The Express. — London, England, 1863-12-26 00:00:00

AOINTB REQUIRED. —The ROYAL INSIIR ANCH Y prePared to se tertals appliatticoe gee Agency Ar dw is:enta from gentlemen hiving omonsand of lire and Ude co Deco The Royal ham always Deconsj=s for HI libetallty and Promptitude in the +Settlement of Its Anneal Income is now over And its Funds in hand exceed 1,000,000 Frainfer• of Policies from other Companies NOSIVed without charge for Policy, whatever the amount. Address, JOIIN B. JOHNSTON, Beezdary. Royal Insurance Company, 29, Lotsbardotreel DEPOT AIITHENTIQUE DK LA REM]; for SALE of French Cepaeal SMOKING TOBACCO and FRENCH SNUFF at 15a per 2 14114., kilogramme ditto ditto Foreign, at 1&. Bd. per 214 Ha., kilogramme. French Cmari, from la. to M. per dozen. •• Warranted Havana" Cigars. Tobaccos, and Snuffs, as imputed by the .131 . !Kfti IMMIX PICCADILLY, Near 9R Jameii CTureA (PRIZE MEDAL AWARDED. ALLEN'S PATENT PORT 178 and TRAVELLING BAGS with square o LADIES WARDROBI TRUNICB, DRISSIZTAGB, sett It ellver DEAT at fa BOXER, WRITING and DROSTE° CAMS, and He other arUeses to home or coattnental travelling. Illustrated eatalogues post tree. Also Barrack Furniture Catalogue of ratable Bed steads, Drawees, Easy Chairs, Wasthandetands, Canteens, Ac., 'Ant tree. J. W. ALLEN. Manufacturer and Patentee, 37, Wog /Brand, London. W.C. ALFRED WEBB MILES, Everybody knows Mr. MILES. REMOVED from Bond-s reet, to 73. BROOK ATREET, Hanorer-square, In 1830. The 16a TROUSERS ;originated by blco to all the New Patterns for Winter : " Letter than ever." SPECIAL NOTICX TO wirLemsx. A. W. KlartgeWrA;;; . ;Z;KCitull;Voan — nou -- I;ee that eta Rock In the various departments of his establishment ta now replete for Overcoats, V , stings, Bedford Cords, and scarlet waterproof cloth for hantinc The wool-dyed Black and Blue flock Coate. 50a A choice of 50 pleces of indestructible smiled West of Busload Cloths. ESTABLISHED 1641. Only address. HOW COLD IT HAS BEEN.-NEGRIITTI and LLMEtkit celebrated THERMOMETERS will cor redly milder the lowest temperature. Price 3e. Gd. —l, Hatton gerdent • 59, CornhW . 153, Fleetotreet ; and 122. Regent-street. Agents wanted. WHERE CAN WE MEET AFTER THE PANTOMIMES? W dew below I watts= sap at IL VANa'a, Conatapedos. gfte (Erin-too. TO . opIREZPONMINTS. Avwtomocoolo " Ewer" Landow Tombs PIM won M og Wo dace. II Bocworiwtrooll. by Two o'clock ow ibo day ol palfllailoa ODVINTAILILDEIf. Tan ltenos4. TheinaAit - ot TIT/ 3011111 MIN 01111 L —And HARLEQUIN sr. 13101.431 AND THE DRAGON. Mews. W. N. Pam H. Pays., F. Payne, the Urethan Stouette, 310.11 e. Either.—Comeasen lIATKA*CIT t 'Ma 001115111TCA.N COUSIN. Mews &Ahern, Rorketrne, Chippendale, Gordon, Room Coe, and Clark; Mesdame. Angel Oct Bnoodoo.—And KING ALATHUK Mr. Compton Mesdames L Keeley, teary. Laney, L BASIMIZ. I'ZINCILSM Ten EsEnNo. THE italirmais.—Aad HARLEQI7I/4 LITTLE TOU TUCEER. Hamra Sejton, Cathcart. A. and C. Leclerc.% Huline •ad Mos, Milano, Naylor, wad Clupino Mesdames Barnett, Adages, Had Howard. LYczulL ins /Mama. Till fai r ernLD. Mr. Widdiaoiab mad Mies P. Leefarad—SAL DLYONIO, a lava Marx Mama yachts!, drodOma, Daisy, Marisa, acid Jordan ; M Tarry, lavaaue, sal IniaroMp, sad Kra La. IMITAFTLA., Ten MORNING. at it, and In the Evening, the New Pantomime RICKOZY, DiCKOZY, DOCK. Kra S. Lim and arstente Paotom mista.—The Marvels of Peen. THE GREAT GfrloBl' lllCT.—Arlitar and Berland,—The Fury Fountain. KIDD warn AT LONDON 11LIDO1. Ills DAT —Manias. Dr. sea Ahrress", sh. em. to.Noisaor Warang, •Aftwasia. al. Is= LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 26. PARLIAMENTARY Government, ever since the earliest Parliament assembled, has always meant, first end foremost, financial controL Examine the origin and growth of the freest and most power ful of legislative bodies, and you find a monarch wanting money, usually to carry on a war, and the representatives of the nation summoned to grant it. As the power of the people incre tees, and the ca prices of the sovereign are more and more subject to restraint, the faculty of granting or withholding supplies becomes the test and touchstone of a real effective national representation, until the de gree of freedom enjoyed by a people may be accurately measured by the laxity with which its pursestrings were held, and its expendi ture and taxation fixed sod appropriated. In short, the key of a nation's cash-box is the key of that nation's liberties, and it matters not a little in what bands the key is kept. In the govern. meat of highly civilized communities State finance is State policy, and it is of no trifling import to the welfare and happiness of any country, and often to the peace of a continent, that one man should have it in his power, by the stroke of a pen or a wave of the hand, to drag millions of men from the cultivation of the soil, and from re productive labour and industry, to glut a passion for glory, or to appease a restless and insatiable am bition, or to save his subjects and himself from ennui, and the discontent which ennui engenders. Some such reflections as theee seem to be operating upon the public mind in France just now, and to be arousing it from the lethargy and prostration of twelve years. Our neighbours, in spite of all their political reverses and retreats, and long " flashes of silence," believe themselves still the pioneers of progress and the advance-guard of liberal ideas, for no other reason than that more than seventy years ago they proclaimed a set of principles which remain a set of principles still—and nothing more. Perhaps, however, men really deceive themselves, and imagine they are advancing very fast when they are only taking tremendous jumps into the air, rearing back and plunging forward, and coming suddenly to a dead atop ; and performing these evolutions over and over again, while nations without a theory or an idea to speak of, are plodding slowly on, but never losing ground. There, for instance, is the last new Legislative Corps, with an overpowering majority elected by tho Government, and an opposition con sisting of some thirty members. Such is the contagion of independen3e within any political Assembly when liberty is in the air, such the moral superiority of a small but compact liberal opposi tion, representing real constituencies, to a majo rity representing nothing but administrative domination, that this Legislative Corps, majority and minority alike, is already becoming conscious of its duty to the public at large, and of its respon sibility as the guardian of national interests. The Report of the Committee on the bill for a loan of twelve million francs was as different as possible, in form and substance, from what such a document would have been in the earlier years of the Second Empire. Instead of • formal act of homage and adulation to the all-wise omnipotence of the EMPIROR, and a devout so. knowledgment of the Imperial beneficence in con descending to accept a testimony of affection in the shape of three hundred millions of franca, M. Got IN'll Report (and M. 001:IN is a member of the majority) begins by declaring that such a pro position must be a subject of moat anxious conside ration ; and that, in accepting the present loan as a purely financial measure for the liquidation of liabi lities already sanctioned, and for the diminution of the floating debt by creating new resources for the Treasury, the Committee do not intend to give the Government the means of incurring extraor dinary expenditure ; but, on the con trary, they "insist " that the Government shall THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 21 t confine itself within the resources of the Budget, and ' learn to resist the seductions of glory, and be con tent with an honourable and profitable peace, in order that the finances of the State may improve, and the millions wasted in distant expeditions be spent in promoting wealth and prosperity at home. With segard to the amendment proposed by M. THICEB end the principal members of the Opposi tion, restricting the issue of Treasury bills for 1864 to 100 millions (instead of 250 millions) of francs, l the Report accepted it in principle, but proposed to postpone the consideration of any such restriction the discussion of the Budget for the year—that is, after the present loan should have been effected. It would be difficult to exaggerate the significance of a Report drawn up by • member of the Government majority in the name of a committee entirely composed of members of that majority, and insisting in these stringent and posi tive terms upon a policy of peace and retrench ment. The discussion on the amendment to the Report, to which M. Tams brought all the unsurpassed authority of his large experience as a responsible statesman, and his masterly clearness and vigour of exposition as a financial debater, was throughout an unanswerable argument for peace, of which M. Tarsal declared himself a decided par tisan ; an honourable peace, and a policy of caution and reserve, in preference to little and unprofitable wars and headlong adventures, and to a declamatory, theatrical diplomacy affecting vast and vague ideas, and suggesting the possibility of tremendous errors and fatal issues. M. Tarsal told the Chamber that he could see no French interest involved in any of the great pending Euro pean questions—" except, perhaps, the Danish ;" —at the dangers of which, by the bye, M. DRODYN DE Lauri, offended at the failure of the great Napoleonic nostrum of a Con gress, affects a somewhat spiteful satisfaction. This, however, is a detail. The manifest im portance of this discreet and searching speech of M. Tames in moving his amendment to the Report on the Loan, and of that Report itself, is the un equivocal testimony which, responding to public opinion out of doors, majority and minority alike have given in favour of peace. Let the Legislative Corps, under the auspices of the Opposition, or rather of the statesmen who give to the Liberal minority of thirty, • power which no mere num bers can command, persevere in this calm and resolute course of resistance to the caprices of • solitary will, and to a policy of surprises and adventure*, and they will do more to raise the l moral dignity of their country, and to secure to the government of their choice the confidence of Europe, than all the dazzling schemes of a Con gress of Princes, or a Conference of diplomatists, with limited or unlimited liability, assembled in Paris to proclaim NAPOLEON the THIRD the Emperor of the Peoples, and Paris the capital of the civilised world. THE verdict of the Court-martial upon Colonel CRAWLEY has given intense satisfaction in superior military circlet. At the same time it has created new difficulties for the authorities who are answer able for the administration of the army. Those official persons must be the first to perceive that if it was necessary six months ago to prove to the great body of common soldiers and non-commis sioned officers that flagrant injustice on the part of officers was not and would not be sanctioned at the Horse Guards and the War , office, it is far more important now that a ver dict has been given which appears to many to imply that, in the judgment of a military court, there is nothing so very culpable in the treatment to which Isi.xy fell a victim. People are asking —lf a man like LILLE; who had served his coun try long and well, and who was distinguished by merit, can be thus treated, what protection is there for the average soldier I In the eyes of ordinary people a gross outrage has been committed, and the British army could better afford to lose a battle than to lie under the imputation of being a service in which the highest per sonal desert is insufficient to prevent a man from caprice or arbitrary power. It is very certain that a great wrong has been done, and it is now more important than ever that, since the first at tempt to bring the guilt of it home has failed, it should be renewed with better guarantees of SUCCBIIB. The necessity of taking further measures for vin dicating the reputation of the army as a service in which just and fair treatment may be looked for by its humblest members, is so completely de monstrated by the proceedings at Aldershott, that we need not go beyond the limits of the trial to find additional reasons for that course. But if anything could increase the necessity it would be the arguments which have been used, not to defend Colonel CRLWLEY, but to oppose the public sentiment out of which the demand for the recent Court-martial proceeded. When Sergeant- Major Lnsgr's countrymen at home heard that he had been obliged to complain to the Mbow court that by the harshness of his colonel a sentry had 'been placed at the door of the room where his sick wife was lying, and within two feet of her, the statement awakened but one feeling of indigna tion. But now it has been stated, and the statement has been read by our soldiers all over the country, that this is not a sentiment proper to be indulged with reference to the wives of sergeant-majors. The feeling springs, it is said, from false deli cacy. " Privacy is a relative term ; a sergeant's " wife is not accustomed to the same sort of " privacy as a fine lady, and to say that Mrs. LILLIE'S modesty was wantonly insulted be " cause a sentry might possibly havemeen her lying " in bed if he chose to look through the lining "of a tchick 'or the folds of a curt-in appears to "us absurd." This is a matter in judging of which the British public needs no assistance. Pri vacy is indeed relative to many things, but womanly modesty is not relative to rank. Only the pen of the lamented author of "Theßook of Snobs" could do justice to the suggestion. We leave it to the manly feeling of Englishmen. In jusline to Colonel CELAvrLET let us add, that he has said nothing of the kind, but has expressed himself strongly in the contrary sense. But since the plea that the claims of female modesty can only be ad mitted on behalf of the officer's wife has been made in justification of the Aldershott verdict, and since there is danger that the verdict itself may be understood as countenancing that opinion, it is more than ever important that the opinion and feeling which govern the administration of the army in the highest places, and make themselves felt in every battalion whether at home orist the extremities of the empire, should be strongly marked. The action of the War-office and Horse-Guards at this conjuncture will be followed with the closest ob i nervation, and upon the direction it takes and the spirit by which it is animated will depend for years to come the sentiment with which the service will be regarded by the people. REPRESENTATION OT EAST SOWIZSZT.—It L said to have bees determiner! that Mr. Ralph Neville GM vale sad Mr. Richard Horner Paget shell be brought for ward u easdidetee for the Easters Division at Sonterset at the nut general election. ebt Court. OSBORN& Dm 23. Yesterday afternoon by her Majesty'a command the children of the workmen and labouren OS the Osborne estate wan iuneinbled in the earrants' hall at Osborne, where a Chrishnu-tree, with presents, was armpit At half-past 4 o'clock the Queen, accompanied by the whole of the Royal Family, proceeded to the hall, and emulated by the Royal Family distributed the presents to the children, which consisted of articles of wearing apparel, books, toys, &c. Afterwards her Majesty in the mime manner gave the labouring men and women great coats, blankets, he. The ladies and gentlemen in attendance, and the Rev. G. Prothwo and Mrs. Protbero were present. This morning her Majesty, the Prince and Princess of Wales, Prince Alfred, Princess Helena, Princess Louise, Prince Arthur, Prince Leopold, and Prince Leiningen at tended at Whippiogham Church. The Rev. G. Prather° officiated, and administered the racrament of the Holy Communion. Prince Leininpn arrived yesterday on a visit. Prince Arthur arrived yesterday, attended by Major Elphinstone. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge en tortaioed their Royal Highnesam the Durham of (Ambridge and the Princes@ Mary, at dinner last evening, at Glouces ter Homo. Their Serene Highumane the Prince and Prin ces@ Edward of Saxe Weimar and a select party were in vited to meet their royal highnesses. _ _ _ _ _ The Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury are mitortainhig a large party of friends at Hatfield Homo, Herts. The noble marquis and marchioness do not intend to me a county ball tbis season, but will receive a suc cession of gouts until just before the assembling of par• liament. The Earl de Grey returned to town on Thursday from stayine with the shooting party at Earl Cowpees mat is Hertfordshire. Viscount and Visoountess Palmerston are sur rounded by a family party at Broadlanda, near Rommy, Haab. DEATH OF THE DEAN OF ST. PATRICE'S. (IT =craw ITU:O6AM ) DUBLIN, DEc. 26. The Dean of St. Patrick's died last night, after a short illneee. He was flfth eon of the late Esrl of Long ford, and brother-io.law of the late Dula) of Wellington. Dean Pakenham was in hie 76th year. LATAT INTELLIGENCE. THE FEDERAL ARMY IN HOLSTEIN. PUBLIC EXCITEMENT. (nom otrz owl coamoronarr.) HAMBURG, Dim SC The plot thickens. To-day the Federal troops marched into Holstein at different points of the frontier, and the Danish soldiers retreated north wards. The latter, yesterday, evacuated the frontier town of Wandsbeck, about two miles from this city, and scarcely were their backs turned when the Schleswig-Holstein tricolour-flag —blue, white, and red, in horizontal equal stripes— in fact the Dutch national flag turned upside down —began to appear on every house. At 1 o'clock about a thousand of the citizens assembled in the market-place for the purpose of proclaiming the Prince of Augustenburg as Duke of Schles wig-Holstein. The proceedings were opened by an impressive speech from a lawyer of the place who called the attention of his hearers to the importance and even danger of the times, and exhorted all those to leave the meeting who were not fully prepared to risk their life and property in the approaching national struggle. The address was received with enthusi astic cheers, but not one man went away. At 2 o'clock the prince was formally proclaimed as Frederick VIII., Duke of Schleswig-Holstein ; a protocol of the event was drawn up on the spot, and signed by those present, and a telegram sent off to the duke apprising him of what had hap pened. Troops continue to arrive. Yesterday the Hano verian brigade crossed the Elbe, slept here, and marched ou this morning. A battalion of Saxon infantry also arrived by a special train, and this morning proceeded to Attune., where they were received with immense cheering as liberators. In the meantime the excitement is nowhere greater than here at Hamburg. In a former letter 1 mentioned the fact of the formation here of a " Schleswig-Holstein Association," which, however, was suppressed by the Senate, as it was only a cloak to oover a recruiting office. It was a very spirited but dangerous act of the Senate, as at that time the Austrians had not arrived, but for tunately it went off well. Since then the asso ciation of gymnaata—the German Turners-- in the suburb of St. Pauli, have been exercising every evening with the intention of forming a free corps for the invasion of Holstein. When this came to the knowledge of the authorities, Mr. Senator Rucker, who is the " patron " or governor of that suburb, immediately prohibited it. This called forth the interference of the Schleswig-Holstein committee, who proceeded to the senator and had an interview with him, but without being able to obtain a relaxation of the order. In great dudgeon they have just issued • proclamation, a Dopy of which is lying before me, whilst hundreds are being posted up at the corners of streets and in other thoroughfares. In it they give an account of their interview with the senator, in which he told them "that the general in com mand of the Austrian troops had given him orders to atop the military exercises of the ' Turners,' or else he should be obliged to do it himself by order ing his men to fire on them." This has tended to increase the general excitement prevailing here just now. Accounts have this instant come in from Wands beck, stating that the Danish coat of arms has been 1 , torn down from all the public offices, and been replaced by those of Schleswig-Holstein. Also that the royal officials, including the head of the police, have been driven away, and the local treasure seized, though there was not much money found, as the Danes for some time past had sent it to a place of safety. The Federal Civil Commissioners (the Saxon Privy Councillor von Konneritz, and the Hano verian government councillor (regierungsrath ) Nieper) have issued a proclamation, dated from Biichen in Lauenburg yesterday, announcing their arrival and that of the Federal troops, for the purpose of defending the rights of the Duchies, but without prejudice to the question of the right of succession, and calling on the inhabi tants to act peaceably, and consider them as the legally constituted authorities in the Duchies for the time being. The Saxon General von Hake, commander-in chief of the Federal troops in the Duchies, arrived here last evening from Dresden, and has fixed his head-quarters for the present at the Hotel de PEurope.. A meeting of members of the Holstein Diet was to have been held yesterday at Altona, to take into consideration the state of affairs in the duchy, but, as it was prevented by the Danish authorities, they adjourned to Strait's Hotel on the Jungfern stieg, in this city, where, of course, no opposition could be offered. After deliberating for three hour, it was decided by a majority to send an address to the Germ►n Diet, praying not to delay recognising the rights of the Prince of Augusten burg as the legal hereditary Duke of Schleswig- Holstein, and to enable him as soon as possible to undertake the government of the Duchies." About fifty members signed the address, the minority of fifteen declining. _ _ . The Copenhagen Illustrated Journal gives the following pedigree of Prince Frederick of Augua tenburg on the maternal aide :—" Toren Matthie sen, bell-ringer of the church of the Trinity, at Copenhagen, born 1653, died 1740, married to Miss Marian Niel ; Matte Matthiesen, married 1, Peter Dorn, tanner ; 2, Major Dorn ; and $, Admiral Ulrik Kaas ; Frederick Christian Kaas ; Johanna Henrietta Valentine Kass, married to Christian Count Danneakiold Samsoe ; Louil,e Sophie, Countess Dauneskiold Saeusoe, married to Duke Christian of Augustenburg ; Frederick, Pre tender. Morn% THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS IN DENMARK. HAMBURG, Dec. 26. Ad vices from Copenhagen received here state that Sweden advocates the withdrawal of the No vember constitution. It was believed that a ministry would be formed by Baron Scheel Plessen, Her Von Criminil, and Count Moltke. The King observed yesterday to the officers of the army and navy that he hoped still to preserve peace in accordance with the constitution. It is said that his Majesty will visit the army on Monday. It is stated upon good authority that the for tress of Rendsburg and the tits-du-pont of Fried richstadt will be evacuated, the latter being rased. THE FEDERAL EXECUTION. ALTONA, Dsc. 25, Evimmtn. The Federal civil commissioners have issued a proclamation stating that Altona will be their seat for the transaction of business. The reports hitherto sent to Herr von Ploen at Copenhagen are henceforth to be forwarded to the commissioners. Prayers are to be put up in the churches only for the government, its counci:- lore, and servants. The Danish troops leave Neumnoster to-day. Duke Frederick has been proclaimed in Pinner berg, Elmehorn, and Glitokstadt. A meeting of deputies from all parts of the coun ts, is to be bald at Elmahorn on Sunday. BAR DOMINGO. CADIZ, Dlc. 25. A steamer his arrived here with news from Elan Domingo to the 7th instant. The capture of Azua was shortly expected, which would terminate the insurrection. THE DWELLINGS OP THE POOR. A meeting of gentlemen interested in the forma tion of a oompaay or association for improving the dwell ings of the pour in Norwich was held at the Guildhall, in that city, on Wednesday; the Mayor (Mr. 0. Springfield) In the chair. After some preliminary discussion, in the cosine of whisk several speakers expressed their opinion that the object of the proposed society should be to buy upend improve old dilapidated and ruinous dwellings, the Bishop of Norwich said the Ent pudical step would be to form an amociatioa, and define the object it had in view, what amount al capital would be required. and the amount of the shares in which that capital should be taken. He thought that the object cf the emaciation should be threefold—via the im provement of the dwellings of the better clan: of the poor, then the improvement of the dwellings of the very poor, and the establishment of lodgings for single men. He had had a little experience of the matter in Ladles with one or two associations formed there, which had come very distloetly to the conclusion that the taking up of a rumor building, or • building in a bad state of re pair, however important it might be to improve such pro perty, would sot prove remunerative after the outlay. They also came to the conclusion that all sew legs, except in very special localities, were failures in respect to remumoratioa; but when they took blocks of hour in ea alley, with the shell of the building substantial sod good, then they found that, although there was a considerable outlay in draining, repairing, and lighting, there was every prospect al obtaining a very fair percentage. He had, how ever, always found it laid down by the beet authorities in London, and at Windsor especially, that 10 per cant gross return on the outlay was absolutely necessary to reader such cottage property in any way remunerative to share holders, for from it moat be deducted at least one-half for ontioinp sad expire*. He added, that be would move, to facilitate proceedings, that a oompaay be formed for the improvement of the dwellings of the labouring Glasses in Norwich and it. vicinity. Sir J. P. Boileau 'wooded the motion. Some discussion ensued as to the desirability of calling the proposed body a " company," or an " aasw dation," but a decision WIMP eventually arrived at in favour of the former designation. After some further discussion the resolution of the bishop was carried unanimously. Sir J. P. Boileau remarked that the object of the company was experimental; if it were socceseful, more speculative per sons would take the matter up commercially. AN EPISODE OP THE COLENSO TRIAL Soon after Dean Douglas had commenced his opening address after the trivial Bishop Cokes*, The Archbishop of Grahamstown (Merriman), interrupting the Dun ' s argument, rme and said :—I feel constrained to coalman inquiry. I hope I shall in pardoned for doing so • and will give my reasons. I have come from a di s h o t Fait of the province in the hope that I should here meet the Bishop of Natal, and that in the course of these argu ments, and by our remonstrances but still more by brotherly intercourse with your lord ship., he would be in duced in some measure to retract, or modify in some way, the very painful statements which we have come here to examine. But, although he is not here present, we are exceedingly glad to find - that he has employed a gentlemen to represent him, bat in respect to whom I should very much wish to know whether we have the hope that in ad. ducing these proofs—the citation and the formularies upon which we found our arguments —we are addressing one who, like the Bishop of Natal himself, would give due weight to them ; whether Dr. Bleak—l believe that is the name of the gentleman ; I have sever seen him before, and therefore I can here no possible objection to him ; on the contrary, I am exceedingly glad •to see him here—whether be is a member of the church of England, or of any communion which will recognise the formularies of oar church, upon which the whole of our arguments are founded. 1 hops I shall be permitted to put that question—of course through your lotripe—before we proceed fm :her with the argu ment. The Archdeacon (Badnall) of George—l hope I shall be allowed to supplement what the Archbishop of Grahams town has maid to this effect. This is the first occasion upon which I have had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Reek. I did not even know it was he who at down at the table. Therefore I am sure he will acquit me of every vestige of personal feeling ; and, not residing quite so far from Capetown as the Archdeacon of Grahamstown does, I may be allowed, perhapi, to say that I have heard his name mentioned as that of a gentleman, not only not a member of our communion, but of a geutlercan very well known to sympathise in the very strongrit way with quite the freer sort of SOCi01•1:141T. Ido not intend even the slightest per sonality ; but miles. that be expressly denied, I cannot help asserting in the strongest way my surprise at the eatra ordinary fact that the Bishop of Natal, a bishop of • Christian church, should have chosen such a repre sentative. Therefore I beg to supplement what the Archdeacon of Grahamstown has rid, and to join with him ia reqaesting that the question may be decidedly put. We do not at all wish that Dr. Bleak should absent himself in the least degree. On the contrary, I am sure T only express the feeling of the Archdeacon of Grahamstown, sod of the dean, as well as myself, when I say that it ia our sincere hope that every indulgence may given to him. But still, returoing to the point that has been raised, I mast request that the question may be put. The Bishop of Capetown—Dr. Bleak, you have heard the question put by the Archdeacon of Grahamstown ; if you feel inclined to answer it you may do so. Dr. Bleek—l came here to perform aertain formal acts io connexion with the inquiry going on, not for the purpose of any inquiry being made as to my own opinions. I did not come here as a member of the church in any way, but merely to read this letter and to do some formal things. If this wart is to be converted into any other purpose than that which I am instructed not to recognise, then 1 have no bashing bean. _ _ The Bishop of Capetowo—The question proposed to you was, whether you, as the agent of a bishop of the Church of &Wood, were • member of that communioowhether, if Dot • member of th at chard], you held the faith of the Church of England ma these subjects. Dr. Bleak —My lord, I decline to aoewer that question. They have so right to ask such a question. The Deem then proceeded with his address. Tan BENCH or BISHOPS.—The past seven Tessa have been attended with numerous champs on the episco- pal bench. Dr. Longley has succeeded Dr. J. B. Sumner is the archliehopric of Canterbury, and Dr. Thomson has succeeded Dr. Musgrave in the archbishopric of York. The me of London ia now occupied by Dr. Tait, in the room of Dr. Blorafield ; that of Durham by Dr. Bering, In the room of Dr. Maltby ; that of &cheater by Dr. WiSTILIDI, in the room of Dr. Murray ; the* of Bangor by Dr. Campbell, in the room of Dr. Bothell ; that of Ripon by Dr. Bicker sloth, is the room of Dr. Langley ; that of Worcester b Dr. Phßpott, in the room of Dr. P o p es ; that of Norwich by Dr. Pelham, in the roo m o f Dr. Hinds ; that of Carlisle by Dr. Waldegrave, In the room of Dr. Villiers ; and that of Gloucester sod Bristol by Dr. Elli co tt, i n the room of Dr. Baring. We have thus eleven abeam In the seven years armor twesty-eight English and Welsh biasoprios, so that the average career of a bishop does not much exceed fifteen or 'lateen years. This is a very fair allowance, how- ever, ooesidering that divines do not become bishop, until they ass well advanced in yews. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. (nom oca owl( PAWS, FILTDAT Although the amendment to the loan bill pro posed by K Thiers and his friends was not, and never wan expected to be carried, it cannot be said that it was made in vain. It has exercised an in fluence the extent of which is impossible to be calculated, in the precise way that a parliamentary opposition should do, namely, by reminding the executive of its responsibility, forcing the advisers of the crown to consult among themselves, re consider their opinions, and make promises of amendment, which, if not absolutely binding, cannot be broken without difficulty ►nd discredit. The government commissary, M. Vuitry, spoke so fair, and asserted so frequently and so emphatically that he almost agreed with K Thiers, that several of the deputies who had signed the amendment voted against it. M. Thiers himself went out of the house when the division came on, and did not vote at all. M. Berryer also abstained. All this accounts for the small minority-14—in which list, however, there is the name of one deputy who was elected as a government candidate, the Duke de Marmier. As K Vuitry explained the thing the only difference between him and M. Thiers resolves itself into a question whether the amount of Trea sury bills which the government is to be authorised to issue shall be settled now or two months hence. The government quite admits the principleof a reduction of the maximum, only it asps that if a limit ware fixed at the present moment, K Fould would be prejudicially fettered in placing his loan. It is to be noticed that the government commissary dwelt upon technical financial considerations only, and said not one word ' to countenance the idea of the dissident opposition members, MM. Havin and Guiroult, that the loan was in any way connected with the furtherance of a war for Poland. In my opinion, the war party in France is now in a hopeless minority. The Senate, the Corps Legislatif, and the most influential men of the opposition, have pronounced against war, and the government, whatever its real intentions may be, professes at least, and that moat emphatically, to go with the stream. M. Emile 011ivier, in answer to a few words from his brother deputy for Paris, M. Gudroult, who raised his voice for war, stated the views of the majority of the liberal opposition very clearly. He said : M. Garailt refuses his support to the amendment ea the ground that it is • means of limiting the action of government in a question which excites the deepest interest is the country—the Polish question, • means of forcing the government to maintain peace, when our hon. collaegue wants war. If it were true that the amendment were to lead to the consequences alluded to, I should the more eagerly vote for its adoption. For, however ardent my sympathy for Poland, there is something more ardent still, my love and duty towards my country. (Ap probation.) I say it without hesitation, and shall sot fail to state my motives when the moment shall have arrived, lam resolutely for peace. (Approbation.) This Goon may be unpopular, but I shall not hesitate to do my duty. However, I do not believe I have any merit for braving unpopularity, because I think I am at present expressing the true sentiments of French democracy. Yes, lam convinced that in the masa of the nation, which is generous but intelligent, which loves others, but which above all lover its own country—(►pplause)—tbs necessity of the opinion I here express is admitted. (True.) I may add that in point of fact the question does not stand as the hon. M. Guiroult has said. The members who have signed the amendment have pronounced neither for peace nor war. The government commissioner has just explained, with perfect lucidity, that no new expense could be incurred without a vote of the chamber, and that the government, even with the latitude of issuing 300 millions of treasury bonds, would not have any greater latitude for entering upon • war. We must not, therefore, while in voking a sentiment supposed to be popular, pro pagate financial errors, and, in the name of liberty, in troduce theses contrary to our maxima, to the principles of the constitution. and of true liberty. Ina word, whether in point of fact or in point of form, the amendment has sot the meaning M. Guiroult attributes to it. I shall vote for it, and vote for it the more willingly as it has a pacific sig nification. I am certainly not one of those who want peace at any price, neither am I one of those, on the other hand, who want war at any price—(approbatioo)—especially when war exposes my country, and causes its internal liberties to be postponed. (Approbation.) SPEECH OF K TRIERS ON THE FRENCH LOAN. The following is a translation of the speech de, livered by M. Thiers upon the French loan, in the Corps Legialatif t on Thursday last : Gentlemen,—l had intended, on the occasion of my first speech before you, to give you some explanations of the motives which decided me to appear once more within these walls, and of the lino of *Deduct. which it is now my purpose to pursue. But the moment is at hand when I shall have a better opportunity of doing this. To-day I come to speak of business, and business only. I like this better; for politics may sometimes divide, but business I hope will tend to unite you. I am pleased to-day to have to speak upon a subject on which we have ideas in corn. moo, rather than on oar which might be irritating. I come, then, at once to the great question before us. We are asked for WO millions to meet expenses already incurred. It is money due that we are called upon to provide. Although this expenditure has been occasioned in great part by an expedition which I regret extremely—the Mexican expedition—that considera tion in no way diminishes either our desire or our duty to pay the money owing. These expense+ have become saddled upon the floating debt, and have thus attained the character of a public debt. The question now befall us is simply this—is it not desirable to Lander this liability from the firedog to the consolidated debt ' But part pause with this question there arises this other : Is it not in- Gumboot upon us to take precautionary measures to pre vent the floating debt from swelling again, in the course of a few months, to the same amount which you now think unsafe That is the question which I propose to examine. Although I had rather not mix up politica with this discoseiou, yet I may perhaps add a few words with the view of recommending that this loan may have an essentially pacific character. If it were otherwise, com mercial transactions and even diplomacy might be very much damaged. (Cheers.) I shall endeavour, in the first place, to define as clearly as possible what the floating debt is. The word deficit, whish is often used to deecribe it, does not precisely correspond to the idea which I alway■ bad of the floating debt. The floating debt is sot eve% as I understand it, a deficit. There is a deficit when a minister. transgressing legal limits, goes beyond his credit. I , There is a deficit until he has excused himself before you by the plea of necessity. But when once a deficit forms part of the floating debt it becomes a public debt. The floating . debt is the aggregate of the detente which have not been provided for either by taxes or kens. A simile will explain my notion exactly. Let as suppose that a rich beaker, doing a large badness, and having many correspoodests, allows himself to be led into engagement► beyond his re sources. In that case be resorts to the expedient which is vulgarly called making money of his signature. Well, l just so the Treasury is • rich banker ; it receives from its correspondents considerable nag, which it applies to current expenses. To raise the surplus it ha, recourse to its signature and Untie Treasury bills. Now, what are the limits within which, according to the dict•tee of prudence, the amount of Tremor, bills should be fixed! Cadet the Reatoratiou it went as high as from 300 to 350 millions. Under the constitutional goveramest of 1830 it was sometimes 400, 500, 600, and 700 millions. The lath" figures appeared to me excessive, and, for my part, I cow *Wed of them at the time. Ceder the present regime th e floating debt has successively risen to 800 and 900 minims, and mete to a milliard. The latter has beim the figure foe the lest two years. That is an amount calculated to cause amminese, sad it is desirable that it should be reduce:l. Is it possible Dow to fix, with any certainty, the exact amount of the reduction which ought to be made in th e issue of these bills? No. But the example of the Mah e may furnish us with an approximative rule. It resale from • series of observations that the metallic reserve of a bank ought to be about oae.third of the amount of it. imam of paper. This proportion, which in France I. merely customary , is compelled by legal enactment in England. A sort of analogy applicable to the floating debt may he found from these data. The correspondents of the State are all the great public establishments'. Their feuds are all fused in one great beak, that of the State. That state of things is eminently useful ; it is one which bee been cep. proved of by the most eminent financiers, and especially by the most eminent of all, one under whom I had the bosom to serve, Baron Louis. The receivers-general are obliged to deposit considerable sums with the Treasury, wed always to be in advanos with it. There we have • hod of about 130 millions. The communes pay into the Treasury th e resources which enable them to meet their authorised en. poems. There again, you have • fund of about 110 rail. loam Then there is the Cases dee Consignations, th e Oahe' d'Emargues (savings banks), and the army Caine. Those are the correspondents of the Tremor', and they pay altogether about 630 millions a year. This sum was far from being so conaiderable under former regimes, it has always borne • proportion to the march of affairs in the country. Al the movement has developed itself and as the receipts of the Treasury have augmented, so this part of the flostiog debt has become more considerable. At this day the correspondents of the Treasury deposit with it from GOO 0,630 millions, more or less—let us say 600 minima. If to this sum we add 100 millions of Treasury bills, that make' the floating debt 700 millions, I am well aware that the limit of Treasury bills is difficult to fix exactly. Between the maximum end the minimum there must necessarily be a cer. tin margin. I think it would be undesirable to do away with the circulation of Treasury bills ; they are excellent securities, sought for by men of business who must have negotiable paper in their portfolio, and often also by family men who ass in them a safe and readily. coevertible security. I should be sorry if the public were to lose the habit of investing them. There is another reason for keeping up Treasury bills —namely, that in given circumstances they may become most precious resource for the State. I was • witness is 1830 of a most serious situation. Our revolution had pro. yoked armaments throughout Etiropenand France was name. eerily obliged to arm also. We then passed through mod difficult days, capital shrunk from the funded debt, and we were oosopelled to have recourse to Treasury bills. In that way we mind several hundred millions. This resource ought, then, to be left to government. But this resource must be prudently used, otherwise you will exhaust it, and it will leave you empty. It is therefore nacemary to fix limits. We propose the limit of 100 millions. Some may say 80 is the right figure, others 120 ; but at any rate I do say this, that in ordinary time. it is unreasonable to nee Treasury bills to • greater extent than 100 or 150 minims ; aad if thst limit be observed, the floating debt will be kept within 700 millions. We are all agreed that the debt ought to be kept down to that amount, but we must efficaciously provide that that shall be so. If you devote 300 millions to the purpose of reducing that debt from • milliard (which is as excessive though not an alarming amount) to 700 million, it will not do that at the end of a few months you should again find yourself saddled with the very mime figure which you now want to reduce. In this sort of mistrust., gentlemen, there is nothing offensive. No. I wish to say nothing disobliging fur the honourable mew. here of the government ; but if I do not mistrust iodi viduals I do mistrust the mature of things. What hap• posed two years ago? The floating debt had then rime to a milliard. M. Fould demised to reduce it to • more normal amount, and I applaud him for it. At that time M. Fould had • great repugnance to • fresh inscription on thegreat book of the public debt. I again praise him for the feeling. But it was indispensable to find resources. The Finance Minister appealed touts fucdholders, aged he asked from theta the money which he would not have asked from a loan—be asked for the conversion of the Routes. I respect the motives which led you to vote that masseurs ; but allow rue to say what I think of the remain Conversion of Bent', when the time is ripe for it, is an excellent measure, but you ought to take very good care that the fruit is really ripe; sometimes it is sour. A conversion, effected under circum. stances which do not. naturally call for such to operation, necessarily produces regrettable consequences, for the fuodholders in the first place, and for the State afterwards. In such a situation promises are made and hopes excited which are not always realised. Now, what were the results obtained by this conversion, which, in my opinion, was premature? The Finance Minister hoped that it would produce 300 millions for the Treasury, and in Point of fact it only realised 157 millions. And to obtain this re sult you have left the interest of the debt exactly as it was before the operation, and you have augmented the capi tal by a sum of 700 or SOO millions. While making this great sacrifice of capital you have, I repeat, gained nothing OD the soon of interest And as to the fuodholders, who were promised that ai • re sult of the unification of the debt they would moo see the Threes at 71, they find the average price fora long time past G 7. Bat in this business there is a still more serious deception. The 157 millions paid by the fuodholders to the Treasury were all employed in the reduction of the floating debt, and yet • few months afterwards this debt was found swollen to the amount of a milliard. The example of the past ought therefore to induce us now to take precautions. What should those precautions be ? We have iavented nothing. We have inquired of theism what should be dom. Every year chore is a financial Ism which limits the issue of Treasury bills. Article 18 of the Budget Law of 1861 fixes this limit at 250 millions, and an Imperial decree is due form, as I admit, has added 50 million'. That is the limit fixed by law as it at present stands. We think that now you have the loss thislimit may be reduced to 100inillions. Well, what says the amendment which I and several of my colleagues have had the honour to present? It demands a legislative redactioa to 100 millions. Of course, in a matter of this kind we have no bigotted attachment to a precise figure, and if I thought that a larger sum would obtain the adhesion of the majority I would very willingly adopt it. I told the government commissaires when I was before the committee, that if our measure seemed to them inconvenient they might propose another, and we would cousider it, but that we could not possibly grant a loan destined to cover 300 millions of Treasury bonds now in circulation, and leave them at the same time the power to issue bills for • like amount in the courte of the ansuiug year. I must confess that on this bead nothing satisfactory was said to me. After a conversation upon the exact amount of the limit which ought to be put to the issue of Treasury bills, M. Thies concluded I shall be told that lam mistrustful. No. lam not. But you must admit that this loan of 300,000,000 is a melancholy sew year's gift for the country. There ought to be a con. Wallop with it, and this is what our ameschnest propose , . . . . . As I understand the mandate I received from my electors, they desired me to support three things-0"W liberty, good finance, and peace. The MINIDTER of STATE —We ale all agreed OD that poict. M. THEIRS—As to the question of public liberties we shall speak of that a fortnight heuce. The economic.' question consist io the good direction of finance. As to peace, I declare myself to decided partisan of it. (Al' please on several benches.) Not of a peace which would injure our honour, for if that were in question, we, who e re called the opposition, would not refuse the government all the resources of the country. But midst present circum• etaucee, when I look at Europe, I see the possibility of ma ki ng t fl t re mendousmistakes, fatal mistakes perhaps ; but I see no great French interest involved, unless perhaps in regard to the !Amish question. Francs is mistress of p e ace or war at her pleasure. If any great events were to occur our amendment would be no irspeali . meat, for milliards would thou be wanted ; for, gentlemen. the next war will not be an isolated one, but such a general war that the present generation may, perhaps, oot see the end of it or the coosequences of it. (Cheer.) Bat I should not be sorry if our vote were to stand in the way of little wars, such as those of Chios, Cochin Chins, Japan, M e xioa;and perhaps Msdspssxr. This is all I have to say I will leave our anseodment in the bench of the maymety deal with it es they will, but we who have Ovid it ha" our responsibility and our °onscreen. 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