The Express. — London, England, 1848-06-30 00:00:00

T -- what was the most effectual mode of employing it. He knew In M some cares the advamtages of extensive irrigation were not sufficiently appreciated. A peer of parliament, one of the greatest proprtetors in JaOleilEA, Lord Howard de Walden, stated that the expense of reclaiming 'snits in that c ome wax repaid is • year or two. Then, he asked, why did they not do it? The answer was, that they were too in,. poveristied. Hot why did they not do it in their day. of preepetity ? Ihe only reply to that must be, that they had relied too erectly the aid and encouragement of the prin. ple of protection. on Here was a drain that would benefit tthree estates, the cost of which would be only Wh ooo y, i n , and this which would pay at the rate of 60 per cent. moti ve we were makirg drains only expecting them to pay four or five per cent. The hon. member for Rochester told them the other night of an estate in Porto It:co. Why, there was au estate in that Wand to which irrigation was a pplied, and the production of which was raised from ga Of MICIA. to 100 the first year. 200 the second, then 300, 600, and at last , in 1847, 000 hbils ! Why, if th at could be done— if such enormou. produce could be obtained at such a small expense—if, in fact, by merely following the system of Lombardy, where all cultivation was depen dent upon the prevention of drought*, they could produce such results as these—surely they might expect as the natural eon equence of for.ing the planters to make exertioue that they would be able to find some remedy for listing evils. (Hear, hear.) Lord Howard de Wolden spoke of • tramway eight miles lung, co sting 1.3,0001., which would benefit 16 estates. Why, he said, let guy, rnment be willing to aid the West India body in uniting u. ch improvements as these. Let them apply their money, not in aiding immigration—the effect of which, for aught he knew, might ultimately be to entail pauperism upon toe colony—hut in •striating these important improve ment. (Hear, hear.) Then as to &ensue. Lord Howard de Walden gave strong evidence upon that point. He spoke of the importaece, not of tile drain', but of large common open drains, whick might serve the pure poses of two or three estates at a time. Hid not all this prove most forcibly the m cessity which existed for ati mul..ting the planter by a wholesone system of compel Lion ? (Hear, hear.) They could not expect to get on without improvements ; sod a proper competition, then might depend upon it, was the best means of ensuring their cam. Mel:Cl Meet. Let such a system be tri:d and he believed it would lay the foundation of great prosperity in the West Indies. (Cheering.) Well, then, he came t the last and most important coneideration of all—would he give a protec tive duty of 10s. for the ten succeeding years? That was what the 'menthe'. ,it in effect meant ; and where he differed front his right hon. friend (alr. Goulhurn)—(and be woo sure he trusted no difference would interrupt the affec tionate intercourse that existed between them)—where he differed front him was in stating that it would be possible to vote for these re.olutiotts without giving a hope that he would be prepared to eatabli h a protective duty. If those resolutions were voted, the very least they could offer w .uld be, in his opinion, a protective duty of 10s. fur six years, and thatwes a measure he woe certainly not prepared to assent to. (Cheeting.) He was prepared tot opme such a measure on these grounds : —that it was his clear and decided convic tion that protection was not for the interest of theWeet India body. Now, why did he nay that the r. solutions proposed as an amendment meant nothing but a 10s. duty ? Wby, be 'mune the bun. baronet beaind him was not acting for him self. He was acting as chairman of a committee upon this subject, and the only recommendation of that com mittee was more protection. The h sn. baronet had changed his resolution before the subject came to be debated, hut was there a single West Indian planter who would not say that the resolution as it stood me ant a 10s. duty and nothing else? (Ilear, hear.) Ile repeated th he wou.d not con sent to give that protection. The West India body being distressed fur want of labour, lie w..a asked to give a ten shining protection to the produce of the East Indies and the 'Hutment, where there was no deficiency of labour. Those possessions wire to have the same benefit, although they had not the same cause of complaint. What was the conse quence ? It seas admitted that some time must elapse before the West Indians could get the supply of labour they required. But the East Indies and the Mauritius had this advantage at once. The protection to them, therefore. would nper.ite as a stimulus to compe tition with the West linden in the way of all others most likely to injure them. (Hear, hear.) Now, let them consider wlv t object this motion was to answer. In sinsequence of the difficulty in securing a sup ply of labour the West Indies would not enjoy the benefit of the protection for a termer period tila/t four years at the most. Well, what would Cubs be doing during that time Would the people of that part of the world relax in their exertion , ? They would be, he presumed, in earnest in taking off the duty at the expiration of six years. Well, would not Cuba say " We have a guarantee that in six years we shall be placed in the same position as the British cdonists; let us, therefore, use ever, means in our power to extend our cultivation." (Hear, hear.) Well, now, let them see what would be the position of the West Indies during the same period. He was content to rest the facts of the case upon the evidence of his hon. friend be hind him (Mr. Barkly). Now, what did his hon. friend say in his evidence before the committee? In the West Indies," he said, " we are engaged in an endeavour to keep down wages by promoting uu additional supply of labour. I think a differential euty of 10s. would decide the struggle in favour o: the negro." Well, but the last person with whom he (Sir U. Peel) had any sympathy was the negro, who was endeuvouring to raise the price of wages upon his master. (Hear, bear.) "I think," continued the hon. member in his evidence, "he would in that case get his own way, and probably to the entire extent of the in crewed price of the produce." And then the hon. member went on to say, that probably the increased price would be about o'. per cwt. What, then, did he (Sir It. Peel) get ? He " uecided the struggle in favour of the negro," and he raised the price of sugar ts without giving the slighLest relief to the West ladies. (Hear, hear.) Why, he should be defeating his own object in every passible way. (Cheers.) No, it was his clear and decided belief that to benefit the West Indian they must establish • system of competition which would give h., a stimulus and a motive to exertion. Under that stimulus be did not despair to see re. moved even causes of depression for which no legislative remedy could be provided. Monopoly had done nothing for the West Indies hitherto. In 1830, a committee sat upon their care, and reported that they wished to be enabled to compete successfully in the British market, at a time when there was a Os. duty in their favour, and when scarcely a cwt. of feign bugsr found its way to England. It was with sugar as it was with corn. In 1836 and 1838, when scarcely a single grain of foreign corn came into eonsump on in this country, they had committees to consider the cause of agricultural distress. The commi tees replied that they could devise no legislative remedy. The fact was, that they could not exactly apprtion the sup• ply with the den .nd. And so it was with the sugar grower. He did nor at 1.11 despair of their entering into competition fairly with the foreign grower. lie felt that a man must be blind, indeed, to the signs of the times who could believe that this system of slave labour could ultimately be main tained. (Hear, hear.) Look what was the interne condi tion of the slave states at this moment ; see what was the condition el Cuba. (Hear, hear.) What said Lord Howard de Walden, who had so recently visited that island, and in spect' d many of the estates deemed the most prosperous ? We were told much of the thriving condition of Cuba. Whist WAS the feeling there as to the security of the slave owners, and the permanence of their prosperity ? Lord Howard de Walden had been asked by the committee: " Are the overseers of Mien in Cuba obliged to go armed l" His answer no.: " Yee, invariably they carry cutlass and pistol, and have two or three blood hounds at their heels, for their protection." (Hear, hear.) " It is quite the custom in the island for ',no white man con nected with any estate to go on loot any distance, and on horseback he always wears pistols in addition to the other weapons I spoke of." (Hear, hear.) When he looked at the slave states of North America he perceived there the same fear and distrust, the result of the same cause. What was the reason why all discussions about slavery were fiercely and peremptorily put down there, that abo lition was tarred and feathered ? Simply this, that the slaveholders writhed under a sense of the utter in security of their position. (Hear bear.) What had been the case with our West India col in n ice ? He had regretted to hear the hon. gentleman taunt the West India colonists with the complaints they had se repeatedly made, but cer tain it was, as a matter of fact, that these colonise had been incessantly complaining for the last 130 yeses, under slavery, under apprenticeship, under emancipation ; and why ? Be cause there had been a withering blight on the land that had so long fostered slavery ; because the unholy fetters in which its prepriemrs had enchained their fellow men had galled them selves, and made them feel undyit g distrust and insecurity. (Hear, hear.) Let this country never feel regret at the mighty efforts it had made to put an end to slavery, at the magnificent determination it had manifested in the eyes of Europe to emancipate the negro. (Hewn hear.) The slave holder might for awhile seem rich, prosperous, triumphant, but nt no moment could a country be secure in which the condition of elavery was permitted. (H. sr. hear.) He di i hope that those governments which encouraged sleet ry would be wise in time, and appreciate, ere it was too late, the inevitable consequences of continuing that system. (Hear, hear.) Did he himself think that the measure of temporary protection proposed by his haw. I friend 'solid have the effect of impeding the slave trade bee would vete for it, but he felt that it would be of no avail ler this purpose. He would appeal to the encouragers of shivery all over the world, whether there hail not thins occurred of late which should give them some sense of the insecurity of their position ? (Hear, hear.) There had been mighty convulsions in Europe ; the events of Paris had produced events in Berlin, in Vienna, widen any men who should have predicted them but • few month' , since would have been regarded as insane for merely suggest ing as possibilities. (Hear, hear.) These events were stillgoing on already the mighty heavings of the tonal. sioa were being felt on the other side of the Atlantic. (Hear, hear.) Look at the state of Martinique. (Hear, hear.) These things should be speaking lessons for the go vernments of Brazil, of Cuba, ay, and of the United States. (Hear, hear.) All these would do well to take timely warning, for, in his belief, these events in Europe must pre cipitate the extinction of slave and of the slave trade all over the world. (Hear, hear.) ry He earnestly hoped that this would be effected by the timely concession of go vemmente themselves, for certain it was that there was among the nations a largely increasing sym pathy with the slave. (Hear, hear.) He that trafficked in human blood, that dragged the negro from his native shores to Brazil and to Cuba, though he prospered for a time, might find, and this very speedily, that he was stand ing on a slippery place, and that his prosperity might have • sudden and fearful fall. (Hear. bear.) It was his earliest hope that the spite in would be discontinued on the motion of the hitherto offending governments themselves, brought by reflection to the true conviction that their interests herein were identical with their daft , . (Hear, hear.) At all events, lull sure he was that the doom of slavery was sealed, and that the slave, wherever slave 'silted, mutt, are keg, be freed, (Hears MU) He would coneude in the flowing words of Curran :—" No matter in what language the doom of slavery may have been pronounced ; no matter in what disastrous conflict his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter what complexion, incompatible with the notion of freedom, he may wear ; no matter whether Indian or African emu have burnt his brow; the time is fast approaching when his soul shall walk abroad in all its native majesty, when his body shall swell beyond the measure of the chains blaming from around him, and he shall stand forth redeemed, regenerate, and disenthralled, by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation." Mr. URQUHART moved . the adjournment of the debate amid loud cries for a division. Mr. ANSTEY seconded the amendment. Lord J. RUSSELL hoped the house would come to a di vision before they again separated. (Hear, hear.) Mr. URQUHART, called upon the house, by assenting to the amendment of the hon. baronet to save our West India colonies from the destruction so imminently threaten- ing them. The Marquis of ORANBY denied that the distress of the West India planters arose from the recent cem.uercial de pension. It so, how was it that the sam • Caine hail not ope rated upon the importations to this country ot Bra r liana Cuba sugars ? It by pursuing the ceursepoiuted out by the right hon. ' baronet the wages of the labourer were to be reduced, would the planters be enabled to take advantage of that reduction ? lie at once said no; the only male of benching the planters was by giving them protection, and encouraging immigration of labourers. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the subject before the house was one well worthy of its most serious consideration. Aftt r hearing all the arguments that had been urged during the debate, he had come to the same conclusion that had already been stated in the course of the discussion — namely, that the jmotion of the hon. - baronet had only embarrassed the question without atforoing the house the means of coming to a correct conclusion as to the real subjects at been. If the hon. baron, t had moved an amendment on the propositions of the governm. nt to the effect that no adequate relief could be afforded to the West Indians save by the adoption of the recommendations of the West India committee, be (Lord J. Russell) was ready to admit that th e house would then be on the road towards coming to some conclusion on the question before them. But the hon. baronet's amendment merely went the length of condemning the propositions made by her Majesty's govern ment. It he had even allowed it to be supposed tnat the present was a party movement for the purpose of unseating the government, he (Lord J. Beech) could have understood the proceeding. But it had been clearly shown that whilst there were many who were disposed to vote for his amendment, they comprised no inconsidei able • number of hon. members who altogether disapproved of the view- entertained by the bon. baronet; and therefore, • although he might succeed in done> Mg the government, he would not make any progress tow, ads giving relief to the I West Indians. If the hon. baronet's amendment was affirmed, he would find the right hm. gentk.m.in the mem ber fee Oxford University and the right hon. gentleman the mo tuber for Cambridge University both alike ready to oppose his 10s. protection duty, and to declare it to be more than the house could consent to ; and one of those right hon. gentlemen would inform him that the re duction of the 14s. duty to 10e. would be dangerous to thr revenue. How, thin, would the question stand in the event of the amendment being carried ? The govt rnment woo d thereby have a negative put upon their prop.aitio - e, and the hon. baronet's proposal would meet with a similar reception, mad then the right hon. gentleman the member fur Oat rd University would be ready to bring forward his views, which it might be advantageous to discuss, but which could not then be entered upon. The only result which the hon. baronet would arrive at would teeth A the propositions , of the e overn ment being rejected, and none others having been adopted in their stead, the Wont Indians would find themselves, aft, r on many nights' discussion, landed at the scale of duties which would come into operation on the sth et July. Was that the lion. baronet's mode of coming to their assistance and relief? Hiving add this much with respect to the probable results of the affirmation of the amendment, he should take that ' opportunity of making a further statement respecting the vices entertained by the government on the subject and r consideration. The great changes which had taken place in the West Indian colonies—first, in the emancipation of the threes; subsequently, in the admission of foreign free labour, and then of slims-labour sugars into the home market—bad made an immense change in the condition of the planters and proprietors of those islands. Those changes—more especi illy the first—called for correspondent legislative measures on the part of the govern ment. Those measures had been projected and brought for ward, but the y met with every species of obstruction and delay, by which means they were prevented from proving so bene ficial an they ought to have been to the \Vest Indian colonists. He would first allude to the Vagrancy Am, and the mete+ proposed for regulating the employment of labourers in those islands. Having been for 60010 time Chief Secretary for the Celonics he was enabled to state tram his own knowledge that the difiLailtice which hail been put in the way of passing the se laws chit fiy re. terred to the fears that an infringement of the Emancipation Act was contemplsted. That certainly had the effect of preventing the free course 01 legislation, and the speedy passing of the vagrancy and employment act; and the constant reports sent home by the stipendiary mat istrates respecting the treatment of the labourers in the West 'urban islands created and maintained a great degree of irritation He only referred to those topics in order to show that the Emancipa tion Act could not be considered complete unless it was aeoompanied by other lawn, regulating the state of freedom fa which the negro population were to exist. Another and a more important question came to be confider.' at the same time with the preceding one. The West Indies were in a condi.ion, awing to the large amount of capital poured out upon them, to compete with Celia in point of production, notwithstanding the advan tages which the latter island possessed over the Bri tish West Indian planters. But the great want experienced by the latter was that of continuous lahour. Great ebjt canna had been raised to the impartation of any labourers from Africa, as that, it was feared, would endanger the liberty of the negroes. He had tried to promote immigration into the West Indies from Sierra Leone of liberated air free Africans, but few went. European immigration was next resorted to, and failed. The coolie immigration also tailed. The vvint of continuous labour had existed for uper aids of ten rely, • and yet that want had hardly hull ifs full effect, and under this belief he thought it tit that the legislature should enable the colonists to ir crease their st :els of labourers a measure that would be highly beneficial, as • small number of imported Labourers thrown into the market would stimulate others to work. The right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth had not estimated very Uglily the utility of the proposed advance of 500,0001. fur the purpose of immigra Gun, and he had asked whether a portion of that sum could not be applied to other purposes. It he (Lord .1. Russell) were to assent to this proposition he should be leading the house to thick that the government was prepared to advance money on loans ta the West Indian plar.ters upon a plan similar to that by which landowners in Great Britain and Ireland obtained loans fur the purpose of draining, and such a course with respect to the colonies was almost impossible to follow. As they advanced money to Canada for public works, so, if there were any works in the Went Indies, such es those to which the right. hon. gentleman had alluded—the making of canals and tramways and great works et drainage which would he likely to increase the produce of those colonies—he would have no objection to extend the appropriation of the 500 0001. to such works. (II ar, how.) The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Cambridge . attributed the whole of the distress in the West Indies to the act of 1846. It did net appear to him that the act of 1846 was the principal, though it might be one, cause of that distress. In stating the probable sffecw of that bill at the time he introduced it, he stated that 240,000 toes might be introduced from the British possessions, 20,000 tons, the produce of free labour, and 20,000 of other foreign sugar, making altogether 2b0,000 tons. lie did not expect that the produce of their own possessions would have been increariel, but it happened that their produce last year reached 280,000 tons, and this, together with 48,000 tons, the produce of other countries, I caused a very great depression of prices. The increase of their West Indian colonies alone, as appeared by the returns moitel for by the hon. member for Leennioster was from 2,000,000 cwt. to 2,200,000, '2.500,000 ewt., .2,800,0 00 ewt., and last year it was 3,202,775 cwt. That showed an enormous increase of production, though he admitted to the right boo. gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) that this increase was not to be attributed to the act of 1846. But it showed an immense increase of production; and if that had been con comitant with the high prices which prevailed in the time of monopoly, he believed it would have caused as much distress as prevailed at the present time. The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford did not concur in the proposal of a 10e. duty, neither was he in favour of the plan of a 75. duty as proposed by the government. lie must therefore suppose that the right hon. gentleman was in favour of some intermediate scale between 7s. and 10s. That would only make a difference of Is. 6d. or 2s. at the utmost, and he owned that it might be fairly t ken into consideration in committee. Another hon. gentleman was in favour of the 10s. duty, but for three years only, be cause if the 10s. dutf,were to exist for a longer period— for 10 years—it would raise the rate of labour. If the hon. would,gntleman was right as to the effect such a measure have on the rate of labour, he (Lord J. Russell) did not see why it should not have the same effect, though the duty was to continue but for two or three years. He be lieved that such • proposition would give rise to fresh specu lation and competition, and that at the end of the three years the West Indians would come to them with the same complaints that they did now. In the midst of the various schemes proposed, that of the government seemed to him to combine every advantage. He did not think, in the face of the distress of the West radians, that it would be right to allow the act of 1848 to come into further operation. What they proposed, therefore, was to give immediate pro tection to the planters by increasing that protection for a time, and to increase that advantage still more, and at the same time to benefit the consumer by lowering the duty. He expected that the consumption would be greatly increased by this plan, and he believed the only chance of the planters consisted in that great consumption. The recommendation of the committee held out the same advantage, but at • sacrifice to the revenue of 960,0001. 11e would not then go into the question of the probable increase of consumption, but it was calculated that the re venue would not sufier to the extent of more than 30,0001. or 40,0001., and ultimately it would not be less than it was at present. 'Acre remained the (objection that the measure would encourage the slave trade. If it were now a question proposed ter the first time that no sugar, the prodwoof slave labour, should be admitted, he would admit that fair ground of objection. But the proposition the house had to deal with was not that of admitting slave labour pro duce for the tint time. It was a question of increased pro tection in favour of their own colonies. It the hon. baronet (Sir R. Inglis) would repeal the act of 1846 altogether, and totally prohibit slave grown sugar, be could then admit his argument against the plaint plan i but his hon. friend THE EXPIIEsS, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 1848. mud be convinced that that would be a vain and fruitless effort. It his hon. friend were to succeed in hie views and that sugar became dearer in consequence, it would only oc casion a fresh struggle and fresh agitatior , which would place the West Indian body in the worst of all positions—namely, in the uncertainty as to the amount of protection that parliament could afford them. (Hear.) His belief was, that they adopted a sound system when they said, in the first place, that they would not admit slavery in any Britt* pousseion, and in the neat place, when they said that they would not consider the institution of slavery as a her against the admission of goods the produce of slave labour. It was said that the act of 1816 emu incansistent with the acts fur putting au end to slavery but. in his opinion, the inconsistency was far greater in making a dis tinction between sugar and other articles which rote produced by the labour of slaves, excluding one and admitting the ethers. (Hero-, hear.) Reg belief was that these distinctions of tariffs were not the mode by wnich they could attain the abolition of slavery in the world. He rather thought if th, y relied on the progress of opinion, on the impatience that there would be on the part of the slaves themselves reta'ned in al in Cuba and Bras I, when they saw the inhabitants of Jamaica and Trinidad, a .d the neighbouring islands, in a state of freedom, that they would go on a better basis th tn by giving protection to the West Indians. Sitting aside the question of slavery in the United States, of sehir h he was not able to see any sati.ftctory solution, he did expert that slavery in Cubs and Brazil would be abolished—abolished all the a toner it they did not make it a mutter of tariffs and regulations—il they said, "We have abolished slavery ourselves—we stand tree from any stain of this kind—we do not inquire into the institutions of foreign countries—we wish to see freedom pre. veil—we leave it to its own strength and security, and we leave to you the time and manner it/ with h you will follow our example." (Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ said he had voted for the bill of 1846, be cause he understood it was to be a settlement of this ques tion. He would now vote against the proem-Won at the government, because it was an unsettlement of it. (Hear.) He supported the measure of 1846 on free-trade principles. There was no doubt the question was one whether they would have free trade or slavery, tr whether they woul a give up their colonies lls r filejt ett, govern ment proposed a m. snore which was nothing in it self. It d- ringed everyrieng arid arranged nathiort. (Itese ) Mr. ANSTEY ruse amidst loud shouts of " Iherrie," and " Oh, eh." Ile conjured the house to pause before they voted fur a policy winch might involve the distraction of seen of Rat most impurtant of our colonies. It was bard that the West Indies, which for 150 years bad been the victims of a meat rigid restrictive system, snould now be cast off and exposed to poverty and ruin, in compliance with the nets-fangled doctrines of free-trade policy. (Loud cries of " Divide.") The house divided— For the original motion For Sir J. Pakington's amendment The announcement of the numbers was received with kind cheers by the ',eutectic:midis. The house then weat int, committee, Mr. Bernal in the chair. A. resolution to the of ct that the duty to be imposed on foreign sugar from the sth of July 1848 to the sth of July 1819 he 19. 6,1. per cwt.; from thence to July .5, 1850, 18e. per cwt.; from thence to July 6, 1851, 16, W. per curt.; and after that elate 15s. per cwt., was then read, and the Chairman immediately reported progress, the committee to sit again to-morrow (this day), when the resolution will be discussed. Mr. M. CiII3SON intimated that Mr. Bright intended to propr se hi. amendment. "That it was not expedient to alter the Sugar Duties Act en 1846 " u a substantive motion. Mr. WARD obtained leave to bring in a bill to ri lodate, Inc a time to be limited, the premiums and annuities of the Naval Medical Stippli modal ' , met Socit ty. IARLIA rENTARY REFORM. Mr. B. OSBORNE and Mr. MUNTZ having demanded to know whether the hon. inemb• r for Montrose had any assu. ranee from the government that his motion would be brouaht forward on Thursday, and having twice repeated the question. Mr. HUME referred to the answer he had given in the early part of the cvi sting, observing that it would be no fault of his if the math n did not come on ; and on the question being r iterated, he accused his hon. friends of act ing unfairly towards him, and wishing to mak, him appear as a traitor to the cause he had espoused, and which he never would forsake. Mr. HUDSON (amidst much laughter) called far the sympathy nt the house in Mr. liume'a behalf, and Mr. MUNTZ assured his hon. friend that he did not mean to make any accusation against him,but merely wished to know the fact, u he and other hon. members had 'teen brought to town in consequence of the motion having been fixed for th •t day. Mr. BROIIIERTON said it was the euty of those hon. members to be in town attending their parliamentary duties. Mr. HUME repeated that he would, if he could, bring on his motion mitt Thursday. The house• then, at 10 minutes to 2 o'clock, adjourned. ght eflittfifS. MAILS. The mails for New South Wales, Can Dieman'e Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 30th June. The mails tor the West !:..it of Africa and Madre, will be made up on the evening of the Seth June. the malls for hrineli North America, and the Unites] States, will be mane up at the evening of the Seth June. Tim West India Mails, excluding Ilertneda, Nassau, Havanna, Mindere+, New Mies's% Vera Crur, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and including those for Madeira, Jaeniel, Cartitagen t, Santa Martha, Chums, Panama, Weal Coaat ol South America, awl St. Juansilei Nicaragua, wilt he made up on the evening of the Ist July. The mails for tin• Brasile, the River Kate, Monte Video, Perrtam- Max% ILihia, Nl:stein% end 'theme Ayres, will be made up on the evening of the 4th July. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Liehon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 7th July. The overland closed mail% rWr Mareeillm, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, am., will be made up on the evening of the 7th July. Th e overland nulls for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Adel], Ceylon, India, Hong-Rung, and China, rin Southoup too, will be made upon the morning of the 20th July. NOTICE TO ADVE!tTISERS. The number 01 STAMPS issued by the authorities of thy Stamp-office, during 1847, to the DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009 This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number .ssued to the Morning Herald, Alorning Chronicle, .tiorwinq Pose, ALL PUT TOGETHaIt. In addition to' the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Horning Paper, there were issued for the Event's? Edition, THE EXPRESS 778.714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to he Globe or Ntand;ret, Evening Papers. BMW WATER AT LO lON 111111108. Tele Day—lanrellw.s7 moo. va. O. •ttersowl, to. paal I. £ftemooo. WO. NM T. LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 30. LAST night Sir R. Peet. came to the rescue of ministers in a most ch:racte.istic speech. He com menced by a compliment to the astuteness of Lord G. BENTINCK as chairman of the coffee and sugar plant ing committee. lie next declared his inability to vote for the amendment, because it could not be shown that it would do the West Indies much more good than the ministerial proposal. He lamented that the sugar act of 1845 had not been allowed a longer trial—expressed great doubts as to the expediency and justice of admitting slave-grown sugar—and then reminded the house that he had voted for its admission. He protested vehe mently that he had not done this to avert a minis terial crisis. His view, he said, in supporting the bill of 1846 was to save the West Indians from the danger of an annually renewed struggle, on an an nually renewed sugar bill, by effecting a permanent settlement of duties. Yet in 1818 Sir ROBERT lends his aid to disturb this settlement by a measure which undeniably invites to a renewed struggle next year. His reasons for his vote are as perplexed and contra dictory as any reasons ever assigned by CROMWELL for any of his actions ; but the drift and aim of the right hon. baronet are as clearly perceptible as those of his great prototype through the haze of unmeaning verbiage which clothes them. He lends his aid to ministers lest, incurring a defeat, they should resign before Sir ROBERT 15 prepared to take their place. And, by sternly reminding ministers that it is their duty to do all in their power to alleviate the condition of the West India colonies — by diverging into episodical dissertations on what he thinks ought to be and what, if in power, he would do for thosecolonies—by lavishly expending on them the whole flood of his agricultural wisdom — he seeks to awaken in the minds of the West India interest, regret that the possessor of so much liberality and so much practical wisdom, should not be in office, instead of its actual occupants. Inconsequential and incoherent Sir ROBERT'S speech might be, as a justifi cation of his vote ; but as a recommendation of him self to office, it was masterly and skilful in the extreme. How ministers sweated under the load of his self-seeking patronage ! Sir ROBERT 's reasoning could convince no man, bat his example moved a sufficient number to throw themselves into the scale of ministers, and their mea sure accordingly passed the first stage of its progress. It is therefore possible that the majority of 15 which has enabled it to do this may to-night sanction its pro visions in committee, and in that case, on Monday, as intimated by the CHANCELLOR OF THE BICUE (welt, we may expect to have directions issued to the Commissioners of Customs to levy the new rates of duty on and after Wednesday. Should this be the course of events, the consequence will bo that merchants who, confiding in the decla ration made by government only five weeks ago, that they would make no change in the Sugar Duties l Act of 1846, have ordered large consignments of sugar, will probably be exposed to suffer consider able la& At the very lust they will be mulcted la. 6d. on every cwt. entered for home consumption. But, in addition to th is, the difference of duty may render it unadvisable to take the sugars . oat of bond for a considerable time, and during the interval they may suffer depreciation. To this injury the importers will be exposed, not by a law, but by mere resolutions of the House of Commons. And the ATTORN EY-GEN EttAL tells us that fur this injury they can have no redress,because " before any such issue can be tried, the resolutions will have become the law of the lard, valid from the period at which the resolutions were adopted." In plain English, the pockets of importers, on the faith of a government pledge, may be picked with impunity under the protection of an e.r postfacto law. This is bad enough ; but the injustice will be con finet. to a few individuals. Not so limited, however, will be the maleficent effect of the government mea sure on our general commerce. The West Indians are not contented with it. Next year they will again come forward to ask for additional concessions. They will be encouraged to do so by government having shown themselves afraid to take their stand upon their own act of 18-16. 'Me government mea sure unsettleh the existing arrangement respecting the auger duties, and settles nothing. Ask either pro tectionist or free trader, and though the one will tell you that protection is a blessing, and the other that it is a curse, both will agree in saying that incessant vacillation between the principles of protection and free trade is worst of all. No one can say what may be done in parliament with regard to the sugar trade next session. Legitimate speculation will be para lysed by the uncertainty. The measure will affect our finances as injuriously as our trade. Mr. Laeoueflene admitted that the mea sure must necessarily occasion a falling off in the re venue. Ile added, indeed, but did not condescend to assign any reason for the assumption, that the reduct ion would be slight and temporary. Neither Mr. LA BOUCEIERE nor any one elite can predict •with certainty what the extent of the inevitable reduction in the revenue through this measure will be. The sugars paying the highest rate of duty will, the British sup plies not being sufficient for the consumption, rule prices in the market. The prices thus artificially heightened, will diminish consumption, and, conse quently, the amount of duty paid, while the re venue from home sugar will be further reduced by the reduction of rates and the impossibility of bring ing forward an increased supply—the all but certainty that the supply of British sugars this year will tall short of what it was last year. And all the evils inflicted on the community at home, by the general derangement of the sugar trade, by losses inflicted on individual sugar merchants, by the diminution of the annual revenue, while the finance of the country is seriously embarrassed without the accession of such an additional element of disturbance, will be repaid by no advantages to that interest for the b,nefit of which the measure pro lessts to have been introduced. Sir CHARLES WOOD, M r. Haw es, nay Sir ]toter. Peel, himself, have allshown that protection confers no benefit on the West ladies ; and the speaker last-mentioned has shown that the unsettling of the arrangement of 1846, exposing them to annual discussions on the late of duty, is the worst service that could be done them. And 'if what the protectionists say be true, the measure cannot save them. The injury that the government reso lutions must entail upon many it is easy to point out ; but who is to be benefited by them, in what manner and to what extent, no one seems able to con jecture. And the leaders of two antagonistic parties — each eagerly watching to trip lip the heels of the other —combine their forces to carry this miserable measure, solely with a view to the loss or gain of office. It is not the interests of the colonies, it is not the interests of the empire at issue, that prom pt their arguments and dictate their measures; but merely the consideration how specious arguments and measures more or less plausible, can be turned to account in tne struggle for place and power. FROM our report of last night's proceedings in par liament, and front a letter addressed to us by Mr. Hume, which appears in another column, it will be seen that the hon. member for Montrose has felt it necessary to postpone the resumption of the adjourned debate on his reform motion. We will not affect to conceal our conviction that these repeated adjourn ments are likely to impair the effect both of the mo tion and the debate; but we are willing to believe that tle y have been unavoidable. We avail ourselves of the delay to enter somewhat more at large into an exposition of the importance of supporting the motion as a whole, and of insisting most strenuously upon that point which some affect to consider the most assailable—the equalisation of electoral districts. Complaint is made by those who, though fa vourable to some of the four points comprised in the motion, may not be so to others, that by conjoining them they are placed in the disagree able dilemma of either pledging themselves to those to which they are opposed, by voting for those of which they are in favour, er of opposing those which they desire to promote, by voting against those which they consider as exceptionable. From this embarrassment they urge that they would be relieved by taking a distinct vote on each separate proposition. If such relief could be administered at little cost, it would be ungracious to withhold it. But it can only be administered at a sacrifice at which Mr. II t. and those who abet him cannot possibly concede it. The propositions are distinct, but they are not in depenlent. They are part and parcel of one great scheme, the success of which would be compromised by the mutilation of the machinery by which it is pro posed to be carried oaf. Those who are in favour of reform, to anything like an adequate extent, will not seek to dissever them. Those who are lukewarm, or who merely affect a sympathy with the movement, may profit by their conjunction. But the leaders of the movement owe it to the cause which they have espoused to keep them indissolubly united. if they do otherwise, and afterwards attain their object, they themselves will have infused into their own measure the elements of discomfiture and defeat. Let the public out of doors never lose sight of the fact that what they are now aspiring at is as full and as perfect a system of representation as can be et leeted. There can be no such system of representa tion until both Perrone and interests are adequately represented. l'hose who are only ready to aid in promoting the full and fair representation of either, no matter which, are either egregiously mistaken in their views, or manifestly insincere in their profes sions. By the enlargement of the franchise, per sons might be represented to the fullest extent, at the same time that, by the distribution of the re presentation, all other interests might be sacrificed to one. It is obvious, then, that the sincere household or universal suffragist cannot be indifferent to the proposition of the electoral districts, because, unac companied by it, the extension of the suffrage would be but a partial measure of reform. Again, by an equitable representative distribution, all the great in termits of the country may be adequately represented, whilst persons are but partially so. But to fulfil the conditions to a perfect representation, it is as neces sary that the suffrage should be extended as that the representation should be re-apportioned. Those, there fore, who are for such re-apportionment, with a view to a perfect representation, cannot stop short of an ex tension of the suffrage. These are the two chief features in the scheme, to which the other points, although important in them selves, are undoubtedly subsidiary. With the moat extended suffrage and the most equitable distribution of representatives, the system would be manifestly incomplete unless every practicable means were tried to secure the purity of election. To do so, it is not only necessary to increase the electoral body, and enlarge the electoral districts—the electors must also be protected from intimidation, and put as much as possible beyond the reach of temptation. For attaining this object the ballot seems to offer the only effectual means. Those then who are in favour of the other two points cannot rea sonably object to that which is indispensable to their successful operation. And further, as even with these three points attained, the proper relationship between the representative and constituent bodies might be disturbed by too long a duration of parliament, the remedy for this last evil is the more certainly frequent appeal to the constituent body, which ie the object aimed at by the proposition of trien nial parliaments. Either then the people must make up their minds to content themselves with a sham measure of reform, or resolve not to sacrifice any of the points which are essential to the attainment of a thorough one. If the latter be their determination, they may well look with distrust upon the soi-disant liberal, who would peril the whole scheme by seeking to disintegrate it. Lord N en e'er misinterprets the object of the motion. lie sees no particular objections to any of the p tins, with Uie a:option of that effecting 00=1 bution of the representation. The extension of the suffrage would, he contends, of itself suffice to secure to the people all that they can reasonably aspire to. He cannot conceive why, if the electoral body receive a large accession of educated and intelligent voters, the town of Ayles bury, with its hundreds, should not return a member to parliament as capable of representing the whole of England as any electotal district could do were the districts more equally apportioned. He might have gone a little further, and contended that Aylesbury, without its hundreds, could have done the eame—a mode of reasoning which would go to justify the equality of Bridgenorth with Manchester in the legis lature ; and, in short, every inequality which deforms and brings into ridicule our representative system. But what is there to prevent an electoral district from returning, as well as Aylesbury, a member who would represent the whole coun try? His lordship seems to be haunted with the idea that the more equal apportionment of members to population would necessarily tend to a system of local representation, which would convert each member simply into a deputy of his own locality, without reference to the general interests. To argue that this would not be so would be to invest with unnecessary importance a supposition which is in itself ridiculous. With respect to the general inter ests, the representative of the district would be as free to act as that of the borough or the county is under the present system. And if with an extended suffrage the representative of a district would be quite as free to act in this respect as would that of Aylesbury, what pos-ible objection can the noble lord entertain to the one any more than to the other? It none, be cannot reasonably stop short of the four points—in other words, of the whole of Mr. Hutt e's motion. Little as there is creditable to his lordship in the letter alluded to, there is something in it very instruc tive to the public. Lord NUGENT is not swallowing the camel and straining at the gnat, but the reverse. lie is clear-sighted enough to perceive that the whole pith of the movement hes in the single point to which he takes exception. But for that point an inconvenient clamour might be appeased, without much distur bance to the political status tile,. That point alone involves in itself a change of stupen dous importance. If the aristocracy could get rid of it, they know and feel that they would ex tract from the movement its sting. Hence it is that Lord NUGENT, liberally inclined though he be,shrinks with the inherent instincts of his class front a proposi tion which is pregnant with a political revolution. , Hence it is that he blames Mr. IIeME for conjoining that proposition with others, to which he cannot and does not object. And if such objections come from such a quarter, what are we to expect from the repre sentatives of undiluted and consistent toryism ? But it needed not Lord NUGENT's letter to expose to us on this head the sentiments of the aristocracy, or to let us into the secret of their kers. It was already sufficiently obvious that it was upon this point that the reformers of the coun try would have to concentrate their principal force. It is a better test than all the others put toge ther of the sincerity of those who professedly adhere to the movement. Mr. HUME has done well in keeping his resolution entire, instead of dislocating its separate members, so that some honourable gentlemen might choose between them. The vote upon the entire and undivided propo sition will distinguish between those who are for real and those who are for merely nominal reform. The cry to have each of the four points of the motion voted on separately, is raised by those who are not unwilling to ingratiate themselves with the people, by conced ing extension of the suffrage, so long as by retaining the unequal distribution of the electors amon: the constituencies, they can enable the ariseicracy to render this extension illusory and of no avail. FRANCE. A portion of the following appeared in a second edition of last evening's Express: WEDNESDAY EVENING. Napoleon Lebon and Kersausie, both chiefs of the insurrection, have been arrested. General Changarnier arrived in Paris this morning. At the sitting of the Assembly to-day, General Cavaignac declared that he &sired to restore to it the extraordinary powers which it ha.l conferred upon him. lie observed that the state of siege which exists did not necessarily infer the existence of a dictatorship, and that the latter was now unnecessary, and ought not to be allowed to cwt. tinue ; but that the state of siege ought not yet to be removed. Ile concluded by announcing that the ministers had authorised him to give their collective resignation. M. Flocon then made a speech which was not listened to. The thanks of the Assembly were then voted to General Cavaignac. General Cavaignac proposed that the army, the National Guard, and Garde Mobile should be included in this vote, which was agreed to. A similar vote was passed to the President of the Assembly, and a tribute was offered to the memory of the Archbishop of Paris. M. Martin (de Strasbourg) then proposed the following decree:—" The Assembly confers the executive power on General Cavaignac, with the title of the President of the Council of Ministers, with authority to appoint the cabinet." This was voted without serious opposition. The presidency was voted to Gen. Cavaignac unanimously, and the power to name the cabinet by a large majority. The session was then suspended till 8 o'clock. M. Vatrin, lieut.-col. of the 6th Legion, is said to have been arrested to-day, by order of Lien. Lama riciere. After having been admitted to the conference on the plan of the attack, he was taken in the ranks of the insurgents. M. Odillon Barrot is named president of the com ' mittee of inquiry into the conspiracy of the 23rd June and lath May. The fact, which was contradicted, relative to the Comte de Narbonne, was perfectly co:rect we heard ' it certified this very morning by eye witnesses. • Baying been taken into custody, in company with his valet, behind a barricade, and being bearer of a sum of 4,000 francs in gold, he was immediately shot, as well as his valet-de-chambre, by order of Com ' mandant Aufry, the governor of the Luxembourg. ' On all sides the barricades are destroyed, and the ' circulation free. The shops are open in the Faubourg St. Antoine, and the crowd of visitors is immense. GERMAN Y. PRUSSIA.—The new ministry is gazetted as fol- I lows, inthe Prussian Seaats Anseifier, of the 27th inst.: In consequence of the resignation of the ministers, Camp hausen, President of the Council, Count Von Schwerin, Von Auerswald, Barnemann, and Baron Von Schleinitz, as well u that of the Chief of the Ministers for Commerce, Industry, and Public Winks, Baron Von Patow ; I have named Von Auerswald President of the Council and Interim Minister for Foreign Affairs; the President of the National Assembly, Milde, to be Minister for Commerce, Industry, and Public . Works • the chief member of the Council of Agriculture, Bodbi rtus, to be Minister of Public Worship, Instruction, and Medical Affairs; and the D rector of the Criminal Tribunal, Macrker, to be Minister of Justice. The ministry of agricultural affairs is separated from that of commerce, industry, and public works, and • separate ministry is formed for that departmeit, the direc tion of which is entrusted to Herr Goerke, member of the national assembly. The direction of the ministry of the in terior I have confided to Regiernugs, President Buhlwetter, bat, at his own desire, only ad interim. The Minister of Finance, flusemann, and the Minister of War, Schrecken stein, remain at their present posts.—(Signed) FILEDEILICK WILLIAM; couittersignerl„H APISEMANN. The committee have resolved on the abolition of the noblesse by 12 against 10 votes. AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, JUNE 23.—Great calm has prevailed here during the last few days. The govern ment is obliged to have recourse to extraordinary measures to ward off the great financial crisis. As it was impossible to establish a general impost on the revenue except in the legal manner, the ministers had meanwhile decided to deduct d per cent. from all salaries, pensions, amounting to from 1,000 to 3,001 florins, and 10 per cent. horn those which exceed 3,000. The Archduke John is expected here to-morrow, when he will immediately undertake the conduct of all the affairs of this government as delegase of the Emperor. Baron \on 1)obblhof has arrived to-day, and Baron Von Wessenberg is expected to-morrow. It is asserted that he has reagned the portfolio of the Interior into the hands of his Majesty, and intends quitting the ministry. A depu tation has been sent to the head-quarters at Verona, for the purpose of concluding the negotiations with Austria. According to appearances, however, the • unconditional subjection of Venice must immediately emus, uWs corps of Fuld-Maeda l Weida mq be said to be actually facing the city, and all the other Venetian cities hare hoisted. the Austrian eale. The trial of Count Zielty, the former commandantof the city and fortress of Venice, by court-martial, is terminated. Count Zichy has been condemi.ed to death, and the Minister of War has urged the Emperor to confirm the sentence ; the former governor .4 Venice, Count Pallfey is dismissed without a pension. THE TYROL.—INNSPRUCK, JUNE 23.—Prince Liechtenstein has died 'in consequence of the 'Sound which he received at Vicenza, and which at the time appeared a very slight one. He was the youngest of the seven eons of the late Field-Marshal Liechten stein, six of whom served in the army. Yesterday, another courier arrived from Prague. It appears that Swornorst's party are determined to do anrhing rather than dissolve and remain quiet. On the contrary, they maintain that the Wenzelbath club mast continue in existence—that, in fact, no one has the power to dissolve it ; that the privilege of a,.soci ation was in force ; that the law could not be heft inged upon. They do not hesitate to concoct their treachery in open day. SCH LES WIG- HOLSTEIN.—A let ter from Altona of the 25th, says : "We are assured that the pre liminaries of peace are already signed. It is said that the basis is the political separation from Denmark and the recognition of the light of succession of the Agnati until a new o-der be issued. Prince Fer dinand, the uncle of the King, is to act as governor, with the present provisiodal government as his cabinet." ITbt Court. The Duchess of Kent visited the Queen and Priam Albert yesterday, at Buckingham Palace. prince Albert was present at the field-day of the Scots Fusilier Guards yesterday morning, in Hyde-park, and took the command of the regiment. The Queen and Prince Aibert took a drive in. the afternoon, in an wen carriure and four. Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the per ("nuance at her Majesty's Theatre yesterday evening with tilt it presence. The royal suite consisted of the Viscountess Jocelen, Hon. Miss Kerr, Evl of Listowet, Col. Duck!ey, and Col. Bourerie. Tho Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Augusta Bruce, also honourel her Majesty's Theatre with her pre sence last evening. Prince Callimaki was prevented by indispisition from attending her Majesty's concert on the 28th inst. A cabinet council was held yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-of f ice. It w.o, attended be L Jor.n the Lord Chancellr.r, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Mime., Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor ot the Exchequer, the Earl of Auckland, Six John llobhouse, Lord Campbell, the Right ion. li, Lahouchere, the Marquis of Cl..nricarle, and Vucouot Mor peth. The council sw two bouts. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, yesterday, at his official residence is D.orning.street. Sir Jchn Trollupe had an interview with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Horne-oftice. The ecclesiastical commissioners for England had a general meeting, yesterday, at their tax in Whitehall place. DUBLIN ELECTION COMMITTEE, YESTERDAY.—Two votes struck from the sitting men bkra' majority. ALTERATION IN TIME OF DEsPATCHING CHANNEL IiILANDS MAlLS.—Nutice has heat issued from the General Post-office that on and after the Ist July be xt the steam-packets conveying the Channel Islands mail Iva. leave Southampton on Tursieys, Theirs !aye, anti Saturdaio, upon the arrival in that town of the night mad train from Lontion of Monday, Wednesday, and Feeley, and Sid he despatched from Jersey, on the return to Southampton, on Mondays, We inesdaya, and Fridays, at eight &dock. a.m. COURT OF SEWERS.—The commissioners of sewers met yesterday morning in committo o room No 26, in the new houses of parliament ; Lord llorpetir in the char.. — A report from the survey committee was read, in which it was stated that the survey of the metropolis was going en satisfactorily. The di,triet which had taco surve)ed already comprised an area bounded he W,stminsterbeilte, Birdcage- walk, Constitution-hill, Knightsbridge, Brompton.road, Milman'a-row, and thence Ly the river to Westminster bridge; and the sheets of the survey were expected to be delivered in a vtry short time. The survey wu a double one ; one upon the surface, nod the other below the surface of the ground.—Mr. A,kerman, the surveyor of highway! for Surrey and Kent, who was fined at the last court in OM for nut admitting the juriid ction of the court, cent in a letter acknowledging the power of the court ; and, in sonsid ration of that acknowledgment, the court remised the flue.—After - the transaction et the usual routine business the court was adjourned to the 2nd of July. EAST INDIA COMPANY'S COLLEGE.—Yesterday the examination of students and distribu:ion of Fie,s at the East India Company's Civil College took place at Haileybury. At ten o'clock a special train, contain ing the directors and a large number of their friends, left the Eastern Counties station, Shoreditch, and proceeded to Haileybury. The examination took place in the dining.hell of the college. Sir J. L. Lushington ' Bart., presided . The proceedis.gs commenced with the reading of an English essay by Mr. Benson, for which he obtained a gold medal. Mr. Cliffoid read an essay in Hindustanee, for which he received a gold medal. Another gold medal was awarded to Mr. Morris for the best essay in Teloogoo. At the conclusion of the reading of the essays the chairman delivered the prizes to the successful students : First Term.—Masslcs : prize. It B. Chapman; highly distinguished, Grant and Chapman. Mathematios prize, B. B. !Chapman. Law: prize, B. W. Colvin. Serpent prize, R. B. Chapin In.—Second Term.—Clan-lee: Faster prize. J. M. Brooks; prise, Paltrier; highly distinguiehed, G. G. Morris, DaiggiOnd, White, boawelt, Bird, Pal mer, Grey, Jackson, Wylie, M`Doueil, Hogg, and Egerton. Maths. matins: prize, Hammond; highly diatinguphed, Morris, Ilaniond, Weeks, White, Besweli, Bird, Palmer, Grey, Jackson, Wylie, M'DorielL Hon, Egerton, Robertson,and Walter. Political Economy and History : prize, Hammond. law orize, G. G. Morris. &invent: prize, Hammond. Teloogoo: prize, Wylie. Persian, prze, 0.0. Morris.—Third Term.— tastsr prize, Benson; highly distinguished, Swinton, Birch, Dampier, Balmain, Smyth, Hume, Boileau, F. T. Chapman, the lion. 11. G. CampbelL Classics : prase, Berman, Birch. Mathematics; prize, Balmain, Hume. Political Economy and His tory prize, Benson. Law; prize, Benson, Dumpier. saescrit: prize, Swinton, Birch. Teluogoo: pnze, Solo on. Persian, prize, smyth. Ilinduatanee : mire, Smyth. Hindi prize, Smyth. Eng. bah Essay : prize, Berns. —Fouith Terot.—Eastur prize, Ales. ander; highly distnguished, Old is d, IL Morns, It. Burka, Ban. bury, Gaining, Clifford, Martin, Armwrong, Ward, Stewart, Metcalf. Mathemati:s : medal, Stewart. Political Economy an Huang: prize, Alexander; medal, H. Morris. Lam: medal,Oldtiold. Sanzent pia Oland. Teloogoo medal, 11. Morris. Persian: prize, Alezander. Hindustanee prize, Oldfiekl. PRECEPTORS' COLLEGE.—The half-yearly general meeting of the College of Preceptors took place yesterday, at the Freemasons' Tavern. The chair was taken by S. Tut rell, Esq., and the names of persons who had passed the re cent examination were read. The report stated that the college had been going forward steadily since Is labours be gan, two yearn and a half ego. The committee had pro ceeded upon the two principles, that the schoolmastcr's pro fission had a right to rank with the other I arm d and liberal professions, and that this right can only to secured by mea sures which shall provide fur the perfect fitness of all who enter the profession. There were now en the secretary's books the names of upwards of 95 young men prep icing themselves for future examination by pursuing as extensive and thorough a course of reading as the laborious duties of their occupations would permit. The object of the greatest care and of the highest importance which had occupied the attention of the council since the list general meeting hail been the preparation of the royal charter of incorporation for the college. A copy had been placed in the hands of govern. went, and the council hoped soon that the college would be regularly incorporated. The council gate that the subject of female education had received, and would receive, their anxious attention, and would be further carried out after the charter had been regularly obtained. Dr. liedgson, of Manchester, moved the adoption of the report, which was carried unanimously. CANADA COMPANY.—A half-yearly meeting of pro prietors was held yesterday it the company's hou-e, in St. Helen's-place, Bishopagate-street, to determine the amount of dividend to be paid for the half-year ending in July nest, and for other matters. The chairman (Mr. C. Frankel oh e,-rued that before they transacted the regular business for which they had met, he would read a short report with reference to the general condition of the company. The report stated that since the general eting of proprietors held on the 23rd of March last, the directors bad received from the commissioners a statement of all the lands belong ing to the company remaining unsold on the 31st December last, and the value thereof, according to the prices at which they were then selling, which was u follows: 523,421 acres in the Huron tract, worth 263,3781. 3s. I id. • 80 2 ,7 38 acres in the crown referees worth 218,4901. 17s_ - making together, 481,869 1 . it ' d. To this should be added 306,872 acres leased for 10 years, and which the lessees were at liberty to purchase on payment of the sum of 218,3021. ; making altogether 1,333,031 acres, worth 700,1711.01. lid. currency, and 560,136/. 16s. 1 id. sterling. By the addition of this statement to the lent report, all the assets and liabilities of the compuy would be shown. The directors recommended a dividend of 6 per cent en the paid up capital for the half year.—A proprietor asked the amount of the company's liabilities.—The chair man said the amount was shown in the annual report. Their liabilities in respect of debentures were 125,2001., and there were other debts, none of them of very great amount.—A conversation took place, in the course of which it was stated that the amount received by the company in 1844, was 34,5871.; in 1 845, 33,6301. • in 1846, 34,0001. ; in 1847, 40,840 —making 142,9571. Taking off one-fifth for currency and rate of exchange, the sum amounted to 114,3361., being 30,0001. a year, which was not quite sufficient for the expenditure.—A resolution, agreeing to the amount of dividend, was agreed to, and a compli mentary vote to the chairman brought the proceedings to a close. WYLD'S MAP Off TIIE SEAT OP WAR IN ITALY. The Queen's geographer, Mr. Wyld, has just issued a map of the theatre of the warfare now being prosecuted by the Austrians, under Radetaki, against the armies of Charles Albert, in Lombardy. Besides Lombardy, this map includes Piedmont, Tuaainy, Parma, and Modena, with portions o the Papal States, the AL/n=o Ultra, the ITrol,Switeerland, Exam% end Cceiise. ,~-•. y ~, r~ ' • ;4.)11 I I