The Express. — London, England, 1847-01-22 00:00:00

TIIE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 22, 1847. alliance of England, and could dare. France is now alone, and can dare nothing. She has dwindled from the boldness of 1832 to the tameness of 1847. She then had the courage of the brave man, who faces his real foe; she shows now but the address, which suc ceeds in cheating her old ally and companion, and blusters to conceal it. From the events of Ancona to those of Cracow, is the difference between CASIMIR PERIER and M. (Water, between 1832 and 1817. One of the corner stones of LOUIS PHILIPPE'S early policy was to prevent the Holy Alliance being once more formed , either to dictate to France, to menace her, or to use coercion towards her. This was done, as we have, said, by first making sure of England's alliance, and then by representing England as the supporter of ultra-liberal parties and advanced ideas, whilst France was more moderate and con servative. All this fine scheme has failed. For it is quite evident, that the bonds and the compact of the Holy Alliance have been re-knit, and that there is a renewed understanding, and a league of the East, un dreamed of few years ago. It must be as clear to every one, as if it was set for:h in diplomatic documents, that Austria would never have marched into Cracow and taken perma nent possession of it, unless she was guaranteed secure from the consequences of such a step. The natural con sequences were a counter-move on the part of France, similar to the occupation of Ancona, a descent on Italy, or the blockade of Trieste. The French minis ters of 1832 would have done it in a trice, and forced King Louis PHILIPPE into it, as they did force him into the recognition of Queen Is tuELL of Spain. We may depend upon it that the possibility of this was guarded against by a defen sive league, which obliged, in case of Austria Ising attacked, the other powers to come to her support. This league, betrayed in the occupation of Cracow, and indispensable towards that act, is neither more nor less than a renewal of the Holy Alliance auainst France, and against the house of Orleans. Let LOUTS PHILIPPE look to it, and conjure it, for such an appa rition is fearfully menacing to every free, constitu tional, and independent principle. In addition to the tacit menaces of such a League at the present moment, let us con eider what this Holy Alliance promises to France for the future. England refuses to recognise the claims of the Duke of NlosregNstErt to the Spanish succession. Should Queen ISABELLA die without heirs, her succession, in the opinion of Lord PALmEasvoN, is open. Don FRANCR4CO, or his brother Esien/us:, or Count MOtTEMOLIN, may all put in their claims. If they accept the constitution, England looks on with indifference. Not so the Eastern powers. Tne Holy Alliance will then support MoNTEHoLIN. Here is a pretty little war of succession carved out for the house of ORLE.ANS, in which France is to be pitted against the Eastern powers in a cause, in which she can look for no sympathy from England. Is the Duke of MONTPEN,IER'S marriage worth all this risk, all this probable bloodshed, and expenditure—this war to Fiance, this civil war to Spain? Are the future generations of both countries to curse the house of ORLEANS for having entailed these disasters un them, just as the people of both countries curse N po APOLEON for having, in pursuit of the same selfish am, brought these evils upon France and upon Spain ? Let French and English weigh this state of things, this menacing prospect, brought on solely by the aim of precipitating the marriage of the Duke of MONTPENSICR. That prospect is far more menacing to France than to England. IV(' may, if we are wise and selfish, keep out of the consequences, and bury ourselves in sullen neutrality. France cannot pursue a policy of isolation, without the alternative of being trodden upon or going to war. In the affair of Cracow, France was trodden upon. The insuit to France is ten times greater and more menacing than to England, and that a French minister should have suffered it must be an eternal disgrace to his name. Some say tint M. Guizor Was friendly to the absorption of Cracow. We do not believe it. Neither M. GI:1E0T nor the King of the FRENCH could have consented to such a blot upon their escutcheon, such an indelible source of unpopulanty - and disgrace. Monarch and minister must have been awakened roughly from their sweet marriage dream by that most unwelcome piece of intelligence, which, we may add, was still greater folly on the part of Austria than the Infanta'a marriage on the part of France. The inevitable consequence to Austria of the cap ture of Cracow, must be the loss of Italy. France can not but avenge it. If M. GUIZOT does not, M. TIIIERS will. Austria has broken the last curd which held together the bundle of stipulations, called the Treaty of Vienna. She has loosened the faggt, and scattered to the winds all that was at first tied up in it. France says little, and may purpose little. But the inevitable current of events will impel Franco upon Italy—will stir and agitate Italy to receive her. And there is no longer a Treaty of Vienna for Austria to plead. l'nnee NiETTERNICIeS dull and diplo matic claim to Cracow is virtually his abdication of Italian sovervigmty. Be it so. We have no need of undertaking the task of vengeance. Time will wreak it. TIM ghost of the old corn law, which Lord JOHN RUSSELL evoked last night for the purpose of laying in the Red Sea till September next, seemed neither to alarm nor interest any one. The minister himself did not dwell on the case, the ex-ministers were silent, and Lord GEORGE BENTINCK uttered a lament over the good old substantial corn law : but fur its puny residue, he flung that away without compunction, though declaring that its extinction would do no good. With the protectionists and the liberals, both ready to abolish the four shilling duty, it required but a word of Sir ROBERT to settle the question at once. Lord JOHN RUSSELL hided, indeed, that parliament would probably pass a bill against its fut ure renewal. The four shilling duty seems like a public nuisance, which all admit, all complain of, but which no one person will take the trouble or have the courage to knock on the bead finally. The navigation laws were evidently objects of far greater interest. The protectionist. chord, dull to any corn-law minstrel, vibrated immediately at the touch of a ship-owner. Mr. GOULBL'IIN was as vehement for protecting shipping in 1847, as he had been for pro tecting corn any session these five-and-twenty years. And Mr. BRIGHT was obliged to put on the most demure and penitential face, in asking that cotton and corn might come in mixed cargoes, and be allowed to take advantage of the suspension of the navigation laws. As to sugar, of which we spoke yesterday, and which is allowed to replace corn for consumption, even that is of course to be eschewed like cotter. Mr. Thou ‘S BARING stood aghast at the bare idea. Yet Mr. Hume put the case in a manner that it is impossible for it not to have weight. We have opened our ports to American corn, depriving, justly de priving, the Canadians of the advantages which they before possessed. Bat our navigation laws prevent the advantages being equalised; they fling them altogether to the Americans, who can transport their corn far cheaper than the Canadians confined to British ves sels. One good effect of the suspension will, however, be, to render the evil operation of the navigation laws so manifest, that the resumption of them an the case of Canada, for example, will be too crying to be, possible. To assume that protection can be beneficial to this country in its maritime affairs, when it has been de elated injurious and unjust in its agricultural concerns involves the self-stultification of the legislature. ) Having ordained free trade in provisions, surely we should have free trade in the means of carrying provi sions. Let us not be guilty of the folly of buying in the cheapest market, and of restricting ourselves to carrying by means of the dearest. ?or we may bo certain, that the assertion that our navigation laws are necessary to the maintenance of our maritime supe riority, is only a substituted chorus fur the old burthen that corn laws were the cause of our national great ness. . _ By our reciprocity treaties we hove, in point of fact, abandoned the exclusive principle of the navigation laws, and to make their permanent abolition de- Pendent, not on our own intelligence—not on our own conviction that they are hurtful to our best interests, but on the obstinate prejudices of France or on the benighted ignorance of Spain—not on the truthful- h?sa of economical science, Lut on the tardiness of diplomatic negotiations—would simply be an act of inconsistent folly. We have flung recipro city to the winds when corn is concerned : let us send reciprocity, when it affects shipping, after it with all possible ;ped. For if (as is now done untier the treaty of 11415) we allow American vessels to bring American pr. duce from American ports, why In the nam e o f a ll th a t i s ra ti o nal should we pro hibit German ships from conveying the like produce from the same ports? The more competiti.,n there is in the means of transatlantic conveyance, the better must British consumers of American fl,ur, aud Ame rican consumers of British cottons, be served ; and the more advantageously either country can consume, the greater its amount of comfort and happiness, and the more sure its career of improvement, both moral and material. Far better (as was so successfully urged in the cora-law controversy) compensate or pension British shipowners, than pay them freights higher than other nations would charge us. But the notion that the British shipowner cannot, under a s 3 stem of per fectly free-trade, and when (as in that event he must be) supplied with the cheapest raw materials, compete with the rest of the world, is really unworthy of serious discussion. For the truth, as known to all practical persons of intelligence, is, that British ship ping has been gradually declining in character and suffering in profit because of our navigation laws; and that it requ ires the wholesome stimulus which com petition, by their abolition, would give, to restore it to permanent prosperity, and to give it that supre macy which it formerly possessed. What, for ex ample, can be more discreditable to our commer cial marine than that British merchants, ordering rice from Carolinian ports, should direct their cor respondents to send it in American vessels, lest it should be injured by its conveyance in British ships ? What more humiliating than that British underwriters should make a reduction of premium when cargo is brought home in American bottom.? Are not such facts significant of the (fleets of protecion on British shipping ? Torpor amongst the men, and gross inefficiency amongst masters, are amongst the other results of the navigation laws. The proposed examination of skippers, as to their competence to navigate ships, however excellent the proposition in some important respects, will be found wholly insuf ficient to restore the character of our commercial marine. That restoration wants something more than schooling; it requires the mother of all improvement —necessity. So when ministers propose the suspen sion of the shipowners protection, let all free traders unite to go a step further, and secure its abolition. THERE is scarcely an evil of our social polity, in which public sympathy was so quickly awakened as it was, a few years since, to female workers in collieries. The Employment Commission fully exposed the degrading duties of the female colliers ; and at once obtained legislative interference to prevent task work unfitted for the female constitution, and which was so obviously detrimental not only to their own morality, but to that also of their children. Lord Asti LEY, in his benevolent endeavours to ameliorate the condition of female workers, brought in an act, which not onlydeterred them from pursuing avocations unsuited to their sex, but which put a atop to other abuses. A terrible and insidious custom prevailed among the mining as well as the manufacturing districts, of administering narcotic drugs to children. The mother and father of a family being engaged in mining operations, the chil dren were either entrusted to the care of a sister little older than themselves, or were placed under the charge of a nurse, whose occupation it was to take a collective charge over a number of families. Such a system of inefficient superintendence could not suc ceed without more than mere moral constraint, and aceordingly,opiates were extensively administered un der the deceptive title of " quietness," for the purpose of hushing those wants of nature which the mother's absence prevented her supplying. Thousands of chil dren perished from this insidious practice, and those who survived grew up weakened in intellect, and deficient in all the qualities which maternal care can aloi.e impart. The operation of Lord ASHLEY'S Act destroyed this, and gave an impulse to improved morality in those colliery districts where female labour was employed. The druggists in the coal-field of Lancaster com plained, after the introduction of Lord As; I LEY'S Act, that the sale of narcotic preparations had decreased from gallons to quarts. " The mothers now remain at home," states a druggist in evidence to the Health of Towns Commission, " and so the sleeping stuffs are lin necessary." We direct the attention of our readers to this sub ject, because an accidental discovery has been made that female labour in mines still continues in op position to the act for its prevention. An ex plosion of fire-damp occurred a few weeks since in a colliery near Chcaley, belonging to Mr. iIARGRF.AVES. Among the unfortunate victims of this explosion, were several females dressed as boys, whose sex was of course discovered. The evidence went to show that in this pit the females were em ployed with the direct knowledge and sanction of the superintendent, ELLis. We extract, from the l'repton Guardian, the evidence given by RALPII AINSCOW, to this effect:— ----- • Ellis had a full knowledsre, and we, the first who employed women in the Coppal pit. In the down brow, a tunnel was driven to get through a fault, and Elms employed • number of women who were on the brow, to gn down into the pit, and help to draw tho rubbish. I was employed at the tunnel; it was three or four months before the explosion that Ellis told the girls to come in hats or caps. Ile was on the bank when be said this; Mord him all the girls so. He told Elizabeth Holden ; she wan on the pit brow ; my lam and she were present ; the browman and engioeer were present, and minding their business at the time, about eight or ten yards off. Halliwell, Booth, sod rnyselr, were the only men who employed their daughters to draw for them ; but there were plenty of men who had o•her females for drawers. Holding's wife drew for him. Ellis said to him, " Charles, let thy wife come in • jacket and hat or cap and br teho." . - The pictorial illustrations, in the report of the em ployment commission, have shown the public the de trading manner in which the work of female colliers is performed, and, in spite of this exposure, we find the same want of decency is allowed by the super intendent, who, if the evidence be true, must have been cognisant of the illegal practice. The witness cited above further states : _ Women engaged u drawers pull everything off hut drawers and shift when at work; I have been many times with Ellis when he was talking to the women in this state. This case, brought so prominently before the public by an accidental explosion, could not pass without some judicial examination. Accordingly, we find Mr. HARGREAVES, himself a magistrate, summoned before his brethren of the bench for employing females in mines, in direct contravention of the 3th and Gth Viet., cap. 9), commonly known as Lord Am u.Ev's Act. The Charley magistrates, however, dismissed the case on the plea of Sir. H kIiGHEAVES' alleged ig norance of the sex of his colliers. We cannot compliment Chorley upon the wisdom of its magistracy in the case now before us. The act expressly states and enjoins a penalty upon any "owner of a coal pit who shall "employ, or allow, or permit any female person to work or to be there in." Are the Chorley magistrates ignorant of the rule of common law that masters are responsible for the acts of their accredited servants ? If a ship ran down another by gross negligence on the part of the steersman, would the Chorley magistrates decide, in I I such a case, that the owners were not liable to off nxl compensation because ignorant of their servant's neg ligence? But, in their delicacy to Mr. HARGREAVES. the Chorley magistrates seem to have omitted the exercise of a power entrusted to them by the 13th clause of the recited aet, of summoning the agent or servant 'ho has engaged females without the know ledge of the owner, although the latter is still held responsible. We trust that the Chorley magistrates will yet deign, in their magisterial wisdom, to take this course, and not allow such a contravention of the act to remain unpunished. We sincerely believe, that Mr. HARGREAVES had no guilty know ledge of the illegal act of his subordinates. He is a gentleman who, we understand, takes little per sonal cognisance of his works, hut who, nevertheless, is amenable to the law for conduct in 2 them ill an illegal manner. If the Chorley magistrates discontinue farther proceedings in the case, we trust to see it investigated by the liome•office. Unfortunately, the contravention of this humane set is by no means un common, and will undoubtedly increase, unless it is enforced in a case like the present, where the proofs arc undeniable. We have already stated our opinion that a super vision of mines has become indispensable. Qualified inspectors of mines would be able readily to ascertain on the spot, not only the provisions against accidents, 1 1 but also the extent of compliance with the act for re gulating labour. The visits of inspectors could only be dreaded when the works are carried on in an igno• rant or illegal manner; ar.d their duties could be easily defined, so as to obtain a useful supervision without an injurious and meddling interference. The colliers have the reputation of being a turbo lent class of men, and, by their unions and reckless conduct, of causing much trouble and injury to their employers. But the hitter are themselves partially the authors of that very recklessness and disorder which produce so much injury. A class of men, sub ject to the constant risk of fatal accidents, such as now constantly occur, with the prospect before them of being victims to the ill-regulated system of working our collieries, and of leaving wholly unprovided their families, cannot have other than daring and reckless characters. But if they knew that the legislature cared for their safety and for those who might becadie dependent by the calamities incident to their occupation, the asperities of their character would be worn off, and they would become more tractable and orderly labourers. We have already endeavoured to show in former articles on this subject, that the most feasible method to im prove the working of collie-ties is to suit the improve ments to the conditions, and not by a detailed legis lation to attempt to intro lute provisions which could not be locally applicable. It is to as certain their varying conditions that we have pointed to the necessity of a regulated in spection of collieries. The principle of making an owner pecuniarily responsible for the loss of life produced by absence of proper regulations in his pit, by burdening him with the support of those dependent upon the exertions of the deceased, would, without doubt, prevent many of the accidents which now occur so frequently. The falling in of the sides or roofs of a mine would often be prevented by a few additional strutts or supports, if a heavy pecuniary responsibility rested upon the consequences of such an accident. Where the calamity is entirely fortuitous, and is tne result of circus- - IWO) which human foresight could •t have then • consider that the der- not have prevented, ...Ai we pen dent survivors should have a claim upon the surplus revenue produced by the small tax which we proposed should be lmied upon coal for the purpose of de fraying the expenses contingent upon an inspec tion and supervision of the colliery districts. Considerably less than a farthing per ton of coal, a tax so small as not to be felt by the con sumer, would still yield lonia amply adequate, not only to defray the expenses of supervision, but also to support those who are left dependent by accidents, which will still occasionally occur under the most im proved system of working our coaL The Paris journals of Wednesday are occupied in discussions on the last diplomatic documents laid before the chambers by M. Guizot The documents on the Spanish marriage being nowcomplete, the oppo sition journals speak out; the Colt stitutionnel says as follows: . _ What difference is there between the two despatchea of Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen? Is it not the ume neutral polity between the candidates, the same wishes in favour of the liberal party, for we omitted to up that Lord Aberdeen bad manifested a preference for Don Enrique, closely connected with trat party ? But, nevertheless, there is a difference: Lord Aberdeen seems to menace France in a certain hypothesis, and Lord Palmerston does nut speak of such an eventuality. It is not true, then, that in the inter view at Eu, England pronounced against any candidate not of the house of Bourbon. She only promised to remain neuter. It is not true that Lord Palnierit.in was the first to present a Sate-Coburg u a candidate, whose name was previously mentioned in the document of Lord Atrrdeen we have just cited. It is not true that in England a change of policy took place with a change of ministry. It is not true that the French ministry was relieved of the obliga tion of at least keeping up appearances towards England, by the dispatch of July 19. The rupture was evidently on our side. . . The Constitolionnel goes on to examine the speech of the Duke of Broglie, who it says has been obliged to abandon the grounds hitherto assumed by M. Guizot. It pronounces the speech embarrassed and timid, having in its reasonings more insinuation than affirmation, and ?nor. , bitterness than logic. Accounts of the deplorable state of the country, ow . ing to the dearness of grain, continue to arrive. Their details are similar to those we have already given. The Minister of Commerce and Agriculture pro posed, on Wednesday, to the committee of the Chamber of Deputies on the importation of foreign grain, to introduce a clause in the proposed law pro hibiting the exportation of maize. The ground of this proposition is the fact that several merchants and capitalists of Bordeaux had informed the ministry that numerous agents for English houses are making large pm-chases of maize at Bordeaux and Bayonne to be exported to Ireland. The committee has declined to introduce a prohibitory clause, but has consented to invest the minister with a discretionary power to regulate the tariff, on the exportation of maize in proportion to that of wheat. It is considered that maize is worth, in general, half the price of wheat, although at present ' it is 10 francs, while wheat is only 27 francs per hectolitre. According to the information supplied to the com mittee by the ministry, very large importations of foreign grain will still be wanting to complete the necessary subsistence for the year. It is calculated that the necessary purchases abroad will still cause the efflux of nearly 200,000,000 of francs in specie from France. This has given great alarm to the bank and to the capitalists, and there appears little doubt that its announcement will be followed by a still greater fall at the Bourse. The speech of the Queen of England was received in Paris early on Wednesday. It was circulated in the bureaux of the Chamber of Deputies, where the sentence respecting the Montpensier marriage pro duced an unfavourable impression. It was agreed that the phrase concealed a menace under its cold reserve. The committee on the address shared this opinion, and it was believed that the paragraph in the address on the marriages should be very clear and energetic ; also that the affair of Cracow should be distinctly denounced as a violation of the treaties of Vienna. .... The general discussion of the law on the importa tion of corn was fixed for Friday, when it was ex vettd that the free-trade party would propose seve ral amendments. _ . . . A rumour has been afloat this morning, in political circles, to the effect that, according as the question of the absorption of Cracow turns in the Chamber of Peers to-day, so Count d'Appony, the Austrian am bassador in Paris, will regulate his conduct, and retire, leaving a charge crafaires in his stead, as Russia has done already. We are authorised to state, and we have it from M. Guizot's own mouth, that Austria has no intention to put such an outrage upon France. The answer of the Swiss Vorort to the note of the three powers, an outline of which we gave yester day, is as follows: To H. E. Baron Krudener. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Runk's, to the Swiss Confedention at Zurich. Scarcely had the President and Council of State of the canton of Berne been invested with the attribu• es and flinctious of the directory of the Swiss confederation, con formable to the prescriptions of the federal pact concluded August 7, 1811 between the 22 sovereign cantons of Switzerland, when H. E. Baron Krudener, envoy extra ordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Russia, found himself called upon, according to orders received, to declare in a note, dated Jan. 10, that the above mentioned pact would be the basis on which the Imperal legation of Russia would continue to entertain, through the organ of the federal directors of Berne, the existing friendly relations between the Swiss confederation and Russia. His Excellency has declared, that those relations will be continued as long aa the basis on which rests the power conferred on the pre sent directory, and possessed by the canton of Berne remains unchanged in its nature and unaltered in its spirit. As it is highly agreeable to the council of state of the canton of Berne, as federal directory, to transact business with his Excellency, as they must sincerely regret that their transactions began in so extraordinary a manner, so different from what has hitherto been done in similar cases. The president and council of state of the federal directory of Berne will ever make it their duty carefully to cultivate and to consolidate on the basis of a perfect reciprocity of inter national relations which the Swiss confederation is always happy to preserve with all friendly states. For what con cerns the administration, by the directory, of the federal affairs which relate directly to the federal interests of Swit zerlstal, the pr.si eat and council cf state of the directory of Berne cannot refrain from ob-erviog in his Excellency that in matters relating to the said administration they are answerable to the confederate cantons only, and that while they strive to discharge con scientiously, the obligations their position imposes on them, they are, on the other hand, firmly resolved to protect the independence of the Swiss confederation and its authorities, in virtue of their compact, determined as they are to resist any attempt whatever of intervention in the internal affairs of the coufederat:on. The president and council of state of the directory of Berne, take this opportunity of assuring His Excellency Baron Krudener of their profound respect. Signed by the President and Council of State. CHAMBER OF PEERS. Sirrino OP 19Y/1 JANUARY. The Drag DE BROOLIR SOSO at three o'clock and, after manse preliminary °Werra:on, respecting the policy purmed by France towards Spain since the deck of Ferdinand VII., he said : When the time was crime for the young queen Isabella to think of choosing a husband, saw the most formid►ble of all pretenders come forward ; a prince nearly related to the Queen of Great Britain; a person whole iffuctrious house has already given two kings to Europe—one tu Bel gium, the other to Poriugal ; a prince who.e accession to the throne of Spain, by clusely linking together the courts of London, of Madrid, and Lisbon, would Live placed the whole of the peninsula under the self-same influence. All the difficulties fort seen by the French government were there. It was the duty of the court and cabinet of Madrid to make the marriage of two young princesses, heiresses to Fcrclinaed VII , serve to consolidate estate of things founded by Ferdi nand VII. A double marriage, contracted among the members of the royal family of Spain, however sui able it might be in other respects, had not that advantage.' No support from without was to be obtained by these means, no increase of fec.ndancy, of authority at home. Such advantages the court of Spain found in an alliance which might be considered, under all the circum stance*, as a , alliance with the royal family of England; and, perhaps, even in a certain measure, politically speakina, as au alliance between Spain and England. Indeed, whatever may have been the reserve of the English govern ment, it was certain that had the choice of the Queen of Spain fallen freely on a prince of the house of Coburg, that choice would have been hailed with joy in London. How dissuade the Court of Madrid from such a choice, otherwise than by proposing one equally good? What other equiva lent than arc alliance with the royal family of France? A.d if, on the other band, the King demanded the hand of Queen Isabella for one of his sons ' it would have been contradicting declarations which had been uttered, freely and loudly, before all Europe ; it was establishing between Spain and France a union more close than would be prudent; it would be to reader the two no narchies in some measare answerable for each other's acts. Government had to choose between the se two inconvenience*. On this slippery soil it was necessary to establith the nego tiation front 1841 to the present day, and on thin ground it was maintained. We scarcely know more than anecdotes relating to the negotiations concerning these marriages, which lasted four years. We know vaguely that many combinations have been tried successively and uselessly, that the Count de Trapani, the Duke of Aquila, the Prince of Lucca. and even the Count of Montemolin were spoken of. Many European court., est:ecially those of Austria and Naples, interfered in this negotiation, with different views. Every person of common sense will perceive that there were never but two feasible candidates, and it was always evident that the negotiations would end in favour of the one or of the other of the two governments—a definitive rup . turn or • compromise. The t 7 uptere 'would have been the de finitive separation of Spain Irani France; it would have been Spain passing into another regiva of influence, foreign and hostile to France. The compromise is known to you ; the Queen of Spain chose fur her husband one of her cousins; the King permitted one of his sons to solicit the hand of the Infanta; he allowed the two marriages to be sulemuized at the same time. This last point was the most difficult. It is the con cession, and the only one that the government made, and they made it only at the last extremity ; first for a motive of which I shall presently speak, but like wise, because such was their interest, bee use it was greatly to the interne of France, if that was possible, that the second marrilge should take place only after the birth of an heir to the crown of Spain, because nose are more interested than we in dl Europe in preventing any of the king's MU/ from being admitted to share the crown of Spain. But, if we had gained that point in the transaction, we should have obtained everything, and the Spanish government would have conceded everything. To flatter one's self that the Court of Madrid would willingly exchange the advantages of an alliance to which it ate/ached so high a price for the uncertainty and risk of future events, would be outstepping reasonable expectations. Thi., gentlemen, is what Iliad to say as to the series of events which led us to the point where we are. I wished to make the extent and the reality of the danger which threatened us up to the Last moment fully understood ; to make it fully understood how many, in so long, so difficult, and complicated a business were the obstacles which the government had to over come. Things are but half known outside ; sppear ances are looked at, and facts are only to judged es they gradually come to light. It is necessary to hold, or to have held, the threads of the complicated affairs in hand to he ab.e to form an ides of their number and the difficulty of keeping them disentangled. Whilst we here eon s; seceded* ourselves, on the other side of the Channel com plaints are raised. They speak of treaties violated, engagements broken, double dealings, and surprise ; of proceedings contrary to • reciprocal confidence. For the lot eight months a great change is visible in the conduct of Great britain —a new ministry has taken the place of the former, and shows greet irritation. In its eyes the preference accorded by the Queen of Spain to the eldest of the infants instead of the younger, is a choice to be re gretted, and which the English government congratulated themselves in having taken uo part in. In their eyes, the marriage of a son of the King of the French, the fourth in the order of birth, the eighth or ninth at present in the order of succession, is an infringement on the law of nations, an alteration of the balance of Europe, • principle of anarchy or war in a not very remote future. In their eyes, the line of conduct resolved on by the present French government, and the ministry which preceded it, is a bargain, a compromise. in which, apparently, each party meddled with what did not concern it—that is to say, with the crown of Spain and the hand of the young queen. Either the word bargain means that, or it has no sense. This bargain, this arrange ment, is not officiary known to the present English government. It has also compl .fined that the marriages were precipitated without its knowledge, and that a policy et crib-nee was abandoned for one of isolation and reserve Such, gentlemen, are, I think, the different complaints con tained an the documents communicated to you. The Due de Broglie was followed by 31. de Noailles, and the Chamber adjourned. On Wednesday the sitting commenced with a speech from M. Panty, after which M. Giizor rose and said—l do not get up to defend the policy which the government of the king has practised; it has b. en but slightly attacked ; it has beau eilieaciously defended. The characteristic fe = ature of our situation is the influence which the Spanish marriages hove had on our rela ions with the English government. The debates of our chambers, my own words, may have influence also. For many years the chamber has supported the go vernment of the king, when it was accused of bean wanting in dignity and firmness in its relations with England. Now that our firmness and dignity is manifest, the chamber will, I hope, sustain us when we are accused of having acted with d:sloyalty and imprudence. (Yes! yes!) It is this double reproach that I wish to remove en tirely by a simple and complete relation of facts to the Chamber, to my country, and to Europe. Since the origin of this question the policy of the government of the king has been both determined and op. n. I endeavoured to remove all irresolution, all obscurity from this policy. You know its principle; the throne of Spain must not peas from the House of Bourbon. That it may not pass away from that house, it is requisite that the Queen of Spain should choose her husband among the descendants of Philip V. Every notional interest commanded us to pursue this policy ; the dignity of the crown, which is the dignity of France, the security of Frame in the centre of Europe, the European balance. This principle I have expreuod at the tribune of oar Chambers from the beginning of the question, and every time the opportunity offered itself, in 11342, 1843, 1844, not only I expressed it loudly, but I made it the constant guide of my language in my transactions with all the European courts. I have done more. A skilful charge' d'affaires, who bad remained long at Madrid, returned to Paris with the approbation of the king. I had sent him to London, to Berlin, to Vienna, to make our pelicy known there in its prin ciple and its motives. H. Psjot announced to those three courts the declared policy of the government of the king; and at St. Petersburg I made it known be a letter to 111. Casimir Perrier. I may say that neither before my country, nor in our relations with all the courts of Europe, there ever existed the slightest hesitation or momentary pause in our line of policy. It was • good and a national one, and we thought should be publicly known. We did not even fear to link ourselves to that policy by public declamation*. But while the policy of Frasier: wan thus resolute and public. I fear not to say that it was moderate and conciliating towards Spain. We neglected no opportunity of proclaiming our respect for her independence, foe her nght, which was entirely free, and which we had no intention of limiting, but which could not at the same time interfere with our own. In our relations also with the Spanish governments, which during several years might not have been considered as very friendly tower& us, we observed a conduct full of modera tion and reserve. We avoided entering into their qua-eels, we sought for no opportunity of doing them harm ; we ren dered them service, on the contrary, every time it was in our power to do so. The chamber recollects that when called upon to speak at this tribune of the Regent of Spain, the Regent Espartero, who could not then be among our friends, not on.y I showed a favourable disposition towards him, but I defended him when he was attacked. On the 19th of April, 1842, I wrote to Count Flahaut, con cerning the combinations is question. The combina tion then proposed was the marriage of Queen Isabella with the eldest son of Don Carlos, as queen and king. This was called the fusion of the two rights. A. marriage similar to that of Isabella the Catholic and Fer dinand of Arragon had given hopes. We preserved, rela tive to the combination, the attitude which was imposed on us ; we, at the same time, acted with moderation and im pel tiality. As to England, we have been, from the begin ning, so conciliating, so moderate, that, since 1841, we con ; stantly endeavoured to acs in concert with her, and we renewed our offers of joint action on every occasion. No one is more convinced than we, that the conflict and the struggle for influence in Spain between France and England is a great evil for Spain, a danger for Europe, without ofirring any real advantage to England or France. No one is more convinced than I, that no very great real 'tenoned interest requires one of these two nations to exclude the other from all influence in Spain. I am convinced, that in Spain, as elsewhi re, these two powers may live in peace and harmony, each preserving the situation commanded by its interests. From 1841 to 1843, the cabinet of London acted with reserve and delay, but did not enter Spain with us. In July, 1843, when the government of Espartero had fallen, things were somewhat changed. English influence had sustained in Spain • great drawback, to which France was an utter stranger. At the same time a report bursa to spread in Spain that the queen might demand, or the Spanish government desire the union of the Queen of Spain with the Duke d'Aurtude. This report awakened the attention of the rn g liih government, and in the new situation in which it had been plated rela tive to Spain, it showed itself leas disposed than formerly to consent to a joint negotiation. The English government at that time made in its turn proposals of •joint negotiation. In the acting in concert proposed to us no mention was made of the marriage of the queen ; we caused the question of the queen's mamage to be entered into the proposition of soling in concert. We could not give a greeter proof of our frank new than by including the marriage question in this concert as soon as that acting in concert was proposed to us. This was accepted shortly after the first shot of the Queen of Eng land to the Chateau d'Eu. The question became a subject of conversation between Lord Aberdeen and me ; it was agreed upon, not that Lord Aberdeen should adopt our views, but that the advice of England should be given in that setae, that all other condi late* should be kept back by means of ouch advice and influence. I set forth in my despatch to Count Flahault the line of conduct openly followed between the two cabinets, after the first visit of the Queen of Eng'and to the Chateau d'Eu. Such was, since the month of September, 1843, our language and our conduct. After these first conferences and res lo tions, the candidate who presented himself in Spain was Count Aquila, tie brother of the King of Naples. The first idea of that combieation did not come from me; it came from Lord Aberdeen himself, who had designated the brother of Count Aquila as a combination which might succeed. We had no reason to be unfavourable to that combination ; it had the known assent of Queen Christina, who, as a mother and a queen, had full right to be of weighty account in the ques tion. It was a combination likely to establish harmony between the three reigning branches of the house of Bourbon in Europe. We, therefore, could but approve of that combination; we adhered to it in the limits. Such, gentlemen, is the spirit in which our negotiations were carried on in 1341, and in the first months of 1815. The combination 1 hare just indicated met with great obstacles in Spatn. Things went on thus till the sum mer of 1846. The Due d'Aurnale married a princess of Naples. He then was no longer a candidate for the hand of the Queen of S, ain. In the midst of these difficulty s a fresh overture was made to U namely, the simultaneous marriage of the Queen of Sp •in with Count Trapani and o' the Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta. A rumour of his idea and the character attributed to it canted anxiety to the Cabinet of Landon. We were aware of its anxiety. It was shortly before the Q•seen of En fiend made her second visit to the King at the Chateau d'Eu, in Sept. 184.5 ; at the time of the second visit we exp . aitied (writhes on the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta. We said to Lord Aberdeen that it was a marriage which perfectly suited the king and France ; but we did not wish to obtain an end by indirect and crooked means; as lung us the Queen of Spain was not married, the marriage of the Infants had for us the same political value as the marriage of the Queen herself. Lord Aberdeen acknowledged the openness of our conduct, and expressed a wish to work in concert, to marry the Queen of Spain within the limits agreed upon. When the marriage of the Queen had taken place, then no objection could he mode to the mar: huge of the Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta. The sovereign, having returned to their respective eapitels, the question of the marriages was taken up at Madrid, wile re it continued to occupy the government. It was still Count Trapani who was in view. As I before said, it met with serious obstacles, sad others sprung up by Spanish or through other influences. The name of the Prince of Coburg, which had been pro . nouneed at various times, came forward in a more prominent manner, and its appearance, backed by Spanish influence, caused us some anxiety. I manifested as much to Lord I Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen re-assured me completely, by telling me that I had nothing to fear from that quarter. At the same time the Spcnish government made us a formal of concluding immediately a merrirge between the proposal Trapani and the Quo en, provided a marriage was at the same time contracted between the Infanta and the Duke of Montpensier. The government of the King refused, in order to remain faithful to the engagements it had taken. In 1845, the Neapolitan combination loot ground, and the Kenitra cabinet that supported it was on the po:nt of retiring. General Narvaez left affairs in Feb. 1816. It won a serious thing for us. I therefore called M. de Jee r= to Paris, and made him acquainted with the int tntions of the government of the king, in case our principle should be endangered. M. de Jamac took a note of it. It was communicat d to L trd Aberdeen. A new overture was made to us at thin period by the ne w Spanish cabinet under the Marquis de Miraflore', namely, the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with the infanta at meee, before the marriage of the Queen. We refused that overture for the same resew which had induced us to reject a simultaneous marriage, out of respect for previous engagements. It is in this situation that, in the month of May, M. Bremen directed my atten tion to the active and menacing negotiations that were carrying on at Madrid in favour of the Cohurg combination; and at the same time I received notice from Lord Aberdeen that the Spanish government had applied to the Duke of Saxe Coburg, while he was at Lisbon, to ask his consent to the marriage of Prince Leopold with the Queen. The chamber will judge how great was our surprise, not at the fact itself, but on learning that the English ambes sailor at Madrid was aware of it, and approved it. This I frankly expressed to Lord Ab. rdeen, who wrote to hie minister at Madrid, and blamed him for leaving taken the slightest part in the business. The true cause of what took place at Madrid is this: The Spanish government, from the very fled, had the intention of contracting a great mar riage for the quern, to give the se pport of a grand •lliance to Spain—that of France or of England—by a French prince or bya Coburg. It is to the Spanish government—and t• it only, and not to any foreign influence—that we must attribute the explosion which happened at that moment. Meeting with the difficulty of our formal refusal, the Spanish government, in the interest of its policy and pursuant to it, consent in teution, catered actively into the Coburg combination. VIENNA, JAN. 14. With the death of the Archduke Palatine, a new phase in the modern history of Hungary commences. The first start from the antiquated mode of governing that fine country took place after the cholera riots of 1831 and 1832, which proved for Hungary a whole some visitation, much as the corn riots of western Europe seem likely to prove for Ireland and France. The landed proprietors were then first made aware that a faulty 53 stem of government is not likely to prove detrimental to the poorer classes alone. They learned that the interests of the rich are to the full as much staked on the failure of a government scheme as any other. The steps taken to ameliorate the condition of the Hunga man peasants, immediately after the disastrous crisis alluded to, have by strenuous co-operation between the government and the really liberal party, of which Count Stephen Steezeny is the leader, conferred the inestimable benefit of freedom of person and of in dustry on a body of people exceeding ten millions in number. From a condition little above absolute serfage, the Hungarian peasant has become a landed proprietor, with almost a better tenure than his quondam lord. The noble is but a fief-holder, and, on the failure of heirs male in his family, the estates revert to the crown as suzerain. The peasant's tenure depends on the payment of the rent-charge, for which his labour dues have been commuted. But other rights of free men have been obstinately withheld by the Austrian court which the Hungarians prize more in a state of comparative freedom than they could as serfs. They have of late demanded freedom of the press and free administration of justice. With these guarantees they feel that the independence of the country is secured both against foreign and internal attacks. The reluctance shown by the Austrian court to grant to Hungary benefits that are carefully withheld from the more highly cultivated kingdoms of Bohemia and Lombardy, has nourished an opposition in the country that would otherwise have been alto gether dissipated. The high office of Palatine of Hungary, now vacant by the death of the Archduke Joseph is by the constitution of Hungary elective. The Palatine is, nominally at least, chosen by the nobles, who form a large portion of the population, representing the freemen of olden time. It is not long since there was much talk of proposing the pa triotic Count Steezeny as Palatine, in the case of a vacancy. And if the high feeling and strong mind of that nobleman did not raise him above such a petty object of ambition he might even now obtain an enviable testimony of the gratitude of his country men. The candidate of the court will, of course, be the young Archduke Stephen, son to the deceased Pala tine, a popnlar youth, who has been, for some time past, Governor of Bohemia. The acquiescence of the Hun garian Diet in this choice will, however, be regarded at Vienna as a concession. The opportunity may be seized by the liberal party to demand an extension of popular rights ; and, notwithstanding the menacing aspect that the Austrian government has thought proper of late to assume towards the Poles, the Hun garians have only to make their demand to obtain all they desire. With the Archduke Palatine, the first of a list of statesmen and potentates, whose personal influence has long preserved the present state of things in their respective countries, leaves the political arena. As each of his colleagues and contemporaries follows, the bonds that have in many places been tightened almost beyond the endurance of the people, must be slack ened. We trust that the oppressed will in the hoar of triumph display more moderation than their op pressors. Otherwise, the prospects of Europe are anything but cheering. ITALY.—NtrtEe, JAN. 6.—The volcano corn atence4 an eruption on the evening of the 4th inst. GERMANY.—WEI M %ft, JAN.ll.—Schiller's sinter isedaw, Caroline Von Woleogen, the lent surviving member of the Weimar " Court of the Muses," expired this morn ing, aged 84 'Tars. She was th e authoiess of a " Life of eeliller," of a novel ("Cordclio "), and of some other werks. CRACOW, JAN. 11, —The incorporation of our terri tory into the system of the Austrian customs, which had been announced for the Ilth instant, has been adjourned to an undetermined period Nevertheless, the officers of the cus toms are nearly always stationed along the frontiers. Now it is stated that the concentration of Russian troops along the frontiers is net to superintend the receipts, but to furnish the troops with means of su'aistence ate cheaper rate than in the interior of Poland.—FranAjort Journal, Jan. 18. ' " . . . • PARTITION OF TURKRY.—According to the Leipzig Allgemeine Zeiteing, • work by a M. Run, who is attached to the Belgian Embassy at Constantinople, containing a plan for a partition of Turkey, has created a great sensation there. As the plan is drawn up in the interest of Rossi•, the author expects to be screened both from Turkish violence, and from the natural dissatisfaction that may be expected to be shown in Belgium at this troublesome ottlcLuinem of one of the Belgian employes. Zbe court. WINDSOR, THI: RSDAV.—Lord M. F. Ilill, Comp• troller of her Msjesty's household, srrired at the Cootie to day from town. The noble lord hod an audienet• of the Queen, and wesetited to her Maijvity the Address from the Houle of Commons in answer to the Spetch from the Throne. . At half-past nine o'clock 11.1111. Prince Albert left the Castle, during a heavy !all of snow, in a clime cur riage sad four, for Ilaphot, w here his royal hi6butss shot over the preir ries in that vicinity. The Queen wee driven out during the afternoon (the snow filling thickly when her Majesty took her de- parture from the Ca.tle) by l'rince Albert, in the sledge which woe manufactured agreeab:y to the suggesli.rris of his royal highness. The Lord President of the Council, attended by Mr. Kay Shutfeworth, mot hrr Majesty's Inspectors of Schools yesterday in the Council Chamber, in order to . am immicate to them the instridVons of the Committee of Council on E location as to their ensuing tour of in•pectien. Mr. M. Forster, M.P., and Mr. l'owles, had an in terriew with the Hight Hon. T. M. Gibson yesterday at the office of the Board a f Trade. The Marchioness of Lansdowne arrived at Lane downe-h Berkeley-square, yesterday from Buwoud-park, Wilts. Ilia Majesty the King of Hanover has transmitted to the loud for the relief of distress in Ireland the sum of 11001., as the contribution of the Duke of Cumberland and the Chancelloe of the Unirtrsity of Dublin. SEDDEN I)E.tTII OF LORD CHARLES STUART.— This nobleman, son of the Earl of Moray, went to bed on Wednesday night in his usual health, and was fout.El by his servant, at halt•past nine yesterday morning, lying on the floor on We face, apparently senseless. Dr. Dyer and Dr. King were in immediate attendance, but life am ratit.et. For the cause of death we await the coroner's inquest. THE COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a court was held for the dispatch of business._ _ - - • - • - THP. CITT PRITILEGEA.—Mr. HALL said that there was a mistake in the record of the court, and Ilya it was nee, weary to correct that mistake, lest they should forfeit what they considered to he their rights. Ile considered that there existed a misstatement in the minutes of the last court, and he shoubl move that a committee ot:pri 'lieges be appointed to examine and report upon the subject, as the best adapted form of proceeding to prevent the inter. ruption to the public business; and if it was considered ad viable by them to appoint a subcommittee, we better cal culated to di-cuss the east ng differences, they c.ttild easily select from the two bodies pentons ou whose judgment they might have the most perfect re,irt ee. (Cheers.) Mr. Hall then proposed the following motion : " That a committee of privileges. cnroistine of the whole court, he new appointed, and that the alleged err .r in the minutes of the last court, IA well es the diff, rewe s that have lately arisen between this court and the Lord Motor, and between this court and the Court of Aldermeu, on the subject of the Qualification BM, be severally referred to the said committee to confider and report." The motiou was unanimously agreed to. PERIODICAL ELECTION OP ALDERMEN.—Mr. AAWCRAT then gave notice ofa motion, which caused a senscion in the court. It was " That the Itemembramter be directed to pre pare a to subject the aldermen to periodical election." 'tette, OP DISTRESS.—Mr. H tßlilsON propn.ed that the sem of 2,000/. be voted for the relief of the distrawsed Irish and Scotch. The proposition was received with EPCIRMat ion. The Lord Mayor immediately signed a cheque for the 2,0(01, which he said he should band that evening to the comm a tee, of which be had the honour to be a member, a. d he expressed a fer,ent hope that the example of the C,t, of London would be followed by every other corporation in Eng land. (Cheers.) SUGAR IN BREWING AND DISTILLATION.—A few days ago the Chancellor of the Exchequer received •deputs finis of the West India sugar merchants, and after he ming from them the probable bearing of certain measure, upon their irrcrests, handed to them a sample of beer, whisk had been brewed, not from sugar, as has been stated, but tram West India mallow.% of very inferior quality, and so perfect was the flavour when brewed that the best jiidg• could not possibly dirtingui•h that it had been made from modasses or anything of that description. A sample of the hen r was submitted to one of the most celebrated and larees• hr wen in the metropolis, who, upon tasting it, pronouneid it to be excellent. Upon being asked what he considered it to be made from, he said that it might possibly contr.hi a smail p er• tion of sugar, but was quite sure it contained no molus.es, and when informed from undoubted evidence that it was produced entire:y from that article, he could scarcely believe the fact. _ . THE QUEEN'S SPEECII.—The Queen'e speech w•as communicated to Southampton by ilectr:c telegraph, from a copy of the Haiti' News, immediately after it W.. 16 de livered by her Majesty. The townspeople were indebted to the zeal and enterprize of Messrs. Rayner, printers, for this gratification of their curiosity. So great was the curiosity in France to read the speech, that a gentleman connected with the Journal du Ilarre came from France (sir, sly by the Cairo! on Sunday morning, to enable hint to publish the speech m Havre on Wednesday morning. He left by the Calpe on Tutulay night with a copy of the speech as it was published from the Telegraph office.— Hompshira Guardian. LAW REFORMS.—It is understood that the Lord Chancellor will shortly introduce two measures into the House of Lords—to separate the twe systems of bankruptcy and insolvency, and to abolish arrest in execution. Impn sonment will only be allowed in cases of fraud.— The Times. BALL FOR THE LICENSED VICTUALLERS' SCHOOLS. —lt is always gratifying to observe a popular demonstration in favour of any of those exc. Bent charitable institution with which this metropolis abounds ; and doubly so when it is accompanied by actual benefit. That suck was the effect of the ball given last night at the London Tavern, in aid of the Licensed Victuallers' School, in Kenningtnn-lane, there can be no doubt ; for it is seldom that an occasion of the kind brings toge ther en large a number of guests as assembled last evening. Three rooms devoted for dancing, although by no means desoicable in size, proved scarcely large ell/With ; and a fourth, the card-room, was equally well tilled. We believe the institution to be most dew rving of support, which the ball in question cannot tail to supply to a considerable extent. The guests appeared to make the most of the ucession, I.nd enjoyed themselves, to judge by appearances, with a spirit which is not mend'. sted in circles where it is deemed more dignified not to appear amused with the entertainment provided. MONEY-ORDER CHEOUE-BOOK.—The smallest de parture from the rules and observances exacted by the post office authorities involves the senders and receivers of post office orders in much inconvenience. To obviate this, Mr. Cooper, of Southampton, has puhliehed a cheque-book, con sisting of such forms as will, if filled up with ordinary care, prevent the disappointment so often occasioned by the slight est inaccuracy. To persons frequently using pat-canoe orders, " Cooper's Post-office Money Order Guide, and Cheque-book " will save much trouble. NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. DETENTION OP TRAIN.—The Liverpool and Manchester express traio, due at the Euston station last night at eleven o'clock, did not arrive till one o'clock this morning, in consequence of the fall of snow below Birmingham. A MODERATE CALCULATION RESPECTING SPRATS. —A Colchester correspondent writes to a Londen evening paper that myriads of bushels of sprats are now being caught m the Lower Swin, off the Essex coast, and sold te the farmers for manure, at the rate of Bd. per bushel. FIRE AT ISLINGTON.—This morning, shortly after twelve o'clock, a fire broke out in the premises occupied by Mr. Spencer, a tailor, 17, High-street, Islington, n. ar the Angel Inn. An instant alarm was spread; the inmates were aroused, and were obliged to escape from the back windows. The brigade engines from Whiter:me-street, Farrieedon street, and Jeffery-square stations arrived; the West et Eng land followed soon atter, and the flames were got out le half past one o'clock, but not before the whole of Mr. Spencer's stock in trade was destroyed, and the greater portion of the furniture consumed. INQUESTS, YESTERDAY.— DEATHS BY DROWN too.—By Mr. 0. I. Milb, at the Bird-in-Hand, Fdtham, on the bodies of Alfred and Louisa Taylor, who wore drewned lon Saturday last under the following circumstances : Oa the morning of Saturday last, about hall-past nine o'clock, they left their parents' cottage, in company with a child tw year" and a-half old, and went into a neighbouring field, in welch there was a pond of ice. The two deceased then lea the child at the edge of the pond, while they went to i eve a slide, and when they had reached nearly the end of the other extremity of the pond, the ice, which was only an in.!' and a-half thick, gave way under them, and they both became immersed. No person witnessed the accident, but the cries of the child brought the mother and Whir assistance to the sty t, when Alfred was got out, and it was not until he was instantly carried home that the girl was missed. H. c body was then immediately recovered, but, although three surgeons exerted themselves to the utmost to resuscitate the I...dies, life wasquite extinct. Verdict," Accidentally drowned."--. DEATH PROW DISEASE AND DESTITUTION.—BefIae Mr. G. I. Mills, at the Wind or Castle, Peel-street, Kensington, on the baly of Philistine Ilackentone, aged 62 years. The deceased, who was a man of a classical education, formerly kept a school at Kensington, but, of late years, had obtained a livelihood by Wing as amanuresil and book-keeper to the tradespeople of the neighbourhood. During the last six or seven months deceased had been living in a small room at No. 11, Clarendon-villas, Peel-street, into which ihe only furniture he brought was an old chair end a at... 1, and during the period he lived thme he had no bedstead, ihd, or bedding, and was frequently without either field or tiring. Occasionally he received senstance from persons ehoe2 chil dren he had edbeated. He would not apply fur pan ochial maistance. Deceased, on Friday, was sinking rapidly ; al though stimulant' were administered, he died about half past two o'clock the same afternoon. Verdict, " That the deceased had died from the effects of natural disease, La•tened by cxpcaure to the intense cold and the want of fleece art's." Adjourned from Wednesday, by Mr. Bedford, at the Britannia, Berwick-square, Oxford street, on the body of Mary Barroom, aged 49, the wife of a I. eyer's clerk. The deceased had been living apart from her for some years, on account of her intemperate habits; for several months past be had stopped her weekly allowance, and to obtain &living she had made away with articles she obtained in her husband's name. On Friday lard ,fie was seen with epithet of arsenic in her possession, and at 7 o'clock on Sunday morning she was found dead in bed, at a tempo rary lodging, at No. 70, Berwick.street ; a tea cup felled tigr her bedside contained a small quantity of ermine. found on the contents of her stomach being analyzed, 'efficient arsenic was found to account for immediate death. Verdict. "Temporary insanity." misoimmiNMMININNIA