The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-17 00:00:00

16, THE EXPRESS THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 17. 1818. •••• enameller (Lyndhurst),and pared into a law, had rendered the present measure unnecessary, inasmuch se that act had relieved the Jesuits and regulars from the penalties specially imposed upon them under the Roman Catholic Relief Bill ; but he must take upon himself to point out, that although Lord Lyndhurst's act did repeal the special penalties ;im posed on Jesuits and regulars they were still liable to the penalties imposed upon them by the common law, and it was therefore for that reason the present measure was in order to complete and to carry into full effect Ler e g e r:l2- hunt's bill. The act known by the title of the " Religious Opinions Act," only relieved those who gave publicity to bulls and reciita issued by the Pope from the penalty im posed by the act 13 of Elizabeth — namely, of irk tress= ; ell the other penalties imposed upon the publication of papal bulls or reseripm within the realm were continued in lull force, so that the Archbishop of Armagh, who lately received from Rome and published to his clergy the papal rescript respecting denunciations from the altar, was liable to the penalties imposed by the common law ; and it was to relieve that ecclesiastical dignitary, and others similarly placed, from such penalties that the measure which he had brought forward was necessary. The hon. member concluded by urging the house not to retrograde in the pith of justice and liberality towards the Roman catho lic', but to agree to the measure which he proposed. Mr. NEWDEGATE urged that if the measure before the house was of the importance ascribed to it by the hon. mem ber who had just eat down, no private member ought to be entrusted with its conduct. The government was the proper authority for bringing forward such en act. But the recent conduct of the Roman catholic clergy in Ireland and elsewhere hardly rendered the measure opportune. The Archbishop of Team bad justified the denunciations of his clergy by Inserting their independence of temporal power. Was not the conduct of the regular clergy also throughout Europe to be taken into account in consieering this mea sure ? Had it nut been proved, and generally admitted, that the Jesuits bad been the sole cause of the recent troubles in Switzerland? (Hear, hear.) Besides, the present conduct of the government was calculated to create uneasiness. They had been repeatedly questioned as to what Lord Mime was doing at the court of )tome. (Heir, hear.) The first question was put by the bon. baronet the member for Oxtord Unieersity, and the anew.' of the noble lord the member for Tiverton was, that Lord Minter had no diplomatic mis sion, and that nothing would be done in contravention of tho law. Now the answer was given on the 10th December, but what had been hie (Mr. le ewdegaten) surprise to see from the published despatches that Lord Minto had been *acre:sing diplomatic functions at Rome two months previous to that dote? (Hear, hear.) The hon. member was pro coeding to allude to the affairs of Sardinia, when Sir O. GREY, interrupting him, said that what hie noble friend had disclaimed for Lord Minto was—accredited rela tiers with Rome. His lordship was accredited to other Italian powers, but not to Rome. (Hear, hear.) Mr. NE WDEGATE proceeded (amid much noise and bee of conversation) to quote the despatches interchanged between the Foreign offiee and Lord Miuto, and called the particular attention of the house to that portion in which Lord Minto was instructed d when in Rome" to use his influence with the supreme pontiff to recall the Jesuits from Switzerland. He said he quoted these passages to show that at the time the noble lord the Secretary for For ign Affairs was disclaiming diplomatic IMS4IOILS to ltome, Lord Pirate was actually receiving his instructions as to negotiations to be carried on with the papal court. (Hear.) Ile thought that such double dealing was anything but fair dealing with the house Cr the roun'ry . (Opposition cheers.) The o nble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had on the 22nd of October instructed Lord Minter to proceed to Rome and negotiate, and on the 10th of December following he had denied all action or intention of the kind. Ohl he was roused to see such proceedings carried on. (Laughter.) First, to see a private member introducing a bill which was to crnoe a vast constitutional change, and next to see a government tam pering with constitutional principles. (Hear, hear.) lie objected te the bill before the house's giving further aggres sive powers Os a church which was in its constitution and essence IlliiaTC , SiTC. A church which regarded the Eighth church and constitution as founded in error—which regarded the title by which the crown was held an error—was not a power to have its hands so strengthened. Ile (Mr. Newde gate) would stand by his queen and stand by tho error. (Hear, and laughter.) Having reed extracts from various docurnecui, illustrative of the misconduct of the Jesuits and ultramontane party in Switzerland, the hon. member called &Mot on to the important tact that the partiva who had expelled the Jesuits from Switzerland were not pro testants o dy. In various cantons the Roman catholic/ bad j inel actively in their expulsion. Leek again at Italy. In Genoa the young men had bound themselves by an oath never to marry a woman who had a Jesuit for a con fessor, or whose parents heel conmunicatiene with mem bers ef th it body. But it was the same ever) where. From 15:35 to 1770 they had been expelled from different states of Europe 37 times. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member here alluded to the recent correspondence between Lord Arundel and Archbishop Wllale, commenting in strong terms on the tone adopted by the letter, and concluded by expressing his intention to oppose the further progress of the bill. St C. GREY said that having addressed tee house at tem: th on this quistien dureas a former fitting, he should not have risen on the present occasion had it nut been for some ob. rvations of the hon. member who had just sat down. Tee main argument which the hon. member had urged against the settlement of the question was, that be. cause Arclibisbcp M'Hale had used intemperate Mneusge in addressiim a noble lord, therefore the House of Commons should refuse to pass this bill. (Hear, hear.) If that argu ment were good on one side, why not urge the language of Lords Shrewsbury and Arundel. which hod been so universally approved of, on the other? (Hear.) But he (Sir 0. Grey) did not think either document legitimate ground of argument in this case. The mere ephemeral productions of the day should not iiilluence parliament in deciding questions of this kind. (Hear, hear.) But the bon. member had also' . alluded to other matters which appeared to have equally little to do with the matter under discussion ; namely, the despatches which his noble friend the Secretary for Fureiga Afters had laid before the house relative to the affairs of Switz ilind. He (Sir G. Grey) hail not clearly understood •he hon. member's argument, but it seemed to ray that this till shculd nut be introduced because the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had made a statement to the house inconsistent with papers he had laid on the table. The lion. mentor complained that his noble friend had withhold from the house the nature of Lord Minto's inatructions ; and, to prove his assertion, what had he done ? He had read the letters of instruction to Lord Minto, as also that nehletnan's statement of his communications with the Swiss Diet and the Italian powers, all of which lie got from the papers which the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had laid on the table. (Hear. hear.) Did the hon. member mean to contend that the fact of a member of the government, or other British subject. having held coraunedeations with the Cardinal Secretary of State was pr'osf that he had been regularly accredited to Rome ? e Hest, hear.) Lard Minto emcee from Turin that an am bersador from Rome having arrived there, he had lad much conversation with him, express i ng Ifs hope that the court of Reene would use its good offices in the affairs of Switzer land; and the government at home cordially approved of his Calla net. He did not uudertarid the bon. member to object to the principle on which these cemmunicetions had been based, namely, the promotion of peace and reel understand ing among mankind. (Hear, hear.) Lord Mitt() alsospoke of conversations which he had had with the Cardinal Seers- tory of State, and the hon. member alleged them to have been in contravention of the law forbidding diplomatic com munications with Rome. Did the hon. member mean to contend that Lord Minto was not to hold conversation with the Cardinal Secretary, or other Roman functionary, if he thought such conversation wculd promote the peace of Eu rep- ? (Hear, hear ) The bon. member alm complained that his rola, friend the Secretary for Foreign Ateurs hsd deceived the house by keeping this matter 'erect • and to prove his assertion, he read the despatches of his noble friend, minuniv detailieg ell that had occurred. (Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE said that his assertion was, that the noble See:curry for Foreign Affairs had in December stated that ro instructions had been given to Lord Minto to act in m'ane's whereas the despatches proved such instructions to have been sent in the previous °etcher. (Hear, hear.) S!r G. GREY did not remember the precise words which his toles friend lad need in reply to the hon. gentlemen the raetabt r fur Oxford University, but he hal understood his nob:: friend to say that Lard Minto was net " accredited" to Rouse. It war no use quibbling about the word " inetrue. titers ;" his noble friend's meaning was, that Lord Minto was net furnished with diplomatic credentials te the court of It one. (Hear, hear.) He repeated that the evidence on when' the hon. member founded his charge of deceiving the house contradicted itself ; for if his notes friend had had any intention of the kind, he had deprived himself of all power by :eying on the table despatches which detailed the whole circumstances. (Hear.) He did not think the house was likely to center in censuring the government for having used all tensilee endeavours to prevent war and to promote good understanding between the different stees of the continent. lie -would only say, that if the hon. member bad been in °fere (luring the last twenty years, he enfold not have been so se esitive on this print. Ile would have found that friendly communications of teis kind were abeolute:y necovary. What Lord Minter had done had been done twenty tittles lefore by persons visiting Rome. Sash cor.duct was no in hinge ment of the law, and he believed that the cenduct of his LAI.. friend would be found to have been equally free from reproach. (Hear, hear.) Cc,!. CONOLLY was as anxious as any man to remove legal disalelities from his Roman catholic fellow-suejects, hut he we all not willingly remove those securities which had formed part of the measure of emancipation. He did not object to tee repeal of obsolete statutes, but as the securities to which he had alluded must go along with them, he should feel bound to mooed his vote against the present bill. Mr. GLADSTONE was of opinion that, without Teter enee to sal.:it had been advance ,. as to the *preemie° merit of the R- ,'nn catholic church, it it were shown that there were p urities still upon the statute-beok es pressing upon our cetenlic fellow. subjects on account et their religion, the house nns bound to go into committee on the bill. (Ilia, hear_) The house was in this difficulty as to the legal ele ments of H a nde d stion. Two distinet and opposite views had been prop as to the first pert of the bill—both by legal euthority—and he hoped the hon. and learned Atter ney-Generel would, before the close of the debate, give the hews the benefit or his opinion on tee point. The hon. an learned member for Midhuret and the hon. and learnedl member for Cambridge University had contended that the atrittite of Elizabeth, and other aecient statutes by which penalties were implied, bad been repealed, but tee mover of the bill, who was also a lewyer , demurred to that view, and hel, that tl.nl. the spicificenalties imposed by the art o f Elizabeth a g s applicable t o any in fringement of the doctrine of the Toed sopremacy were re pealed, ;be prohibitions of that net still remained intact, and were punishable under the common law by fine and impri sownene, -as-violations of the letter of an act of parliament. If Lord Lredhurstes act whi:e it repealed certain penalties left others remaining, they were lemild. ea the absence of any reason to the control, to neolish those also. Then, with regard to the admission of bulls au matters of discipline relating to the Roman catholic retie", o w t hieh at p e rgen ta t to it of arp t e h ar e e l Lwas ibon atr re al m o t tan . offence he e ai d * Th in tervention think oa th Pope had been on various occasions encouraged, if not solicited, by the British government, in reference to 'reload. He did not know whether these interventions is Irish affairs were termed bulls or not, but it did not appear to him right, when we called in the aid of the Pope to the assistance of our internal government, that these penalties should remain. With regard to the exclusion of religious orders, th wie onto th those of proving that such exclusion wa s necessary was who would exclude them. Whether the act of 1829 was a com t gact or not ie which thou exclusions were taken, as one of e s deities of the protestant church, they were bound to show, while insisting on the maintenance of a security which inflicted a burden and a grievance on shy portion of ' our fellow subjects, that it was of real value. lie heard not cne word an showing Cott any danger would result from the ' admiulou of any of the various Roman catholic religious bodies except the Jesuits ; and supposing all was true that had been advanced against them, was it anLrouon why we should inflict a religious stigma on the Franciscans, the Dominicans, and the Benedictines, because one order held opinions not consistent with the civil and religions policy of this country ? The hon. and learned member for Cambridge had charged hint with drawing an invidious distinction be tween the Jesuits and other religious orders in communion with the Roman catholic church. That distinction was not drawn by him (Mr. Gladstone), but by the history of the order during the last three centuries. But whether they might think fit to make any distinction as between the Jesuits and the other orders or not, it was sail: ient for him to stand, in his support of this bill, on the proposition that the burden of proof lay with those who contended (or retaining on the statute book provisions for deluding all there religious orders, and that nu prima facie case hod been shown, either in the present or the former debate, ex cept as against the Jesuits ; neither had any connexion been shown to exist between the infliction of the stigma on those other religious orders and the security of the established church, or any other of the national establishments of this country. There was another point to which reference had been made, and one which excited much interest—viz.,. the reported intention of the Pope to erect an archbishopric in Engiend, for the first time since the reformation. The hon. uiciatier fur Voughal had stated that the reports circulated on that subject were premature : that the question had been uudcr consideration, but that it was en compassed by so many difficulties that up to this time no decision bad been come to by Romo in reference to it. Ho (Mr. Gladeoone) had heard that intimation with great satisfaction, and he hoped the matter would undergo much muse consideration before the adoption of such a course. It was not enough to say that the Pope appointed an Arch bishop of Westminster in the same way as the Wesleyan body appointed superintendents of circuits, it being well understood that it was not assrted by that act that an obli gation rested upon all persons residing within the circuit to conform to Wesleyan principles. But with regard to the appointment of an archbishop by the papal authority, he held it to be an assertion on the part of Rome of an obligation on all persons within the diocese I to pay spiritual obedience to the person appointed, and con sequently to pay spiritual obedience to the see and the church of genie. 1 his would ba to establieh an improper and Lin. natural relation between the Pops as a temporal sovereign and the British government, and throw difficulties in the way of any attempt to establish diplomatic relations between Rome and this country. It had been urged that the change of the character of the pennies appointed vicars apostolic to diocesans would be useful, as iuveeung them with a more permanent position. There was, however, no necessity on that account for establishing a popish urchhishomic—for it would be easy for the P 44 to establish bishoprics which should be permanent in theta character, and which should not advance, or armeer to advance, any claims to territorialjuris diction. The 24th chew of the act of 1829 had reference to the assumption of the title of bishop of English sees by Roman catholic prelates ; end not only of existing sees, but it was provided that the assumption of the title of bishop of any filet. Oa then constituted into a see, but whiedi might here after be formed, should coirstitute • penal offence. Suppose a Roman catholic arahhishap of Westminster appointed the party appointed might he brought into a painful collision with the law, should her Majesty hereafter constitute West minster a see, as his retention of the title would then be a penal offence under the act of George IV. He was aware that in Ireland certain Roman catholie prelates bad assumed and borne the title of bishop of sees which were also protestant bishoprics, without any legal notice being taken. But the row of Ireland was not • pantile, one to that of England. In Iceland the Roman catholic religion eves that of the majority of the population, and divers Raman catholic bishops had been appointed since the reign of Etc ibet'a who had claimed the accession to the titles of the ancient bete of that country. But that was a very didi rent thing to the setting up of a new claim in Rug land, where Roman cathoTicisin was the religion of but a fractional part of the population, and where consequently it had been declared that the title of bishop should belong only to the prelates of the rational church. Ile had thought it right to point out no far the connexion between this ques tion and that before the house. With regard to the measure under cousideration, he hoped hon. gentle men would seri ously ask themselves cot whether or net the church of Rome was an agerciiiive church, or whether on general grounds there were reasons for vigilance in respect to her position and her claim , : hut whether in the law as it stood, the re was a cam which in equity might be made a case of grievance, and which, in the minds of our Rnman catholic tallow subjects, might appear to inflict something like dis grace upon them, and if so that they would not allow themselves to be diverted by considerations .hich, however important in themselves, were irrelevant to that question, from doing that justice to their fellow citizens, which it was as much their interest as their duty to concede. (Hear.) The Marquis of GRAN BY considered that unless some great practical grievance could be shown it would be meet unwise to re-open the settlement of 1820. It had been mid that there was one case of practical grievance at least— viz., that there was a convent in Leicestershire, the persons residing in which were liable to be transported under the existing laws. Such wxs not the case, bemuse if the partite registered themselves under the provisions of the law they would be protected, and so long as they remained peaceful and loyal subjects of the sovereign they would not be die turbed. (Cheers.) He was surprised that it should be pro. posed to permit a body like the Jesuits to establish them selves in thin country without registration. Moat of the catholic countries of Europe had been compelled to expel the Jesuits, and in hie opinion it would be most unwise for a protestant country like this to admit that body to settle among us or to remove those safegusrds which had been considered necessary for the protection of our protestant in stitutions. He did not wish t, say one word which might lie considered offensive to h:s Roman catholic fellow country men, but he felt it to be the duty of the house, while ad mitting the fullest principles of toleration, to prevent the spread of a religion which Le believed to be hostile to the liberties and institutions of the country. Mr. SHELL, who was most indistinctly heard, was under stood to say that he was ready to admit to those who, like the hon. member for Oxford, had, with bland intolerance, resisted the bill of 1829, and looked upon the measure as a compact in which concession to the esthetics was accompa nied by certain securities to protestantism, that the 'deft_ and the concessions must go together. (Hear, hear.) If they could show him that any clause of that bill contained a real, a banes fide, a valuable safeguard, he would concede the point ; hut if it should appear that, in the bill of 1829, there were clauses galling to the catholics and of no use to the protestants, then i.e called upon the house to re move that grievance. (Hear, hear.) That there were such clauses he would show. The clause against religious orders wss galling to the catholic' and usel ss as a safeguard to protestantism. Those orders were part and parcel of the church of Rome—they were a portion of the great edifice of catholicism. The prohibition of these orders was galling to catholics. And of what use was it to protestantism to be enabled by act cf parliament t o trans p ort Father Mathew to New South Wales? (Cheers, and laugh ter.) When catholic emancipation was carried, every mem ber of a religious order. which then existed, who registered his name was protected against all penalties, but every pee l/011Mb° since 1829 had become a Jesuit was subject to trans portation. (Hear.) Wee th it law of any use to the protes tants ? (Cheers.) In fact, the laws on this subject were so severe and intolerant. that they contained within themselves the principles of sell-prostration, and had not been carried into effect. (Hear, hear.) The coun try at this time was full of Jesuits. (Cheers from the protestant party). Ile could defend the Jesuits. He could show them that as respected this body they were acting upon prejudice rather than reason—he could show them the Jesuits, in various instances, as standing forth the benefac • tors of the human race ; and he might ask whether the Je suit father in the wilderness, lifting up his cross—his only 'earthly passeinsion—to the eyes of the red *men cf South America, did not present at latest as worthy a spectacle as the New Zealand mai nary of protestantism, who, with his duties of conversion, combined the appropriation of large territorial posse ssiuns (Cheer.) But that was not hie case. He wished to show that these petrel enactments were useless to protestants, while they were galling to caileelies. There was a vast Jesuit college :it the north of England—at Stony hunt—there was another et Cunzreves, the members of which were liable to tniaepertation for not registering their names. Who would institute a prosecution against them ? There was in this town a superior of Jesuits—Father Lythgoe—he was also amenable to the penalties of transport ahem. Suppose his hon. friend the member for Ooeord University were to institute o prosecution against him, what would be the result ? Ile (Mr. Sheil) would go down to the Queen's Bench to observe the smile of derision which would Do playing over the features of the Jesuit during the speech of his hon. friend. (lle ar, hear.) The hon. member for the county of Lirneriak had given notice of a motion in the committee fur the repeal of the clause excluding catholic' from the chaecellochip of Ireland. He should be able to dc;honetrate that there were good grounds far the success of that motion. When catholic emancipation was carried, the hon. member for Tatnwoith (Sir R. Peel), was under the impression that there was some ecclesiastical patronage connected with the office and on that ground he inserted the clause excluding catholics from holding it. Such was not, however, the cue, and, conse quently, the exclusion of catholic' from that office was a geievons wrong, and shut out mane of the m o st eminent' . men of the Irish bar. Sir Michael O'Leghlen, a man of un )ilosibted le arning and high standing, was excluded solely o this ground. And the evil wes now becoming aggravatedn ; for 'the Roman catholic members of the Irish bar were now augmenting in number , to as enormous degree. In the last' term, out of 12 men called, nine were Roman catholic. By maintaining these penalties, as against Roman catholic], we gained no advantage, but were merely insisting that though the iron was removed the mark of the chain should remain. (Hear, bear.) Mr. HENLEY °pleased the bill, the avowed object 'of which was to introduce and legalise the several religious orders of Roman cattle:lei= in this protestant country. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY held that Jesuits, and Genre other order essetioeed. In the shoran of Home.' had a right to In In this country. It we. said that their existence was dangerous to protestantinn, and, eseording to the right hon. gentleman the member for the university of Oxford, to civil obedience. Upon the subject of their civil obedience be Gould refer that right hon. gentleman to the =of Catharine of numbs, Frederick of Prussia, and Of Navarre ; and as to what they had dons for litera ture be could refer him to the opinion of Dr. Southey, as ex pemetel in a letter to Wm. Taylor, of Norwich, in which he " Hating popery aa I do, ex intiono cords, I am yet • post admirer of the Jesuit's; there Is no body of men to whom literature has been No much beholden; in fact, all the monastic orders have in this respect done their duty. The Meet hue and beggarly of them have done more as • body ibis any or all of our universities." (Laughter.) Infidelity was "reading through the nation; the church of England and all the dissent that existed were insufficient to check it, and why refuse the aid of a body of man so distioguished for piety and kerning as the Jesuit' ? Amongst the ath' iatical publications announced for sale in the Northern Slur, he found " The Infidel's Text-Book," " Discussions on the Authenticity of the Bible," " Discussions on the Existence of God," Vulney's works, Tom Paine's works, " The New Ben Home, or Christianity proved to be Idolatrous," " So , cialism made Easy "—(laughter)--" The Life of Robes pierre," and a book called' The Three Impostors, or Moses, Mahomed, and Christ" If they did not let the church have its freedom, religion, jostle., and honour, wool I By from the country. Sir J. PAKINGTON was perfectly willing to repeal those obsolete penal enactments which were galling to the Roman catholic' without serving the protestant.; but he would not support a measure which repealed the secu rities given by the Relief Bill of 1829 ; and seeing that this was the same bill as that brought in by Mr. Watson, he was driven to the conclusion that the object was not to get rid of the obsolete statutes, but of the securities of '29. He mint, therefore, vote for the amendment. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL hsving been appealed to on the subject, begged to say, without going through the various statutes named in the bill, for which there was not now time (it being past live o'clock), that the hon. member for Midhurst, in saying that those statutes bad already been repealed, was in error. The 13th Elizabeth, chap. 2, contained provisions now existing as law, which, if fit to be repealed, could only be repealed by an act of parliament. To those who objected to all concessions, that WA of thee.corse no ' answer (a laugh) ; but to those who only opposed eond part of the bill, on the ground of the settlement of 1829 be ing final, it did in his opinion form a good reason for going into committee on the bill. The house divided—For the motion For the amendment The bill was then committed pro forma, and ordered to be recommitted that day three weeks. WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE ELECTION. Mr. GRANGER brought up the report of the committee appointed to try the merits of this election. The committee reported that Mr. G. Berkeley had been duly elected. SELECT COMMITTEE ON SHIPWRECKS. On the motion of Mr. Hume, the select committee on shipwrecks was nominated as follows: Mr. Ilume, Capt. Berkeley, Mr. Gibson, Admiral Bowles, Sir T. Birch, Viset. Ing. are, Mr. M'Grcgor, Mr. R. l'a'mer, Mr. Fester, Mr. Fitzroy, Mr. Flaherty, Mr. Fruit, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Rubin son, and Mr. Sheridan. The house adjourned at a quarter to six o'clock. ELECTION COMMITTEES. WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE.—Mr. Serjt. Kinglake summed up the petitioners cas,., recapitulating the evidence which had been given r.spectingMr. Berkeley's qualification, and contended that as that gentleman had been proved to he in possession of only 202/. annual income ho was not pro vided with the necessary qualification for a knight of the shire.—After hearing Mr. Crowder for the sitting menther the committee ordered the room to be cleared, aid after a short deliberation decided that the petitioners case had not been sustained, and that Mr. Grandes , Berkeley had been duly elected. GREAT MAntow.—Further evidence was heard in support of the ch..rge of bribery. KINSALE.—This committee sat for the first time yesterday. Mr. IlLiurerie in the chair.—Mr. Serjt. Wr Ing ham opened the case of the petitioner. Mr. Watson, Q.C., whicL rested on two grounds—first, that the majority of the sitting member, Mr. Ouinnen, had been obtainial by corrupt pructie. a ; and second, that it was only a colourable one. The learned e tunnel alleged that 4,0001. had been spent by the sitting member in the liquidation of rates and dehu. Tr. sting on a large scale was also alleged. Formal proofs were put in, and the committee adjourned to thin day. LYME REGIS.—This committee also sat for the first time yesterday. Lord Ashley in the chair. The case was opened by Mr. Serjeant Wrangham, the chirps being bribery and other corrupt practices against the sitting mem ber, Mr. Abdy. Seven distinct cues of bribery were alleged, as well as several other cases in which employment and other inducements wt re held out to voters. The votes at the election stood—for Mr. Abdy, 146; Sir V. Kelly, 143, so that if the seven cases of brib.ry should he prov.it the latter gentleman must be declared the sitting member. The kayoed gentleman wiihed to commence with a scrutiny, but as the committee decided that the bribery should be first pro cceded with, the case was adjourned to this day. ELECTION PETITION NOTICE.— The ameml Com mittee of Elections have appointed Thurs :ay, the 23rd March, for choosing the c immittee for trying the merits of the petition against the return for the harough of nye. moreover, we cannot &it that he would repudiate as strongly as any of big opponents the pretensions of any cathedral body to independent action. If he had been at SYDNEY Ofllitra celebrated synod of Dort, he would have been one of the first to appease the hungry crowd, by throwing out of the window the dinners of the deans and chapters. The LORD CHANCELLOR, as became his office, rose in defence of the prerogative, which /teemed to be assailed; but we cannot help thinking . that in an irritation, perhaps natural under the circumstances, he went somewhat beyond the reason of the ease, and if we may say so of a great and learned judge, somewhat beyond the law. He declared that by abolishing the penalty of premunire the right of nomination by the crown would be reduced to a mere form. We ventiue to suggest that it would be as substantial and efficient as at present. The enacting clause would be easily enforced by a man damus ; and in case of delay the crown could supersede the election by letters patent. Recusant functionaries might, in addition to the civil remedies, be indicted at common law for misdemeanor; and wo incline to think that the punishment by fine and imprisonment, which would follow,or that by committal for contempt, which would ensue on disobedience to peremptory mandamut , would be more reasonable, better suited to the offence, and more effectual than a forfeiture of all property, an imprisonment during the QUEEN'S pleasure, and a banishment beyond the protection of the law. It seems to us that if HENRY VIII. had provided that recusant deans should be burnt alive with their wives and children, such a penal clause might have been defended as reasonably as a promo:ire. Lord DENMAN and Lord CAMPBELL entirely dif fered from the CILANCELLOIt on this point. The Chief Justice said that he should be glad to see the penalty of premanire expunged from the statute book ; and Lord CAMPBELL observed, as we have endeavoured to prove, that the abolition of that penalty would leave the law substantially as it stands at present. The promoters of the late ap plication to the Court of Queen's Bench must, how ever, have been satisfied by the debate that they were fortunate in not being allowed an opportunity of bringing their claims before the Supreme Court of Error. The three law lords all concurred, in sub stance, in the judgment given by the Queen's Bench ; and unless the object of the prosecutors of the man damus was to promote an agitation for dissolving the connexion between church and state, they have every reason to rejoice that their defeat was not prolonged and repeated. The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S called the attention of the house to the fact that the choice of the crown can only fall upon members of the order of presbyters, who arc all supposed, in the eye of the law, to be equally qualified for the higher ecclesiastical grade. There is no doubt that a very improper choice may he made among the body of clergy ; but it is difficult to say that any of them can be legally disqualified from holding the episcopal office. It is, indeed, by no means certain that a re fusal to elect or confirm a layman, would not full, according to the letter of the law under the pro visions of the statute of Henry VIII.; but the case is not likely to occur; and an effective resistance to such an attempt might be made at the consecration. The archbishop may be compelled to consecrate any priest; but there is no law which requires him to confer the preliminary orders which would convert a layman into a presbyter. 11r. Tiitatwast hinted that a grievance whielt had been patiently home for three centuries could not be altogether intolerable; and he expressed the conviction of every rational I man, in saying that he would rather trust to the discretion of the crown than to that either of an ecclesiastical synod or of a popular assembly. lie thought. however, without pledging himself, like the SOLICITOR-GENERAL, to advocate the abolition of all fictions, that the forms which have lately given rice to so much controversy, were mischievous, and ought to be abolished. The sooner that the government and parliament practically adopt this conclosiou the better it will be for the public interest. 'Hie prenan•ire clause is, as we have said, a fiction in practice, though not, like the proceedings at confirmation, a nullity in the eye of the law. It would be right at once to abolish the penalty in all cases, whether it applies to recusant deans and chapters, or to catholics who may publish the Pope's bulls in the United Kingdom, or to any other class of misdemeanants against the policy of the 16th century. Where any part of the objects secured by preniunire clauses still requires legal means of enforcement, a mandatory clause is suffi cient to render any one who disobeys its provisions indictable at common law. It must be remembered that the penalties of premanire were not only established with reference to a higher scale of punishment for all offences than that which now prevaild; but that they were necessary as a set-off to the great penal authority of Rome. It was agranst Roman interference only . that the premunire laws were provided ; and at a time when excommunications and interdicts by the holy see might ruin individuals, and reduce whole provinces to distress, it was necesmry for the secular power to secure obedience to its own decrees, by threatening those who yielded to the encroachments of a foreign power with punishments not less formidable. 'lnc laws bad lasted fur many generations; but now that they have come under discussion, they should no longer be allowed to remain as the instruments of conceivable, though improbable, oppression, and the means of giving the credit of daring to those who brave their impotent menaces. It would be desirable at the same time to get rid of election and of c onfirmation, with all their obsolete ceremonial. The policy . of he law is indicated, and a precedent for legislation provided, by the existing arrangements regarding the donative bishoprics arid all the sees in Ireland. It is not pretended that the rights of conscience are violated by the independent action of the crown in cases where there is no r,m9,7 d'aire. It is only when the law requires individual functionaries to express a formal approbation of its choice, that they can have any right to complain of an interference with their moral freedom. Their assent is a perfectly I useless form, and it is unnecessary to compel them, even in wurds, to express a conviction which they may not feel. We are not disposed to think that strong and rightly-judging minds would be troubled by feelings of responsibility in acts which the la w gives Men no discretion to decline. The dean and chapter who certify that they have freely chosen A. 8., whom perhaps they personally disapprove of, are to a calm casuist as innocent and as neutral as the footman who says that his master, whom he knows to be up stairs, is nut a. home. But if the body of footmen were suddenly seized with a horror of the conventional fiction, which tends so much to secure the comfort of society, we should recommend prudent masters to devise some less equivocal phrase; and now that the consciences of the clergy are here and there awakened, it would be as well for the crown to put an end to the visits of those who object to its nomination, as to compel the vicar.general to say that his principal, though willing to see them, is not at home if they want to be heard. It would be easy for the government to carry a bill for putting English bishoprics on the same footing with those of Ireland. A great majority of the public, and of both houses of parliament, is anxious to put a stop to the scandals which have lately occurred at St. James's and at Bow Church, and willing It the same time to recognise, and if ne emery confirm, the absolute power of the crown in episcopal nominations. The only security which the church requires, and certainly all that it possesses, consists in the impossibility of procuring consecration for any bishop by secular power. Twenty acts of parliament would not make a bishop, whom the great body of churchmen would acknowledge as such. At present the archbishop is subject to a premanire, if he refuses to consecrate ; nor would the resignation of his office, which Lord DENsiaa suggests as an alter native, relieve him from the liability, unless it took place before the mandate of the crown was received. 13ut there is and can be no law by which, in default of obedience, the crown can, as in the case of election, substitute its own act for that which the ecclesiastical functionary refuses to perform. If other prelates also refuse, the see is for all spiritual purposes vacant, until consecration is given to some bishop elect. If the absurd penalties of pr,munire were repeale ', we should agree ' with Lord DENMAN'S view, that the archbishop should be driven to resign, if lie found it impossible conscien tiously to consecrate the nominee of the crown. Such an act would both prove his sincerity, and give the opportunity, if his opposition arose from perversity, of finding a more reasonable successor. If no bishop could be feat(' to consecrate, it would be evident that a time had arrived when the church must either ob- eiriwrg• MAILS The overlend mails for Gibraltar, MeltA,Greeoe, the lon;an Islands eire pt, Adel:, Ceylon, Inilia, Ilungsliong, and China. mg Southampton will be mod' op on the morning of the :nth February. The overhand Oast I made, on Marseilles, to the Mediterranean Kenn, Aden, Ceylon, I tpliv, I l,ng Hong, he., will be made up on tht mning of the 24th February. The malls for British North America, Bermeda, and the Untie. ) states. will be made up on the evening of tbe 23:h February. The mails toe oporio, Lisbon, Madeira, Untie, anti Gibraltar will lie made op ea the moronic of the 27th February. The mails foe w south Wake, Van inemen's lAnd, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the filth February. The moth, for the Went rout of Africa and Madeira will be made up ain the evening of the February. The Wert India Mails, including ilermuda, Nemesia, Ilavanna. Honduran, New 0d0m.% Vera Crux, Tampico, anti Porto Rioo, tund ezeluding those fur Madeira, Jacmel, Clirthegena, Santa (Inver, Panama, Wen Coast of South America, and St. Juensle- Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the 3rd Match. The made tar the !fragile, the River Plate, Moot. Video, Pernam buco. Bahia Madura, and Ituctive Ayrce, will be made up on the evening of the eta Match. W COARESPUNDENTS. TEE nnmb•r of SCAMPS issued :0 the DAILY NEWS by the attilwritiee of the 84min-office, during the year 1847, was From JAN. 1, t 3 DEc. 31, 3,447,009 Thix, we beli-xe, ix within eight per cent. of the number leaned to C.. , 31orning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and Slanting Post, ALL PUT TOORTHEIL In whlitim to the shove, issued to the DAILY NtWS, Morniiw there were issued fur the Eneminy Edithm, TII E ItX. I' it LSS, From JAM. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714 Which wag mnro,wn believe, than were maul c.h:. to the Globe or Slandard, Evening Papers. •.• rolentlaraner, I..mded tor Th. Enema." loartota orestor paper. rarer at tbaciace. Pa tlonvert.stotee. lay Tarn... Awe tat tee 41,, et publication. 111';!I %/ATVS LT LONDUN 11:1140C. T4te• 1 , 44-0,14.4 g. 4. min-y.O Atterua.4.l2 T 0 .,10....4-11.4raisa , IS Boa past I; Anem... N or. pa. I. LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 17. Tint petition which the Bishop of EXETER pre sented to the House of Lords on Tuesday night was reasonable enough in its request, though it scarcely went to the root of the grievance of which it com plained. In asking fur the relief of deans and chap ters from the penalties of prenau.dre, denounced by the act of 23 HI.NRY VIII., in the event of their re fusing to obey the letters missive of the crown, the petitioners merely complained that a law should be left on the sti.tute-book, which, if enforced, would un doubtedly be a most anomalous species of tyranny and oppression. It is, however, difficult to discover what their real object was. When an extravagant or ins appropriate po,alty is attached to an act of non feasance or misfeasance, the lepeal of the punishment does not legalise the breach of duty. If the pre. I nutnire elms' of the act of HENRY VIII. was l an nulled, the catlneral bodies would still be bound by very sufficient it gal compulsion to elect the nominee of the crown. We suspect that the Buckinghamshire clergymen wished to secure to deans and chap era an exemption from legal constraint, as welt as an immunity from extravagant and obsolete cruelty. llf this was their object, their petition did not go 1 far enough; but in its terms it is fairly entitled to consideration. If we were to recommend a compli ance with its prayer, it weu'd be rather with a view to the credit of the law than to the security of future recusants. We hold a martyrdom by prenotare to be an altogether impossible event in the present day. The nominal existence of such a penalty only tends to give elelat to the dilettante dall,yings with martyr dom of prudent confessors, who take care nevertheless to keep on the windy side of t he law. I If the B i -hop of EXETER, on presenting the petition, had confined himself to supporting its player, it may I be supposed that little discussion would have arisen ; ' but the bishop, as might have been expected, availed himself of the opportunity to enter upon the cognate question of confirmation, and to discuss the recent judgment of the Court of Queen's Bench. Professing to be anxious to maintain the supremacy of the crown, he nevertheless hoped that the judicial cha racter of confirmation would hereafter be established, and that the conscience of the archbishop would no longer be coerced by law. Probably the acute bishop was aware that by granting the prayer of the peti , Boners no practical result would be obtained; and, fain a change in to separate from of the or be content TUE United States journals received by last mail contain a report by Mr. Hoenig, the first assistant postmaster-general, who lately visited Europe com musioned to make arrangements for facilitating the conveyance and delivery by mail of letters between the new and the old world. It is an extremely clear and business-like document. It contains a distinct exposition of that knotty and ravelled affair, the postal system of Germany; and of the French post-office arrangements; as also of what has been effected, or may yet be hoped to be effected, towards establishing satisfactory co-operation between the post-offices of these countries and America. But the most important part of the report, in so far as this country is con cerned, is Mr. ROBBIE'S statement of the negotiations with our Lords of the 'freasury, arising out of the Post-office order of 9th June. Before proceeding to explain Mr. ROBBIE'S views of this order, it may not be unadvisable to show that he is far from eutertaining hostile or disparaging opinions of this country or its institutions. This will appear from what ho says of our Poet-office organisation. We have seldom seen a more frank or cordial acknow ledgment of foreign excellence than le contained in the following passage of Mr. lionnte's report : Your instructions made it a part of my duty to examine into the operation of other post-office systems abroad, to a-certain what improvements might be transferred to our own. When in Loudon, especially upon my firstvisit, and when my time could not be made available upon the business that copped rise there, I employed it chiefly is making those exa minations. Every facility was granted me for that purpose. Fur this 1 feel greatly indebted to the courtesy of Colonel Moberly, the able secretary of the British Posvotfiee ; and, in making acknowledgments for the kindness shown me in giving information, 1 cannot refrain from naming another, little known from his othoat position, but of distinguished reputation as the successful proji ctor of toe penny postage reform—Rowland Rill. Tneir mode of mailing, barging, forwarding, and delivering—their forms of post bills, and of postina.sien' accounts, and mode of rendering them, and their manner of contracting for mail conveyance, are entirely dii!erent from ours. They have—what never belonged to our estab.ishment—a registration of letters (a fee being paid for that purpose), Vie better to prove and trace them through the mails; and a money order (Alice, to super sede remittauces of small sums throng's the mails, by pro viding fur the seceipts of deposits at sue past-office and the payment of the amount at another, upon a commission allowed for that purpose, the operations of which, for the last year, extended to the aggregate amount of 15,115,4531. sterling. I 11..ve not space, at the close of this report, to enter upon a description of the peculiar features of the British post .dministration, the great superiority of which residers it unnecersary to refer to others; nor to discuss the practicability and expediency of engratting them upon our system. These will be reserved es the subject of a second ieport. Well, this candid and good-natured appreciator ot British merit narrates his and Mr. Beeettoefs nego tiations with the British Treasury, in effectas follows : —The first American ocean steamer arrived at South ampton on the lath of June last. Oa the 9th of that month an order was issued by the English Post office imposing the British packet postage of ls. sterling for each letter of a half-ounce, and twopence for each newspaper brought in the United States mails by the Washington. " This," says Mr. Houele, ‘• was chargeable as well upon those destined for France as those delivered to the United Kingdom, and the postmaster in Southampton was required to forward to London ail mail-bags left by the Washington with out being opened. The effect of tkis order was to subject all tile letters and newspapers to double post age, and those addressed to France to additional delay, by being taken out of the direct course to their places of destinaticn." The same order required a pre-payment of the full packet rates of the English Post-Aim on all letters and newspapers sent to the United States by the ‘Vashiegton. A representation was immediately made by Mr. BANCROFT. Subse quently a postal convention was proposed by the British government, but the terms could not be agreed upon, bectuee it was necessary for Mr. BOBBIE to return to America. On the nature and terms of those negotiation, which are still pending, that gen tleman is silent; but he explicitly states it to have been announced by the British minis ters, in their reply to Mr. BANCW.,FT'S first communication, " that this postage was imposed as a discriminating one, to protect the Cunard steam-ship mail line—that is, to induce the employ ment of tha: line for the transportation of letters, in preference to the American mail line, by enhancing the cost of conveyance by the latter." We must confess that this conduct, and this avowal on the part of our government, was eminently un ceurteous and unfriendly, considering that the United States government had relinquished their ship postage in respect of the British and Canadian mails brought by the Cunard steamers to Boston, and transmitted thence to St. John's, and in all other cases abated it to tao cents where the letter was to be delivered elsewhere than at the port of arrival. It was un gracious, to say the least, to repay this friendly con cession of the American government by a measure which had the effect of making the mails sent to Great Britain by the Washington on its second trip nineteen per cent. less than they were on the first trip, and the postage 41 per cent. less. It was impolitic, for it was not to be expected that the American government would tamely submit to see their ocean mail steamers driven from the sea by a protected English line. " Retaliation," says Mr. }Lorene, "is unavoidable. If we levy the same con tribution on the British mails which they exact from ours, we shall place the international mail service on an equal footing, and obtain out of the mail service of the British steamers a redress equal at least to the exactions forced from our own." That this is not mere brutron fawn no one will doubt who has cor respondence with Canada ; at least the unsatisfactory state of the mail communication with that colony since the order of the 9th of June was known in America, seems to indicate that retaliation has begun. And it is not only with America that we shall have to engage in a retaliatory struggle : France, it is obvious from Mr. Homes statement, is as deeply injured as the United States by the Post-office order of 9th June, and will be equally prompt to resent it. Apart however altogether from apprehensions of retaliation, the policy of the order of the 9th of June is miserably short-sighted and imprudent. Ministers cannot expect that other countries will allow us to establish a monopoly of ocean mail transport. We must lay our account with competition. And what ever government may fancy with regard to its own ease and convenience, it is pretty certain that the public will be benefited by Beet competition. With out denying that ocean mail transport, as effected by our chartered steam companies, is a great advantage, there can be no doubt that the object might be effected more efficiently and at a less price. There has been a leelle parliamentary expiating and jobbing in the procur:ug of parliamentary greats in aid of certain steam companies for carrying the mails; and these grants have enabled saute of the com panies to put down the rivalry of private enterprise. If private • individuals could send their letters and newspapers, either by an American or an English line, our privileged companies would be compelled to seek the greater share of the custom by increased exertions to be speedy, punctual, and faithful in delivery, instead of treating the public with the supercilious liatitetir of parties relying on an annual parliamentary grant. It is for our interest, too, that the American liners should continue to make Southampton their port of call between New York and Bremen, instead of selecting some harbour on the other side of the channel as their intermediate station, which they are pretty certain to do, if we continue to retard the delivery and increase the post age cf their French mails. What the nature of the postal convention was, which our government proposed to the American envoy, does not appear. Mr. 11OBBIE'S ideas ot what ought to be embraced in such a convention will be found in another part of this day's publication. They seem fair enough ; but our object at present is not to in quire whether they are such as can be entertained or not. All we would argue at present is, that fair play is our best policy, and that the sooner a perfectly equit able postal convention is concluded with the United States, the better for all parties. (From the Daily News.) We have at d:ffereut times explained the manner in which taxation has been brought to bear with undue weight upon newspapers through the instru mentality of the excise upon paper, the adver tisement duty, and the newspaper stamp. Legislators and financiers appear to have strained their in genuity to bring taxation to bear in all possible ways upon parties engaged in newspaper undertakings. These luckless culprits, in common with their fellow subjects, are taxed upon their property and income by the tax which thence derives its name ; they are taxed upon their consumption by the aid of the customs and excise ; they are taxed Ta ma the air and light which have access to thei r houses, and upon their little vanities, by the instrumen tality of the assessed taxes; they are taxed upon their business transactions in the form of bill and re ceipt stamps. Still their rulers think they are not saffi. ciently squeezed, and the newspaper stamp, the excise upon paper, and the advertisement duty are ca n e d into play, in order by direct and indirect pressure to extract out of them a few more drops of Out aurum potabile used to grease the wheels of state. With regard to the excise upon paper, the news. papers make common cause with the manufacturers of the article, and all the consumers of it on a large scale. Their case is part and parcel of the gre a t national case against the excise laws, as inquisitorial, obstructive of business and improvements in menu. facture, and unequal in their pressure. Our tepee. sentations on this score have some chanee of Nike heard, for our fellow-sufferers are numerous, and many of them on the alert. In the matter of the advertisement duty, our fellow. sufferers are more numerous still, though unluckily we cannot pay them the compliment of saying th a t they are equally intelligent to discern their right to fair play, or equally energetic to assert it, with the victims of the excise. But we know that our remon strances on the score of the extortionate and unequal character of this tax, have found their way to high quarters, and produced an impression there. Indeed the bare narrative of that wonderful advertisement, immortalised in our paper of the 27th of January_ those twelve lines upon which twenty one separate duties were charged—that announcement for inserting which the Daily Newt charged Gs. 6d.,wh i le government demanded U. 115. 6d. as a penalty for its appearing— ass enough to make even official consciences wince, ungoaded by memorials or petitions, at the tt c t ,of being accomplices to such extortion. The quer is in a yielding humour if pressed on this nit, and it' a few of those who suffer in common with as will bat add their representations to ours, red rew may be had. But there is a grievance more peculiarly our own, and, to have any chance of getting rid of it, we mud be our own pertinacious advocates. To be sure, the public suffers from it as well as we ; bat the old adage, " What is everybody's business is nobody's business," has too much of truth in it to warrant oar expecting much aid from that quarter. The penny stamp upon each paper is not only a class grievance of newspapers, it is a class grievance of all newspapers against one overgrown establishment which it holsters up against competition on equal terms, by establish. ing a virtual monopoly. `Ye have repeatedly shown that defacto the Times pays only one duty upon three sheets. The immense amount of its advertisements—of the matter which it is paid for inserting—compels it to use, in the great majority of its impressions, three times the quantity of paper u psn which any other newspaper oughtto be printed. The newspapers which, like the frogs in the fable, are ambitious of puffing them selves up to an equality in point of size with the Time ,, , are obliged, in order to do that, to staff themselves out with all sorts of superfluous and sometimes costly matter. If journals with the advertising connexion of the young Daily News or the ohl Morning Post, are compelled to pay a penny on each sheet, the Times, in common fairness, ought to pay threepence. We are not so unjust or mali cious as to ask to have oureontemporery thusepunged upon ; but we do ask, as an act of justice, that if the Times is to be taxed only 1 t,d. on each impression of its double sheet and supplemental single sheet, that we be taxed only one haltpenny on each impression of our single sheet. The equity of the claim is eo obvious, the mode in which the unequal tax presses upon ourselves and all other newspapers similarly I circumstanced has been so often illustrated in our columns, that we feel it unnecessary to do anything more at present than simply restate it. We make this appeal to the justice of ministers, now that they are on the eve of finally adjusting , promulgating their budget for the year. We ins the attention of all those members of parliament a the subject who are in the habit of professing them selves friendly to a cheap end respectable press. and to the general diffusion of knowledge. The most timid Chancellor of the Exchequer need not fear do us justice. The total amount of revenue yiel' in 1846 by the stamp duty upon newspapers under 340,0001. for the whole of Great Britain Ireland. It is not proposed to abolish this tax, a to render its pressure more equal, more in proportion to the money value of the property taxed. There can be little doubt that this readjustment of the incidence of the tax upon newspapers would lead to such an increase in the circulation of newspapers as would more that, compensate for the reduction in the rate of duty. But, even though this hope should be disap pointed, the small proportion of the annual revenu' affected by the experiment renders it impossible " any danger should result from trying it. ROME, FEB. Such was the anxiety of King Ferdinand to Lord Minto near him in his present dilemma, L another and more pressing estdrette met his lordshi) at Terracina. Without the guarantee of Engler Sicily will not come to terms, and any charter' the Neapolitan can give them will be, in their t not worth • button, unless the bill bear an Ent endorsement. Lord Napier is just gone off h Naples to Palermo, to act as umpire and sponsor the new Sicilian constitution. There was, at first, a plan to secure 'Messina, promising to make it the future capital of the isle, to the degradation and disfranchisement of Palermo but when bombshells were administered, the city the straits became if possible more infuriated than rival, and the dogs of Scylla gave tongue in the Homeric fashion. Count Peter Ferretti went with Lord Minto an eye to securing Naples for his favuurite establish. ment of the Italian Customs' League, and will strik the iron while it is hot. The liberated peninsula v then have a free seaboard extending from Nice to( Passaro on one side, and from Ferrara to Ottani the Adriatic and lonian waters. The family of Minto have just followed him to Naples; bat understood he will return to Home in ten days. If our civic guard is somewhat deficient in CM an effort was certainly made this week to prom'. the raising of a mounted corps ; for the world-famous bronze equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius on the capitol was enlisted into the service, and a giganf standard of the Italian tricolor (green, red, white) fluttered in the breeze, held aloft by the arm of the philosophic emperor. We are in the midst of spring weather, am. drilling of the citizen soldiery is perseveringly can on in all the open squares of the town. fhere every sign of a durable determination among us stand prepared " the blessings we enjoy to guard.' Five o'Clock.—At the Post-office I find the - piazza colonna full of people, mostly in regimt It appears that there has arisen already a difference of opinion between the assembly sitting in the Vadat` and the papal cabinet- The subject of disagrees' is an increase in the army, and additional NO the purchase of artillery and hofsee, which me the deputies of the provinces strongly urge somnolency or retrograde feeling of the ci Prince Corsini is at :his moment at the Quirit audience with the Pope on the subject, and the Kt people are waiting in silence, but with intense anxi for his return and reply. FRANCE.—PERPIGNAN, FEB. S.—PRIM , JOINVILLX.—The Prince and Princess de children and mite, reached Perpignan on the eyeful sth. Their royal highnesses left Perpignan the Lest log for Port A endres, where they went on bos7d the cique frigate. A'tcr haring installed his family on board Cacique, the prince returned to land to examine the • of the port and fortifications. COLONIAL NEW SOUTIi WALES.—Tae CArrivn Woman.—The foll.ming is the contract entered tween Mr. Commilsioner Tyers and Bungelene : I, lene, promise to deliver to Charles J. Tyers, the male residing with the Gipps Land V l achs, providcu of whi.ee and Western Port blacks proceed with me mountain., at as early • day me may be convenient, I purpose of obtaining her from my brothers. I a'..o ap leave my two wives and two children with the raid C J. Tyers as hostages for the fulfilment of my promise.- I, Charles J. Tyers, promise, on the part of her Me government, to give Buttgelene one boat with oars, a four blankets, a Guernsey frock, some fish-hooks, fishing-line, and a tomahawk, for the said Bungelene'l nee, and six blankets, two tomahawks, three Guernsey and other articles, between three or four men of tb Bungelene'a tribes who may be instrumental in the • of the said white female, conditioned that the sak gelene fulfil his part of the agreement,"—Av Sept.lo 1647. ...,, .-----•------- en AMERICAN PROJ F. i ell YENTION BETWI..; en- THE UN LTRD STA. wet Mr. Hobble, first re- 'United States, in the r. ifk-, head of that department. . lase pos t al con ventton betwat . led u pon a The an ollowingam( legal ive cqual fo pn ith t I to 1. To impose on witf w orm . . UM ewes refs rte Tat 'Ws en. pre. ta"ekt4c : rtb...d.stac.p.teckg is ts l e . t.ei l to t ai T T gc c o ::: mt a . i; r, ' ', . ~ , th o , c d: e .tl l : m i , t i ‘gr i . .. 11 !II taw' ow. . . ... 1 .l r :Ni i, o, ' t :I .:: r h e rr :l l b . :I i ^ •• t .fl t b irem.::: ' rp 0: . 1 4 s i , : . .. ~' , : . -,. ,:,t rate on letters conveyed by ~ 111 4. To authoriee the post. • an conm poottio,g with any int be ordered by any other go . , 0. To enlarge the openreq low. uiring letter. to be deli lily n r ship before matking eat r, that w hether addressed `' to la a o rtas," or elsewhere. . It to 6. To a mitotic. the retro , i the a ny lettere except those coo f To establish an unifot A non- ranted Sulam and coy fon .. 'quid S. To authorwe the Pu.., A. s him to take and convey I high ig arouse. deed I. To prohibit them from m ind through the ir•et-otl e cent, The picket peetage rate • IT— intercourse with countries . irate whilst this mai err is ued. i c ages lie Bled. rting to. Between any port or ~. meat the western coplwat, es seed Nos., Stotn, •A 20 mu C . l g --. 11. Between any I ' in rune, Pacific mast of Ileum, o• e llh: . the Bur ian poooemion% a. 12. Aral between any le Branawick, Nova Soots, • i gait. le seats. In toe notere of thing. th os &atm; but it would eaun it drew cerned, and g reatly livlrEi , • between dtttes eut count, , n, into between them. <yeah: sh 01113, I. Optional payment. mlll2 tog iu our eoun'iy, the en • in the other, or of raiding e, the portage to be ollect der t. e old 3. Ao internatiatat rat. .5 iody's the charge f w ipt mil me 8 conveyance, anti fIT the it as. .t OW and delivering the letter. Penn] 3. The noeual account. d secure to each all the inLI I nee of ' had collected. and all ll • laPers packets whim It'd been; ,id la respect to our awl rm. hlstets histoy expo:tient to eetub sh MI& despatched to tel from t' c continent with the resat 4 territory ; owl, on the of ter Tinier tea the European maim a, menee witted amen tee island . f a pith it nicatlion beyond. beionge a that she impost- in hi., eq. greet France. Our elnoeyan e anti ty equa ll y 14 great, and b• m proper adjustment of th 4 it° he to any successful neg. tat . frogs transit ruin of Ice. Arne, ie • plaoe in me United : , tates a them- lbw might :i1..... re {ALIO size Pacific atm:, whi t e are pro to staff transit charm. is rather tow age, but will stand in N ry j &ins form postage of Sc. th the etcs or ae r !.., penny The Duchess o! ought from her reside. c.., : • mall- Queen at Duckingius ranged arrived at half-psi . • that if took Or a drje,lner •,ith their Royal Wert- ression C o burg. At three o'. et, that - Palace on her return ti session . Iler Majesty an' ot is eo ,• the Duke and Du. It presses Menstlord, honoured milarly Theatre a ith,their pr suite consisted of the in our Barone do Wau.:en i tything Buckley, and Berm k On 'lussday l'ri , i nisters, for the Seven Ages of ing and fresco paper. hangi ,gs, e invite iegs in wood, by dr. nent W Art Mauulactures, tub g them- A deputation re. erect. and 4" with Lord John Raise le most quer, yesterd a y, at the the Treasury, is 12.”‘ t fear to of Sir E. Fulmer, M. ' yielded M.P., Mr. Fuller. M. ers WWI 0. C. Cantlupe Maj. tin and Smith , Mr. J. 'Ride ax, bat Mr. B. T. Nokes, Re Mr. C. Nearne, Mr. °portion W. J. Carter, Mr W here can Smith, Mr. J. Slott. °eidetic. Mr. W. Milder, Mr. such an Mr. J. !hider, Mr. 8 would Baton, Mr. G. W titi ;NIT e rate of Mr. Hume, i n t erv iew with the It re disc at the office of the B • revenue A deputation f . ible that of Mr. J. Wood, Mr. J. Dixon, Mr. lt. is brancer, had au to . day, at the office ..f Fon. 8. place. to have The cabinet nip. ma, that house, yesterday ev lordship square. England, Despatches v c the Colonial-odic: t .veep that colonies. ieir eyes, A deputation English Lattimore (Marti i off from Cohen, L. Sool ty, oonsor to Matson, C. Neon c, Messrs. W. F. II •h. Messrs. F. Smitl , Sinn, by (Sussex) ; Mr. 11 he island (Berkshire), Mr Ci Palermo; Smith (lieuipshi c) e city of J. Russell and tt . I than its The Judicial 6 n the old yesterday, and M .ie Representatives if French Claime." • nto with " Rapt Burdahas , ?stablish- ill strike EXCIIE(ItIge : csula will Exchequer Bins is cc to Cape of her Majesty's P •tranto on foe the purpose I. • r of Lord into the house CI • bat it is 'ye. a cavalry, APPOINTMI ~ h promote id-famous The Chester a us on the formation we w t re , demise of Dr. lo ' gigantic eesan, the Lord ti* red, and appointed to sui . r the right Canterbury. T is Sumner to the j,ri , and the by numerous r id ly carried tight rev. prate' . g day), in compli...i. There is tendence in the WI song us to Dr. John Si .I guard." crated Bishop 0' C the whole gimentals. LN(II;ES't i difference Yesterday, ) I he Vatican, tembled at the d :agreement ehester.square, fo 1 funds for it.quiry c nume , :ce a measures Martha Elizabi :It the 6th ult., *hi Asylum, Butte e held was dens V messed. Among Ott, char of St 1 signed the ord. r i and Mr. Peach . j and Dr. Qusin, • ismiLlrrte the : l anxiety,et. i l a° l nb ° tal m a n int 11 et the pool morte,4 'IIINCE DE of the deceased Lucille, their corner of the roe • rening of the members of the A IA lt morn- Sarah Yonne r.ed the Ca- upon her dude on board the last. The decee ,e the works' the skin was jo d application of It get worse, and in keep her bed. very bad state. • and " fire! ISO BITEW Miss Sarah I.h creel into be- saw her last alto'. '' I, Burge- The deceased so the white le- Rhodes, but et : twitted a party t a gentleman •• Lt ith me to the * who on his ma: •i nient, for the al.) agree to . Tha orth tat gr a t s le t: ::. raid Charles was paid, and? i iromire.—And fell to him. 1 , her Majesty's without witne- oars, a tent, fact until sonic -hooks, and a newspaper the 4. before ;the ju I out by Dr. Qu il York house a:_.l her sitter. W i ultimately üb. ti lunacy and saw h nima le eot 1. n . :;: said tha re eei. n l 2 7 i B un- v°se n wnt:: 1