The Express. — London, England, 1847-12-11 00:00:00

tp eemethron. Whit be seated wee se hisses 5... 0 2111 higher carts see >l et their Obolales abliades niseseer lona olther ad i rtr e add anderiene be mks limemilp, dead to all Sr theby die 411111111 arsine the g a i rE the amen as se yeses sad ;lather, Ile semilita Sasser sea •, they exercised est Hide lidos septum et heartless amity, calculated to Wog dam Ma. Mani Gem heaven upon them." Dr. Ryan WO be ea sodas eta, but still, as a member of that lure" be (N 2.1 Cochrane) maintained that this was eel language aide at • minister &geld n ter. ("Hear, beer," end cheers) Str R. HALL said th at what hail bum rearlbribelgra sembor Bridport part of =7 davomd 1 11 Br. 11.=. He (Sir B. Hall) bad to adieus da bare night, and at sweetie ehespabkis bad been sale seek* Dr. Ryan. Ns d=it lat der d° I ° , b° 66 °.° on the first night ti the me ree Mat he hoped lid the Roman cat blimsby sued Wee= e 1 . 6111 of part of the permeated sadva tbe tweraisure what wee their duty to their sonsday wad the lets He ha l Samba last night to have reed another past af the Sans dellseed by Dr. Ryan, as well as the part reed by the boa. member for Bridport. The charge of Dr. Ryan wee a eery different thing to a speech which he (Si: B Hall) had Quoted on the first aught of the session. The hon. but. thin rend a portion of the charge in question, which was to the following effect " While viewing the Mate of the upper classes we must not forget the middle and the lower classes. Complaints were made by tenants against their landlords, and their misfortunes were attributed to them; but were the tenants what they ought to be? While con inking their own happiness , did, they take into consideration that 01 the landlords Were not the tenants knavish and apathetic, end apt to think the land belonged to themselves alone ? If the land was cultivated by industrious tenants end generous landlords it would produce four times se much as it did. It was said that there was no sym pathy for the people; but thousands sympathised with them—the bishops, the priests, the legislature sympathised with them. The legislature had created laws for their assistance, and had passed a poor law,—the most important law which had been pared for a hundred years,—• law which he had always wished to see enacted. But so long as mur der and disregard of the laws of God and man continued, their beat friends must blush for them." (Hear.) Viscount MORPETK did not wish to prolong this dis cussion, but he thought it due to Dr. Ryan to state that though he was never personally acquainted with him, he had heard testimoay borne to the conciliatory character of his conduct, end that he had always devoted himself to his functions as a Christian bishop ' • and Bishop Jebb, the pro testant bishop of Limerick, is his correspondence, bore his tortimony to the fact of the Roman catholic bishop having proved a zealous coadjutor in all Christian duties. Sir J. WALSH thought this might have been a hasty ex preesion by Dr. Ryan, but it was as unfortunate one in the present state of Ireland. It was important to the character of the, priesthood that they should in the strongest and moot public manner disavow the expressions used by some of their body, which, rightly reported, were deeply criminal, and which urged their flocks to be guilty of areassination. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that the hon. baronet had at. tacked the Roman catholic clergy on mere report. There we. no proof of the accusations which had been made against them, end he lectured them in a manner which the Whops and clergy were not likely much to regard. He (Mr. O'Connell) could bear his humble testimony to the conduct of his lordship, Dr. Ryan, and it would be the more weighty because his lordship had always kept free from political par ties. He was loved and respected by ell who knew him ' and he WIN the last person he should have expected to have been attacked. Another prelate had been spoken of by the hon. member for Bridpurt—Dr. M'Hale. He was attacked simply because he had congratulated the people on the un exampled patience with which they had borne the cala mity which had befallen them. Would any one deny that that was the car ? The noble lord the member for Moyle bone had said last night that all the murderers went to the priests and obtained absolution, the fact being that they were wretches who had been long out of the pale of the church ; and it was rather too bad to have it said that with ouch per sons the priests profaned one of the most solemn sacraments of the church. Mr. REYNOLDS complained of the attack which had been made on Dr. Ryan, when it appeared that all be had been guilty of was a statement of facts describing the neglect of the lower orders by the higher in his diocese. Allusion bad been made by the hen. member for Ilasylebone to the sputh of Dr. Laffan, at a meeting at Cashel. He (Mr. Reynolds) did not justify the expressions that rev. gentlo man was reported to have used; he condemned them, and re gretted that they had been used, aid, assuming that the report had been furnished to the boo. member by an Irish correspoadent, he was prepared to exonerate bim from the sin of garbling it. He did not charge the hon. member with suppressing any facts, but he had referred to the speech de livered on the occasion in question by the Very Rev. Mr. Letitia, and he had found that the hon. mem ber had not given the rev. gentleman credit for the expressions which Immediately followed the objectionable mirage which had been quoted. With the permission of the house he (Mr, Reynolds) would read an extract. The Rev. Mr. Lam said, " Did he stand there in defence of murder ? God for bid. He had ever preached, as far as his humble intellect directed, and with all the sincerity and energy with which his soul was animated, that the olood of man cried to heaven for vengeance, and that sooner or later the murderer would come to nis own destruction; that if he avoided the conse quences of his crime in this world (as was almost impossible), amusedly, on passing the frontiers of eternity, the Lord of all justice would deal to him that eternal judgment which they were told awaited the murderer." Now, *dunning that the expressions used io the early part of the speech ought not to have been used, he (Mr. Reynolds) thought he was justified in stating that the hon. member for Mamie bons ought, in common justice, to have gives the rev. speaker credit for the expressions which followed. At the same time, be (Mr. Reynolds) was of opinion that no man, whether dressed in the garb of a clergyman or in any other costume, ought to see expression, to the people that could by possibi lity be misconstrued. (Hear, hear.) If the clergy of any sect or denomination of Christians had been so virulzi n tlz as attacked had been the Roman catholic clergy of I he should feel it his duty to stand up in their defence. He had heard the Roman oathoiic clergy much impeached in that house, and, he regretted to add, that those who had brought charges against them had failed to give them credit far those deeds of peer and order that they were known to have performed. Let him remind the house that the present Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had instructed his secretary to convey a special vote of thanks to the Right Rev. Dr. Ken nedy, Roman catholic bishop of Kiilaloe, for his exertions, end tilos of his clergy, to preserve and maintain the peace. In the countyof Limerick, within the last six weeks, a dis orderly and lawless mob of 1,600 persons, in the broad day light, attacked the workhouse, put the guardians of the poor fa fear of their lives, seized the cattle and corn of the gentry, and carried away their booty into the mountains. Three Roman catholic clergymen followed them, and succeeded in getting all the cattle and corn restored, end by their preach ing had sine* restored that part of the country to perfect peace. (Hear, hear.) The order of the day was then read, and the question " That the Speaker do now leave the chair," having been put, Sir W. VERNER rose and addressed the house, but in so low a tone as to be scarcely audible in the gallery. The hon. baronet was understood to say that however much he was rejoiced that her Majesty's government had thought it right even at this late period to propose any measure calcu lated to relieve the well-disposed and peaceable portion of the population, and to preserve life and property in Ire land, rill he could not avoid expressing his regret that all the remenedrances which had long sines been meek on the stekhiet also g evils of Ireland should have remained till new eumel Early in the present year he had raised his voles in ea mammonr to convince the noble lord at the head of the geeernment, and those acting with him, of the inevitable consequences which would ensue if those remon strances were neglected. At the same time, he had moved for returns which, though granted, had not been made, which would have shown that arms bad been eagerly par chased in Ireland by men from whom they ought to have been withheld, read the truth of his anticipations on the with drawal of the arms hill in 1848, had been fully borne out by the events which had followed. By the abandonment of that measure by the government is 1846, permission to arms had been given at a meet unseasonable time. t that period the bad and evil disposed were demanding mainte nance and support from the landlords and farmers. The two parties wire at true, and this bad been the period ebosen by the government for the establiehment, in Ire land, of free-trade in arms. (Hear, hear.) On the 10th of August, 1816, the arms bill came in for a second reading, and on that occasion the noble lord mid, " The question is whether all persons whatever in Ireland should be at perfect liberty to have any arms they phase, to introduce any quantity of gunpowder they please Me the country, and to sell that gunpowder and those Mee i 11111 interior, on the coast, and is all parts of Ireland. If yea gave en entire license te the people to have what Oregano, my belief is that you will be giving encouragement to en► rage. and that there will be more offences against life the. if you allowed this bill to continue. I have no doubt that the throwing out of this bill would encourage =say of those malefactors in Ireland who go about selling themselves le commit murder." Such were the opinions eiralaa by the noble lord on that ocesiden, and the second realm of the bill was carried by a majority of 33 in a house Nagellaet, 79 member,. On the following Monday, however, las soda lord at the head of the government tams downandemermseed the abandonment of the bill, but " assured the loess that the government were still determined at all wash that security to life and property in Irelanel tri nee be diminished." Connected with this there was a circumstance which had at time essated great alarm in Irelend. A gentleman now no more, but formerly of great power and influence in Ireland, for whose memory he should not utter a word of disrespect (the late Mr. O'Connell), announced at a repeal meeting in Dublin the withdrawal of the Arms Bill on the very same day that the announcement was made in this house by her Majmty's peen went. The connexion between Conciliation Hall and Dawning-street was held to bode no good to Ire lend, and the result was that the moment was seized upon by the people to arm themselves. And what:bad been the consequent*, ? Why the right hon. baronet on introdacing the present bill detailed a long catalogue of crime, and on concluding hit speech admitted that in every case be had detailed the crime had been committed by assent el flee arms. Nothing could palliate murder, sad yet the attempt to do so had been made in the mousse if the discussion on the present bill. Murders had hew eommitted_ j and the widows end orphans of those elbow lime ha d beenaemleed cried aloud to the noble lard, net hr VOW for that protection which had bees denied to and dithers. On these ta Lesade he Medd to the bill now on the Mr. AN I VEIt was desirous, before the Epeeher leR the glludr, to express his sentiments on the subject before the said to justify the vote he had already given. It seemed to blur that the measure was based upon two equally feles smumptions; first, that the people of Ireland could not • • safely be entrusted to preserve the pesos of Ireland: and, usually, that the Castle authorities in Dublin or of the Treasury Isere might sall y le Masted with an unlimited discretion over the propmty sad liberties of the Irish people. The right boa. baronet Oft 0. Grey) bad signally tailed in • establishing these two propositions; though he had suc ceeded in proving that all former systems of governing Ire. land bad failed. This fillers was attributable to the gradual withdrawal of the gentlemen and yeomanry of Ire land from the can of the public peace, which had hmn en trusted to paid officials. The measure before the house was • step further in the same bad direction. A few years ago the district he represented, end other districts of Ireland, were attached to the cause of order; they had • direct pecu niary interest in keeping down disturbance ; but, by the consolidation of all the magisterial jurisdictions in Ireland in the vice.regal authority—by the system of mulcting the whole community instead of the particular district for the codas of disturbance--by creating a standing army, in the shape of a constabulary force, et the direction of the Lord- Lientenant—thera had been engendered the indisposition to actin the repression of crime, of which so much complaint had been made. Well might such a system fail ; and it wee meet astonishing that the right hon. baronet should propose to remedy this failure by an extension and augmentation of the tame vicious system. He (Hr. Ansley) yielded to no one in his abborrence of the crimes that had been perpe trated in Ireland ; but he must object to this bill, believing that it would be wholly ineffectual for the repression of such mimes, and that it would engender • state of things namely leas objectionable than that which it proposed to remedy. It went to withdraw the whole magisterial authority of Ireland, and to vest in the Lord-Lieutenant a jurisdiction of an en tirely different character. Even were Lord Clarendon an angel of light, the propriety might be doubted of investing him, or rather the right hon. the Home Secretary—for, after all, the matter would rest with him—with powers Demist and extensive. He had listened in vain for any fact from an Irish member, tend ing to show the necessity of this measure. True, there wasthe disposition to carry arms ; but was not this accounted for by the way in which the tenantry and peasantry had been treated ? Had the bill proposed to allow the use of fire-arms to none but those who paid rates and taxes he might have consented to go into the committee; but it actually pro hibited the bearing of arms, in proclaimed districts, to all but those contained in some few specified exceptions. This I was not only unconstitutional, but a reflection on the loyalty and good.feehng of all cleans—gentlemen, magistracy, and the people at large. Even the right of licensing to bear or anus was taken away from the local magistracy. The ill o l t only took away the means of self defence, but im posed • lasting and indelible stigma oa cla sses. Irish members were told, " You must either accept this measure, or propose a better in its place." He denied theobligation ; I he denied the necessity for any such measure; for all tha evils had arisen from a departure from the ordinary curse of law, whereby gross injustice had been intheted en Eng land and Scotland, through the calls made on the consolidated fund. Let government go back to the ancient principle of laying the burden of crime on the district, whether a county, a barony, or a town-land ; let them be made answerable for the support of the families of persons who were assassinated; let the local administrators of justice, the grand juries, be armed with full powers of defence; and let the system of rural municipalities, which the late sovereign proposed for England, but whose application was intercepted by the Mel bourne ministry, be established in Ireland. The best effect' would follow, agrarian disturbances would be removed, and the people at large would have a direct interest in the pre servation of order. If a division took place on this stage, he should vote against the bill going into committee ; he had offered it 'no factious opposition, having given way on many points ; and he felt that a resort to all the means of opposi tion which the forms of the house supplied could only be justified in very extraordinary cases,—of which he did not conceive this to be one. (Hear,) Mr. P. SCROPE rebutted the implied charge against him self of inconsistency, in having opposed the last coercion bill, on the ground of the widely different circumstances in which Ireland was now placed. Former governments had not only ig nored, but denied, the real causes of Irish discontent ; political agitation bad been assigned as the cause; but it was now pretty generally admitted that the insecurity of tenant-right lay at the root of all these evils. The noble lord at the head of the government, In opposing the last Coercion Bill, had declared his opinion that ejectment from land was the great source of the distresses of Ireland; and, acting on this belief, the noble lord had passed what might be called the great charter of Ire land—the poor-law. This was the firstof a great series of mea sures which government evidet.tly contemplated for the re dremiog of Irish grievances; and no doubt a measure for improving the relations of landlord and tenant would form one of the number. The government had evidently arrived at a right conclusion as to the cause of the evils ; but he much doubted whether the public at large were so well in formed on the subject. The outrages had been represented as temporary and load ; but this was not true, or only par , daily an, for they ware outbreaks of a long-existing and deeply-seated malady. (Hear.) One main reason why dis narbences had been more frequent and serious in the south and weft, than in the north of Ireland, was the fact that in the latter tenant right was almost generally re cognised—in the former not at all. In Tipperary for in stance, there had been more clearances and less rectation of tenant-right than perhaps in any other county of Ireland. In support of this statement, the hon. gentleman read some extracts from the evidence given before Lord Devon's com mission expressive of the opinion that the want of tenant eMht was the great grievance. He trusted that the danger of aboolute starvation was at an end , now that Ireland pos. sensed a poor-law ; and thus one great source of discontent and disturbance would be withdrawn. Look at the state of the occupying tenant who had depended so greatly on the po tato—how was he to pay his rent in arrear, or the rent of this year ? It was estimated that 16 millions had been lost by the failure of the potato crop in 1846—a sum equal to the ' entire rental of Ireland. He thought the charges against the priests had been greatly exaggerated ; but they were not the only persons who used reprehensible language. Lord Fitswilliam had said, in a pamphlet which he had re cently published, :that the great evil of Ireland was that there were 7,000,000 of oottien occupying small portions of land—an evil which the state must at once proceed to re move—that was, to destroy the only means of subsistence of 7,000,000 of people. (Hear, hear.) Such language was enough to alarm tie people and make them desperate. The great evil in his (Mr. Scrope's) estimation was, in not putting it within the power of the peasantry of Ireland to improve the land • and the remedy was, to give that security of tenure Which would enable them to do so, and place mere at the disposal of the peasantry the means of improving the waste lands of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) The moat distrened dis Viet in that country might be made to maintain is population if such means were adopted. la Olentees, for instance, with a population of 47,000 to a rental of 16,0001., there was waste land enough, as proved before a committee of the other house last session, to maintain all th e population if it were cultivated ; and in Mayo the quantity of arable land might be absolutely doubled if all the waste land were taken into cultivation. Nothing more was wanted to remedy the miserable condition of the peasantry of Ireland and prevent agrarian outrages, than the removal of the evils which he had pointed out. He did not oppose the bill before the house; he only wished to press on the government and the legislature the necessity of taking vigorous, permanent, and thorough measures for entirely putting an end to the crimes which all must deplore. (Hear, hear.) Mr. SCULLY defended the Irish priests, and declared his conviction that the bill would fail in its object. He must admit with horror that many murders were perpetrated in some parts of Ireland, but he thought the ordinary law would have been suffieient for the repremion of crime if it had been put in force. In that part of Tipperary which he represented, there were 350 prisoners in the gaol of Clon mel, and 19 of them were charged with murder. These culprits would have to wait until February or March before they could he tried—why, then, was not a special commission issued? (Hear.) Before the government applied for extraordintu, they should have tried the ordinary powers of the law. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then read seine portions of the evidence taken before Lord Devon's commission, in order to show that two-thirds of the outrages in Tipperary arose from the system of letting the land, and the great number of ejectment'. They should, therefore, first find out the causes of crime, and then imply the proper remedies for the evils which produced it. (Hear, hear.) So long as the present law of landlord and tenant was left unaltered, there would not be perfect peace in Ireland. The two great evils of Ireland were want of capital and want of employment. He admitted that the habit of allowing unemployed and poor persons to bear arms was likely to be abused. Ho would not, therefore, be opposed to refusing a license for carrying arms. He did not thiuk it right that these who were innocent should be obliged to pay the expenses of the constabulary who were sent into the dis turbed districts. They ought ti be cautious before they gave the large powers contained in the bill to the Lord-Lieutenant. Above all, he thought that the liberal members of that house should pause before they consented to give such powers to any one. He wee not op posed to the clause respecting the beering of arms, but would ' resist the other clauses. He would not, however, oppose the motion for going into committee. (Hear, hear.) Mr. O'FLAHERTY did not think that this bill would reach the evils of Ireland, which were of too deep a nature to be cured by a measure like the present. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that if time were given for the expression of public opinion in this country against the ab rogation of the constitution, it would be sufficient of itself to atop the further progress of the bill. It was because the bill was a violation of the constitution that he so much op posed the measure, and because the government bad not produced any remedial measures. He though the ordinary law, if properly and efficiently emitted, would be sufficient to put an end to crime in Ireland. He would ask them, therefore, not to arm the landlords of Ireland with such a terrible engine as this bill would put into their hands. He would give his determined resistance to every clause in the I MIL Mr. REYNOLDS said, he did not intend to give any factious opposition to this bill. He opposed the measure on constitutional grounds, and because he thought it would be perfectly useless to effect the object it professed to have in view. there had been already enacted thirty coercion bills against Ireland, and that fact alone was enough to prove that a measure of this kind would be ineffectual. He be- Roved it was admitted that there was generally lea crime in 1847 in Ireland than in previous years. There were nine teen murders and attempts at murders, but of these no les. than eleven were directed against farmers. As a body, he could not say much in favour of the landlords of Ireland, though there were many most excellent men amongst them. But they were not exclusively the oppressors. He believed that there was greater opprudon exercised by the men in frieze coats upon those who were under them than perhaps by any others. (Hear, bear.) He wu dis posed to place the greatest confidence in the Lord-Lieute nant of Ireland, and in the right hon. gentleman the Secre tary for Ireland; but he would net place in the hands of any man the unconstitutional powers which this bill would give them. The hon. gentleman then referred to the outbreaks a THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY sur i reas he Weigh posinded the hotue that the sinetitntioe was .la year to eappiwe theta. Why, hi asked, 2. 8 .11. eini a a tti effect of the ordinary law and Ms* ? One of the effects of the . maclace was be es anearage the spy system, and those who woe negatiated with Ireland must be aware that If inineele wild not find guilty persons they would bring easeenlione against the inateent to fill their pockets. The hie of the present bill he knew to be inevitable ' and th at it walla pan im all its integrity ; but he felt that it would set dimarne the marauder and murderer, while it would dis sent the best preserver of the public peace—the farmer, He would have ao objection to vote for a bill to enact that no man in Ireland should be per mitted to keep arms unless he were rated to the relief oldie pear. He saw no benefit in entrusting arms to men who had no dwellings. But he would go dill farther, and enact that no men should be permitted to carry thee* arms beyond the precincts of his own farm or property unless licensed to kill game. He would also make it criminal for any but a privileged person to carry arms at night. Indeed, he considered that her Majesty's government had been guilty of great neglect in not applying a legal remedy before now to the poeeeesion of arms, and that if they had done wa, many of the crimes they had heard of would not have been com mitted. (Hear ' hear .) The right hon. but. the Secretary of State for the Home Department referred in kis statement to the attaek in Wales upon Dr. Hovering, and insinuated that the course pursued on that occasion by the people, whereby the offenders were so speedily brought to justice, wee not such a course as would have been pursued in Ireland under similar circumstances, but that the offenders, on the would be secreted ilTel protected. Now he (51r.11ey- contrary, nolds) could mention a parallel Case. Mr. Prim, a paymaster under the Board of Works, was travelling in Kilkenny on a haunting•ear, when attacked by highway rubbers, with whom e exchanged shots, but by whom he was eventually robbed and murdered. The authorities went immediately in pur suit of the murderers, and owing to the aid given them by the people, soon arrested them, and they were convicted and executed. He could mention several such cases in Ire land. He bad himself travelled through all parts of Ireland, it being known at the time that he had large sums of money with him, and he was never once molested. That showed that the crimes of Ireland were exclusively agrarian, and being so were attributable to the misgovernment of the landlords. He was sorry to see in that house to strong a disposition to screen the landlords and malign tho people of Ireland, whereas if the owe were fairly considered the crimes of the people could be traced in a great degree to Use conduct of the landlords. He would offer no factions opposi tion to the bill. If it were a good bill the sooner it pawed the better. (Hear, hear.) If it were a had bill the sooner it passed the sooner would his prophecy as to its ineffective character be fulfilled. After a few words from Col. ACTON in support of the bill, the house went into committee. On clause 1, Mr. J. O'CONNELL moved to substitute the words " for the prevention of crime and outrage," the words " for the punishment and prevention of crime and outrage in certain districts." His object wu to limit the operation of the bill to districts that were disturoed. Mr, R. M. FOX feared very much that the clause would extend crime, instead of checking it, by driving ill.disposed persons from proclaimed into unproclaimed districts, which their conduct would have a tendency to disturb. Sir 0. GREY said the object of this clause was to give the bill a general application, in order that the Lord Lieutenant might apply it to any part of Ireland in which crime and outrage occurred. The alteration of the words would do no good, and it might do harm. Mr. F. O'CONNOR had said at first that this bill was only " a wedge," and the right hon. baronet's statement proved the truth of his position. It now appeared that the bill was to have a general and not a local application. (Hear, hear.) Sir G. GREY—Where threatening letters were sent in a district, or where conspiracies were shown to exist, the Lord- Lieutenant might find it necessary to declare it disturbed. All he wautect was not to limit the discretion of the Lord- Lieutenant. Col. DUNNE agreed with the hon. member for Longford (Mr. Fox). He could not see why the arms, in a district de clared to be disturbed, should not be handed over a hedge into a district not declared to be disturbed, and where they would be safe from seizure. Mr. OROGAN also thought the remarks of the member for Longford deserved consideration. If the bill passed as it stood, an ilLdispoeed person passing from Kilkenny, which was proclaimed, into Wexford, which was not, might bring down on the peaceable people of the latter county all the pains mid the penalties of this Oct of parliament. Mr. REYNOLDS said that bearing in mind that these boundaries of counties were merely imaginary lines, it was most unjust to subject the people within such lines to penal ties for offences committed by persons living out of them. Mr. FRENCH thought that on the contrary the tendency of the limit of penalty would have the good effects of giving the people of a particular district apeculiar interest in arrest ing an offender. (" Divide.") Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he should press his amend ment, but Mr. M. L. O'CONNELL begged him to withdraw it. If a bill of this kind was to be passed at all, the less they fettered the powers of the Lord-Lieutenant the better. Mr. MUNTZ bad felt some difficulty in voting upon this bill, because, although he could not refuse a bill of this sort, under the peculiar circumstances, yet he was bound to look with jealousy on all these infringements on the liberty of the subject. On the 'abject of the present amendment he must, however say, that he thought the powers it gave ought to be so limited as possible. The committee divided.—For the amendment 4 Against 203-199 Mr. F. O'CONNOR moved the insertion of the words, " On the represent►tion of the magietrates of the district " Sir O. GREY opposed the amendment, which was then withdrawn and the clause agreed to. Clauses 2 to 7 were after a short cliscussion agreed to. On clauae 8, relating to the levying of the cess, Mr. J. O'CONNELL proposed an amendment, to the effect that the new cue should be divided between the owner and the occupier, Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that if the legislature made the whole harden fall upon the landlord, there would not be a single crime in Ireland. (Laughter.) Sir G. GREY said that the object of firing the occupier with an immediate burden was to supply an additional mo tivator the prevention of outrage. Mr. J. O'CONNELL ultimately withdrew his amend ment, and the clause was agreed to. Clause 9 was agreed to without discusaion. On clause 10, relating to the delivering of arms to the civil authorities, Mr. F. O'CONNOR protested against this clause es alto gether unfair and unconstitutional; and dared the govern ment to pass it. Col. RAWDON thought the term " dare " was altogether misapplied. (Hear, hear.) A constitutional government might do anything which was sanctioned by the representa tives of the people. (Cheers.) The clause was then agreed to, u were also clauses 11, 12, 13, 14, and 16, after a short discussion, with verbal amendments. On clause 18, which police-officers to require 'a to in the empowers pn.., persons to joie ,ne pursuit of offenders, Mr. J. O'CONNELL submitted that the power should be reetricted to county inspectors or sub•inspectors. The per sons called out were required to do their utmost in pur,uing the offenders ; but who was to judge whether they did their utmost t Sir G. GREY said that the limitation proposed would entirely destroy the effect of the clause. It was meant to enable a police-officer to call in assistance in order to prevent the escape of an offender; if the officer was required first to consult his superior officer and obtain his authority, the op psrtunity would be lost. As to whether the parties called in did their utmost to render assistance, the jury, by whom the mole was tried, and not the police-officer, would have to be the judge of that. Mr. U'CONNOR said the duty imposed by this clause ' was already an obligation at common law ; but he thought the punishment, in case of refusal, ought to be mitigated to six months' imprisonment without hard labour. A period of two years' imprisonment with hard labour, though, in the option of the judge, would excite a strong sympathy for the offenders. Sir G. GREY defended the clause as it stood, on the ground that the discretion of the bench would prevent too severe a punishment being inflicted. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL did not think the clause would be productive of much good. In England, the people aided in enforcing the law, bmause they had an Interest in doing so, and believed the law to he their friend. (Hear, hear.) The enforcement of the penalties under this clause, he feared, would have an opposite effect front what was l i intended. Mr. O'CONNOR moved the substitution of" six months " for " two years." Mr. AOLIONBN did not think two years' imprisonment en excessive punishment for screening murderers. Tbo clause would operate as an inducement to parties to give up offenders when they were io their power. The amendment was negatived without a division, and the clause was then agreed to. On clause 17. Mr. O'CONNOR said this clause wu the sting of the bill. It proposed to preserve the 1 & 2 Will. IV., c. 41, and 16 & 16 Oeo. 111., in 31 (the Whiteboy acts), with the exception of nick parts of those acts u were repealed. The effect of this would be, that parties guilty of minor offences would be sentenced to a heavier punishment—seven years' transporta tion—than those who screened the murderers. Some conversation ensued; ultimately, Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said he thought more geed would be done by prompt punishment than by severer punishments alter long delays had been allowed to intervene. The plan of speedy punubments was found meet effectual during the disturbances in Clare ; and if speedy punishments were so effectual, speedy convictions might be supposed to be effec tual also. (Rear.) Sir G. GREY expressed his concurrence in the view ex. pressed by the hon. member for Kerry, and Mr. F.O'Connor gave way. The remaining clauses were then agreed to. Mr. BAINES moved the insertion of a clause, by which accessories after the fact might be tried and punished, al thou,gb the principals might not have been convicted or taken. Col. SIBTHORP thought it was quite u necessary to punish the acoesaory before and after the fact a to punish the principal. He condemned the bill, however, as a milk and water, and even, if he might be permitted to say so, a cowardly measure. (Laughter.) The clause was then read, and, as was understood, agreed to, and the house resumed; the report to be received this day. The house, at one o'clock, adjeurneduntil noon this day. CORN 41111) NAVIGATION Laws.—The government have announced that it is not their intention to prolong the suspension of the corn and navigation laws beyond the Ist March neat rig• MAILS ----- The malls for Vigo, Oportoq Lisbon, Madeira, Cadis, and Gibraltar will be made up on the moenins of the 17th December. The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nmeau, Havana, Tionduraa, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Rion, and Including thoe for Madeira, Jaanel, Carthapeisa, Fonts bLirths, Chains, Panama, West Gout of Booth Americo, and M. Juan-tle- Nicaragua, will be made up un the morning of the 17th December. The mails for British North Amerce, !Serenade, and the Untie' atates, will be made op on the evening of the 17th Decaliter. The overland malts for Gibraltar, Melba, Greece, the loam Island•, Vitypi, Aden, Ceylon, Ind'., liong-Ilang,and China. vie Southampton, will be made up on the morning of the 20th December. The overland aimed mullet, tie. Marseilles, to tie Mediterranean Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India. Hong Kong, he., will be made up on the zvening of the 24th December. The made for New South Wales, Van [Semen's Land, and New Zealand will he made up on the evening of the Jiet December. The mails for the Mulls, the Rivet Plate, Monte Video, Perham- Mm, Murals, Madeira, an Buenas Ayres, will be made up on t►e evening of the 4th January. TO CORIOESPONDENTIL •. 6. • vt Oa mac*, n It cOlserveo Inteedwl Tat ." Loam dm, paper 1./34.mie war. by Tye o'clock on Z; of publication.. mat NIGH WAITS AT LONDON BRIDGE. Ts. D44-410mIng, I We. put 4; AIRCMODY. St We. put 4. T.,lo•sur-11044140. 40 el. put 4 aftersou, 0 004. put I. LONDON, SATURDAY, DEC. ii. THE death-knell of repeal has sounded. The question has been a long time drooping, and may fairly be said to have died at a late meeting of the association in Conciliation-hall. The proceedings - . having been concluded, Mr. Daniel O'Connell then announced the week's rent to be 81. 3s. 6d. A Voice.—Oh, murder! The amociation then aL:journed to Monday next. Who rang the bell? Twos I said little Dan— I wa, the little mar!. Who in the hell. The voice that so felicitously cried " Oh, murder! was an Irish echo to the 51. 38. 6d. It were to be wished there were no other murders in Ireland but those of mischievous chimeras that stab the public repose. The killing of repeal is clearly a case of " killing no murder." The letter of Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, read at the obseeinies of the repeal humbug, may be considered in the light of a funeral sermon ; and a dull one it was as was ever preached. But what was the meaning of the adjournment ? Was it the intention of the association to die again ? This reminds us of an Irish amateur actor, who formerly had some notoriety, and was particu larly. great in the part of Richard the Third. Playing once on the Dublin stage, and having died in his most brilliant manner (so brilliantly, indeed, that the galleries not only cheered but eucored the, performance), he rose, at the request of the gods, and repeated the death scene. 'the Irish repealere have imitated the worthy precedent, and they have come forth to die again, not, indeed, in Conciliation-hall that would have been "damnable iteration"—but in St. Stephen's. Not content with the oppor tunities afforded by the Irish Crime and Outrage Bill, interludes and episodes have been got up and introduced expressly for the appearance of Mr. FEAR GUS O'CONNOR, Mr. C. ANSTEY, and others. We have witnessed this political acting, in which both members for Nottingham joined; and we cannot but think that the term applied to one of those speakers (tomfoolery, or buffoonery, according to different ver sions) is the only apt epithet we can devise for this extinction of Irish championship. Seriously speaking, the events and symptoms of the last fortnight give nee to fears for Ireland, which for years no rational man has entertained. These fears are no longer that Irish demands may be trouble some, Irish exigencies such as to prove obstructive to Food and wholesome legislation; but that the real interests and liberties of Ireland being no longer . put forward and defended with unity, purpose, serious ness, by power of intellect, or common wisdom of conduct, will descend, from having had long an over due weight upon the legislature and the public, to pastime or exercise neither influence nor weight of any significance. Look at this very bill, which, though in some degree necessary, is a very serious interruption and breach of thri constitution. How do we see it met? Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL doffs his cap to it the first night, and is surprised at its mildness! And it is only upon second thoughts, or far sent advice, that the young leader gets up his steam in opposition. But this is just too late. The landlord malcontents, such hot and vehement repealer' a fortnight since, turn round and salute the quasi-coercive bill ; and we have the repeal member for Meath firing into the repeal member for Lime rick; and altogether such exuberance of discord, that nothing was left for Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN than to withdraw to his tent, under a fit of the influenza. Lord CLARENDON and Sir GEORGE GREY are clever people. They have blown up the " Irish party," and induced the chief repealera to come forth and " die" publicly on the political stages of both England and Ireland. No wonder that the Home-office gathers courage and spirit at this discomfiture of its old foes, this utter syncope and disappearance of en Irish liberal party. On the first reading of the bill we were told that Ire land required but two hundred more police. Who could cavil at so humble a request? But now, since the political suicide of all the O'CONNELLS and Repealer., we are told that the indefinite extension of the Irish police is to be completely at the discretion of the Lard-Lieutenant ! His Excellency may inundate the country with that useful and constitu tional force. Now, we declare, that we have no objection whatever to give this power to the Earl of CLARENDON. But we may have a BENTINCE ministry to-morrow. We may have Lord MALMESBL'RY at the head of the Treasury, Bir ROBERT INGLIS in Sir GEORGE GREY'S place, and either Lord FARNHAM or Lord RODEN may be the Lord-Lieutenant. Will parliament pass a law which might endow one of these worthy peers with the facilities of indefinitely augmenting the Irish police, framed and enlisted in the manner described by Mr. JOHN O'CoNNELL ? The proposed law would, at the same time, empower these lord-lieutenants to arra all the prot estants of Ireland and disarm all the catholics. Such a state of things, however conducive to temporary peace, and to the submission of the great majority to the small minority, would, we fear, generate a spirit of vengeance and retaliation—nay, a system of plotting for the gratification of that vengeance, which, far from producing any lasting pacification of Ireland, would, on the contrary, bring it back to the insecurity and barbarism of the last century. We repeat our deep regret at seeing the cause of Irish liberties so pusillanimotuily betrayed and so miserably defended. The death of repeal is to be rejoiced at, for it is the mon strous absurdity of repeal, as a cause, and the utter nullity, and worse Wan nullity, of the whole body of Irish representatives, elected under that dis graceful humbug, which has led to a debate in a British parliament, in which Irish liberties have been idly and carelessly given up, amidst the acclamations of English liberals, and the drivellings and bickeringe of Irish blockheads. ANY rational reader of the daily papers could scarcely have been more surprised by the ghost of his deceased grandmother than by the apparition of the "Central Agricultural Protection Society," which presented itself at its old haunt, No. 17, Bond-street, on Thursday last. Why this defunct association should be revived after the " protection " it so fruit lessly struggled to maintain, is not at first sight very obvious. Here, however, it is, ghastly and wailing. Four mortal columns of the Post record the unavail ing regrets of the quondam monopolists of the na tion's food. A duke and three members of the House of Commons met, and recorded their unhealthy long ing after artificial scarcity. That there is a purpose in this beyond the absurd one of lamenting over the abrogation of the corn laws we shall presently show. The Duke of RICHMOND being in the chair, Mr. A. STAFFORD, M.P., as honorary secretary, read a report, which, by assumption and inuen , direct assertion being carefully avoided, attempted to induce the belief that all recent public and private disasters are to be attributed to free trade in corn. To seriously refute such arguments would be work of supereroga tion ; for they carry with them their own refutation. The author of the report seems to have been utterly unconscious that such a destruction of human food occurred in these kingdoms last year, that thirty mil lions sterling were required to purchase foreign food to supply the deficiency. In other words, this nation was visited by a famine which lessened the means of the productive classes and deranged all the operations of commerce ; yet, for sooth, the protectionists in Bond-street could see no reason for the diminution of our exports and imports of commodities other than grain, except that we have cast otf a protective and adopted a free-trade policy. The short and decisive answer to all the elaborate false suggestions of the Bond-street report is, that all our present difficulties arise from circum stances quite independent of free trade, and that free trade has, to some extent, mitigated those difficulties. Bat the real object of keeping up this shadow of a shade is to enable that section of the landed in tercet which so strenuously upheld the corn laws to retain the leadership of the farmers. The effort is a vain one, for the farmers have begun to think and I act for themselves. Of this, their tenant-right move ment is the outward sign, though the movement goes much deeper. To maintain their political posi tion as " farmers' friends" was, however, obviously the motive of this Bond-street revival. Nor is this surprising; for the weakness of the protectionists, when representing nakedly the landed interest, has become so palpable, that their endeavour again to shelter themselves behind the farmers is simply the necessity of their position. If not " farmers' friends," they are nothing. Nominal ownership of land, mort gaged estates, entails, game laws, and so forth—the things which lie neareit the hearts of the landocracy— form but indifferent party watchwords in the legisla ture or the country. To re-attach the farmers to their political yoke, then, was the true purpose of the Bond-street clique. For that purpose the following paragraph was inserted in the report : Your committee beg to recommend the formation of • committee on the subjict of tenant-right. Mr. Purvey has given notice of a bill on this subject for England, and go vernment intend to bring one in for Irelind ; the principle of both bills must obviously he the same, though the details must probably be widely difr rent. Your committee rejoice to see, in the growing interest on this subject, no alienation or hostile feeling what. rer between the owners and occupiers of land; and it the committee en this subject be composed indifferently of owners and occupiers, nothing but good can result from their free communication of facts and opinions to each other. When it is remembered, how this question has been forced upon the landowners by the pertinacity of the farmers, how Mr. PeBEY'S bill, which embodied the farmers' objects, was barked by a select committee of landlords, and how throughout the country the landed gentry are loudly protesting against any legis lative interference between landlord and tenant, this I I tardy adoption of the question and careful assertion of non-alienation between landlord and tenants, look like one of those too-late and feeble moves the pro tectionists have been so noted for making. That tenant-right, when advocated by the Duke of him:moan and his fellow protectionists will become an empty name and a sham, farmers may be perfectly assured. Of this, the speeches of Thursday give un mistakeable evidence. First, the duke protests against ' the name of tenant-right, as an injudicious one. It may be justice, or favour, or "good feeling," or any thing towards tenants, except " right." That is an ugly word ; in the landlords minds tenants have no rights. Then the duke's mode of accounting for the origin of the demand is directly the reverse of the truth. He said " a great deal of the occupancy in this country is not derived directly from communication between landlord and tenant. Many estates " are in trust for various reasons;" " too many of them are in the hands of solicitors ;" many are held " by cor porations and municipal bodies;" and, says the duke, " there are a great variety of holdings of that sort. Many of these, as you know, are held under yearly tenancy." Now all this implies that yearly tenancies do not exist where the landlords have the full power to grant or withhold leases, but only where land is held under the peculiar circumstances referred to. Now is not this altogether untrue? We ask the yeomen of England whether they are not in a more completely dependent condition where the landlord has the personal control of the estate, than when it is managed by trustees, corporations, or any others whose simple duty is to make the most of the pro perty ? The duke then said he should gladly go into a committee of inquiry as to the customs of the various districts, with a view to render them more consonant with modern husbandry. The Hon. Mr. WILSON protested against leases, and preferred a clause for payment for unexhausted improvements, "as better than a lease." Mr. NEWDEGATE thought that the recent "alterations in our commercial policy entailed an alteration at least, if not a severance, of the rela tions which now so happily subsisted between landlord and tenant." Tenant larmers do not seem to consider these relations to be quite so happy as this gentleman assumes them to be. Mr. NEWDWATE ended a long speech against free trade by stating that " he was anxious to bring them to right views of therelationabe twee° landlord and tenant, with a view to enact such measures as would confirm the good feeling that now existed between them, and that would in no way encroach upon the rights either of one party or another." Now all this betrays much misgiving on the part of these "farmers friends" with regard to the " happy state of feeling" between the farmers and their landlords, and manifests the earnest desire of the landed interest politicians to get this tenant-right question snugly into their own hands. Mr. CAYLEY afterwards more ingenuously said that "tenants had been unwilling to accept leases, because of the fluctuation in prices that had occurred during the last thirty years ;" that is just the time during which the corn laws had been in operation. He said the smaller tenants neither required leases or made improvements, and that " the law (of tenant -right) would be good for a tenant with a large capital, bat doubted very much that it would be so good for the smaller tenant" Why, it is the tenants of capi tal who demand tenant right, and according to Mr. CAYLEY'S own showing the law could do the email tenant, who is without capital, no harm. Mr. STAFFORD thought that the principle of tenant-right must be sanctioned in Ireland, and that " nothing could postpone for any length of time the application of the principle to England." He thought the principle a good one ; and, provided " it did not interfere with that good feeling which ought to exist between landlord and tenant, and which was better than law," would lead to better cultivation of the land. What puzzled poor Mr. STAFFORD was, " how tenant-right could be advocated on the free trade principle ; " and he seemed to suppose that tenant-right implied some control over the landlords. It is plain the landowners feel that the tenant farmers will no longer submit to carry an their busi ness in the state of dependence they have hitherto been, and are preparing, though with a bad grace and reluctantly, to succumb to the necessity of making fair and equal contracts with their tenants. That tenant right will form any substitute for leases is a mere de lusion ; landlords, who imagine that by aooeding to somethin b with the name of tenant-right they can evade the growing demand on the part of tenants for secure tenures ; and farmers who suppose they can ob tain indirectly in the form of tenant-right that secu rity the landlords will not grant by lease, alike de ceive themselves. Both parties must come to a clear understanding that the letting and hiring a farm is a mere commercial transaction, and exchange of slain lents ; each party must make the best bargaio h em, and then be prepared to abide by it. The Paris journals of Thursday have reached 111. The funds fell on that day, probably in consequence of the rejection of the proposed mediation in the affairs of Switzerland. The words of Lord Palmerston, in reply to Mr. Osborne, are matter of comment in all the journals, with the exception of the Debuts, which, after men tioning the fact in its usual summary of English in telligence, adds:—" We grant there is no necessity for putting an end to a war which has terminated of itself, but the suspension of hostilities wag but one of the terms of the mediation." M. Gainot, it would seem from this, differs widely in opinion from Lord Pal merston. His maxims seem to be—" There being no contending parties, mediation is as necessary as ever." Even the Presse, opposed as it is to everythi ng English, after repeating its argument against inter vention, is forced into the following expressions:— " The worst of this is, that the English government has taken the right aide, and makes us regret that our cabinet has had neither the same intelligence nor the same sagacity. The statesmen of England are not men to cover themselves with ridicule by maintaining officially that it is night at full noon." The Constitutionnel seems entirely to approve of the conduct of the English government. It says: The English government is more wise than M. Guizot— it takes the facts as they are, and gives to our cabinet a les son of common sense, in delivering it by a single word frog this ab•urd affair of impossible mediation, in which M. Gni. sot still struggles. Why has not M. Guizot acted like Lord Palmerston ? For two reasons : first, because the mediation was the invention of M. 0 uisot, who groans at seeing his work fall into immense ridicule, and who would save it if he could by a desperate effort; and secondly, because he has placed himself at the tail, or rather at the bead of the reactionary and absolutist passions of Europe against Switzerland. Ea heart, however, begins to fail hint in this strugile against the Helvetic Confed. ration, and he has already declared, that he desires nothing better than "to live in Food harmony with that small and interesting republic," which, only yesterday, was is his eyes a nest of brigands, communists, and assassins. The Comte d'Eu, French government steam-yacht, had left Havre on the 4th inst, in tow of a steam tug ; but in the violence of the gale which arose, the two steamers parted company. The steam tug re. turned to Havre, but the Comte d'Eu had not been since heard of Intelligence had been reoeived in Paris, on Thursday, that the Comte d'Ea had arrived in safety off Deal. Such is the case. In the coarse of Thursday she made Deal, and to make good the damage she sustained by the gale, she has been ordered to Ramsgate. According to all accounts she suffered severely. She must have encountered the most tempestuous weather in the channel. In being reported off Deal, she had lost anchor and cables, having parted from them somewhere along the coast. The steam-corvette the Titan, which was sent to Civita Vecchia with muskets for the Roman govern ment, has returned to Marseilles. We learn that this vessel disembarked its loading without common• eating with the population, the vessels from French ports being at present subjected to a quarantine in the Italian ports. The Madrid mails of the 3rd and 4th were still due in Paris on Thursday. The difficulties between Tuscany and Modena are not yet settled. The Modenese government, it is said, had sent a body of troops to Ceserano and Fivizzano to prevent these places from being attacked by the in habitants of Pontremoli. It was rumoured at Massa that the Duke of Modena was about to arrive, and to accord a general amnesty. IG, DECEMBER 11, 1847. PARLIAMENTARY PAPER. PIJBLIC WORKS IN IRELAND BILL.—Mr. French and air Robert Fergoeon have introduced into the Home of Commons a bill to facilitate the completion, in certain cases, of public works in Ireland. After reciting the 9 and 10 of Viet., c. 107, it proposes to enact that upon report by the county surveyor to • special presentment sessions, held for ax y barony or half-barony of any works commenced under the above act, and remaining unfinished, the minions will decide whether such works ought or ought not to be completed. If the decision is in the affirmative, the county surveyor is to prepare tenders. The cost for completing such works to be raised by instalments not exceeding twenty in number, with interest, at the rate of five per cent. per annum, to be levied off the respective baronies or halt-baronies within which the works shall be situstcd; provided that the amount to be presthted in any case do not exceed the unexpended balance of the amount au thorised to be applied to the execution of such work by the Lords of the Treasury under the former act. A schedule of the works is to be submitted to the Lora-Lieutenant, without whose consent they must not be taken. On receiving the surveyor's estimate, form of tender, maps, plans, &c., of the intended °pentane, the secretary of the grand jury shall prepare a form of tender fur the execution of the proposed works, with which he shall supply any ap plicant for a charge not exceeding 6d. The tenders on being delivered are to be sealed. Party or parties whose tenders are accepted to find two sufficient securities for the due perform ance of the contrast. The lowest tender to be accepted. If none is offered, the works are to be given in charge to the county surveyor. The secretary of the grand jury for each county, on receiving the approval of the Lord-Lieutenant for any public work, shall certify the amount required ; and should the grand jury fail to present for the required amount, the SUM is to be raised by compulsory assessment ; and, for expedition sake, the treasurer of the county may be authorised by the Lord-Lieutenant to borrow money on the security of the rate. Advances may be paid to contractors in certain cues, providing they do not exceed in amount three fourths of the eat of the works. When finished, county surveyors to certify the same, which certificate will he the warrant to the treasurer to pay the contractors. Cbt Court. The Duchess of Bent, attended by lady Fanny Howard and Sir George Cooper, joined the royal circle at Osborne at dinner, oa Thursd..y evening. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, accompanied by Prince Frederick of Hesse, ana attended by Lady A. Cadogan and Baron Ruesen ck, left their rad& nce at Kew yesterday, to honour the Marquis of Salisbury with a visit, at his seat, Ha•field House, Herta. The Rev. Dr. Montgomery and Mr. Tennent, M.P., had an interview with Lord Morpeth yesterday, at the office of the Wields and Forests, in Whitehall-place A deputa tion from Manchester, consisting of Mr. Richard Birley, Mr, Malcolm Ross, and Mr. Dorington, had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home-office. Lord Mon teagle had an interview with the Chancellor of the Ex chequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing. street. The Rev. Mr. Dile, the Rev. Mr. Ellis, the Rev. Dr. Worthington, the Rev. Mr. Lacey, and the Rev. Mr. Marshall, a deputation of some of the metropolitan incum bents on the subject of intra moral interments, attended by Megan. F. and B. Talbot, bad an Interview with VI/WO= Morpeth yesterday at the office of the Woods and Forests. Mr. Fitzpatrick had an interview yesterday with Sir George Grey at the Home-office. the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council eat yesterday, and commenced the hearing of an appeal from New South Wales, " The Bank of Australasia o.Breilbut" The lords present were—the Master of the Rolls, Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and the Judge of the Admiralty Court. [From last night's Gazelle.] DOWNING -STREET, DEC. 10.—The Qucen has given orders foe the appointment of the Marquis of Norman'oy, her Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten tiary to the King of the French, to be an Ordinary Member of the Ciril Division of the First Class, or Knights Grand Cross of the most honourable Order of the Bath. WAR 0 iFICE, Dee. 10. Bth Drag. Cats.-I. D. !Menton, gent., to be cornet, by par., vice Gwyn, promoted. 3rd Lt. Drage.-Caniet T. H. Misted, to be lieut., by pose., vice Burton,app. to the 16th Lt. Drags.; M. C. Smith, gent., to be cor., by purchase, vies deleted. ith Lt. Drags.-lirev. Lieut.-Col. 0. Blomelleld, from h..p., mutt., to be major, vice G. P. Bustle, who each.; Capt. C. liagart to be major, by par., vice Blome&W, who rent ; Lieut. W. Viscount St. Lawrence, to be mat, by use.,p vice ilatrart ; Con C. F. C. Cole:nom, to be Heat, by puns., vice 1 1 De cant Mt Lowrame; It. W. Illeredyth, gent, to be cornet, by par, rice Coimore. 10* Lt. Drags-Lieut. C.. F. Surteet to be rapt., by par., vice Barry, who rel. ; Car. B. A. Beantill, to be li eut., by par, vice Sur. tees ; J. B. Cuthbert, gent, to be roe., by pose., vice Brands. IBM Lt. Drags. -Brev. lAcut-Col. J. R. Smyth, to be lieut.-col, by vice MacDowell, who ret. ; Capt. G. O'Halloran Gavin, to he orgy pur, vice Smyth ; Lieut. C. J. Foster, to be apt .. by par, rice Gavin ; lieut.'. 0. A. Burton, from Srd Lt. Drags., to be vice Fuse. Coldstream Reg. of F. Oda.-Brev.-Col. 0. Todd, from half-pay uuaU., to be omit and lieut.mol., vice E D. Wiefrani. who ...i liree..ifiijor Lieut. and Capt. the Hon. R. F. Boyle ' to be ears. sail lieut-col., by pose. , vice Toilets, who ret.; Ens. and Unit. F. W. Newdigate, to be lieut and apt. by par., vice Boyle; A. 0. B. Thellusern, peril. to be ens. and lieut., by pose., vice Scola Gds.-her:Cot the lion. F. 0. D. hapset, from b.-p. unatt., to be amt and lieutma., zee F. 11. O. Seymour, who each. ; Lieut. and Capt. A. E. Onslow, to be capt and lieat..coL. by pur vice Peasant. who ret.; Ens. and Lieut. IL G. Wilkinson, to be Heal and mat, by par., vice Mellow ; Ens. 11. Fitshardiage Drum mond. tram 57th Y., to be ens. and lieut., by par, vice Wilkinson. lei 7.-Cept. D. M. Cameron, to be an joy. by p 0., vice Eaton, who vet.; Capt. Lord C. L. Kern, from b..p. linatt„ to be apt., vice 1 Z. IL M. Kelly, who inch.; lieut. F. F. Maude, to be apt., by Ciam . %o c n; I.l L eut a l n !.. rapt., by via lad heads; Eno. O. C. Zooice, to be lie C. jit, ' In by pore., vice im i ilb7ll l ns.L Warburton, from 50th P., to be ens., vice Taylor; O. R. Orly, gent, to be ens, by pose., vice Hooke. 4th 1. -Lieut W. Wilby, to he apt., by pose., rie. EbOntr ret. ; Ens. J. Idinchin, from 95* K, to be iivue., by par, via Wilby. tom 1 7 .-Eaa. C. Barlow, to be lieut., by par., vise Mane; eta WI; H. B. H. Rorke, gent, to be em., by our , vice it-irlow. 15th F.-Licit R. T. Irwin, from the Ce i idle Reg., to be Deet. vice Doren, app. adjutant 20th F.-Amin.-Surg. J. O. Wood, M.D., from the staff, to brow vice J. Morison, who ret. upon half-par. 29th F.-Ens. J. S. Heridersoo, to be Seat-, without par, AND*. son, app. guar.-mast. ; Colour -vergt. W. D. Chapman, to be ens, lienderron ; Lieut. C. S. Dowsott, to be quar..mast, vice Kodak deceased. 30th F.-T. M. Fitzpatrick, gent, to be ens., by par, nee Re 30th F.-T.• P.- P E W nitit. i1. V .. .. L. H. William., to be Heat.. without Purs'd M. Kyrie, dec.; File. 11. D. O'Callagban, ti be lout, by par, vgs Ackland, who ret.; E. Cbippeadale, gent., to be ens., by pia, vM O'Callaghan ; J. Birorbistle, gent, to be ens., by par., vice remit. app. M 95* F.; S. IL Lawrence, gest, to be ens. vioe WHAM. 44th F.-Lieut. E. Walter, to he c mt., by put., rim Campbell, eta ` rot; Ens. E. O. Streathileld, to be lieut., by ;sir. vice Waite; ~. Elio; gent, to be ens„ by par., vice Streathfia 57th F.-J. F. Bland, gent., to be ens., by par., rise Dramatad. app. to hole Fusilier Guards. 78th 1.-Major B. Twopenny, to be lieut-col., by par, **DOM who est ; Brevet-Majorca. Hamilton, to ho major, by par. neeYlt C u . V. 'A-nedut. purE;Ci he rur., prom. to be lieut., ~ vice Penn, the It iyal vice by L u c r ii ;vi Ne_erf ce alma Ccatipanice; by J. Webeter, gent., on to be ens., in by pur., vice MPG J . F. Diet, gent, to be ens., by par., vice Anderson. • F.-En.. F. S. de Vero lone, to be lieut., by pose, vise Miner, who est. ; G. Betts, gent, to be ens., by pur., Moe Gino 8441aL-Idsjor D. Rowell, to be lieut-ooL, by par,vim MOD* who alt. brevet-MMor C. James, to be major, by par.. vice Ransil; Llawt.C. ; Seymour, to be capt, by puns., vice Jams.; Ens. B. Leal% to be Seat, by par, vice Seymour ; E. K. V. Arbuckle, Pr i v to be era., by pile., vice Leahy. F.-fts. , 0. R. R. °Atha, to be lieut., by par., vim Wecii. who via.; I. Last, gest., to be ins., by par„ Orlebar. R. L. 0. Erma" bum 32nd I, to be ms., this, ma. la P. 97* 1 , ..-Ibe. C. H. barley, le be Heat., by pur„ owe 61Mes, its yet.; W. It. Poseekm eget, le be OL, by par., vice 99th P.-Esa. 9 I. 0%40p, le be lieut., by pur., vis iA l i tg e r tet.; W. H. D.ll. Wie; ilea, la be ens., by par, viel H. 11. Jones, 11. D., MED saiWieg., vice Smith...el. to Am Royal NewhcoWni OeMapebee.-CopL B. Coney, hes be..._"`' Lt. Deep, to be wt. ebe llisko, prom.; Lieut. C. MY" 7114 to=il . o=illse fteity, who ret. NOWIER sea Royal Newfoupollalff Offs 17 " my. la tbe msg. H. • ages. from the Sad Li Ob. M hi MM -▪ -Clainam.#•--10,919•11%,04 oath, tram ma r. peemeeree tow latowadlie 11;e way tre tee sde et es seelleibe l me powey be Oder Owe Is Wane a water Is Weis Owl& oir OW ORDNANCE, Dee. B. lleptillsg. el Anr-190,0ept. L P. Weise.; 1e .be Wt. ".