The Express. — London, England, 1848-01-08 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 8, 1848. and wrote word to the Due de BROGLIE to accept the English offer, in order to have a congress and a media tion at any price. LOrdPALMERSTON good-hurnouredl c onsented at first, until Lucerne itself surrendered. And his lordship then dcnotii ced the mediation as a farce, whilst M. Guizor's envoy admitted the expediency of the proposal of the English govern ment, that the Jesuits should be withdrawn. Had M. Guam made as frankly the same admission, all might have been prevented. But M. GIJIZOT would then have sacrificed what he esteems, for the moment, of more value than all the cantons of Switzerland—a good and thorough understanding and alliance with the court of Vienna. THE anxiety professed in various quarters as to the state of our national defences may be seen to partake of the usual characteristics of on alarm. The pros pects of a danger to be apprehended are apt to be unduly magnified ; the cost and hardship of the means to be used for removing it will often be underrated. In a time of present struggle with wants that are knocking imperiously at many doors, the imposition of new burdens, on account of any remoter objects of fear —even were these to the full as large as fear may paint them—must be felt to be singularly unseason able; still more so, should it appear that the means of defence proposed, supposing an emergency really proved, would not, atter all, suffice to ensure altoge ther the amount of safety desired, and that the extra sacrifice demanded, while too hard on resources over strained already, would still be too light to accom plish the only rational object by which any such ex actions can be justified—the foundation, namely, of a perfect system of the kind we are now taught to be lieve indispensable to the national security. But if the demand for new efforts in the present crisis be more than questionable on these grounds, if we can ill afford to exhaust our substance for the supply-of fresh means of prdection, there can on the other hand be no question of the wisdom of making the fullest use of such mauls as we possess already ; of the folly, indeed, or something worse than folly, of allowing them to be frustrated by the mere indisposition of the state to perform a clear and indisp nsable duty. A speedy and cided set tlement of the railway gauge qutstion is palpably an obligation of this kind, in reference to any system of national military defence—independently of its claims in other respects, from different branches of the business of this country, whose interests demand the removal of every obstacle to a ready communica tion between all parts of the island by those high ways which now convey, wherever they are esta blished, the whole of our passengers and merchandise. la any scheme of national resistance to attacks from without, the importance of being able to trans mit troops and artillery with the utmost despatch from various stations and depots to the menaced point is unquestionable. In the peculiar condition of our military wants, the value of a power of moving the disposable forces backwards and forwards at a mo ment's notice, and with the speed of thought, must be obvious. A small arm; may in this manner be, as it were, multiplied: possessed of this advantage, its efficiency for warlike purposes may become double of that usually ascribed to a body of twice its numerical strength ; and not only this present readiness, but the better condition of the defenders as well, when transported without fatigue from place to place, will enable them to act on arrival with more than the or dinary energy. This great advantage the railway system, wherever it exists unbroken, now offers to the troops of Great Britain, in case of any foreign invasion. This very advantage, however, in all cases where a break of gauge occurs, is pro tango withdrawn : and in place of the uninterrupted despatch—which our cir cumstances must render peculiarly important in any caseby the of resistencerence to an enemy on our own soil—there ia, diffe of gauges, a bar placed at the entrance of every line where a new dimension begins, a dead point in the advance at which the progress of the detachment must be arrested. The process of merely discharging the troops from one set of carriages, and re-rwranging them in another at the first joint station, will usually exceed the whole time that would have been required to forward the body from one end of the journey to another on a series of uniform railways —but when they move with head quarters and baegage —when cavalry forms anyhiart of the force—still more if cannon and ammunition are required to be thus transported, the loss of time must then be far morn serious. and the detention, if the numbers are great, and the distance from extreme point to point is not very considerable, may absorb the whole of the gain from the speed at which the locomotive engine ena bles them to travel while in motion. On this subject, to which attention, one would think, cannot fed to be strongly directed, if our pre sent anxieties are genuine, there was some very ins pedant evidence given to the Gauge Commissioners, in November, 1845, by Sir WILLOVOTIRY GOKOON, Quartermaster-General. This officer, then already long accustomed to despatch troops by ra i l wa y , s p oke with the authority of practical experience on the military disadvantages of being forced to change to another width cf rail at any intermediate point of a route. "It would," he says, "be equira ient in practice to the inronrenience of a ferry—to crossing a rirer in march :" and very sufficient reasons are given in detail fur this opinion, somewhat to the effect of what we have generally stated above. This evidence on the whole will be found to confirm very strongly the view we have given of the in creased military power to be derived from unbroken railway communication, and of the inevitable frustra tion, to a great extent, of this benefit, by any break in its continuity. This testimony just now may be referred to, not only as a record of considerations' which the government overlooked, amongst others of scarcely lees importance, when they shrank from settling the gauge question on an occa.ion highly convenient for disposing of it, but also as an index to the defensive argument which mast now peculiarly strengthen the other claims of this country on the state for a more effectual treatment of a matter that is of growing national consequence. Of the general reasons for desiring a settlement — reasons, we may observe, which principally concern the public at large, and of the special circumstances which make it an appropriate duty of the govern ment to undertake it, we have already spoken on former occasions. What we have now to observe refers to the value of uniformity, in the light of an aid to military resistance. Were there any strong reason for alarm as to the national security, it might be justifiable to make some sacrifice of other objects for the sake of that important end. The case for pur suing it becomes strong indeed, when it is found that not this purpose only, but every other for which the railway system was professedly designed, may be best attained by avoiding discrepancies of standard ; that the social wants, as well as the military demands of the nation, agree in requiring as much uniformity as possible. It is understood that this question, in some form or other, is now before the Commissioners; that is to say, that a decision was referred to them by the House of Lords last year, on which a report extending over the whole of the gauge dispute, as far as its fur ther consequences may be concerned, is by some parties expected. What the value of this expectation may be, we do net undertake to decide. Of the im portance of the questions at issue we have never had a second opinion. One view of the subject has been pretty distinctly stated, both last year, and in the previous one, at a time when the special circumstances ..hat may now give to many minds a new in terest in this topic, were little thought of, and, had we ventured to mention them, would scarcely have excited a moment's attention.t Now the case may be different. Few persons, at all events, will be disposed to deny that if the government be really justified in adding some millions to our ex penditure for the increase of our military resources, it cannot be excused from attempting to promote that uniformity in the railway system which, in the opi nion of the best authorities, is calculated to enhance the efficacy of those we already possess in a far less expensive way, and by means that will promote, in stead of injuring, the peaceful interests of the country. TILE Timed has endowed itself with a singular power, the fruit of its long success and unwearied abuse of it. This power is to invest the object of its hostility with eminence and importance. The Times cannot serve a friend nor save a Mend. It could not make Mr. FERRAND respectable nor Mr. DISRAELI a statesman. But how many a puny and middling character has it swelled to portentous weight by daily abuse? We will not go so far back as COMMIT. But DANIEL O'CONNELL, how immensely was his importance increased by the attacks of the Times f Great as were the powers, and wonderfully favourable as was the cause of O'CONNELL, be would have sunk a hundred times into syncope, even in Ireland, but for the stream of abuse poured upon him from England. This afforded matter and pretext for reply, placed him in the advantageous light of the great foe of the great great target aimed at by the organs of England. It is really doubtful whether O'CONNELL was moat magnified by Irish adoration or by English spite ; for the former was, in a great measure, the more offspring of the latter. We are very sorry to have to say—but we must say it—that did the liberty of the press not exist in England and Ireland, nineteen-twentieths of the international animosity would never have existed. The present animosity and mutual hatred of Celt and Saxon are nothing but press-created sentiments. English journals feed and echo English prejudices. Irish journals trumpet and exaggerate Irish preju dices; and, between them, everything like humane, sensible, and Christian feeling, is utterly lost. The language of tho Times and the tory papers on this side of the channel with respect to the Irish, and of the repeal and tory journals on the other side, is absolutely cannibal. And even in deprecating and denouncing Irish assassination, the Times expounds and diseeminates those hateful senti ments which in the ignorant aro only satisfied by assassination. We speak thus strongly, not from any feeling of newspaper rivalry, but because we perceive with re gret that the Thnes is at this moment raising Father fd'ilaLr. into an importance and eminence which will make him an ecclesiastical O'CONNELL. The continued vituperation of him, the respect paid to his words, the columns of even British journals open to his interminable and empty letters, a tirade of British peers, starting up one after the ther to intermllate and adjure him; all this will snake a Sr. PATRICK of the Archbishop of Tatar, if Saxon apostrophisers do not take care. Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY, Lord SIIREWBEURY, and Lord BEAUMONT, forget altogether that their words reach no Irish audience. except in a shape, or through a reply, which makes the prelate merely the victim of English hatred and animadversion. These protests are indeed curious and honourable. Catholicism in England is that of the 19th century, in Ireland it is that of the 14th. No wonder that British peers should protest against the fraternity ; as little wonder, that Irish priests should not even com prehend the accusation. Catholicism is singularly adaptative. In England, at present, it is spiritualiscd and refined, so that one does nut at all wonder to see Mr. NEW MAN and the Puseyites drop into it. In Ireland it is still the peasant religion of the middle ages, without even the small 'mining of the monks to gild its clay. The Irish priests are the peasants, and sympathise with the peasantry ; nay. must do so, in order to live. The bedizening them with titles cannot change them. Nor can all , the flattery of English statesmen, nor the abuse of English political writers, whether peers or journal ists, alter their feelings,.principles, and position. Such being the case, it would be far better to leave these prelates in the obscurity to which they natu rally belong. By parading eitherconnivance at crime or their exculpation of such conduct before English audiences, disgust nd hatred may be created here, but I nelher amendment nor good result of any kind there. By attacking any Irish penman or spokes man, the press on this side of the Channel do but lift him up to a throne in the opinions of the public on the other side. Now, we really have had enough of an O'CONNELL reign sincerely to deprecate a NPIIALE one. And as none of the O'CONNELL family seem in a position to assume the hereditary crown of Ireland, it might too readily be united with the mitre on the head of the Lion of Tuam. There is but one way of barring Father .11'HaLE's acquirement of this crown, and that is to leave him alone, not to listen to him, or print him, much less answer kim, and give him a peg whereon to hang epistles from St. Jarlath's. When will the press of England learn to give no more immortality and power to the most knavish and foolish of our national foes? Sin ROBERT PEEL'S government determined to suspend transportation to Van Diemen's Land for two years. Lord Jolts ItesseLh's resolved to abolish transportation, as hitherto understood and practised, altogether. The present ministers intimated their in tention to permit criminals who had passed several years in penitentiaries and given evidence of reforma tion, to emigrate as exiles to the colonies. It was a fea ture of the new system that these penitents should be sent to their destinations in ouch a manner that their previous career should not be gene rally known, and that they should be sent indiscri minately to all the colonies. The Australian colonies, however, were mentioned with a frequency that showed them to be uppermost in the thoughts of the speakers. Still it was generally assumed that the luckless Van Diemen's Land, already saturated with convicts, was not immediately to have more inflicted upon it. Lord Jonx RUSSELL and Earl GREY ex pressed themselves most forcibly on the necessity of making their experiment in colonies where the mass of the population was free and uncontaminated. Van Diemen's Land was to have wholesome bleod infused into it. Retaining these facts fresh in our recollection, it is not without deep regret that we see preparations mak ing for the immediate dispatch of some -V i 0 or 300 ticket ofleave men from Bermuda to Van Diemen's Land. Such a step cannot fail to perpetuate the distressing state of society which has now prevailed in that colony for ten years. When Sir GEORGE ARTTIER left Van Diemen's Land, in 1837, life and property were nearly as secure there as in England, the free emigrants were prosperous, and property was steadily rising in value. Since that time transportation to New South Wales has been abolished, and the tide of England's felonry, instead of setting in, as formerly, upon Australia generally, has been directed exclusively towards Van Diemen's Land. The consequence has been the accu mulation in that island of a felon society, almost, if not quite, as numerous as the honest society. the means of superintendence and control over the con victs have been insufficient, and life and property rendered insecure. The free labouring emigrants have in many instances been driven out of employment by the pressure of competition from the ticket-of-leave men. Parents have found it impossible to keep their families aloof from the contaminating contact of English-bred rascals, further degraded and imbruted by a residence at the penal stations. All these com bined influences have made proprietors eager to sell in order to quit the island, while they deterred purchasers. the value of property has be come little better than nominal. Other circum stances doubtless have concurred in creating the pressure experienced in Van Diemen's Land of late years; bat the existence and powerful influence of those we have enumerated is proclaimed alike by casual visitors and permanent residents, by settlers and by government officials. We make every allowance for the pressure under which ministers act. The difficulty of realising their great measure for amending the system of secondary punishments can hardly be overrated. It can hardly be practicable to devise means for dis posing of our redundant convicts, while the depots destined for their ultimate deposit cannot yet be com pleted for their reception. It is natural to say, " send them in the mean time to the only colony to which (with the exception of Bermuda) we are still authorised by the law to send them." In so fares England and the reform of oar Venal law are concerned, no objection can at present be urged to such a pro posal. But what is, for us in the mother country, merely the inevitable postponement of a desirable re form, with a good riddance to counterbalance it, is destruction to Van Diemen's Land. No one knows better than Earl GREY how true is every , word of the description we have given above—how inadequate it is to convey a full sense of the misery of the respectable colonists. The gentleman deputed to represent their case to his lordship does ample justice to the patience and acuteness evinced by Earl GREY in investigating it. And that nobleman's known sense of justice will, we are convinced, induce him to seek out some means of averting this additional visitation from the colony, more especially since he has within this short time received additional petitions from it, praying for (in so far as it is concerned) the 4 immediate and total abolition of transportation. I not M. Gu:zot has laid before the committee of the Chambershia diplomatic correspondence on the affairs of Italy. The friends of M. Guizot are, however, cla morous in their triumph over them, as affording a complete and conclusive answer to all the charges of favouring Austria and the retrograde party in Italy. These document:, (say the Journal des Dade.) are the best answeele all the aliened reports et witch our govern ment hes kale the object, relative to the conduct it has per med beleild the Alps. There is not one phrase, not one word in all these despatches, which does not testify in the highest degree the interest and affectionate solicitude with which our government hos ever encouraged the endeavours of those Italian princes who strive fur the regeneration oft he co untry. On the intelligence of the amnesty granted by us IX. M. Ouizot was eager to be the interpreter of the public sentiments to the illustrious head of Christianity. Mailing in the melt noble language the first act of a reign the me mory of which will never perish, he declared he therein saw the prelude and the pledge of other acts which were to give satisfaction to the public opinion without weakening the authority of sovereign ; ho has never ceased to desire that the Holy See should proceed without delay in the ac complishment of those reforms which had been decided upon. At Florence, as at Rome, as everywhere, the French government decla red it had no intention whatever of interfering with the internal affairs of the Italian states; at the same time M. Ouizot took care to express the most sin cere desire to see the Italian governments accomplish those moderate and practical reforms which the social condition of their people claim, and which tend to give fresh strength to government, by placing it on a larger basis. In every cir cumstance our government has sympathised with the Italian states. At the time of the occupation of Ferrara by the im peria 1 troops M. Guizot lost not one instant in reeve sting the government of Austria the re-establishment of the eau quo, and he has been ever since unremitting to bring about the arrangements which have just taken place. If the states of Rome and Tuscany have ob• trained in France, and that on such favourable conditions, the arms necessary for the national guard, they owe it to the friendship which our government bore them. M. Ouizot was aware that the population of Italy had in some places shown themselves very hostile to the French government. In his: despatch to M. Burgoing, he refers to the fact, but testifies no surprise at it. lie declares the government of his Majlety w ould consider itself culpable if it were t o push Italy on to the fatal brick over which the spirit of faction was about to precipitate her. Be despises the insult' directed at him, but does not caw to protect the cause of the reforms in Italy. After having read these despatches it; is probable the friends of anarchy will be more indignant than ever, but those who bear a real affection to Italy, who desire sincerely the regeneration of that noble country, will acknowledge that M. Ouizot has a right to be counted among those who have contributed, in the most WE cacieus manner, towards the welfare of that country. The committee of the Chamber of I)cputies has heard the explanation of the ministers, whom they had called before them, and have nearly laid the principal bases of their work. We are assured that in consequence of a perfect harmony of opinion between the ministers and the majority of the monbcrs of the committee, it has been decided that in answer to the paragraph on the reform banquets every dangerous appeal to any violent debates of the tribune should be carefully avoided. The committee will meet to name their reporter. It is generally believed these functions will bo entrusted to M. Wet. The King presided at a council of ministers on Wednesday at the 'Tuileries, immediately after which a courier was despatched to Marseilles. The Git:ette de Lyon, of the 4th January, says, that Abd-el-Kader had arrived at that city, and woo at the Hotel de 1' Europe. The other Lyons journals of the same date do not allude to such a fact. , vcd. The Madrid mails of the lst have been receive. The charge against M. Salamanca was laid on the table of Congress on the 31st. The debate was to be commenced the next week. The impeachment was signed by Senores Fidel, Seijas, Tejada, Itios Items, Gonzales Bravo, and Moron. The ministry adopted an attitude of neutrality in this affair. On the 31st a motion was made in Congress that a message should be addressed to her Majesty, suppli cating her to invite the Infanta, her sister, to come to Madrid, and remain at her side while next successor to the crown. This proposal was, as usual, signed by seven deputies. The Minister of Finance brought in a bill to autho rise the government to collect the revenues. Letters from Naples of 29th ult. state that the of Serra Capriole had firmly refused to accept office ex• cept on the condition of being allowed to adopt a re forming policy, which the King obstinately refused, and so the matter stood. A petition for reform from the city of Palermo, with 10,000 signatures, had been sent to the King at Naples, who haughtily refused to receive it. On the news of this arriving at Palermo the population went in tumultuous pro cession to the Monte Pellegrino, and took an oath to take arms and die in defence of their political rights ik tho King persisted in refusing their just demands. These events, which occurred at Palermo on the 23rd, were known at Naples by telegraph on the 26th. Innumerable clandestine publications were circu lated among the soldiers at l'alermo. These were in general indignant protestations against the abuses of the government, and against the continuance of Del Carretto and M. Code in the govern ment. Discontent had been manifested among the troops. The cavalry had mutinied, under the pretext that their bread was of bad quality. The reports we have already wren of the popular movement at Naples on the 25th are confirmed. Government had taken extraordinary measures for military resistance. fhc letters from Italy bring the report of the important meta proiffio of Pius IX., which has been so anxiously expected, the object o which is to re organise the council of ministers. This decree esta blishes nine ministries, and, for the first time, intro duces into the administmtion of the Roman states a proper division of duty. The nine ministers are to meet weekly in a cabinet council, under the presidency of the Secretary of State, who is to be also Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Secretary of State is to be a cardinal, and his under-secretary to be a . prelate. All the other ministries are open to the laity. By this decree the Council of State is invested w ith the right of giving its opinion upon all public questions before the Council of Ministers. This was a point on which considerable uneasiness was felt, and the pre ' sent decision has given general satisfaction. I)ukt MADRID, DEC. 31. Today a most important motion was to be made in Congress—nothing less than that a message should be addressed to her Majesty, supplicating her to invite the Infanta, her sister, to come to Madrid, and remain at her side while next successor to the crown. This proposal is, as usual, signed by seven deputies. of course ultra-moderados. Yesterday, the Minister of Finance read in Congress the project of law for authorising the government to collect the revenue till June, 1843. This step was evidently necessary to keep up that strict adherence to legality in point of form as well as substance, which forms so emphatic a feature in the ministerial programme. For, as their present authorisation by the parliament to raise the taxes expires to clay, and the discussion of the budget may be expected to last some time, unless a new Lill of this kind were immediately passed, the government would be, for a greater or less period, exposed to the charge of ille.:al tax-gathering. But the bill of Bertrand de Lys has , another side, which disposes both sides of the hours to regard it with some apprehension ; and this is, that once paned, it will enable the ministers to dispense forthwith with the legislative assembly, and to prorogue the Curtee at any pe riod, and for as long as they please, till it becomes necessary to appeal to the national representation for a new grant. , The modes ado majority, alarmed at a prospect which nifty emancipate the government from its present dependence upon them, are said to be getting ready their great field piece, the impeachment of Salamanca, which they have kept still in reserve, as a means of embarrassing tae nistry and displaying their power, as well as of punishing the puritan rival of .Nion. It is said that a near day will be fixed for bringing forward this motion. The estimates of receipts for the next year have been laid on the table. Among the sources of revenue presenting a notable augmentation since Mon's budget of 1845 are — tobacco, estimated at. IGO millions of reale, instead of 135, as then; salt, 100 millions, instead of 33; stamps, 21 millions, instead of 17 • lotteries, 70, instead of GO mi l lions; 130 millions, instead of 121. The minister observes that the customs would be susceptible of a much greater expansion with a reformed tariff; but this subject being attended with such serious difficulties for the present, there is no hope of such a reform being carried through the legislature speedily enough to affect this portion of the revenue during 1848. However, the government has iu contemplation a measure for reforming the tariff, which will be brought forward in due time. As Bertrar.d de Lys is so advocate for free trade, the measure in question may be expected to throw open the Spanish ports to foreign trade to a much wider extent than has yet been undertaken by any ministry. Among the b r anches of revenue whose amount has diminished are the excise duty, valued in the present estimates at 160, instead of ISO million. ; the industrial and commercial subsidy at 34 millions, instead of 40 ; the impost upon grandeeships and titulos fallen from near four millions to half a million ; and, lastly, the arrears of suppressed contributions, now valued at 46 millions, instead of 110. The excise diminution is rather in appearance than fact, as it never reached the 130 millions assigned to it in 1845. The same may be said of the indus trial and commercial subsidy. The reduction in the branch of titulos is due to the law of Dec. 1846, which abolish( d the very onerous and complicated duties levied under the name of " lances." The important preamble to the budget of Bertrand de Lys deserves a more patient and impartial analysis than it has received at the hands of the Madrid press. Its most striking feature is the determination expressed by the minis ter to cut down the expenditure of 1840 to a level with the receipts. The estimates of expenses, according to the pre sent system, exceeded 1,500 millions of reale, while the re ceipts could not be calculated at more than 1,250 millions. The reductions made in each ministerial department to cover the deficit of 25.5 millions are as follows Ministry of foreign affairs, 1,018,720 reale ; ministry of grace and justice , 1,340,400 r. ; ministry of war, 68,679,207 r. ; ministry area- Ale, 36,913,156 r. ; ministry of finance, 47.861,800 r. ; minis- I try of theinterior , 16,212846 r. ; ministry of commerce and Instruction, 22,278,665 r. The sum apportioned to the secular 'clergy also suffers a reduction of 18,359,042 r. The passive :classes also come in for their shire in the pruning, an calve nine instead of twelve monthly payments ; by which, however, their condition is considerably improved, as they have never hitherto realised on an average as many as nine. Not being any more than his predecessors able to fulfil the ohligations of the state towards those foreign creditors, whose claims have been 110 long and so shamefully neglected, the present Minister of Finesses, although extremely anxious to bring this question to a satisfactory isso•, is obliged to con ks his efforts for the present to assigning forty millions of reals to be distributed among the unfortunate holders of Spanish bonds, and promising to bring forward a bill during • the present session for the settlement of the debt. The rumours which have prevailed for a day or two past that the " impeachment" in contemplation agates the Puritans will be confined to Salamanca, may be considered an a favourable symptom of the influence of the ministry with the majority, and as a sign, perhaps, that later the metallic will be abandoned altogether. When it is recollected that Salamanca, by ordering the trial on the Alicante smuggling affair to be superseded, caused a loss of 10,0001. to Canja Arguelles, intendente of the province of Madrid, when the fraud was discovered, and of 20,0001. to Mon, miniater of finance at the game time, which sums accrued to those persons as their shares in the property forfeited, it is clear that these two in- Ifuential ultras have weighty personal motives for crushing the ex-Minister of Finance. It is said that some friends of El-puler° intend to demand satisfacion from l'idal for the insulting mode in which he spoke of t the Duke of Victoria in the debate of the 15th. Pole, I believe, ignores duelling, but looks u if he could handle a stout cudgel well. There is a good deal of talk in circulation about the expe dition to the Chafarina isles off the African coast. I have heard, upon doubtful authority however, that 0.-n. Serrano will repair to Certhagena to take the chit f command of the es edition. His friend, Roe de Oiano, now Captain-General, will join him, Yesterday 24,0001., all the money which was in the Caja do Amortization, or fund from which the Three per Cent. dividends are paid, was miming from the chest. The money had been sent a few days before by the Minister of Finance. The party who has walked off with the money has nut been yet discovered, but is supposed to have been one of the clerks. Of course this accident will not prevent the divi dends from being paid. AUSTRIA.—The Gazette de lireslau says Baron Kubeck, minister of finance, in Austria, is indisposed, in consequence of the very lively discussion into which he was to enter at a sitting of the council of state when it wits agitated how means should be found to curer the enormous sums r. quince fur the extraordinary expenst s oc casioned by the Austrian policy in Switzerland and Italy. Baron Minium, ambassador of Wurtemburg, at the Diet of Frankfurt, is now at Vienna. It is said that he has been called thither for the purpose of giving information as to the position which Wurtcmburg will aksumo in the affairs of Switzerland. We may state as a signiflearit fact, that after the Ist of Jan. all the legitimist journals of France are pro hibited at 'Vienna. The Austrian government deeming itself the intimate ally of Louis Philippe, desires to show its disapproval by this interdiction - of the continual serious attacks which the journals make against the dynasty of Orleans. Tho Allgoneine &dung says, Count Arnin has been takrnill at his castle of Boitzenlxiurg, which will pre. vent him taking part in the work of the committee charged with drawing up the project of the penal code, which ism be submitted to the delegates of the state. ANI ERICA.—The packet-chip Yorkshire arrived at Liverpool yesterday morning from New York, which she left on the Pith ult., bringing no later dates than those which have already appears,. She cenve3 specie to the amount of 42,50U1. DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE RESPERT ING THE SWISS CIVIL WAR. The Foreign Minister of France has laid before the two Chambers the ufficial correspondence which has taken place in reference to the civil war in Switzerland. The docu ns, ma are twenty-two in number ; the first being a copy of the Meaty of alliance of " Federal Pact " of the Swim can tons, which was concluded on the lfith August, 1814. We translate the most important of the remaining documents — namely, Nos. 9, 10, and 17 : ss. ovum TO COUNT PLANkIILT. PARIS, OCT. 24, 1846.—/d. de Thom has communicated to me the two despatches addressed to him by Prince Mct ternich, en the subject of the affairs of Switzerland ; one elated 11th of this month, the other elated the 16th. When tha first was written, the events of ti were not yet known et Vienna. This despatch is an answer to the areaunt given by M, de Thom to Prince Metternich of his It rmer conversations with me on the state of Switzerland. M. de hletternich is happy to find my ideas coincide with his, and to see the government of the King disposed to receive his proposal of a concerted action between the great courts to regalate, in common, their conduct and attitude in the crisis in which Switzerlend now tiuds itself. He expresses hope, but doubts if the confederacy will, of its own accord, resume a state of order. He sees the possibility that e eternal intervention may one day become necessary and lawful, but he only admits its pomibility in the case of a civil war prolonged for an indefinite titac, or an oppression exerche.l in Switzerland by a military and violent govern. ment, and provided the intervention was demanded by the confederacy keel,: He also thinks, like me, that no inter vention can be made by one power alone, and that any act of the kind must take place in concert and in virtue of a com mon resolution. He also shows that if intervention becomes necessary, it could have no other object in view tkan the pacification of Switx.rland. and not the personal or ambiti ous views of any of the cabinets. Wnilst he thus explains his views on the general ehnraet.r of the conduct to be fol lowed, Prince Metternich put certain questions to be re- Folved on the occasion of the transfer of the federal direc tory from Zurich to Berne. Where is the Swiss diplomatic corps to reside in Switzerland ? M. Metternich has tempo ra W rily ord, red the Austrian legation to be fixed at Zurich. hat answer shall be made to the installation of the new Vorort at Berne ? Will the simple admission of the recep tion be all that is 'tsunami . ) , to recognise the new state of things, or will it be proper to insert a phrase calculated to produce a certain effect on the public mind in Saitzer land, and which without being textually yet should be morally the same WI to intent in the answer of the several powers? The second despatch is, as I have already told you, subsequent to the events of Geneva. Prince Metternich greatly deplores them, and sees in them the sad accomplishment of what he had foreseen and announced in the communications he had already made to me. He asks first how we can, and whether we shall, re cognise, the new government at Geneva to which this revo lutionary crisis has given rise ? It is next asked, what value can henceforth be attributed to the vote of that canton in the Diet ? Lastly, he earnestly insists on the urgent necessity of concerted action between the great powers, as the only means of deciding the questions and preventing the compli cation. to which the state of Switzerland might lead. I stated to M. de Thom that the government was convinced, both as regarded the interest of Switzerland and that of Europe, et the necessity fur this concerted plan of action, directed by the views and regulated according to the condi tions set forth by Prince Metternich. 1 acknowledge that the question as to what part of Switzerland the diplomatic agents were to reside in after the first of January next, was one which should be attentively considered, and I promised to obtain the King's orders on the subject. I admitted that a phrase analogous to that suggested by M. de Metternich was necessary in the answer we should have to give to the notification of the installation of the new Vorort of Berne. With respect to the government about to be established et Geneva, I have said that we have absolutely nothing to do or to say regarding it. During the create which have recently taken place in Geneva we have found ourselves placed in the same position in which we have already frequently found ourselves when similar events occurred in the canton of Vaud and in other cantons. We shall eventually see what course we ought to have adopted. I have lastly admitted the urgency as well as the necessity of concert being established between the great powers, in order that, on the affairs of Switzer land, they may regulate their position and actions in com mon, and I have declared that the government of the King was prepared to take part in such an arrangement. You will convey these views to the Prince Metter nich, in communicating this despatch to him; and you will make him acquainted with our adhesion to the esta blishment of the union he proposes, and the general views which he points out as needful in forming the base of the line of conduct which the powers should pursue in thus combining.—Accept, &c. M. OUIZOT TO COUNT FLANAULT, AT VIENNA. PARIS, JUNE 2.6, 1847.—M. le Comte,—As you had pre- viously informed me, Count d'Appooy came, on the Nth 's( this month, to read me a document he had received from Prince Metternich on tho affair; of Switzerland. Of the three despatches which compose this document, the most im portant is a summary of the state of affairs in Switzerland, and the views of the cabinet of Vienna on the subject. The recent elections of the canton St. Gall have submitted twelve cantons to the istiuence of the radical party. This party, formerly in a majority in the Diet, will decree the dim solution of the catholic league and the expulsion of the Jesuits. This decree, with an armed force, would be soon accomplished. Even thtiugh the Diet should not consent to it, the free corps would soon enforce it. The fear of civil war is therefore very imminent, and the powers have not a moment to lose to adopt measures to prevent the fearful con sequences. Areordiug to M. de Metternich, there is a way to attain this obj ect ; which is, that the powers should de clare to Switzerland, at a proper time—that is to say, before a decision from the Diet should have tonna the cause of the confederation to that of radicalism, " that they will not suffer the cantonal sovereignty to be violated, nor that the state of peace which Switzerland enjoys at this moment should be troubled by an armed force, on whatever side it may take place." Such a positive declara tion, come to unanimously, could alone be really efficacious. Deputies of the Diet will, in tact, be furnished with instruc tions which will prevent them from refusing these extreme measures, should they even have the wish, " unless a supe rior force should oppose itself to the development of this , plan, and justify the delegates of the cantons, if they pro. ceeded no farther." M. de Metternich is convinced that, if this superior force should appear, the ihet would no longer proceed, and that not twelve votes would be found to sup port a civil war, when Europe had declared that she would not tolerate it. Is it necessary that we should ask England to join in the I policy of the continental courts—and can it be presumed ' that she would do so ? This is a point on which Prince Metternich has not ventured an opinion. As to France, if we should, as he desires, accede to his proposition, the that powers should give directions to their representatives in surer which are either announced or in course of Switzerland to present to the Diet the notes drawn up, by and which, according to these cantor,, era common consent in the form above indicated, at the moment principle of separate cantonal sovereignly whi ch ay when the deliberations on the dissolution of the Sonderbund basis of the federal pact. • Her Majesty's "" and the expulsion of the Jesuits were the order of the day, that the objections made by the Diet to the "b and before the conclusion of the Diet had given to them the the Jesuits in Switzerland may be justiti.el 1r,„,.. 4 seal of apparent legality. lona. In a religious point cf view, th e Jesuits" ' u ""asi. area * • Afier having heard that despatch read, of which Count tuted avowedly to make war again,: or il'Appony refused me a copy, I stated to him that I could what is there, astonishing, therefore, i n not reply to it until I had seen his Majesty and taken his in a small country like Switzerlead, evic t , de orders in council. I made known to him, three days before, thirds of the population is proteetaa, . L ;e . tee the views and intentions of his Majesty's government- This duction of such a body should caus e is the substance of the expla nation into which I entered with tween esthetics and prone-tants, an 1 be lortker u ,e,,,eftiftu4v ene Dim . aversion by the majority of the nation ? Th e jr^ ull e proposition Th proposition of the cabinet of Vienna appears to us to known as a body both exclusive and Mewing ; lead necessarily to an armed intervention. Prince Metter- astonishing that, in Switzerland as in other C041.1 ' ,.. 1 -'164 1 nich believes, it is true, that the declaration of the powers part of the catholic population should ma tilts :4 . 111, 4 °4 would put an end to the Diet, and that matters would end, nance and aversion ? there ; but we have not all the same confidence in the sue, In a political point of view, the Jesuits hate ala s ems of the proposed step; we believe rather that the Diet, known to be favourable to arbitrary p ewee d +1 swayed by the radical party and t he susceptibilities of the the rights of the people. Is it then estouistel g e,,,' 7,, 0 national self. love, would immediately proceed to put its re- dency, in consequence of which they were etoelaT e l • solution in force. The powers would find themselves France, should be considered by the repub li c , of j e - Zalli vocably and immediately drawn, by the at titude the y would as dangerous to the fundamental principles e f t e t - ""nel take, into an armed intervention. We have, ever since the constitution ? u s i tt I month of October last, given warning of the dangers of such Without, then, inquiring whether some of the De ft .. a comm. If the horrors of civil war and of anarchy had took up arms a g ains t the Jesuits had any ulterior weighed with the Swiss ; if a painful experience had is the Majesty's govt rument cannot help I. eieg that ti radical party itself, enlightened some of thole who are at of which the Swiss majority complain are real ; resent alarmed, and rendered more po werful at the same long as these grievances exist, the internal pews time, the moderate party, now discouraged; if the voice land cannot be hoped for. The consequence of ,, of Switzerland had raised itself and addressed the appears to be that the five powers who wish t o ee e,_! , courts of Europe as alone capable of re-establishing tranquillity in that country should endrai u ur s at e "*.t order and peace ; then only could the interference remove the causes of those prievatices. es, of the powers he salutary and efficacious. Such Her Majesty's government believes, then, that ths was the conviction at which we arrived, and by which ment which the five powers should prope to ne the our conduct was regulated, in the month of October. And parties in Switzerland should be the expulsive of t 8 even before I had commissioned you to explain them to Would this expulsion take place in virtue of a decie ra -- ", a. Prince Metternich, he had come to the same conclusions; the five powers would obtain from the I've, or hy aR for in a despatch to me, dated Ilth Oct o ber , he only antici- reign act on the part of the cantons where tee Jere c tinted the prospect of a foreign intervention in the affairs of established ? This question could be answered la r i — s 6 Switzerland "in case of a civil war indefinitely prolonged, necessarily, the society would receive full iud erer e r ,LK or of a serious oppression exercised in that country by a property it 1 ft behind on quitting Switzerland. military and violent government, and provided that such Tele point once settled, an.l the pravical iraury e i intervention was 'elicited by a considerable portion of the the Diet and the majority of the Swiss ease -7 confederation itself." The King's government retains to having disappeared, the Diet couid nave no reason 4 this day the opinion which animated it in October loaf, and jection to declare that it renounced all ietentions d ue t nothing has since happened in Switzerland but what was sion against the seven cantons; awl that it is eiag;', foremen. We cannot therefore adopt the plan suggeste d b y res p ec t and maintain, as it has frequently befit, e m .: M. do Metternich, and which, in our opinion, would infallibly the principle et a separate g ivernment tor the I produce consequences that he would be as sorry to sec cantons—a principle acknowledged by all as the (mk t brought about as ourialvee. But we are disposed to offer of the federal pact. to the Swiss, as sincere and tried friends, counsels and The Diet heaving made this declaration, the sesam e advice relative to the circumstances which we de- would no longer have any pretext fur continuing NZ' plore. It is requisite for them to call to view upon called the Sonderbund ; and upon the legality es what fact , and upon what conditions Europe has gun- of which, 011 reference to the sapulstions of the ha rantced their independence, thei- territorial constitution, and pact, the five powers might not feel them , ave. s,,„„d their neutrality. We by no means intend to contest their an opinion. But when this s e parate union sheuld lune, right to modify their federal pact and to adopt amongst formally di/volved, there would be nu liner am gate themselves end for their own sakes such measprea as they of difference between the minority and msjority de r ; may deem expedient ; but if ss a consequence of these mea- tons. The peace of Switzerland could then be met i e r ; sures, the Swiss—to whom Europe has sanctioned and gar re-established, and the two parties would thee preereju l ranteed their present constitution—bring about a constitu- disbanding of their respective forces. tien altogether different and differently organised, it will be Should the intervention of the five powers on then a, the Swiss themselves who will have perverted their situation be accepted, the two: parties could consent to an and broken the bonds which have united them to Europe. armistice, to continue till the conclusion of tle. ne ' They must not, therefore, be surprised that Europe, coma- But, in consenting to make this propenition to uiseek, dering itself retested from its engagements towards fog parties in Switzerland, hie alijestya goveroacc i them will hold these in no further account than con- loves it necessary to be prepared for the teasel d e , cerns their own respective rights and interests, mediation, either by one or both parties. This language his Majesty's government is disposed liar Majesty's government would dieply regrettlie to bold towards Switzerland with a sincere desire that it will good inteetions of the five powers sboalu be trauma produce a serious impression It thinks that this is as much such a refusal ; but her Majesty's government Mime the duty of a faithful friend as of an interested neighbour. lieve that such a refusal, same it even from bake*. But iii the present state of things it cermet go further. It would authorise either of the rive Iowa:, to ;Mediae hopes that the cabinet of Vienna, after having gravely force of arms, with a view to compel them to submit. weighed these consider:thins, will maintain the line of con- Her Majesty's government bete sew it to be its dive, duct which we have adopted. Should it lie otherwise ;if dare that, in accepting the invitatiou of the kresespe, Austria, and with her Freesia end HU.1.1.1. adopt the propo- ment to juin in the offer of mediation between ths ride 'Rion of the Prince Metternich; and if, in short, on the re- ties in Switzerland, It is well understood thatthe final of the Diet to obey these injunctions, a foreign force that offer, if unhappily it should be refused, shall sa t enters the federal territory, we than experience a regret the considered as a just cause for an armed haematite i t most profound, because of the necessity we shall be under of internal affairs of Switzerland. If the offer Mealtime taking measures, which, although, I cannot at present either eepted, it will be necessary to establish a confirms is foresee or define, will be ouch as will be rendered necessary. posed of a representative of each of the rive As regards England, I believe that it is not only requisite representative of the Diet, and a rcpresentzlive di but of consequence that we should understand each other in Sonderbund. these delicate circumstance.'" and to urge her, as we have The French government at present proposes to tad already done, to examine into the attain of Switzerland, that conference at Baden. On a lemur ectaaeu, is me and to declare her resolutions respecting them. a similar proposition, it indicated London, and her Meer Be pleased, Count, to give Prince Metternich a reading of government believe that, for many real en, Laken this despatch be the most convenient place for the holding of melte ference. But the government of ner :dajeay diens: the functions of this centerence should be confined to settlement of the actual diff_ nees. Her ILjes' rort ment would refuse to join in ary negotiations eetein have for their object the effecting any cheneas in the hi pact. The constitution of the Confederation will preside federal pact with the means of effecaug ant cameesd circumstances may from time to time render necessary; these matters do not appear to her Majesty', ger. nom require the intervention of foreign prem. not probable that such an inarference w Atli 6 amp nor is it probable that the representatives of ice En pop at that conference would have sufficient lotel h ie s agar the wants of the Swiss to enable them to form a me judgment on the questions that might be brought let them. Further, tho presence of representatives of each of cantons is necessary, in a conference Letitia far in ject a revision of the pact ; and the numb. r of pee assembled, as well as the complexity of the subject slims would tend to give to the sittings of that conk ace tion which would be extremely inconvenient to the pn mediating. Such are the views of her Majesty's goeemnratm: important matters which have recently occupied the m tam of the French cabinet. I send you annexed mein a note, which the government of her Majesty is Ist conformably to its views, to address, conjoinby sethtil other powers, to the diet of the Swiss coneeleration t in order to give to the French government a oureethi ledge of the views of the English government as 001 1.1011, I beg to request that you will furnish M. Guises a copy of the present despatch and of the form amain - -nettles it. LORI) PALIMILMITON TO LORD NORMANDY. (Communicated to M. Ouixot on the 18th November.) FOOZION-OFPICZ, Nov. 16, 1847.—MY LORD,—The Duke de Broglie having, recording to the instructions of M. Charm, communicated to her Majesty's government the two documents concerning Swiss affairs, of which I have tent a copy to your excellency in my despatches of the Bth and 12th of November, Numbers 337 said 369 (one of these documents is a despatch of M. Quitot to the Duke de Broglie ; the other, the sketch of a note that the French gov, rnment propose to address to the Swiss diet, from the ministers of each of the five powers) I hog of your excel lency to make, in reply, the following comntanicatiou to M. Gaiiot Your excellency will ray to M. Guisot, that her Majesty's government highly appreciate the ainic..hle disposition to wards Great Britain, and the confidence to In. placed in the conciliating sentiments and pacific views of the government of the king, which are manifested in the proposition con tained in the despatch addr, est d by M. Guizot to the Duke de Broglie, dated the 4th instant, a propo-ition tending to the effect that the British government should join its efforts to those of the governments of France, Austria, Russia, and Prwiaia, in order to stop, by an offer us mediation, the civil war, whi. h had broken out between the Swiss cantons which support the diet, and the seven cantons which com pose the Sonderbund. You will ...ere M. Cluie it that the French government has but rendered justice to the government of Great Britain in supposing that an overture of this kind would be cordially received by the government in London. Her Majesty's go vernment, animated by a desire the most sincere to contri bute upon every occasion, and by all convenient means in its power, is the maintenance of the peace of Europe, cannot but see with much regret and annoyance the commencement of civil war in the heart of a country to which the powerful allies united at the congress of Vienna had hoped, in pro curing it the advantage of a perpetual neutrality, to eecure for ever the uninterrupted enjoyment of the benefits of peace. The British government will associate itself with the four powers in tasking amicable and conciliatory proposals, and will esteem itself truly happy if Great Sefton can thus, in concert with its allies, contribute to save the Swiss nation from the evils of a civil straggle. Her Majesty's government are, however, of opinion, that for a collective demand of this kind to have a practical re sult, it will be necessary for the live powers to come to an open understanding on the nature of the proposition they should make ; on the steps to follow in case that proposition should be rejected ; and on what they ought to do , in case it be received. I would therefore beg your Excellency to convey to M. Guisot the views of her Majesty's government on these three points. And, first, her Majesty's government would observe that in deploring very acutely that the formation of the Solider bend has raised between the majority and the minority of the cantons, questions which have given rise to actual con flict, it cannot entertain the idea that the formation of the Sonderbond, the appeal which has been made t t foreign powers by the seven cantons which compose it, and the civil war which has broken out, can authorise European powers to consider the Swiss confederation as dissolved, and to de clare themselves freed from their engagements towards this confederation. There is nothing, 'either in the federal compact, or in the treaty of 'Vienna, nor in the declaration of the eight powers, dated 20th March, 1815—or in the adhesion of Switzerland, dated 20:h March, 1815—or in the adhesion of Switzerland, dated 25th May, 1815—which indicates that an armed struggle between the cantons, will be conside red by itself as putting an end to the confederation ; or from which it can be inferred that the refusal of a certain num ber of cantons to conform themselves to the decision of the Diet upon a point relative to the interior affairs of Switzer laud would deprive the Diet of that character with which she is invested by the federal compact, that of being the official organ of the confederation in her connexions with APPENDIX TO NO. XVII. Form of a note to be presented by the Charm', d'Affire her Britannic Majesty at Berne to the Prendent Diet and the official organ of the Sonderbund. The undersi,:ned, charge d'affaires, ha rim orders from his government to make the fohowing eon nication to the President of the Dict and the ,linistersfl of the Sonderbund: The British government, animated by the livellitten see all parts of Europe enjoy toe benefits of priming by the most friendly feelings towards Switzert.al, nit to the engagements of Great Britein, as one of theta powers of the treaty of Vienna of 1815, controcted sir of the Swiss Confederation, has seen with the most ptsk regret the commencement of a civil war between ge tons composing this Confederation. Desiring to efforts to do sway with the eau,. s of t differences, it has allied itself with the gorrnmen Austria, France, Prussia, sod Russia, and finding : governments animated by the same sentiments and me it has resolved, in concert with its allies, to make a elle offer of the mediation of the Hoe powers, with a titer establish peace and concord between the cantons coats the Snits Confederation. The undersigned is, it sr quence, charged to offer the mediation of Great Het and, conjointly with that of the other powers, to des: object. If, as the British government hopes, this offer stag an immediate cessation of hostilities will take li:um bets the belligerent parties, and continue till the omit" the negotiations. In this cam it will be further necessary to immediate! point a conference, composed of a representative at thel and one from the Sonderbund. This conference would' in London. The bunt on which it is proposed to elint reconciliation between the Diet and the Sanderhund al in making the grievances of eaCa party dirappesr. grievances appear to be, on the one part, the eatahli 4 s of the Jesuits in Switzerland, and the formation of Thee rate league of the Sonderbund : and on the other, dais aggression on the part of the free corp., and the disign buted to the Diet, of destroying and of violating the aP sovereignty of the different cantons. The following, then, are the conditions proposedlif British government for the re-establishment of peace ar zerland Firstly. The Jesuits are to retire from the Uniting confederation, receiving a just and suitkient indeinc all the land and houses that they will h ,ac to a4a1,40a. Secondly. The Diet is to renounce ail hostile Intel: towards the seven cantons, and secure them fromsayect con on the part of the free corps ; it is tot...ulna, in . the declarations it has often made of its dettraundipi t apect the principle of the sovereignty of the a ntiderstil tons, which forms the basis of the federal pact. Thirdly. The seven cantons of the Sonderbund solve formally and really their separate league. Fourthly and lastly. The two parties shell &thud respective forces, and re-assume their ordinary aid P attitude. The undersigned is charged to empress the • hope of the British government that this 'gettable F sition will be readily acquiesced in by the two k r ent parties. Re is also charged to sot a prompts both from the Diet and the Sonderbund. foreign powers. As for the engagements entered into towards Switzerland by the eight powers, whose mums are appended to the treaty ut Vienna, the most important of these engagements is that which is specified in the declaration of tin 20th of March, 1815, namely : That the eight powers guarantee to Switzerland in its new limits (those which were established I, by the treaty of Vienna) a perpetual neutrality, in consider-I aeon of the acceptance by Switzerland of the stipulations contained in that declaration, ant the principal motive for which, as it. in expressed in that declaration, the advantages of neutrality, and perpetual independence ought to be gua ranteed to Switzerland was the " general interest"—abich naturally signifies the general interest of Europe. Her Majesty's government, entirely agreeing with the powers that contracted this engagement, believes that it is ' for the general interest .of Europe, and that it i m ports much to the ;maintenance of peace in Europe, that the territories which constitute the Swiss Confederation, and the population which inhabit' these territories, should enjoy the happy privilege of a per- petual neutrality. It appears to it, that there should be a ' particular combination of events, a combination such as has not as yet presented itself—to give to the European powers' the right to declare themselves freed from their engagements towards Switzerland, or to show that it was the interest of these powers to make a like declaration. But it is not necessary to consider the confederation as dis solved, and the neutrality as having ceased to exist, in order that the five powers should believe themselves authorised to make an offer of mediation, with the object of smoothing, by means of some amicable arrangement, the differ ences which actually distract the cantons. Such a step may be sufficiently justified by the general de-, sire for the peace of Europe, which severally inspires the five great powers. But, if the five great powers were to make a simple offer of mediation,without previously comingto an understanding upon the conditions of an equitable arrange ment between the contending parties, they might, in case the offer was accepted, sco the good effects of their media tion delayed, by the necessity of having preliminary com munications amongst each other. Her sty's govern ment thinks it necessary, therefore, to make known its pre sent opinions on the matter to the French government. The object proposed being to arrange a difference, the first thing to be done seems to be to state precisely what are the points of contention. And it appears to her Majesty's government, that the points upon whick the Diet and the Sonderbund are at present divided are, on the one hand the establishment of the Jesuits in Switzerland and the separate union of the seven cantons which have formed the Sonderbund, and, on the other, the measures of the Diet in respect to the seven cantons, mese FUNERAL OF MADAME ADELAIDI 1 A correspondent of Gaieynani, ngDress' 1 ss, nesday afternoon, gives the following account of the. quit.s of the late Princess Adelaide : "At half-past ten o'clock every preparation was wri Oren: for the reception of the pror,e4,ioa. Ily that tia tachmenta of the national guards, and cf a regitamtr fantry, together with a squadron of cuirarsiers, , headed by their hand, took up thcir station at the ev. limit of the town by which the prose--i,..ii was to eater troops were presently joined by the wilitary and citil rities of the department in uniform, by the juder,„ ... .ta and advocates of the Tribunal of Demi. their several eminent official persons, and by . many el principal inhabitants of the town aL-t Sk , after, a numerous bedy of the clagy, clothed in se* and bearing wax tapers to which Were attached shields in black velvet with the initial' A. ole .' of gold, went in procession from the royal midair", ponied by a large train of singing boys and choristers. &meal procession was wound up by three Li:elites it , episcopal robes and mitres. " On both sides of the streets tluough which the had to pass crowds of people were assembled f ro m 0 • hour, and all appeared to feel deep regret at the erre which has befallen the royal family and th e nation. better clams, both male and female, were all clothed is mourning, and even the poor country folk wets .P . V