to which that conduct Want give rite. Here we are all shaking our heads when bribery is mentioned; looking severe when mare told that treating exten sively prevailed ; apping the disfranchisement of the Yarmouth freemen; inclining ourselves to the opinion that Horsham is rather corrupt ; and agreeing that though the Leicester, Derby, and Lincoln cases for may have been hard, yet that the late mtmbers Kinsale, Bewdley, and Harwich were rightly served, and that really something ought to be done with such abominable anis of corruption as three places and a dozen others, among which Lyme, Abingdon, and Ipswich might perhaps be advantageously included. Well, the first step to such a remedy is made easy to us. Sir JOHN HANMER proposes an inquiry. The gove rnment, who have proposed nothing, assent imme diately. They declare themselves so eager about the matter, that they will undertake all the responsibility. Sir JoUN HANMER is only too happy to invest them with it ; and after three mones of loud professions the aff a ir ends by their declaring that they must propose something else. So, like Mr. Pecksnrs horse, here they have bee ir n for the last three months making great show of the action, but in reality getting over no ground. Every one who remembers lioz's description of that animal will be able to find his parallel in the action of the government. He was lull of promise, hut of no performance. He was always in a manner going to go, but never going. When at his slowest rate of travelling he would sometimes lift up his legs so hieh, and display such mighty action, that it was difficult to believe that he was doing less than fourteen miles an hour ; and he was ever so perfectly satisfied with his own speed, and so little disconcerted by opportunities of compar ing himself with the fastest trotters, that the illusion was the a.ore difficult of resistance. He was a kind of animal who infused into the breast of whoastrngers a lively sense of hope, and possessed all those knew him be.ter with a grim despair. We shall not stop to ask did ministers really mean to do anything, or did they mean to s helve the subject from the fi rst ? The inquiry is too delicate. We will only 'peak of the suspicions which such a course of conduct neurally excites. The government we venture to add cannot afford to encounter such suspicions. They are as damaging—if not more damaging—than defeats. But now as to the future. Do the government really mean anything by the new bill they have brought in to supersede that thy have been playing with ? If any one suspects that they do not, they have themselves to thank for the circumstance. l'hey have thrown over one measure, from which something, at any rate, was anticipated. People thought " if we get nothing elso from the inquiries under Sir JOHN HANMER'S bill, at any rate we shall have exposure, and exposure must do good." But, under the measure now proposed, it does not seem so certain that we are even to have that. As Lord Jous first stated its plan it was merely to have a prospective operation ; and that none of the best. To be sure he amended that afterwards. " lie believed," or as some of the papers report : it struck him that the first clause of the bill which he pro- posed to introduce, provided that the general election corn mittee might appoint a select committee with regard to boroughs in motet to w;iich election petitions bad been tried, and these boroughs would include all those referred to in the bill of the hon. baronet the member for the Flint boroughs. The select committee for this purpose would be appointel in the same mode as the other election committees, and they would report whethe r further inquiry should be made or not. Fancy " believing" or being " struck" about ouch a matter ' Why, that one point is the very essence of the measure. Is anything to be done to expose and remedy the abuses upon which the Yarmouth, Hor sham, Harwich, Kinsale, Bewdley, and other election committees have reported ? That is thee question. Lord I.ltusseti. "believes" or" it strikes him" that it is intended to inquire. Now, we believe and it strikes us that it is not ; and we will state very simply the reasons why. This is the 15th of July. The bill is not yet before the House of Commons. It cannot be there until the lith. It cannot pass its second reading before the 21st. It cannot be committed until the 24th. It cannot be read a third time and sent to the House of Lords before the 28th. When it gets to the upper house it will have to go through an ordeil from which, if it escapes at all, it cannot escape until the 12th of August, and on the 12th of August " grouse shooting begins." After the bill has received the royal assent, the general election committee have to appoint the select committee, who are " to consider and report whether further inquiry should be made or not. We fancy the only reports heard of will be the reports of the guns upon the moors. So we venture to back " FRANCIS MOORE " against Lord JOHN—all Lombard street to a China orange. Comment upon this bill, as a prospective measure, we reserve for another occasion. We agree with Mr. MELLINS that it will not answer the purpose for which it is —(shall we say) " intended. The only valid excuse for throwing over Sir JOHN HANMEn would have been a determination to legislate instead of inquiring. Lord JOHN might have said, " these L facts are strong enough, I am convicced ; I feel • that something must be done to stop bribery and • treating, and here is a plan to do it without further investigation." But this is not the course he by proposed. Whilst Sir JOHN HAMMER went for a commission to inquire into all boroughs now or henceforth reported guilty of bribery, Lord Joust only proposes that election committees may have power to report that inquiries are desirable. We prefer infi nitely the bolder measure of the two—the measure Lord JOHN RUSSELL has abandoned. Aeren nearly three centuries of persecution, and not yet 20 years of substantial toleration and free dom, the Roman Catholic church has again a cathe dral in this metropolis ; and that, too, as if in antici pation of great results, under the patronage of our na tional saint, St. GEORGE, and under the presidency of a divine who has assumed archiepiscopal robes and functions. Having erected a cathedral in a style and furnished it in a manner worthy of the architectural and orna mental fame of their church, Dr. WtsestsN and his conpiyes have forced its completion on the notice of the kingdom by the solemn and imposing way in which they have inaugurated the public devotion to its sacred objects—by the long succession of religions services that have followed its opening—and by their invitations to members of all forms of faith to witness their celebration. Attendance has been advertised, placarded and canvassed for, and with great success, for its matins and vespers have been crowded by attentive, admiring, and wealthy audiences, soothed with music, and charmed with eloquence ; whom no surly, careless, or mercenary attendants have left to find places as best they could, but ,ehom polite, cheerful, and superior func tionaries have agreeably ushered into seats and whose pickets have, on entrance and exit, been 'attacked with a grace perfectly irresistible, and with plates golden in accordance with surrounding magnificence. Bishop has followed bishop into the handsome stone pulpit, and thence preached to the multitudes below ; and of the second order of the priesthood those moat notorious for their lapse from the protestant faith have been put forward to proclaim the claims of their new faith on the conscience of mankind, and to pro phesy, with all the daring of perverts, the reconquest of England by Rome. These are notable occurrences. They are at once indicative, suggestive, and instructive. Indicative of that complete religious freedom which now exists in this Icahn, suggestive of the aggressive character of the Roman Catholic church therein, and instructive of the resistance necessary to be offered thereto. We have, of course, no sympathy with those who ascribe the erection of this cathedral, and the courage which has been evinced in its opening, to the righteous act of 1829, that removed the Roman catholic disabilities. We regard them rather as a manifestation of that augmented and augmenting zeal, energy,and earnest ness, which have characterised, and which are still characterising, all churches ; which in the Roman church are far more to be seen in nate* and in Bel gium than in England; which in our own church is to be felt in the better distribution of its revenues, in 'the increase of its episcopate, in the augmentation of its clergy, in the extension of its school organisation, and in additional churches; which in the Scotch church are to be observed in that disruption that has brought forth a rival establishment ; which in the voluntary communities are to be noted in their anxiety to preserve their eilucational independence, and in their increased hostility to the maintenance of a state church. Doubtless in England the church of Rome has been excited to great exertions; and well she might. Doubtless she has here put forth all her ag gressive strength. The violence of the bigots in our own church produced, naturally enough, a reaction. The fury of Exeter Hall had its revulsion in the halls of Oxford. The vituperation of the O'Stativssis and the M.'brEass rebounded in the conversion of the Newmasis and the OARELEYS. For much of Pusey item we are indebted to the disgust which the unrea sonableness and the intolerance bitterness of evangelicanism created. So that Rome gained by the of its opponents; and it is much more to their irrational hostility than to legal enactments that any success of popish proselytism is owing. Viewed in this light, the aggressive efforts are in telligible, and the resistance that ought to be offered to them is obvious. The revival of penal legislation is out of the question. Its design in its origin, what-' ever might be its practical results, was the guppies- sion of political offenses , imputed (rightly or wrong.y) to the professors of the Roman catholic faith. There is now no pretence in England for any such imputa tion ; and penal legislation could now have for its object only the repression of tiv. religious dogmas of the Itaman church—an object not to be thought of, even if it were achievable by human laws. There are, however, means by which these aggressive efforts of Rome can be easily , peaceably, and successfully r sisted. They are b y su p erior zeal, learning, energy, and piety on the part of our own church. These arms, used in the spirit of peace and not of con troversy, in the propagation and extension of our own faith, and not in the contentions of polemical strife, for the extension of the faith and not for the triumph or promotion of individuals, will as certainly triumph over Dr. WISEMAN and the host of Romish priests by which he is surrounded, as the use of weapons from the armoury of Exeter-hall has failed. The church of England authorities may, however, be assured of this, that the battle will be resolutely fought ; that the preparations which their antagonists have made for the propagation of their errors amongst us require the greatest exertions and the highest wisdom on their parts. Their opponents are men of no ordinary skill , of trained capacity, of great learning, of insidious manners, of cultivated tastes, and of unscrupulous habits. Since the early Jesuits stemmed for a while the current of the re formation, and, in some parts of Europe turned it, I'rotestantism has, in this country, had to encounter no such organisation as that over which Dr. WISEMAN presides, and which he directs. It aims chiefly and immediately at captivating the wea lthy and highly educated , a n d at entrapping the poor and needy ; leaving for a while the intermediate classes to the comparative indifference in which they repose—an indifference which has its origin chiefly in the neglect of the clergy of their own church. It is altogether of a missionary character, and is equally competent to penetrate and sustain it self in the salons of the great and the cellars of the lowest. Powerful as its imposing church services arc for success, they are in reality the least of the efforts that will be made—that are making. From out the portals of the conventual buildings adjoining the new cathedral of St. George will daily issue a host of the most cultivated missionaries in Europe, losing no oppo . rtnnity, leaving no stone unturned, to achieve that triumph which Father IGNATIUS (formerly the Rev, and lion. GEORGE SPENCER), so glowingly de scribed on Monday evening to an overflowing con gregation. And these m•n have, be it not forgotten, the money as well as the prayers of their church to assist them. Far be it from us, as protestants, to doubt on which side victory will ultimately prevail ; far be it from us to doubt that our faith rests on a rock which not even these powerful agencies can blast. But this opinion is not inconaister t with the belief that to that portion of the ohureh of ,England which is best able to withstand the assault Dr. WISEMAN leads, the designs of the Roman catholic church are least known. Hence our voice. IN all we have said from time to time on the rail way gauge question, we h i a t ve m. henoldtifoasuatiti y to that po r p to oi o n f t . The matter that directly touches us and this country is not the success of this or the other body . of capi talists, however it may concern the nation, in various secondary relations, that the enormous sums engaged in railway works shall be so laid out as to produce the utmost advantage to the state, with the greatest profit to the undertakers. Nor have we anything to do with the engineering merits of the rival systems — with those relative qualities of each that it would be right to weigh and act upon, were the railway map of England at this moment a mere blank, and the inquiry, what class of lines it might be proper to lay down upon it ab initio. These considerations can have no place in the actual state of the system here : we have to deal not with abstract grounds of prefer enoe or rejection, but with the practical conditions of railway communication as they were already fixed before Mr. BRUNEL introduced his new pattern in the west, and as they now exist, after some years of en deavour to extend it in that district, and to carry it into others. The question, we have said and now re• peat, is not what is the best system per se, but what, under actual circumstances, ought to prevail in this country. Now this wholly practical issue depends upon matter of fact; and in low disputes of equal importance are the cardinal facts so plain and cogent as in this. They may be reduced essentially to the two following positions now admitted on both sides. The first, indeed, is visibly undeniable, viz., that of the railway lines open in this island, there are some 3,500 miles of the narrow and 400 of the broad class. The second, long denied by Mr. BRUNEL'S partisans, but at length confessed by him and them, is, that a break of gauge is a serious practical evil ; in other words, that a difference of dimension as preventing the continuous passage of carriages and wag gons, checking intercourse. and rendering traffic in convenient and expensive, is highly injurious to both. These are the positive, undeniable, decisive facts of the case. The importance of uniformity, the mis chief of a break, being admitted on all aides, the proportion of 3,500 narrow to 400 broad gauge lines being known, the practical conclusion is irresistible: — viz., that the standard dimension of the railways of this country is determined by circumstances ; and further, that if entire uniformity cannot now be had, we ought, at all events, to prohibit any further mul tiplication of the points at which the evils of a colli sion between different systems may arise. The notion of obtaining an uniform system by widening the 3,500 miles of narrow lines to the di mensions of the 400 broad will scarcely be sug gested. The mere cost of this operation, were it even possible—which in many places it is not—would not be covered, admitting the taking scale of estimates for the process from Mr. BRT:NEL'S school of engineers— if we include the value of stock and material de stroyed, and the cost of new machinery, carriages, &z., by a sum of FIFTY MILLIONS sterling. The full weight of this estimate will be felt on observing what is the practical working difference in speed, or other conve nience, at this moment between broad and nar row gauge lines—a difference in money points in favour of the latter, and scarcely amounting, on the one point wherein the former can pretend any advantage, to four or five miles per hour with high-priced expresses, the running rate for ordinary trains being on many narrow lines, as nearly as may be, the same as on the Great Western. Could the owners of the nine-teaths of our railways be per suaded in any case to waste their money in widening them, it would clearly be a matter of public prudence to forbid such a mass of English money from being spent for any slight advantage which the broad gauge, when working at its best, can now pretend to show. A more feasible means of securing uniformity would obviously be to narrow the few hundred miles of broad railways. In this case the only difficulty would be the mere cost of relayirg the line and purchasing new moving stock, allowing for the loss of the old. There are no engineering impediments: bridges, tunnels, &c., which suit the wide, being more than fit to receive narrow lines—which is not true of the converse proposition. All might be done for less than two millions ; and it may be asserted that such an outlay, if made by the state, would be repaid to the country by the gain and saving from the unbroken communication throughout the island. This, we say, is a feasible process: but we do not say that it is one which the legislature is likely to enforce, or which it is bound to insist upon in the teeth of the parties who have made these railways, with parliamentary leave, on the BRUNEL pattern. Such compulsion would be justly felt to be a hardship, unprovoked by any fault of the resisting body, and inconsistent with the spirit of this country. A contract the legislature has already sanc tioned it cannot fairly undo, in spite of the other parties to the bargain—although a change might pro mote the national interest—not, at least, without cotn pemation. But one thing it can and ought to do—to avoid, namely, any further extension of this practical mischief : no further steps, it is clear, ought to be taken in a way that it was a sad mistake to have ever entered upon. wofillthencotoi:::elnyces---"'litnufit tthheeerne fort T .e hi o s f d e e ir te cu rm m i s n tan ati ces on , rangement of intercourse and traffic on railways: will go far to ensure the removal in time, by theailetit already committed. We need not absolutely compel the owners of bi e i gauge railways to alter them. If we siraplyl ,„ them as they are, but forbid any more to he readels that pattern—as the gauge commissioners sapi ai i advised--it is pretty certain that the propri e t ie the exceptional lines would before long find k much for their interest as it sae for that of Us er , . lie to put au end to the distinction that cats then wt from the general systs m of our railways Tb;, , - say, would be the probable issus of a coarse however, it is plainly expedient for the rate to w , sue in this matter, even were no such eepe s al to result from it. The advantage of a perfectly homogebe ss . most would be infinite. But, were not this attainable, would still be necessary at least to prevent en i of the contrary evil. Among the essential f its , this case may be numbered the shifts of pea adopted by Mr. BRUNEL and his friends at ath eist periods. At first it was taken for granted that the wide gauge must be an insulated sysiem, and was urged, could be no inconvenie ss , it was to be confined to an insulated de . trict. When the Great Western desired to m i d its range, new ground was token up ; tbu a break of gauge would be no p 4e , 411 impediment to traffic. whatever. This position i n since been forsaken upon undeniable proof of i hm. soundness ; and the Great Western party 1 ,, de. dare a break of gauge to be the evil that the b it authorities have all along declared it must be, The scheme now espoused is that of a mired which, whether its fruitless expensiveness he 0 7,e. sidered, or its extreme danger, most be call e d fo r most objectionable of all the temporary iesiii ; started to promote the existence and growth i Bei:Nees original whim, while it is, moreover, to two fatal objections. First, that it may change the points of interruption, but will not, in fact, d i c k eh the number of breaks of gauge, unless the xu system is everywhere adopted. second, that the rely ulterior purpose that can be served by a most mik e experiment would be precisely that mon‘trotu awe, viz., of doubling the gauge of all our roihreys—i e other worde, of imposing a double expense is lEtQ working, as well as in their structure and stake serious risk to property and human life. If hyb s not intended—and an intention so mischieroussi absurd will not surely be suffered to prevail—th eet k, proposal of mixing gauges anywhere can °Ey a ancillary to other purports', which ought taste a entertained at fruitless cost to individuals, ea El, peril of public safety. We do not mean to seareth broad gauge party of a y blindness on this po - s, They know very well both what it means suite they gain by it. But what must be said of thesis, city and foresight of a Board of Railway Comsi sioners ; who either are unable to perceive the dad this proposal ; or, seeing it, can advise, as they I se lately advised in a report to the House of Lords, its; steps shall be taken to carry it into effect ? GERMANY. AUSTRIA AND THE DANUBIAN PRM. PALITIES.—We have received the German mei and our usual correspondence . The intelligence ft inst. Vienna to the 9th is important. We stud: few days since that a Itussian force had entered X. davia. This news is now confirmed. The Spet Zeitung and the Ilerfeltt Gazette of the 12th mat the following intelligence: The statements respecting the march of the Roam: Moldavia are fully confirmed (bestutigen wind milkman The Russian general, Duhamel, hastened from Bashes; Ruisiach Leowa (a place on the further side of the Pfc. which he reached on the 23rd ult. Immediately Mel arrival, 2.5,000 men, under Gen. Ersenstein , orals abuseriver into the Moldavian territory—the greater se her of the troops fording it, as the water ea, los. a. Duhamel then proceeded to Jassy, and intormed theta. dar that, in order to maintain tranquillity is koala Russia had resolved to take possession of that city, Otis day of the general's arrival, the Turkish commilowat off a despatch to Constantinople, and the next manotis Moldavian boyars, the metropolitan and several baisphe warded to the Sultan a protest against the pnxtedispiis Russians. The intelligence from Bucharest is of the h.glet importance. After granting an ample constimato his suujects, Prince Bibesco, on the 25th ult., rid together the new ministry and formally Wined, leaving the city shortly afterwards for Crow& The metropolitan has been placed at the hinds( is government—a republican one. The Rusin cast has demanded his passports, on the ground id existing treaties have been violated. Further wenn up to the 30th ult. confirm the foregoing intelligent and announce the arrival of the ex.prinee hero stadt. Bucharest is in arms. All the foss ministers have fled. From Vienna itself the news is that the Anne ministry had resigned en masse on the eveningata Bth inst. Herr Dobblhof is entrusted with the Ira tion of a new one. The sudden unpopularity d & Pillersdorff, on account of his abrupt refuel tole to the suggestions of the committee of safety, int cause of the downfall of the ministry. The pope party demanded the resignation of the °bow minister, and Archduke John complied with tie quest. The funds immediately fell, partiadsrlyi; was announced on 'Change that there had boy volution in Venice in favour of the King of Sub According to the Allgenteine Oesterratbi Zeitungof iennanll the Jesuits have been ordutif the government to quit Gallicia before the 14: stant. The above order has four establishminv. that province. Letters from Innspruck of the 2 nd coatnittS report that the Emperor of Austria is ill, la that he is at times extremely dejected. The solemn opening of the Hungarian Nil • Diet took place on the sth inst. His Saes* news the Archduke Stephen, after laying b rass assembly the forms which constituted him 111 01 , 1 plenipotentiary and represen tative, spoke's:followt His Majesty cur King has been plea s ed to ate ale diet of his faithful Hungarian subjects on the 2ed it month. It was the gracious and paternal intended ) Majesty to open and conduct the Diet in person, WO sincere grief of his faithful people severe Mutated the carrying out of this intention, and by itiya • mend I am commissioned to open this diet in te of the King. I, therefore, lay before you this relit mission, and at the same time anothe the! or dinance, :in which his Maesty infolnng la rms ire tates of the emp that j o nese continues, and he is thereby prevented no! peering among his faithful Hungarian outlet% tt' been graciously pleased to appoint me the rep , his sacred person for the Hungaian countries, Mei the military frontier. [After the minister Semen! MO ' the rescript the Archduke delivered the following spleata the throne In the name and as representative glorious reigning sovereign, Ferdinand V., sibs Diet hi herby - declared to be opened. The , state of the country rendered it necessary to , Diet without delay, and without waiting for the 1, " out and completion of all those proposals and which the responsible ministry of his Majesty hatitf se.- wand of the late Diet been commission: el t o prepen plete. In Croatia there is open insurrection. In 011001 vince of the Danube insurgents hose broken tits the country ; and while it is his :dajesty's earned ,„ avert • civil war, he is at the same time olivine& 0t . ,: united representatives of the nation w ill consider 0.; primary and important object to adopt such autoaw may be requisite for the re-establishment cf pro secrin th integty of the Hungarian crows, serving the e acted r inviolability of the laws. Do!, of the country and the finances therefore me ttt_L objects to which under the present eltraordta i l stances, I, in the name of his Majesty, etP° 6 „ ‘ • the attention of the r epresentatives. The ministry of his Majesty will lay before able proposals on these subjects, and he menT'',ll o t pests that the representatives of the nation speedy and suitable measures for the security 02.7.0'" the country. With feelings of pain and P's i lie his Majesty has been informed, that &lamest' h e, drtt the welfare of all his subjects at heart, was folloivietr.„, tams of his own free will when in the late Di et . tioned, on the petition of his faithful subjects, g those laws which were called for by the requ're.'"_. times for increasing the welfare of the couutee , !.;;,as standing this, in Croatia and the Lower Dames Intl evil-minded rebels, by false reports, excited MOW"' other the various inhabitants of the country*" from them, and said thatthe said laws were not the free of his Majesty's royal will, and thereby indeed mlo them t s t`'.; stand the power of the law. To inhabitants of this country, of w hatever _rsz":;, I hereby declare, as being specially charged to (I °' the ' illustrious lord and master, in his na me, and M mutative of his person, that his Majesty is tirin l l !" ° ‘,,,r protect the unity and inviolabil i ty of the Rungs/no', nt against any aggression from w i t h ou t and • ulna, M. times to maintain inviolate the laws sanctioned bl , The union of Transylvania with Hungaq ha, tinned by his Majesty with the most heartfelt P"' . .,. ' more so because he has thereby acceded to the w i sh 0 ) beloved Hungarian and Transyivan ian ssbjects. It I by the amalgamation of the two co untries into o ne boR they will, by the combined development of their Mr° 1