The Express. — London, England, 1853-06-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORIK—Fiti DAT, Jcse: 17. The Loseu CataSCELLoat took Am seat at 5 o'clock. PUBLIC BUSINESS. TIIE BISHOPRIC OF SYDNEY. Lord REDESDALE rose, pursuant to nutlet, to ask the Coble duke the Secretary for the Colonies a question as to tee delay which bail eccarred in the appointment of a sae ems., to the late Bishop of Sydni y, who died in England on the 20th of February last. He did not put the question from any fi cling of hostility, but in order that the delay might nut be drawn into a precedent. It was now nearly four months since the lamented death of the Bishop of Sydney; and he believed the delay had arisen in cosier queue* id a question as to whether it was not desirable to make the see nflSydney, and some other colonial sees, arch bishoprics. lie believed that subject would soon be settled, and he hoped that there would not be any further delay in "painting a sues CtAnT to the late Bishop of Sydney. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that so far from eon• pluotag of the question of the noble lord, he felt obliged to him for giving him an opportunity of stating that he entirely concurred in his view that it would be extremely Inconvenient not to fill up TAC.IIICIOII in colonial sees as quickly as posed:le. Shortly after the death, however, of the right rev. prelate, a communication was main to him as to whether some change might not be desirable, and the question was under the consideration of the moot rev. prelate the Archbishop of Canton:int When the dim- Sully was removed, he should be quite prepared, on the part of the government, to recommend to her Majesty that the vacancy be filled up immediately. MINUTES OF EDUCATION. The 13.alsop of SALIBIII. RY put the following questions to the President of the Committee of Council :—Whether the minute is applicable to mixed schools of buys and girls, as well as to schools in which boys and girls are educated separately ? And, if so, in what manner the estimate fur a grant is to be made? Whether it is required that the income of the school from the specified sources should amount to the rate named in respect of the whole number of children on the register of the school, or only in respect of the children in behalf of whom a grant is claimed ? Whether the minute may be no modified, as not to require so long a period of ;attendance ea:the part of the wholes', and so as to allow the calculation to be made on the aggregate attendance of the whole school, and not on the 'operate attendance of each child ? Whether in schools in which, under the provisions of any trust deed • portion of the children arc necessarily admitted without payment, the attendance of such children may nevertheless be calculated in the claim fat a grant ? Whether the condi tion as to the holding of • certificate by the master or mis tress may be dispensed with (at least for the present), the condition as to the efficiency of the school, according to the subordinate regulation, section 8, being squally enforced ? Earl GRANVILLE (who spoke in a very low tone, and with his back to the gallery, ro that not a single sentence was completely heard) as far as we could make out, proceeded to answer the questions of the right reverend prelate, but we were unable to ascertain more than that the committee of the Privy Council were anxious to encourage the voluntary system of education, and that in the disposition of the funds at their disposal they were obliged to see that due economy was ex ousel, and that every sum was so applied as to in crease the quality as well as the quantity of education. With regard to the number of attendances by the children required during the year, he agreed with the right rev. prelate, that it was one of the great difficulties in the management of the elementary schools, but he hoped that, although the demand for labour and the rise in wages was a temptation to patents to keep their children from the schools, yet that that very circumstance would tend to give • greater stimulus to the desire for eduction. With regard to the number of weeks in the year in which attendance would be required, it was intended by the Committee of the Privy Council to issue an explanatory letter with the minute. As regarded certificates of merits of school masters being necessary before schools could obtain grants, it was a suestion of much importance, be causo it wag intimately connected with that of raising the standard of education. The wording of the minute was under consideration of the government, and be hope I some method would be devised to effect the de sired object. The government fully concurred in the opi nion that the great object was the stimulating a system of education by voluntary contributions, and also that it was undesirable to confine the education of the working classes to mere intellectual acquirements, without useful and reli gious instruction. CHARGE AGAINST MR. KEOGH. The Marquis of WESTMEATH rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, for " a select com mittee to inquire into the subject of language alleged to have been used by her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Ire- land at Moate, in the county of Westmeath, and at Atlilop, in the month of July last." He entreated their lordships not to be led away by extraneous subjects if introduced by the noble duke. It had nothing to do with the matter whether Lord Derby or any of the late government h..d offered to make the Solicitor-General "Muter of the Horse" or " beater of the kettledrums," or to put him into any other office, because the words and language with which he was charged, were used at a period long subs.- quent to the formation of that government. He would now proceed to refer to the evidence on which he made the charge, and by which, if their lordships granted the com mittee, be would consent to lay his head upon the block if he did not irrefutably prove his case. la the Int place there were three migistrates who were ready tocome forward and prove upon oath that the words were uttered by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Keogh) from the open window of a house io the main street of Monte, which was a quarter sessions town, and one of the polling die tticta for the county of Westmeath. The promise of the honourable and learned geatleman'a presence had occasioned considerable excitement, end a large num ber of persona were assembled in the street to beer him. Tlui three gentlemen, who were magistrates aim county, were amongst thine, sad they had very peigarly inti mated their readiness to ease forward and apse to the words uttered. The weeds used by the bon. sad learned gentleman—as one of thus gentlemen was reedy to prove on oath—were " Boys, the days an now Sag sad the nights are sh at. In autumn the days will be abeetee, sad the sights longer—but la winttr the days will be very short, sad the nights will be very bag, sad than let=L o er re sseaben who vendvend /se Sir Z. losbea." A sea who wee present meld be we set tes pale boo T. lamb at Mists when be mode lo* ipso* Is sad OM be Modestly beard his role to Ile of maser mad the keg sights et Se sug ar , wad may " Wee be te *ea during _Woes lowg aleb who p via Alf 11/ Riebrai Levier." goadms woe alms a mil true. The Duke et NEWCASTLE—What me thele anon ? The et Marquis WESTMIATH—Mr. melds was the Ink ged M. Godfrey Linage s t etther. The minder el thepina. who was the Inns% Meted that he rewinibeeefthe web, es did she - nee ease pr eens. Davie sod IN A, sad that they were reedy te peon the% they wen spokes l igo l:r 6 . , Keogh. He bad see a endleate dried several most respectable puma bong is emi sear sad who wen premed% et the antleg, ennuis. their readiness to eine formed mil she eilleme ea their oath to the same elan The Duke of NIWOASTLZ would direct his answer te the win Wits reedem t the awn eels it was V al so lumr= kr Ma le water in mg themes et the whin theinst the aside =tbed oiled qur d e s il ("Oli i " gad assn.) He oss sable Ueda width M a Nit were a nd doodad Ids Folds sr photo olltoosse et that bea. been* pallemea who, Welles mile the geverament to width be hod the beam to beim. despite the Snub of the mils osstedti be moil ass ail to whom hY duty teweeds Ya 4 eel my whet he believed he le the Muth la =glebeth tat he was sand the beside. beam Ike lued when mane was isenlased the Whim Lard %the wee a wombat et the Me Maas). had hem hi p s telimmey thea=7lthe hes. and leatheilignele. sod do dolt lhos. costismo Irks was the Melte thearillea dhea = the Rene of Hents moos. mod Ids enema of the Derby genenthist—e , .'hs? l. t! eheen)—bed Meted moat szplisidy add Ind le saw we reason why ea edirit - "allise umber the late government, should ass have ben made to him, and expressed his high spinlea, net merely of the personal character, hot of the ability of that hoe. and learned gen tleman. (Hear, hear.) He complained that the noble marquis, having iteeived from the hon and learned gentle man, through a friend of his, a direct denial of the charge, asveithelem brought it forward without notice, and without giving the hon. and learned gentleman the opportunity of communicating with any friend in that bowie to answer foibles. Was that honourable or English conduct? And now having by some means or other raked up metals set dense, he had avoided giving notice of his intention to pro pose this motion until it was too late for Mr. Keogh to send to Athlone to bring forward counter-evidence to met it. Was this fair? (Hear, hear.) But more than this. When the noble marquis made the accusation the hon. and learned putleman applied to him for the names of the three magistrates es whose authority it was brought forward. But the Goble mewls, while admitting that the demand was a fair ore, refired to comply with it at present—(' no, no," from the Marquis of Westmeath)—and up to this time he had not Awnished the hes. and learned gen tleman with the names. No doubt the noble mar quis, by taking this ungenerous and unfair course, hoped to obtain some peaty triumph, and to retaliate by lowering in the estimation of his countrymen the man who had inflicted serious damage upon the noble marquis's political influence in Westmeath. (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis had said there was much excitement at Moats in consequence of Mr. Keogh having promised to go there, but the fact was there was no promise given to' go to Mate, or any previous intention of going there. Mr. Keogh was at Athlone on the business of his electios, and was asked by a friend to take • drive with him in his "drag " into the country—he consented, end they drove on to Moate—they proceeded to a small house, where there was a committee room in the interest of Captain Megan, one of the candidates for the county, and it being stated by somebody that Mr. Keogh was amongst the company, he was called upon to speak, and he did address the people for some four or flic minutes. But there was no premeditated meeting, not any reporters. With regard to what was said by Mr. Keogh, in addition to that hon. and learned gen tleman's recent explicit denial that he ever used the words Imputed to ham, or any words of similar import, he had a letter from a gentleman who having heard of the accusa tion brought forward by the nom. marquis, had thought it tyhi W ' things Mg Kook as the subject. This letter bad been forwarded to lira be Mr. Keogh a few minutia before he came into the house. iith the following nate: " My dear Duke of Newcastle,—You will perceive by Mr. Mamma's letter, which I have taken the liberty act for warding to your grace, that his recollecti tn sews with mine as to the tramaction at Moat,. Mr. M'Nevin was beside me, and had the opportunity of bearing all 1 said. At the same time I .isll to Mate, that at the time referred to 1 took a most active part in opposing, not only i• West : meath (in which the principal part of the borough I rem. sent is situated), but in several othercoisaties, the candidates in favour of Lord Detby's government. I did my utmost I to defeat those iandidates, and frequently delivered speeches at different places with that object. Thot made at Moate was without any preparation or premeditation. It was de livered after stepping from the top of a coach, to a multi tude who collected round the house in which I was, and who loudly called for me. It did not oocu).y five minutes, and was not reported so as to enable me to refer to it. I have us tee Alectian whatever of usiug any language even similar to that attributed to me, but my memory may fail me as to the precise words used in the beat and excitement of election occurrences, and I trust, therefore, rather to the evidence of friends who were present, and the inherent im probability of my expressing sentiments which I never entertained, rather than to my own recollection. As to my intending to suggest, either by word or gesture, the use of violence to nny one, I can most firmly assert that nothing was further from my mind, and such a purpose was as averse to all my feelings, as at variance with the policy and measures I adopted . —Believe me, my dear Duke of New castle, your most faithful and obedient ; " R tonne KEOGH." Mr. M'Nevid was a highly respectable sobettor of sad was known to some members of that house. This was his letter : _ _ " Dublin, 8, Middle Gardner-street, June 14. " My dear Sir,—having heard the speech you delivered at ideate doting the election of 1852, to which Lord West meath has recently alluded in the Howse of Lords, I have not the slightest doubt but you never made use of the im proper language, attributed to you, or anything that could bur that or any similar interpretation. I certainly beard every sentence you uttered clearly and distinctly, and if my testimony upon oath be of any value you may command it. 1 have spoken to several persons who were preseat, and they all concur with me that it is impossible that any such I language eoald have been used by you without attracting their pointed attention.—Yours very faithfully, R. C. M.Nevtx.—The Solicitor-General for Ireland, M.P." A letter of this kind from a gentleman whose character was unimpeachable, might fairly be set against the statements made by the noble marquis on authority which he had afforded no opportunity of testing. Mr. Keogh had assured him that neither at Mute nor elsewhere had he ever used words that could even be tortured into such meaning as inciting to riot or disturbance. But why was the accusa tion brought forward now Why had it been delayed till this moment ? He said the other night the noble marquis was the Lord Lieutenant of Weatmeatb, and ought to have ' brought the fact of such a speech having been uttered, If it had been uttered, under the notice of the government at the time ; but he was not then aware that the noble marquis was on the continent at the time. The noble marquis was, however, represented by • Vice-Lieutenant, Colonel Ore ville, yet no statement was made to him. Neither of those magistrates came forward, as it was their sworn duty to have done, had the statement they now made been true, to inform Colonel Greville of what they bad heard. (Hear, hear.) That fact alone was sufficient to throw discredit on their testimony. But was there nn other circumstance of suspicion as to the trustworthiness of this evidence ? It appeared that persons ' of diametrically opposite views, and disagreeing with him in politics, had nevertheless combined with him in the attempt to throw obloquy on Mr. Keogh, and, if possible, exclude him from a seat in parliament. He felt bound to say " no" to the motion, although he felt that no investigation could detract one tittle from the reputation of the hon. and learned gentleman, or detract from that high position which his conduct in another matter had secured for him. Let the noble marquis bring forward a regular at ' tack upon the government, and they would not shrink from investigation, but they would not b.s dragged into en inquiry so absurd as that now demanded. They had • right to stand on their character, and he felt that the character of the government might fairly defy such attacks as that which had been brought forward by the noble mar quis. He would say more—he would my that the private character and individual conduct, not merely of members of the cabinet but of all those who occupied official positions in connexion with it, might fairly challenge the noble marquis's attack, and that it would be sufficient to shield them not only from the polished darts of the noble earl but from the miserable rusty bolts which might be drawn from the bat tered quiver of the noble marquis. The Earl of EGLINTON did not shrink from main taining Lis assertion, that the appointment of Mr. Keogh was " the least reputable act of the present government." At the same time, he neither then nor now wished to refer to Mr. Keogh's private character; and he had made the observation only on the assumption that Mr. Keogh had need 'the words Imputed to him. Referring to • question asked by the Duke of Newcastle why he (Lord Eglinton), u Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland, did sot himself take notice of the words, his answer was that the government of any country would have enough to do if they took notice of all the strong language used at election time, and the in the present ease he had not been advised to do so. He thought, however, that, considering the altered circum stances, and the present position held by Mr. Keogh,that an inquiry was demanded. The Earl of ABERDEEN, as chiefly concerned in the " disreputable" appointment, opposed the motion as "pre posterous," and prejudging the case, which, however, he considered to be altogether trifling and trumpery. Lord BROUGHAM took the same course, the house not being the proper place for such an inquiry, which should be decided by the criminal law, if it was worth anything at all The Earl of DERBY reviewed the circumstances of the case, and maintained that there would have been nothing inconsistent in the offer of office to Mr. Keogh by the late government (which, however, he did not admit toluve been made), and the condemnation of the language used by Mr. Mr. Keogh, which had not then been uttered. The ques tion was, whether at the period of the appointment of Mr. Keogh, be was a fit and proper person fur the post, and Lord Derby believed be was not. He thought the subject demanded inquiry, but at the same time was of opinion that Lord Westmeath, having made out so successful a case, might safely leave the responsibility of shrinking from such inquiry in the hands of the government. Lord Caxesxl.l. and the Marquis of CLANZICARDI con tributed towards • further discussion, after which the Marquis of Weenies:rat replied, and on the ground urged by Lord Derby, withdrew his motion. The other orders were disposed of, and the house ad journed at quarter past 9 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONB.—FameT, Juwe 17. The Breezea took the chair at a quarter before 4 o'clock PRIVATE BUSINESS. On the notiewol Bir7l:Boin,tiseo;Lr for the mend reading of the London end Finsbury Iroproveseents and Railway Bill was discharged; the bill consequently being withdrawn._ TAnil; Rzaontoo.—Altos Roads; Birmingham and Oxford Junction, Birmingham, Wolverhampton and Dud lay mid Great Western Railways • Burton-upon-Trent linproveineat (24e. 2) ; Leeds, Bradford , and Halifax I Junction Railway ; Landsat and North-Western and Lon don and Blackwall Railways ; Pelham Clinton's Estate ; Spalding Improvement; Bills. BILLS COISIDIUD LIP OZDZIID TO LII rrox Till TABU.—Edinburgh, Perth. and Dundee Railway ; Holm Raservoirs (No. 2); London sad North-Western Railway (St. Albaa's, &a.); St. Margarat and St. John the Ryan- Rabat , Westminster, Vestries; Westminster improvements ; 114/a. THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 18, 1853. no• of relief to a description of property in which he ap peared to be much interested. ks clause was then agreed to. On clause 19, " Duties to be paid on the saccessor be musing entitled in possession, but in the case of outstanding interests, en the determination thereof," Mr. WALPOLE said that this clause would be found so oppressive that it could not and ought not to be carried into effect. Ile would admit that there was nothing unreason able in placing the same duty on real and personal pro perty; but he believed that the clause would, to • great latent, destroy that system of trysts in this country which had been found so advantageous. The objection gave rise to some discussion, and Sir J. PAKINGTON moved that the Chairman report progress, which was agreed to. EXCISE DUTIES ON SPIRITS BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Mr. CONOLLY said that the bill seriously affected the Interests of the people of Ireland, and as it could not be properly discussed at that hour, he hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not press the third reading. Mr. OROGAN supported the appeal. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not, consistently with the state of the public business, agree to the request for postponement. Mr. CONOLLY opposed the increased duty as being calculated to stimulate illicit distillation in the north western districts of Ireland. The hon. member concluded by moving the adjournment of the debate. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER resisted the adjournment, and said that the hon. member had himself offered the best argument against his motion by entering into the merits of the main question. Mr. P. O'BRIEN thought that after Ant bad been done already the measure should not be subjected to any further opposition ; but as the question of drawback required con sideration, he hoped this stage of the bill would not be pressed that evening. Lord C. HAMILTON was against passing the third reading until the government had stated by what improved machinery they meant to prevent illicit distillation. (Hear, hear.) He well remembered the social and moral evils which arose from the former attempt to levy an increased duty ; and he would particularly remind the right bon. bgentleman that he had promised not to involve the consta ulary in the odium which might attend the collection of the tax. After a warm discussion, Lord GALWAY suggested to the Chancellor of the Ex chequer the propriety of adjourning the debate at once, as he had seen enough of Irish members on occasions like this to be satisfied that they would succeed in their object if they determined to persevere. For the adjournment Against it Lord NAAS opposed the third reading of the bill, and moved the adjournment of the house, as he must be told how and in what manner the constabulary force of Ireland was to be employed in carrying out the provisions of this bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would be unable to tell until the experiment of this bill had been tried, and he hoped the noble lord would withdraw his opposition. To protest that this bill should not page until the information asked was given, would be about as reason able as a man 'eying, "You shall not go into the water anti/ you have learned to swim." ('‘ Hear," and laughter.) Mr. NAPIER was rather surprised to hear this declara tion of the right hon. gentleman, seeing that he had already stated that the details for carrying out the Budget, which of course included this bill, were quite ready. In a measure like this, the means of collection should be ascertained as early as possible, and it certainly was not unreasonable to ask for delay to admit of that information being obtained. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. YOUNG did not think there was any reason for loss of temper on this matter. Something that he uid had been misinterpreted. It was stated that his right hon. friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would state the details of the plan of collection. (The right hon. gen tleman read an extract from the speech on the budget, to the effect that the oonstabulary would be called on to give their assistance in the collection of the revenue.) He had a conversation with Sir Duncan Macgregor, who said he had once been of opinion against a consolidation of the two forces, but from representations made to him he had yielded that opinion. The constabulary had extensive local knowledge, knew every house, and the occupation of the inmates, but they had never given any infor mation. All that was intended now to be done was to bring the two forces a little together. This was all, not to make the police spies. They wished to go step by step. This was the fi rst step, and if they found it succeed they might go a little further. They had acted most cautiously, and there was se call for the obser vations which had been made on the other side. Col. DUNNE thought the proposed employment of the constabulary would by no means make that force more po pular in Ireland. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Glad stone) said they should not get the plan ; but they had got it, and it was a very unwise one. They had got the opi nion of Sir Duncan Macgregor, but he was not so able to form an opinion as the country gentlemen. He (Colonel Dunne) objected to the plan, which made the measure much worse. Mr. V. SCULLY said if the constabulary were to be used to collect the revenue in Ireland, the Irish people should be entirely relieved from the charge of that force. He quite concurred in the observation that the police should not be used u spies; but when the opportunity occurred, he should be prepared to prove that when gentle men opposite were in office, they did use the police as spies. Mr. CONOLLY said in his county they were paying a large sum for an extra number of police to keep the peace, and now it appeared they were to be employed to collect the revenue. — Lordi:AUSSELL said the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Napier) was particularly anxious to have the opinion of', Sir Duncan Macgregor. Now be had got it ; and then it was said his opinion was not as good as that of the country gentlemen. He thought the right hon. gentleman could hardly, after this, persist in his opposition. He must see that any plan for the regulation of the police was a matter of detail, and could not be considered in that house. If the house would now agree to the third reading of this bill —if there was may quaition with regard to wastage, they could take that question afterwards ; but really, after the two hours' discussion they had had, he thought they ought to be allowed to take the third reading. Mr. MAGAN thought the observation of the noble lord a fair NW But he rose to allude to a subject which diendiese this evening. (Uproarious laughter.) Lard Niglieton for the exhibition that noble lord l e si tease of himself that evening in the House of Lords. He was astonished at Lord Eglinton haring made use of an &adroit signed by one of the greatest male factors in Ireland—a person whom he (Captain Mogan) would undertake, if 6s. were plead at his disposal, out of the Consolidated Fund, to induce to swear that black was white. (Great Laughter.) All the other subscribers were persona incapable of giving disinterested evidence, being mere violent partisans. (Great Laughter.) The gallant gentleman was proceeding to go into the whole de tails of the question, telling anecdotes illustrative of the chaeasters of those persons; but cries of "Divide" and " Question" led him to give way ; and Lard C. HAMlLTOlCreturned to the point immediately believe the house, but the hoses by this time (quarter past 2) had become exceedingly Impatient, and he did not obtain a n biI I i tiIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER declared his maims to offer the house every information that was pomade led it was out of the question to produce a detailed Lied NAAS asked, thee, if the government would offer this smoke any bill for the new regulation of the constabu lam? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—No. Lord GALWAY implored the house at that hour to con sider Mr. Speaker. (Cheers from the English members.) He entreated hon. gentlemen not to ask the house to divide again. (Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") Hon. gentlemen persisting, the house divided on the question of adjournment: For adjourning 2B Against The house accordingly proceeded; and on re-entering the gallery, we found Lord C. Hamilton and Sir J. V. Shelley oentsottas se to whether Lord Nw had been " factious." Lord NAAS repudiated the idea of factiousness, amid laughter ; and then again went into the question. Mr. PHINN was not food of giving offence; but he asked the noble lord if the conduct of Mr. Napier had not conveyed a practical reproof to him, that hon. and learned gentleman having desisted from an opposition not war ranted by the spirit of the house. (Loud cheers.) J. Lord RUSSELL, at this point, said that nothing was to be gained by continuing such discussions and such divi sions. Hon. gentlemen might succeed in stopping business, but he doubted if they would not regret the impression they produced that they were a factious opposition . (Cheers) He would agree to an adjournment of the debate. (Cheers, mingled with cries of " No, no," "Go on," " Go on for ever.") The SPEAKER then put the question (we do not know by whom moved) that the debate should be adjourned; and the ayes and noes being about equal there was another &Thins. For the sr:l,o%lll=mA Against Colonel DUNNE moved that the house do now adjourn. Mr. R. MOORE was understood to support the motion, and attempted to address the house, amidst great confu sion and cries of " Divide.". Mr. BOWYER suggested that the machinery of the bill should be suspended, and a 'separate measure for regulat ing it be introduced ; and that the bill be read a third time, reserving the question of the machinery, and that of the employment of the police. Mr. MAGAN concurred in the suggestion. After a few words from Mr. Coign/JAG The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that Mr. Conolly had absented himself when the bill was for mevly discussed. This measure was expected to come on to-night, and the Succession Bill had gone off at 10 o'clock, could the hon. member have been in his place, or bad be come in after midnight, fresh, and not exhausted, as the rest of the house had been, and he now sought to adopt the old plan of converting a minority into a majority. But the rule of the house, and by which alone the business of the house could be conducted, was:that the minority should yield to the majority, and the great question now was whether that rule should be main tained or not ? (Loud eheers.),. After a few wo s rds from Col:EIBT1IORT, Col. KNOX said that after the lecture of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would say that the sneering and taunting manner in which ho had received a reasonable re quest had caused the difficulty in which the house was now plead. Several other members spoke, and tho house divided on the question of adjournment— For the adjournment lB Against it 94-76 The bill was ultimately read a third time, on the under standing that the discussion should be taken on the question of Its passing. NEW WRITS. _ _ New writs were ordered for Durham and Peterborough, vacant by the decision of election committees. The house adjourned at half-put three o'clock. glte Croregg• PUBLIC BUSINESS. GARBLED DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE BUKMESE WAR. _ ....... lir. COBDEN made the motion that the house at its ris ing should adjourn to Monday for the purpose of enabling bins to ask the gneetion of which he had given notice, via., " When mad by whim the papers respecting the Burmese war were prepared to be laid before parliament, and who is responsible for the selection of the en tracte ? " And is order that he might add wee remarks which under the circumstances became necessary. Thom who had read the paper laid on the table in relation to the Burmese wee would be aware that those important documents were not given in fall, but that • great deal of matter was suppressed, and that, In fact, the house only got extracts from them. Undoubtedly, when papers of this character were moved for, if they related to a war with a civilised people, it was quite right that much should be suppressed in order that no information should be given to the enemy, and also in Certain cases in order that no new offence might be given to other powers. But there was no reason why that course should be taken in this instance. Mr. H. BAILLIE would not enter into any discussion with respect to the expediency of the practice followed by all governments in this matter, though he had no doubt that this privilege wee often abused, and he could confirm the opinion of the hon. gentleman as to the consequences of garbled documents in regard to the Affgban war. He only ran to complain of the course taken by the honourable gentleman, who bad only put • ample question on the paper, and then without notice made what must be considered ma a statement on the policy of the general practice. The late President of the Fiend of Cannel was the responsible minister at the time, and he was not now in his place to offer any explanation. Be would not enter into the question whether or not a just discretion had been exercised ; but he had to state at once that the late President of the Board of Control was responsible. Mr. HOME considered the question a most important one. Ile bad seen a statement of Sir Alexander Burnes, in which ho pointed out that two letti n of his, stating that Dost Mahomed was ready to do everything to keep off war, were kept back. He thought some inquiries should take place as to the garbling of documents which were laid before the house. lie had no hesitation in saying that with regard to the Portugal expedition the facts were sup pressed. He was counted out, ma he had often been, when he wished to bring the matter before the house; but they never got anything by that, for when h e was treate i i n that manner he always brought on the question on going into committee of supply. r C. WOOD said the President of the Board of Con trol was responsible for the returns which had been alluded to. No conduct of hie had been impugned, and it was in convenient that the conduct of his right hon. vedecessor should be impugned as it had been to-night with - tut his having the slightest notice that it would be so. There was no doubt se to who was the responsible person, and th, re was so need of a committer to Inquire. If papas from any department were laid before the house the head of that department was the person who was responsible. Mr. COBDEN said he had no intention to impeach the conduct of any President of the Board of Control. What he said, and said emphatically, wee that he never met with aLybody yet who was responsible. Ile had asked many questions, and hail invariably been told that them papers were prepared at the India-house. THE BURMESE WAR.—MORTALITY OF THE TROOPS. Mr. BRIGHT said he Ve..17ic41; a privets letter giving a most appalling( account of the mortality among the troops engaged in the Burmese war. He asked whether the right hon. gentleman bgd soy information of the mortality to which he alluded ? Sir C. WOOD said he could not answer the precise state ment made by his bon. friend, but he was sorry to say there had been considerable mortality among the troops. Those at Rangoon had been healthy, but there had bees great mortality among those at Proms. SOAP DUTY. Mr. A. PELLATT asked whether soap manufacturers would be allowed to bring back soap to this country on the same duty that the foreigner paid, Bd. a cwt. Mr. WILSON said as this was a question which affected an important trade, and one by which many persons might be involved in loss, he would answer the question as expli citly as he could. His hon. friend was aware that, ac cording to the resolution of this house, the excise duty on soap will expire on the dth of July, and that the import duty en soap had been reduced to 9d. a cwt., but that duty had not passed into a law. A treasury order had been issued, connected with the other duties, and with it also, but an order had been issued that the low duty should not take effect till after the excise duty was abolished. With regard to the preparations which many persons were making to export soap at the heavy drawback, with the expectation that they will be enabled to bring back soap at the low duty of Bd., he must infurm his hon. friend that proper means will be taken effectually to prevent such operations being successful, and therefore he had made Ihislstatement in order that ;persons who were making arrangements for getting drawback on their present stock in that manner might be awarejthat means would be taken to prevent such operations being successful. LEASING POWERS (IRELAND) BILL. la answer toplr. NAME., Lord .1. RUSSELL said he would endeavour to arrange that at the end of next week or the week tollowuzg this bill should be proceeded with in a morning sitting. OATHS IN COURTS OF JUSTICE. Mr. J. S. WORTLEY said the house would remember I that in the early part of the session a witness was coa -1 milted to the custody of the Serjeant at Arms for refusing to take an oath before one of the committees, and on that occasion he took the opportunity of calling the atention of the house to the anomalous state of the law by which Quakers, Moravians and Separatists, and persons who had belonged to these classes, were allowed to make affirmations in substitu tion of oaths, but no other persons. Since then the Com mon Law Commissioners, in their second report, had re commended a change in the law in this respect; but as they had also recommended other changes which would meet with much discussion, he asked if it was the inten tion of government to bring in a separate bill regarding oaths. Lord J. RUSSELL laid he could not answer the question now, but it would be considered by the government. GRAVEYARDS IN LONDON. In answer to Mr. C. BZEtILEY, Lord PALMERSTON said a number of graveyards had already been closed b 7 order in council. Other graveyards were under examination, and probably all the rest would, in due time and at no distant period, be also closed. The act of last year gave the Secretary of State power to close graveyards that might be injurious to public health ; but it did not vest in the Secretary of State any power or autho rity to provide new graveyards. Those arrangements were left to the parishes themselves, and therefore he was not able to state what arrangements had been made by parishes to provide new means of interment, but he did happen to know that several parishes were engaged in providing new places of interment, and aka that besides the great ceme tery at Woking, which was empowered by act of parlia ment two or three years ago, there was also • bill now passing through parliament, which had passed this house, and was under discussion in the House of Lords, for pro viding another cemetery at a certain distance from the me tropolis. It was within the circumference which was called the metropolitan district, and it could not have been un dertaken without the sanction of the Secretary of State, but he thought it his duty to give that sanction, from a de sire to afford every facility for supplying the place of those graveyards which he thought it his duty to dom. SUCCESSION DUTIES BILL. The house then went into ammit te c on this bill. On clause 7_, Sir F. KELLY begged to put two cases to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The first referred to the former part of the clause, whereby the succession duty accrued in every ease where there was any engagement, secret trust, or ar rangement capable of being legally enforced. Now, sap pose a father gave a sum of money, say 100,0001., to his son during his lifetime, but where a written document existed by which the son was to pay his father bask an an nuity of 3,0001., but which was not of a nature capable of being enforced by a court of law, would the tax be payable The second ease referred to the latter part of the clause, by which the tax was aloe chargeable in any case where there was any engagement or arrangement with a fraudulent intent to defeat the net. Now, suppose that in the instance he had just put there was no written document, but that the fatter had given the son the money out and out, relying on b honour to pay him the annuity, would the tax accrue also in that case? Ile felt certain that the clause would lead to much litiga tion, and that years would elapse before the courts of last resort had decided the meaning of the statute. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied that if, in the first instance supposed, the document was not of • eharacter capable of being enforced in a court of law or r= tax would not accrue under the former part of With respect to the latter part, his answer Oaddldep&nd upon the specialties of each case ; but when ever tilts proper court was convinced that there had been , sillseapt at fraudulent evasion, it would enforce the tax. ' he hie what the bon and learned gentleman had said about As litigation likely to etude, that did not much impress him beanies in matters of much less difficulty years had aped before a sufficient code of precedents had bees heated to establish precisely what the law was. Sir F. KELLY suggested the actual insertion of the wards—" capable of being enforced by a court of law or etraity," which would render the meaning of the former pet of the cisme perfectly clear. As for the latter pert, is ad sat think the right hon. gentleman's answer at aO selkhetery. He wished to know what would casaitsee head within the meaning of the clause ? The SOLICITOR-GENERAL would assent to the is- Weisetlon of the words, though he thought they vigil be ISM surplusage. Where property was given abesiallek, akketigh there might be an honourable understeadles mend eagagemant between the parties, it would met MON within the meaning of the bill; but where, althea. the Fogerty was given out and out, the son, for ban" pm Wk to his father by another deed, and from other esuress, as wdealeat, then, although either deed, taken by Welt; weaKttetonewlsWn the province of the law, yet the two, shim telum tt ac ts Vi e , isgether on. , would amount to proof of a heads hat aempt Xr. VANSITTART moved the omission of the latter poet of the clause, because if it were allowed to stand hardly say family arrangements could be made without a lawsuit glean the parties in the farm. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER protested e~tnst the notion that family arrangements would be gene rally obn -lions to as eseetatent against fraudulent eva dem If the cheaters/swat, was true, the parties ought 119 law lawsuits Aim la the face. (Hear, hear.) Ilmiesamitess Pee the amesimmt haelast it neiiamis was then agreed to, as we. chase 8. Oa dame 9, Kr. PHILIPPS proposed that in the cue of the micas dim of brothers aadsisters, the duty should be two per eat lashed at three, as proposed by the bill ; end he &Mid be geopmed to make the same reduction in the case purety. There were MIS in which bruthen sisters would have to pay the duty four times in Ste gain, which at three per cent. would amount to a very loge sum. If the bill passed in its present shape, he thagght that to the and phrase in obituary notices "much ad deeply regretted," it might fairly be added "except by Os Cionsellor of the Exchequer." (Laughter.) Mr. SADFIELD said he should move as an amendment that children born without marriage, whose parents mar ried subsequently, should pay a duty of (nay one per cent Both amendments were withdrawn, and the clause agreed to. Ma clause ii, in reply to a question from Mr. HENLEY, The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said the question of leases for lives, that is, leases bona fide made for lives in portions of the country where that mode of letting was adopted pre ferably to the ordinary mode of letting by years, was under the consideration of the government, and he hoped that all doubt with regard to the operation of the tax in cues in which a father and son granted a leue jointly would be removed. Mr. WALPOLE wished to put the ease of a person who derived 10,0001. in the funds from his father, and who married and settled that property oa his wife or children. The question was, whether after such a disposition, after the death of his wife, and in default of children ' the party would not have to pay a second duty on ag a i n taking possession ? The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that on becoming repossessed of the property which he bad settled the party would not have to pay an additional duty. The only duty which he could ever have to ply was that which would have been payable had no settlement been made at the time of his marriage. After a lengthened technical conversation between vari ous learned members, certain alterations in the section were accepted by the Solicitor• General, and The clause was agreed to. . . Clause 12 was agreed to without discussion. On clause 13, some discussion took place ; but it also wu agreed to, without alter►tion. Clauses 14 and 15 were agreed to with some verbal Clause 16 was postponed. Clause 17 which treats of exemptions, was pasted after rome discussion ; but the Chanoellor of the Exchequer pro mised carefully to reconsider its language with • view to its amendment on the bzinging up of the report. On clause 18, "Leasehold EsMtes not to be charged with legacy duty as personal estate," Mr. W. MICHELL complained that it was an injustice to charge probate duty on leascLolds. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER hoped the hon. gentleman wonld not oppose the clause, as it war really TO CORRESPONDENTS. 4eeotid Edition et " The Express," containing the same evening's • Gazette," is published every Tuesday and Friday eight, in time for poet. & !vet tilleteenta intended for " The Earner," Landau Evening raper, must be at the ()thee, 10, Bouverkastreet, by Two o'clock on the lay of publication. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tats DAT—Morning. 11 E. (In. Afternoon. l ln. 3781. T>awaacw —Yoram& Oa. Om Afternoon, 9,. 791. LON.DOI►, SATURDAY, JUNE 18. SOME days must elapse before any certain intelli gence of Russian operations can reach this country from the Principalities, or Constantinople ; and while the narrow margin that is still left of peace remains uninfringed, it is lawful for all who desire it to hope for the uninterrupted amity of the world. It may be that at the last moment ambition may draw ruin, and territorial rapacity be curbed on the banks of the Pruth. But private accounts of the nature and extent o! the preparations made for aggressive warfare, while they more than confirm those already published, do not tend to render us more sanguine than we have hitherto been of a pacific termination of what is, somewhat inaccurately, called the Turkish question. It might, with much more propriety, be designated the Russian question, for all the fears and sympathies of Europe at tho present moment are measurable, not by the apprehensims or wishes of the Turks, but by a far more genuine, perhaps more selfish, sense of a common danger and detriment aris ing from the outburst of a new career of aggression on the part of the northern barbarians. For barbarians in all political respects the sub jects of the Autocrat confessedly are. The diplomacy and cuisine of St. Petersburg may be modelled upon that of Paris, as its porticoes and theatres are copied from those of Rome and Athens ; bat a nation that consists of millions of illiterate serfs and some thousands of territorial owners with out recognised powers or rights to take any part in the government of their country, and every one of whom is liable at any moment to be made the victim of despotic suspicion or caprice, deserves no other epithet than that of barbarian. It is the profound sense which Europe entertains of the rain which such a power is capable of spread ing far and wide, should the political ramparts within which it is now confined be once broken down, that has united in one sentiment of hostility and resistance men of all parties and of all classes amongst civilised nations. No instance of this can be more striking than the manifestations of feeling against Russia by the popular parties of France and England. However they may differ in other respects, both are alike ear nestly attached to the cause of peace. While France was governed by a Democratic Assembly nobody ever suspected her of harbouring designs of war ; and, to whatever extent popular opinion may be sup posed to be expressed in the journals which are permitted to exist under the Empire, it is clearly and unmistakably pronounced in favour of civil and military retrenchment, and the maintenance of that state of external freedom and security which promotes the development of commerce and manufac tures; and, with them, the certain growth of social in terests and feelings incompatible with the mainte nance of arbitrary power. In England the recollec tions of former periods of warfare, and the practical consciousness of the infinite blessings we have reaped during a long interval of peace, have rendered us in tensely averse to the idea of embarking anew in coati nen tallquarrele. We shall never again submit t ) be taxed and impressed, and drawn into the raising of exorbi tant loans, to restore to the throne any foreign dynasty, or to impose upon any other people institu tions not of their choice. We know that it is our interest above all things to have, as willing cus tomers, all the nations of the world; and we know that to enjoy their custom fully and securely we must be at peace with them. It is in fact to this feeling chiefly that those amongst us who would tamper with the question of Russian aggres sion endeavour to appeal at the present junt, tare. They endeavour to alarm commercial interests by reminding them that the chief portion of the trade between this country and the ports of the Euxine is carried on in British ships, and hence they argue that it would be impossible for our fleets to make any effectual demonstration on behalf of Turkey in those waters without practically suspending our mercantile intercourse with the countries whose produce we take in exchange for our •wn. But if our manufactures or colonial products were suddenly shut out of any Russian market whither we are now accustomed to carry them, to an equal ex tent mast a suspension take place in the export of goods therefrom. In other words, it concerns the proprietors of corn land, and the merchants who ship grain from Odessa and other Russian ports, quite as much that mercantile intercourse should remain unimpeded with this country as it concerns us that it should do so. And uit is tolerably clear that the power of deciding such a question must remain in our hands and not in those of the CZAR, we may take for granted that whatever other instructions may have been sent to Admiral DUNDAS, be has not been told to molest trading vessels. In point of fact, Russia is equally vulnerable by land as by sea. Her huge empire consists of a heterogeneous mass of variously dated acquisitions, of which many are but ill secured, and are ready at a moment's notice to renew their 'oft-repeated attempts at self emancipation. Circassia has never yet been subdued, and Georgia still trembles with resentment and wild hopes at the recollection of by-gone times. The population of these frontier provinces have at enor mous cost been gradually disarmed by the jealous despotism of their conqueror, but nothing will be easier than to permit them to re possess themselves of arms and all the munitions of insurrectionary warfare. On the day that the Cossacks cross the Pruth, the liabilities of Russia t) this species of retaliation will begin. The Ottoman treasury may not be very full, but it will hardly lack the means of raising on the flank of its formidable enemy insurgent auxiliaries so reliable as those to whom we have referred. Every rifle sent to Cir cassia and every sabre sent to Georgia would retain an additional soldier, whom the Porto need not pay, nor clothe, nor feed, and upon whose fidelity implicit dependence might be placed. SUICIDE OF THE QUEEN'S CIIAPIAIN.-WC regrel to announce the death, by su i c id e , o f t h e li on . an d Rev. A. P. Pereeval, rector of Little Bookham, and one of the chaplains to her Majesty. This diatressicg event took piece on Saturday lut, and on Monday an inquest was held by Mr. Woods, the coroner for Surrey, when it was proved by evidence that the deceased clergyman had taken a large quantity of laudanum. The evidence was conclusive that the deceased had far sonic time past been labouring under strange delusions; and the jury, after a petit nt investiga tion, returaed a verdict of " Temporary insanity." - - WATERFORD AND KILKENNY RAlLWAY—Traffic for week ending June 4, 185 1 3, 124/. 6s. 10d. Coiresponding week last year, 641.18 e. Id. THE CHOBHAM CAMP AND TILE ARTILLERY. TO TUB EDITOII Dl' THE EXTIIrss Stn,—The establishment of the camp at Chobhani is sure to do at least two things—it will give useful experience and instruction to our troops, and will draw public attention to the arrangements of our military system. Both may do good. In England no reforms are thoroughly made unless the general public take them up. Cannot the public be induced to "take up" military improvement? Would it not be well if those who inspect the new camp would do so in some sense as critics, and thus help army re formers to lessen military abuses? Our army is gallant—hut costly. Nor is its efficiency so complete as it would be if some wise changes were made in our plans for its management. Ought wo not all to ask how it may best be set to rights ? Our artillery, for instance, has been frequently criticised, but without any very great results at pre sent. Still, the continual letting in of light upon the faults of our system must induce reform of the true kind in the end. The alleged grievances of the artillery arc threo in number—The patronage of the Master-General, the Horse Artillery, and the Woolwich appoint ments. The patronage of the Master-General is supposed to extend univer.ally over the Ordnance, but in matter of fact he seldom troubles himself to do more then give away every now and then a troop out of the usual routine. These occasional false steps are doubtless caused in various ways. At one tiino a handsome looking fellow is escorted to her Majesty's Drawing-room by an influential lady, who will intro. duce him to the Master-General, and recommend him to his kind notice. The polite nobleman bows, and says, " Happy to do what ho can for his young friend." The young friend, by no means bashful, trusts he may have the next vacant jacket, and his lordship, not knowing how to " back out " be fore the lady, ends the scene by giving the desired promise there and then. Another time, his lordship may be dining out at the Duke of ltichborough's. Warmed with claret and a cordial reception, he cannot well refuse the request made to him after dinner by the noble host in favour of Iris Grace's nephew John. And so it goes on. Tlos jobbery is a decided drawback to the service for com missions thus bestowed, try the tamper of good men who have served, and who arc looking anxiously for. ward to every vacancy as prizes which belong to such as have seniority and who have done their duty well. This jobbing of commissions is the real grie vance within the service; but there are many who— envious of every button and piece of cording which adorn the outward covering of their more fortunate competitors—can see nothing in the Horse Artillery beyond a job, forgetting that to the country it matters little who are the cfficers, as long as each can do his work. With the present state of perfection in continental armies, we might as well try to do away with cavalry as with horse artillery. It is a corps as near the beau ideal as it can be, and is designed for certain duties which it only can perform. That a true soldier would prefer seeing it clad in a more serviceable dress, is not to be denied, but its abolition as a body is a thing no commander-in-chief would be foolish enough to advise. To send the Horse Artillery on colonial service would be equally absurd. Wo want it here in England, in case of an emergency, and if Smith or Brown get off five years in the West Indies, it is a piece of good luck which no one should begrudge them. Our artillerymen have been too much in the habit of obtaining their ideas of service from the evolutions on Woolwich Common, where our field batteries caper about to the imminent danger of dis locating all the gunners' bones, and many earnestly believe that in war time they would also find soft meadows to carry on their manoeuvres. But those who have seen the men putting their shoulders to the gun wheel imbedded in mud up to the axletree, or dragging it over the rugged mountain path, will form a very different estimate. The field battery has to protect and defend infantry. The Horse Artillery to defend cavalry. And if ever a coati. nental war does arise there is far more probability of a field battery being turned into horse artillery then vice versa. As to the charge that the Horse Artillery is extravagantly officered : it is not. There are seven troops, each troop equal in men and horses to about three troops of a cavalry regiment, and on service it will be necessary to have a field officer for every two troops. Yet for this force of some fifteen hundred horses, there aro only four lieutenant-colonels, the two full colonelcies being merely appointments kept up as a kind of reward for distinguised services, and the regiment could not find two more meritorious soldiers than the present holders. Another grievance is, however, founded on stronger grounds. There aro a certain number of appoint ments in Woolwich, such as the superintendents of the several departments, &c., which appear to have got into the hands of a select few. It was strongly recommended by the Parliamentary Committee on Ordnance Estimates that these posts should be vacated at certain fixed intervals, in order that as many officers as it was possible should become fully acquainted with the manner of casting guns, con. structing carriages, &c. ; so that on service there would be no lack of men capable of under. taking such work in a time of emergency. This is where the French do really surpass us. A French general in Moldavia could at any moment, in case of reverses, organise a complete field artillery. He would find men capable of carrying out any orders on this subject they might receive. With us, a general would have to wait quietly till he could obtain more guns from Woolwich. For though the arsenal appointments arc vacated at certain intervals, they are merely so for their holders to change their carde. They go through a sort of perpetual round robin, unless something better turns up—such as tho command of Gibraltar, or of Ireland, which causes a vacancy, and some man holding a staff appointment gets into a good berth. This system requires to be checked, not because it vexes other claimants, but because it is pernicious to the public service. Colonel So and So may be a very clever, able man, who knows his duty thoroughly : but there are others equally capable, and the public want as many to be capable of carrying out the public work as possible. Who knows how many may be required, even in this present year? Yet beyond those absolutely wanted to carry on the duty of the arsenal, there aro it may be said, none who would be found efficient to accompany an army in the field. Who is to be blamed for this state of things at Woolwich? No body, and yet everybody. The routine has existed ever since Woolwich was Woolwich. These places have been handed down as heirlooms from father to son or son-in-law, from uncle to nephew, and have become so much part and parcel of the place that no man, even in authority, likes to attack so formid dable and ancient an abuse. But that it must be attacked, and that right speedily, is obvious to every one who has a knowledge of the subject, from the Master-General to the drummer-boy. Having stated three grievances of the artillery let the three remedies be named also. The two first mischiefs would be obviated either by heading over the horse artillery to the Guards and allowing com missions for it to be prizes at the Royal Military Academy, or else by making the appointments a reward tor meritorious conduct, and energetically setting to work to render the field batteries as per fect in their way as the horse artillery are. The