The Express. — London, England, 1847-12-18 00:00:00

weworwrowov.."'" Isadairyeemataototeltasmenser 5 ware loaded proprietors ex. dy esimien PPM thel.lll ma •Om MP tonot amootoo pre taw peer Palm boted SO do kr row me time eisto blotteme•ati-Slimigirtelims. total CT I=sod lo Soms. tom at 2 elasem—last Itowarr, Maths a' L taaamdtmeseaseartba asstarawombkos et the= Impaesemontla sasortanas ibe ono Mr Mimi rates, ma site slielitim ai = t wess. NEW WRIT, Oa the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was or dered to issue for the election of a member for the borough of Rye, in the room of Mr. Curteis, deosased. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. The SPEAKER (who spoke M a very law tome) was un derstood to say that the sureties for prosecutiog the petitions against the return of members far doteaster, Feebleashire, Drogheda, Bodmin, Bolton, Carlisle, Stockport, sad Leices ter were unexceptionable. THE NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. GLADSTONE said that he wished to give notios that on Monday he should oak the noble lord at what period of the session he thought be should be able to bring forward • bill for the amendmNEWent of theZEALA navigaNDn laws. Mr. GLADSTONE also begged to ark whether the de 'pea of Governor Grey of 23rd December, 1846, relating to the sale of public lands in New Zealand, would be laid on the table ? Lord J. RUSSELL said, that with regard to the first question of the right hon. gentleman, he could not under take to say that on Monday he should be able to fir any pre. els time for bringing forward the bill for the amendment of the navigation laws, but he would say now, that as far as he knew, he could not expect it would be brought is very soon after the recess. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that with regard to the second question he believed there was no despatch of Governor Grey which had not been laid on the table, but if he was in ell'Of he would communicate with the right hon. gentleman. Viscount MAHON alluded to the winner in which the despatches of the Colonial-office which were laid before the house differed from those of the Foreign-office, inasmuch as in the latter the dates at which they were written and the dates of their receipt were given, while In those of the Co. loniadoffies it was not so. He wished to ask his right hon. friend (Mr. Lsbouchere) if, since he had given him notice on this subject, he had communicated with the noble earl the Secretary for the Colonies, and whether there was any ob jection to sasimilating the manner of dating papers in the Colosiadefficeso the which was adopted in the Foreign-office? Mr. LABOUCHERE said he had communicated with his noble friend (Earl Grey), who had stated there could be no possible objection to the alteration, and in future both dates would be given. SPANISH TARIFF. Mr. BANKES said he had yesterday put a question to the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, which he had said he would answer that day. The noble lord was not now in his place, but perhaps the right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Trade or the noble lord at the head of the government would answer the question. He wished to know if the government had received any intima tion of the Spanish government's having altered their tariff, by raising the duty on imports from this and other countries. Mr. LABOUCHERE said the hon. gentleman's notice had been given to his noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and, perhaps, he had better wait till he was in his place, to have an answer to his question. PUBLIC PROSECUTOR. Mr..l. S. WORTLEY said it would be in the recollection of the government that at the dose of the lest session he had asked a question with regard to the appointment of a public prosecutor. He begged to give notice that he should repeat that question to-morrow. Sir G. GREY mild the subject was under the considers.' Lion of the government, but no decision had been animal at as to the plan to be adopted. Mr. WAKLEY hoped such an appointment would be made immediately. THE CHELIENHAIM ELEITION PETITION. Mr. S. WALPOLE rose to move the consideration of the petition of Sir Willoughby Jones, Bait., M.P., presented 14th December, alleging that the recognisance' entered into by the petitioners against the return were not in the form prescribed by the 7 & 8 Vict., e. 103, and praying that no further proceedings might be bad ou the mut petition. He said that the facts of the ease were, that a petition had been presented against the return of the member for Cheltenhein by six electors, and, as a condition precedent to the presentation of the petition, it was required by the 7 & 8 Vie., e. 103, that recognisance. should be entered into. By a subsequent section it was provided that no election petition could be received until a certificate by the examiner of recogoisanoes that those recognisance. bad been entered into was endorsed upon it. Here a recogni sance had been entered into, but Tan recognisance required by the act had not been entered into, and it created a mate. risl difficulty in point of law. In the form given in the act the sureties bound themselves to pay all costs which should become due and payable by them and each of them in the event of the petition being withdrawn. This-mom. nisance omitted the words " each of them," and the maw quence was that if any one of the petitioners withdrew, say costs which should become due from less than the six meld not be recovered. Two points of law arose on the question. First, that in these reeoginsousees the provisions of the ant of parl•atnent had not been complied with, and, therefore, they were void ; and, secondly, that at any rate their legal effect would be materially altered. The hon. gentleman referred, in support of this opinion, to two similar cases decided by Lord Denman and Chief Justice Tindal. The moss important point for consideration was whether or not the certificates given by the examiner of JllO.OOlllOllO were fi nal and conclusive, and upon this he asmalied tie jurisdiction to decide was in this house, parldwei* so the Courts of Queen's Bench and Common Pleas had itilita to iaterfere. There were three modes of prosesi* Is. matter ; the first was to leave the gyration tothe iitioloo the Speaker. This he did not Hsieh a kir wr mss. Mae of proceeding. The next cows* wee te refer Me geed= to a select committee to inquire and ropoolopos abgatims, and the last was, that assuming the loam wee of opinion that the recognisance was bad ab natio, then to rescind by motion the order referring the petition to the general com mittee on elections, and to direct that no further proceed ings be taken on the petition. As it was his bounden duty to submit one of these three modes for the adoption of the house, be should take that which he thought to be most proper and regular, and, therefore, he now moved that • select committee be appointed to inquire into the allegations contained in the petition, and to report thereon to the house. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said the most important question raised in this' matter was whether, after the passing of the last act in relation to controverted elections, the house could or ought to entertain a jurisdiction in such a matter as this petition brought before the house. With all possible respect for the house, be must say, he thought it a very bad tribunal to try and determine such difficult and intricate points of law as that now raised avowedly was. Why, the very object of the last act was to withdraw from the house itself the jurisdiction to consider and decide such questions, and, for this purpose, the examiner of recognisance. had been appointed. He contended that his decision, both on matters of law and matters of fact, was final and conch. sive. The house, itself, bad so decided in the ease of the ' Oalway petition against the return of the present Solicitor- General for Ireland (Mr. Monahan) and in the similar ease of the Carearvon petit ion presented on behalf of Lord G. Paget. • As to the petition itself, Herm true that many important - ammo were attached to the opinion that the recognisance& , went bad ; but knowing bow common it was fur men of the ' =rlearning and experience to differ on ouch points, and ag that many most eminent conveyancers held that the words "and each of them" were mere surplueage, he did not wonder at the opinion that had been given. At the muse time, he h eld that no lawyer ought to stand up in that house, especially in the situation he held, without having well weighed the opinion he was about to pronounce. In one case, when one petitioner out of three had entered into recognisanoes, and had done so on his own account only, . without making any mention of the others, the Lord Chief Justice had held that, the petitiNters being all in one in terest, the words " in his behalf" were large enough to bind thous all. Io the present ease, as the decision of the house could not possibly make the recognisance either good or bad, the best course would be to leave the matter where it was. The recognisance had been approved by the examiner, and when it had received the Speaker's certificate it would be unimpeachable.____ Si,. F. THESIGICH repotted that this discussion had aow been raised, at a tissue Inconvenient for the investiga tion of a legal question. Contradictory opinions would most likely be expressed, and thus the house would be embarrassed as to the course it ought to pursue. Acting on the principle , 'ethe learned Solicitor-General, he bad endeavonred to form Ai mood opinion on the point. He adopted the view taken ==by the hon. and learned mover of the motion, and differed fresa the hon. and learned gentleman who had last spoken. • Sir G. GREY said he should abstain from entering into the legal question of the value of these recognisanses. He thought that, instead of debating the question till midnight, it would be better to refer the whole matter to a competent committee, who should make its report to the home, as well on the facts of the case an with reference to the points of law bearing upon it. lie would not argue the leant points of the case, tut his tdr tided opinion was that the decision of the examiner of recogniaanses should be held to be final. Mr. BAINES read an extract from a speech of Sir R. Peel, the framer of the bBl, stating that its ustentian was to leave the decision of these matters with the examiner, in order that party discussions might not arise. Sir R. PEEL was reedy to acknowledge that such was the intention of.the bill: It was considered that the decision of the examiner should he load final ; but here it had berm dies . limaly @hewn that Ito mineliter had made a mistake, having andttod ea important eanideration for the security of the drag amber. It wee prat that the examinee had left edit' tome important wen and the house, by sanctioning ' lir error, would perpetuate a wrong. All his impressions were in favour of a final dribs by the examiner, but they net not overlook the aleimeef equity. He there ' , they bad better arid dissurim by /LOOM laths bre gra tit. CM ;Ma he belies ill le= er t i bil lestirtriet Se two. • i me :e -glair dereltery sliervaller we then aid • across the prairie as to the Fogad*/ at appointing a comatittee to sit r• iDg the moor. =few words !am Yr. Roultr,t, who was nearly Is the /Whim _ _• bled J. 111:1983tIe till lir, before the lease coma to a &ere , sa ion ths u oirl it, he resod * guard bits - ricer sa atoopat to Om souses repined dial , bre Werra * tart hare reesedier is seek . schwa. After re * *bids bed beseV. - Mona he difficult for bore set to errs. to *teenittler bat It would be tea to oval re . .'el 'lbe bore litobag to dr* a cart. • As semi of limbos vim do audii t : i t i v ar allis : .-.a u reisk might Jae orimigithasol O. Ile bad' re rat retry* ef tee er • bit beta , woo; :re it limited, to a seer errs, el larder beta this kind. It was • great benefit to be ruled in such cases by the wore of aa Mt el parliament, and not to have such questions dallied meriting to political or party views. If the coleadtbsa sheabi be appointed, and its report interfered with thaeading kw, hie lapped= wee, with respect to any delhatin the nagnialkke, diet they ought to allow the ad al ppallawast b bs eluded tate ant, rather than permit • deakka.edlla Reek a Coolness to inierisrs with a um: g Mr le data& Odil a r. Mr W. JOXM that M &ebb ahead se to the correct reading el the encase, ber **ay% adapters ought not to istasper a shill for the yeatedien et them who had in the *Am of netant legal asthenia's aided illegally. The bane then divided, when ohs amebas were — For the motion Against it 124-11 WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE ELECTION. Sir G. GREY said that sines the adjournment of the de bate on the petition which had been presented by the hon. me,i,ber for Finsbury, be bad given his best considersiOn, and had oonsulti.d the highest authority in the house to ascertain what proceedings they ought to take. He would, ! there!ore ' more that instead of being referred to aielect com mittee, the petition be tottered to a committee of privilege. Mr. WILK LEY had not the least objection to adopt the course suggested. He begged to ask when the committee of privilege would be nominated? Sir (1. GREY said he intended to nominate the committee on Monday. The usual course was to name a few of the principal members of the house, end all the knights of the shire, gentlemen of the long robe, and merchants who wished an attend. cLaugbter.) INCREASE OF 1 HE DUTIES ON WOOLLEN AND COTTON GOODS BY SPAIN. • . . In answer to a question by Mr. BANK6III, Lord PALMERSTON said that he had rweived a com munication from her Majesty's minister at Madrid, incloaing copies of two decrees dated the 10th. of November. One of these related to an alteration in the levying of the duty ou woollen goods, the tendency of which alteration was in some degree to increase the duty. The other decree distinctly increased the duty upon goods composed partly of cotton in all cases in which one-third of the aggregate of the material was compoeed of cotton ; and in all other cases the duty was to be levied according to the material which predo ' minated in the texture. Her Majesty's minister had written te the ligspash government on the subject, and he expressed • bye *Mg hew decrees would be poetpmpol, is oedes that dm might be given to the parties Whose interests were con temned to make their arrangements accordingly. No reply lied as yet been received to that communication. THE BISHOP OF EXETER. Mr. H. GRATTAN wished to know from the hoe. Erta amen the Attorney .General whether he had seen a decu mbent, dated Dee. 10, addressed w Lo d J. Russell, and signed "H. Exeter? " (Laughter.) That letter appeased • him to be of a very extraordinary nature ; and, when he heard Roman catholic clergymen found fault with foe incul natio, violation of the law, he thought that the same mea sure of justice should be dealt out to the individual who wrote the Mowing purge: My —Mena iie at Meseell ought to be, ever will be, lem sure, In roe tsiskta f homer security to us against the application by yea ar a phew= ea ear= es the "rights of the crown" to • matter go Westin prensionsef the statute of which I on writing. Wyk** to. =wake= right, tan have no right (I trust, too, that 11 be bug to jars so pewee), to force a bishop on the church wham the doneh W jut right to reject r • " setter forth of 111101•1011,11114 000triPe, contrary to God's word." Teas', my long the Mae= II R y VIH. a flo the Magna Charts of tyrsnny), derma Is dm mown • petree:t . dila i ir lordship has teen phased tto mil a .right to samesma to sod to penury any dean or say dope seder with such a mandate. But me matelehm the pewee Mai= emotion of the mandate h alf ; me state= has ths power tomato an home= and conacientioua &apostle West, or an how* sod eseedentlous prelate to consecrate to the Mere of bishop, see a pima MB Have described &bone. Theta/doe referred to wee soaking lest flaunt. actor parlia ment which transferred thereon' up to that time exercised oy the l'ope to the sovereign of country. This act also made it imperative en the dean and chapter to elect the person nomi nated by the crown under the penalty of apremunire. Yet, the individual who signed himself "11. Exeter," called the statute " the nines charts of tyranny." Why, the fervour of John Tuaro was butts that of a miserable glow-worm com pared with that of H. Exeter, and he must " pale his ineffee. ' tual fire " before the latte r. (Laughter.) He desired to know whether her Majesty's Attorney•Cieneral, together with the learned Solicitor-General—for been would be re quired is the case—(laughter)--hod taken any steps with regard to this defiance of her Majesty's government ? The ATTORNEY-GENENAL said that he had seen the letter referred to, but he bad so much professional business to attend to, that he had not read it; and when the matter was brought before him, professionally or officially, he, to gether with the learned Solicitor-General, would give it the beet attention. (Much laughter.) JEWISH DISABILITIES.—ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. LAW said he hail received with alarm the intimation that a measure of this kind was to be brought before the house, and that alarm was greatly increased when he heard that it was to be introduced by the noble lord at the head of the government. Believing that this important measure regarded nothixg less than the endangering of the constitution of :the legislature of this ancient Chris tian country, he let that the noble lord was introducing one that was fatal to the constitution, , and calculated to shake it to its foundations. The noble lord confessed that Cluinianitv was parcel of the common law of the land ; but he made this admission in the narrowest sense, as affording merely a foundation for certain criminal proceedings. Christianity was not any part of the law of the country, but the foundation of all its laws, as might be seen from the authority of the 34th Henry VI. At no periA of their history were the Jews admissible to parliament; so that this was a new questioa altogether, and the removal of Roman catholicdisalitlities and the sacramen tal test had no analogy to the present case. With respect to these latter instances the basis of the constitution was indeed extended, but it was not varied. The pre ., tit, therefore, was the first Impeachment of the Christian character of the legislature. It was contended that religious liberty was the principle of the constitution and the right of British subjects. That was true ; but, like every other principle of the constitution, it was one where individual rights always had been and always must be limited for the common benefit of the whole. The noble lord said that every person born in this country, and being a British subject, was entitled to religious liberty, and admissible by birthright to all the honours of the state. That was true, but only on the e==dition that the person should profess the Christian faith, mmilnabscribe the oath which was adminiat, red as a test of OM bet. The noble lord said that the Jews amounted to only 30,000 or 40,000, and that justice demanded that they he admitted into the legislature. If justice required that In re ! apeet to • small number of the Jewish religion, did net a =luting justice require them to pay regard to 000 or their fellow-subjects ? For be it remembered, the admission of every Jew was the displacement of a Christian. The noble lord said that Jews could be and were magistrates and sheriffs; but it was one thing to plane an individual in a responsible situation where he could be controlled by others, and another to place hint in • position where he would have no superiors —amongst the legislators of the country. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had referred to the case of Gibbon. Why did Gibbon take the oath "on the faith of a Christian P Because he was an infidel. But the Jews to their honour would not take an oath which they did not consider binding on coaseiegee. The circumstance, therefore, of one depraved and detested individual being found to take the oath and consequently exposed to the scorn of mankind, instead of lulun, en objection to the system of demanding an oath, was • proof Wits great benefit The noble lord also quoted the instances of itoueseau, Voltaire, Mirabeau, and Robespierre. Bat what force could there be in this argument when, in truth, the principles advocated by Voltaire and Rousseau led to the French revolution, with all its horror.? (Hear, hear.) By the events of that period it was demon strated that these who sapped the foundations of Christianity would also, when they had the opportu. nity, up the foundations of the institutions of their country. The noble lord (Lord J. Russel) had pro nounced a very just eulogium on the character of many gentlemen of the Jewish persuasion, No doubt the recent contest had afforded the noble lord special opportunities of judging of their merits, but he (Mr. Law) objected to the noble lord's paying theAsice of his election by bringing with him iota the house Mr. Rothschild. (Laughter.) The noble lord made his appeal on behalf of the Jew. in the same of that religion which proclaimed " peace and good-will towards men." Now, were the Jews, or were they not, scattered among the nations of the earth? He quite agreed with the noble lord that it would be presumption— he would even all it wickedness—for that house to attempt to carry oat the judgments of the Almighty. Still he could not close his eyes to the actual condition of the Jew. , who were not only scattered over the world in different families, but those families themselves were broken and dispersed. He felt that the noble lord had undertaken a gigantic task. He knew the courage and boldness of the prime minister ; but he also knew the fate of the bill of 1762, and be warned the noble lord that if a reaction should hereafter take place the people would not be satisfied with the repeal of the measure under considera tion. He implored the house to pause before they pro ceeded any further. The hour of victory might be marked by the pleasures of triumph, but the hour of retribution would fussily come ; and they might depend upon it that that retribution would be complete. The Earl of ARUNDEL agreed with the hon. member kw Bucks (Mr. Disraeli) that by no one could this question have been brought forward more gracefully, or more appro. prlately, than by the noble lord at the head of the govern. men• He could remember the period when his father and his grandfather were forbidden to sit in the legislature, and it was not surprising, therefore, that ,he should sympathise with the Jews, who still labours:d under civil disabilities. Let them sweep away such enactments : and it was the general conviction that though heresy dou'etleme would appear, yet greater purity in the church ensuing—and heretics appre. dating that purity—they might be expected to be capti vated by It, and ultimately to yield obedience to the church's high authority. If that were the case in Spain, the same results might be expected to follow extended libe rality in other nations. More souls would be gained by the eatholie church to heaven Jew, heretic, end Christian would flock around, and all the nitiosis of the earth would join in the ecstatic hymn, " Gloria k wields Dee." Mr. A. HOPE thweghtthis cam hag Weems, be timeworn of debate, somewhat maimed. Inaba had sertaingy sums pried foci. claim., but it wee alas a assala wbabot awe were such great merits In the Jeans at Et Eire tilde darns validity. They ought Who to ask therneernee what tars the ends and mem et the Jinn is iisakti t t a he eameamies of , , tie spr univileges. The Jews were re' war a• lata, an heinsegegy tel im e g err, without twang et eld.ip witking Maw . Urn. in at them kit* Otte( view, the Wire meet le ester. yin a 4:aka asak a k ear ara.aad aka sagas hada insi li T ia9 okera l l: ae ad thoospis. im maim kw which lika ham elm limed no ewe agra* I* ay Old to the privileges of their - mpg voehoty. The home ought, ' therefore, to require something mon than mere argument in SATURDAY ties m tie THE EXPRESS, o:religions liberty, to induee cede pr. %ro l e demanded of them upon this Oieeeteet. Mr. NEMO/LOAFS laid themeastitnemey he Terminated had petitioned the house strongly against this measure, nod he supported their views. Of all the seeds of danger which the noble lard opposite bad sown he considered that this would be the most obnoxious hi its fruits. Viscount MORPBTIL : I wish to say a few words, and they shall be a very few words, on the question new before the house. Ido not desire to enter into the general and obvious grounds on which the question is based, or on its merits in a constitutional point of view. Upon that head I find the speech of my noble friend who opened this debate, and who is at once the leader of the govern ment and tee introducer of this motion, quite sufficient, and, to my J udgment, perfectly conclude* (hear, hear); and I may ad d, that I am quite content, under this heed, with the speech of the rieht hon. gentlemaa who sea demically represents me, the newly-elected member for the Univenity of Oxford, even though the right hon. gentleman did not sane toe weh that notice of his inteotion to vote for the Jews which the hon. member for another university thinks he ought to have served on his constituents. (A Laugh.) With respect to the constitutional and political view of the question, I adopt in the fullest and widest sense the principle, that when the state requires from any class of its citizens the performance of those duties and payment of imposts which the fact of their being citizen* entails upon them, that then no differences of religious creed or worship not in themselves leading to practices illegal, or hurt ful to the community at large, should operate as an exclusion from any civil rights, dignities, or enjoyments. (Cheers.) The other hon. member for the University of Ox ford talks to me of Hindoos and Parsecs : the bill be fore us only contemplates the relief from Jewish disabilities, my noble friend, as is the part of a statesman, only dealing with practical and tangible difficulties—(hear, hear); but I must say for myself, that I shrink from no length to which the principle of equality before the law may go—(hear), and I will not be deterred from following oat that principle con sistently by the fear of any such improbable and unnatural !vault as a large influx of Parsee and Hindoo candidates for the acceptance of British constituencies. (" Hear," and a laugh.) My desire on the present occasion is to offer one or two remarks on what may be more especially considered the religious view of the question. I confess it is a point of view which, on ordinary occasions, I should be loath to introduce into the discussion, isle the arena of political debate, but in the pre sent ease I feel that objections founded on religious views are alone those, and most constitutionally, which animate those who oppose the present measure ; for I did not steed even the testimony of this debate to prove to me that there , is no personal felt here to gentlemen of the Jewish persuasion. (Hear, hear.) Every one bus spoken of then in terms of kindness and respect--(bear, bear)—and even those who most strongly oppose thin claims evidently do not relish as a pleasure, though they feel as a duty, that modified persecution which they would still keep in forte against them. (Hear, hear.) I say, then, I think the opposition new offered partakes in no degree of a personal nature, founued on the conduct or bearing of the Jews. (Hear, hear.) I feel, therefore, induced to offer one or two remark, on the religious pois.t of view of the subject, because I know that some of those who are induced kere, from a conviction of what is re quired by liberal policy, by enlightened and Christian feel ing, by the principle of equality before the law, to support the emsocipation of the Jews, yet, in the quiet and earnest ness of their homes, have misgivings as to the principle of their complete emancipation. Oa this part of the eubjeet there is no one I would sooner follow than my n dile friend the member for Bath, because I am thoroughly convinced of the sincerity and warmth of his religious opinions and feel- Mgr. (Hear, hear.) Those who have followed him have I nobly vindicated my noble friend wbo moved the resolution now before us from the misrepresentation cast upon him, most unintentionally I ion sure, by the noble member Ice Bath, who mentioned my noble friend as contending that religion had nothing to do with politics, whereas my noble friend distinctly declared that there should be no politics which should not for principle be thoroughly imbued with religion. (Hear, hear.) What my noble friend con tended was, that the essential Christianity of this house wee not constituted or made secure by the form of the oath taken at the table and would not be impaired by the admiesien of a few Jewish: gentlemen within the walls of parliament. It would be strange indeed (continued the noble lord) if the first Christians did riot think ill& ir religion contaminated by being members of Caesar's household, that they should be'l contaminated by the admission of a few Jewish gentlemen into that house. His noble friend had alluded to the adini e sion of the Jews in the French legislature ; and the hon. member for Warwickshire asked if the religious condition of France was satisfactory. He (Lord Morpeth) believed that there was more vital religion in France now, both in her protestant end catholic sections—(oh, oh !)--than there had been since the Revolution. There was net much blame to be imputed to the church of France ' which the hon. member for Warwickshire reproached for deserting the state which had cast her off. With regard to the religious question with which they had to deal, be believed that the great Christian canon, that rule that we should do as we would be done by, embodied ao much of the spirit of Christianity that it would be conclusive as to the way is which aquestion should be decided, unless there was some strong counteracting cir cumstance or positive precept adduced against it. As far as he could see, not only the letter but the spirit of the sacred writings pointed to this as the pervading spirit, un less where it was expressly overfilled. It was expressly laid down that kindness and respect to the ancient people would be acceptable te our heavenly father, and that neglect or contumely would be visited with his displeasure—that bless ings should be for those that blessed, and curses for those that caned. And this was instanced by the circumstance that the prophet who uttered denunciations against Jeru salem, yet predicted misfortune to thou nations that de spised and persecuted her. Though he (Lord Morpeth) thought that the speech of the hon. member for Bucking hamshire contained sentiments which came gracefully and boldly from him, he did not concur in what he said with regard to the general identity between Jews and Christians. (Hear, hear.) We were certainly bound to consider that people as the greatest monument of the special in terposition and the retributive wrath of Heaven ; and we should respect them with something of the feeling which inspired the classical notion, that when the tree was struck by lightning its trunk was sacred. Our acts of parliament should not contravene the decrees of providence ; and there would be no end of evils if we interpreted pro phecy instead of obeying the decree. Something bad been said about the Jews being a separate people, and the hon. member for Maidstone said that it would net be proper to admit them into the British parliament, because they were joint heirs of Palestine. Whether as members they would devote themselves exclusively to the interests of their consti- ' taints was a question for the constituencies. There were ' some classes among them as disqualified for such reasons, thaw a race conversant with financial questions, and residing in the hearts of cities ; nor would Baron Rothschild be a more unfit representative for the City of London because his thoughts were directed to Palestine end the Jewish Sankedsim. He (Lord Morpeth) did not sympathise with the twenty-eight millions whom they were told were hardly used if Jews became members of par lament. There was Christianity enough to comfort them, and their units need not feet aggrieved. He would sot touch on the point that Jews were already sheriffs and magistrates. It was not because they had so much that be should eons for this motion. If the Jews had nothing he mould give them everything. (Hear, hear). He bad read in a despatch of his noble friend the literately for Fore gn Affairs some earnest advice tendered to the Sultan, to put all classes of his subjects, bluasulmans and Christians,Fmnim and rayah, on an equality, as regards civil rights and privileges. He had no doubt that similar advice had been tendered by the King of the French, and by his predecessor, his Most Christian Majesty, and he thought it admirable ad vice to tender to their Mohammedan ally. Such ad vice would be offered by the King of the French with consistency ; but If the house refused to adopt this motion, and prolonged the exclusion of the Jews, they gave the Sultan good ground for a rejoinder when suchl ad vice was tendered to him. He meld say, I have large classes of subjects of different religious belief in different parts of my empire—l have the turbulent Albanian always in revolt—the Greek, prone to enter into treasonous correspondence with his emreligioniste; the Meronite, always disposed to disturb the peace of his empire • but you have among you a people singularly remarkable for the peaceableness of their conduct, distinguished for their loyalty and their charity, conversant with affairs and public business, and wko have made large contributions to the state, of vast wealth, and, above all this, while so peaceable, so orderly, and so charitable, they are but a handful of men, and to them you continue systematically to refuse a share in your national representation, and debar them from the rewards and incitements to industry common to every other class. He (Lord Morpeth) would may add, that if we shoold ad dress such advice to the Sultan, he would have no right to re proach us with went of liberality and toleration, and that we should continue to promulgate liberality and toleration among all nations, and leave them no ground to be able to turn round upon us and say, "Go and do thou likewise," Viscount DRUMLANRIG said that the question of the admission of the Jews to parliament was glaringly opposed to everything connected with a Christian state, country and government. Sir H. VERNEY, in supporting the question, said that he thought that the exclusion of Jew', or any portion of his fellow-subjects, from that house, or front any powers which belonged to them, was contrail to every Chzirdem principle. Mr. H. DRUMMOND (Surrey) roe% snit , as usual, in so low a tone, that, coupled with the > im patience of the house, it was extremely difficult *gee the purport of the hon. member's observations. N. however, in the first place, deny that he wee ,••= by any of the motives attributed to the opponents of the position by the hon. member for the county of Bete (Mr. Disraeli) last night—those of old prejudices erm., worthy feelings towards the Jewa. There were or mime ben is that house who had done more or taken Meth let to become acquainted with that people , not only 1* in every country in the world, he had, keUeell that he admired the " Sidonias" quite as much m the . ale- He rob " ): lord that th fo e r re n e u xistad ellinghtmsh zio lat re agains . th a r " introa Titk uotime th. Thar o tle th e e thethion j wies ews, rn a l d f y Tusks h wares e woulantlewahaelyaddiowthea:ocattingrewowmtklmtsues7(LaugllW against t 5 of Tub s ve. or wom ea. (Issug ter.) There Tess many lomega, a dvocating the righ of wo t mein thell declaring that they stele equal an and all ether men— ( nosed Immhter)-,and who oount sW hoe let to same day they timid finala Mary Wart adorn is. the Washes with her peeessee ? (Great la ..iste) Yaw thumb end Ten ea., and teh had bona nrite, liking the Aar& under his stamp, hid • don the popish lOW No heat •sid the neneela. deeleide Wilk lbw minr. Sims new any bei let is theses. untamable. Int ibey no loafgr io new e l=nat flame of =se g MIR later, the had beet ad ▪ Ocainesan 7si te wa h l o isid weneftlede ig r id evea tite al""lia ttght hael"maegen llama to the @boa . , who we imprint to have/ ell the mem. IECEMBER 18, 1847. bees, toter:int:l a definition as to the material of which the present house was comminuted. The right honour able • gentleman would be in the position of the whe, 14 her. 'lamination by counsel, 011 V nskad what her age was. She replied that she was of as peeticular age, but of the muse age as other people. =laughter.) In the same manner , if the right hon. gen lathe chile was asked what were the religious opi nions of any hon. member, he would be compelled to answer, "Of the same opinion as the rest of the house." (Loud I It had been said, in the course of this debate, that tide gelatin was the triumph of liberalism, and that by this proposition it was intended to take away the last remnant of bigotry from the statute-book. It was a triumph of liberalism as antagonistic to religion. (Loud cries of " No, no." answered by ironical cheers.) If that was doubted, he would remind those who questioned his proposi tion that heretofore religion had bound men to man and man to God, but the alarm was, that to carry out the; motion would be to free man from every obligation to God. (Renewed cries of " No, no.") It would enable him to create his own God according to his own imagination, and to despise the dostmas of the church. Lord G. BENTINCK said that he never rose with greater reluctance or under deeper feelings than on the present occa sion, and if he oonsulted his own comfort he would far rather content himself, as he had done on former occasions, with giving a silent vote. He, however ' could not disguise from himself that he might be supposed to shrink from his duty if he contented himself with the mere registry of his vote. It might be said that the coune he meant to take might break up the party to which he had the honour to belong. Still, so far as he himself was concerned, that consideration would not weigh one iota in the scale. He would submit to those with whom he acted that he could not per mit his principles or his conscience to serve as their handmaid on the present question. (Hear, hear.) It might not be in the knowledge o those who bad been lately elected and returned to this house that this was not the first occasion upon which the present question had been discussed. In l&V it was so, and he had voted with the whips in favour of the admission of Jews into par- Hama. (Hear, hear.) Nuthing had since arisen either in the misconduct of the Jews or auy other cause to induce him to rescind that vote. (Hear, hear.) The question of the admission of the Jews to political rights was not a novelty— on the contrary, they had already been admitted to the rights of electors; they now possessed the power to vote in the elec tion of member to serve as legislators in this assembly. The noble lord would not have been elected in the last par liament if 600 Jews had not voted for him. How, then, could it be said that, if they consented to the noble lord's proposal, they would now, tor the tint time, be giving legis lative power to the Jews ? In 1828 that house sent up the bill which repealed the Teat and Corporation Acta in a form which would not have excluded the Jews. The words " upon the true faith of a Christian " were inserted in that act. Lord Holland moved their omission, sad the Earl of Win chelsea, whoa* high protestantism could not be doubted, argued that those words would not prevent a Jew from taking the oat)", any more than the words " upon the true faith of a Jew" would prevent a Christian. His noble friend the member for Beth said that Jews elected to offices under Sir It. Peel's bill were responsible to Christiana for the due performance of their duty. Surely, if returned as representatives to that house, they would be equalliael sponsible to Christian constituencies. (Hear, hear.) hie to the entire conduct of the Jews, he asked what prise* affor'ed of the existence amongst them of any spirit of peens lytism ? Most certainly none. He saw sitting under the gallery that evening one of the wealthiest and most distin guished Jews in this country, who was president of no less than 28 Christian charities; and would they refuse to ouch a man the power of sitting in a Christian legislature ? He allude d to Sir Lionel Goldomid, who he believed was a sub scriber to every Christian charity in the metropolis. They were told that this measure would dissatisfy the country, owing to a deep feeling of antipathy to the Jews. He knew of no such feeling. Then what was there in the Jewish race to prevent their sitting in pasiln ment —seeing that they were already, by their appointment as magistrates, entrusted with the liberty of Christians—t, as in the ease of Baron Rothschild, occupying the podia of representative of the Queen in an English county, es es in that of Mr. Salomon', paving the way to the adios of first magistrate of the City o London ? Mr. Salomon' would, in the order of thing., be called to the civic chair, and ex officio become a privy councillor. Would they admit him to the Privy Council and forbid him to enter that how I Jews were admitted to the House of Assembly is Jamaica; and, so far from 'coking to extinguish Christianity, they had actually burdened themselves with the payment of 83,0001. a ear ter the support of churches and schools. (Hear, hear . Never let it be supposed that the religion of the country would be injured by the admis sion to the legislature of men who worshipped the same God as ourselves. (" Hear, hear," and loud cries of " Divide.") Mr. 0. MAHON fully coincided in the justice and propriety of the proposition of the government, that hence forth there should no longer remain in this house or in the state the stigma consequent upon disqualification on the ground of religious belief. Let not the hon. member for Oxforduniverity,whom he valued mid loved so much—(tieur, and a laugh)—fur the friendship he had evinced to himeelf, and for his undeviating consistency, suppose that if he had not been unprotestantised by his contact with him (Mr. 0. Mahon), a Roman catholic, that there would be any danger to the Christian character of parliament, because some three or four Jcwe might come amongst them. Lord J. RUSSELL said he wished to state the precise terms of the resolution, which he intended to propose in the committee. He proposed that protestanta should take the oath which they now took, ending with the words—" the true faith of a Christian ;" that the Roman catholic oath should be left as it now stood; and that the oath far the Jews should be as near the Roman Mho& oath as possible. The resolution he intended to propose, if they went into committee, was as fel lows . ' That it is expedient to remove all civil disabilities at present existing affecting her Majesty's subjects of the Jewish religion, with like exceptions as are provided fur her Mojesty's subjects professing the Roman catholic religion." The bill would be sounded on that resolution, and would be the name as that proposed by Sir Robert Grant in 18.33. Ha should not hare added another word but that the hon. sad' learned gentleman the Recorder of London had stated that kiselection for the city of London had been obtained by Me) association with the Baron Rothschild; and that, owing to! that association, he had brought forward the present men. sure. He was mistaken in both of those statements. His opponents in 1841 would not have been disposed to oppose ' hint at the lad election if they had been permitted to name two gentlemen, as the hon. and learned gentleman might have seen from a public advertisement; and, in hie (Lord J. Russell's) position, he should have been better pleased j if there had been no contest in the City, but the party who had returned him in 1841 thought they could succeed in carrying four members, and had named him as one of the number. So far, however, from the Baron Rothschild's coming forward being an advantage to him, it was, on the contrary, a disadvantage—(bear, hear)—and nothing but the feeling that it was an honour to which he might fatly aspire, would have prevented him (Lord J. Russell), when his advice had been asked, from saying "you had better have nothing to do with it." (Laughter.) As to his bringing forward this measure in consequence of that election, the hon. and learned gentleman was also greatly in error. He had always given his vote, and several times spoken in favour of the removal of Jewish disabilities , and soon after he came into office, in 1846, a deputation from the Jews had waited on him and asked him if he was reedy to bring in a measure for their relief. He then said he would not pledge himself to any form of measure, or to the particular time for introducing it, but he would undertake to bring forward a measure on the subject. (Cheers.) It was only because he thought the authority of I the hon. and learned gentleman (the Recorder of London) might mislead the house, that he had considered it neces sary tea make the-e observations. (Cheers.) Ilia house divided—Fee going into committee 263 Against The house then went into committee, and the resolution was agreed to. Sir R. INGLIS said that, after what had taken place, it was not his intention to proceed to a division on the first reading, and he should be most unwilling to be a party to say such proceedings ; but he hoped his noble friend would give them time to reconsider the measure when it came on second reading, and allow this Christian country to pronounce on the violence and almost outrage which the present bill would perpetrate upon it. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that, if the house allowed him, he proposed to read the bill a first time on Monday, and Would not propose the second reading till after the recess. He proposed to take the second reading on Monday, the 7th of February, which would allow six weeks for the oonsidera tion of its provisions. Hu hon. friend said that this Christian country ought to mimes an opinion on the Treasure. He imagined it the hill received the assent of parliament that the country would be neither more nor less a Christian coun try than at present, cemponed as it was of several- millions of Christiens and 30,000 or 40,000 Jews. (Hear, hear.) Unless his hon. friend enpelled the Jews, as the lioriscoes were expelled from Spain, he couldnotincrease the Christian character of the country. (Hear.) IRISH DISTRESS. Major BLACEALL withdrew the motion which stood mg the paper in his name for a committee to consider the sob. Jest of Irish distress before the adjournment of the home BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lard J. RUSSELL stated that he would move the sel. joarnment of the house on Monday, after moving Mel sisal reading of the New Zealand Bill. NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT; Sir R. INGLIS moved the appointment of the oneniglea on the new houses of parliament. Mr. OSBORNE said that the house ought to know some thing of the great expenditure of money which had taken place without any authority from that house. In the report of 1844 Mr. Barry was charged with having broken his contract, and laid out large sums for which he had no aUtIl tY l ri Lid PETH hoped that the house would twee to the motion for the appointment of the committee. The re turns which had been moved for would be laid on the table of the hones on Monday next. I Lord R. GROSVENOR hoped that awe other member I would be substituted for him, se he had other committees to attend to. Dr. BO WRING thought that there miteald be a dieteafoe on the subject before the house agreed to the toriedttee. Mr. MI NES said it was impoinige that a peal not of art, to be worthy of their ale and sonny, lend be sitcom plashed if the artist was reetteileted in to mums or time. He did not think that any rims or 0 000rr7 scald beset of having produced so great a work MAK in such t non time as it bad been done by Mr. Sarry,a hear. Mr. FOSTER asked why's/to had been so much dela in pretesting thAe pemlloue, which had been ask e d f or eo 'l ong ago as tiw ? Mr. AGLION I3t BY said it was a matter for parliament, rather than for the lommittes, to inquire into this matter. .. He would recommend, therefore, the postponement of the motion for the committee. Mr. WAKLEY moved that the debate be adjourned. Lord MORPETH bad only one word to say. The mem ber for Middlesex had said on a former occasion, and had re peated tonight, that the expenditure upon the houses had amounted to a million and a half. Now, lie was authorised by the architect to my that, whilst his orig nal estimate wee 707,0001., the whole expenditure on the works in that esti mate up to the present time amounted to 898,000/. Mr. B. OS BORN E (vehemently) Excets--excess Viscount MORPETH—No, not tams. (Hear, hear.) Lord LINCOLN said the course pursued towards Mr. Barry was most unfair, ungenerous, and unprecedented, and especially so towards a professional man, whose livelihood was dependent upon his reputation. The member for Mid dlesex tame down there with en enormous pile of books and papers, and on the very eve of the close of the house, made serious charges against Mr. Barry, who, of course, could not answer them until the house met after ail weeks noses. One of his charges he would at once repel. Last night the hon. member charged Mr. Barry with having conducted works without parliamentary direction, and with having paid money for them without parliamentary unction. That charge it was investigated by two committees in 1844, and was found to be wholly groundless. Every alter ation made is the plans had been laid before the Woods and Forests, and been approved by the commissioners before being carried into effect. He hoped, that in fairness to Mr. Barry and all concerned, the matter would be allowed to rest over until the house met in February. Mr. AGLIONBY thought, upon the whole, that the noble lord's suggestion had better be adopted. With respect to what Lord Morpeth had said, he believed that noble lord was mistaken. Ile believed the expenditure on the works had been as much as 1,269,0001., and that that was not the entire amount spent. Mr.l3. OSBORNE said he would accede to Lord Lincoln's suggestion. He disclaimed any intention to attack Mr. Barry. He attacked the Woods and Forests for negligence and want of supervision. Lord MORPETH rejoiced that they had arrived at a so lution of the question at last, and he rejoiced also at the un equivocal acquittal pronounced by the member for Middle sex of Mr. Barry, as far so his honour and character were concerned. With regard to what was said by Mr. Aglionby, he shotild be able to prove himself correct when the proper time arrived. The motion and amendments were then with drawn. CITY OF DUBLIN ELECTION. Mr. HAMILTON had a petition to present from his hon. friend Mr. Grogan, a member of that house, complain log of the same error in the rec gnizances entered into by the petitioners against his return, as had occurred in the ease which had been considered in the early part of the evening. He gave notice that he should call the attention of the house to the sulsject on Monday, end more that the petition be referred to a committee. The house adjourned at half-poet one. _siNG, vie The overland nulls for Gibraltar, Male, Greene, the Wean Island% Emit, Aden, Ceylon, Indio, I long. Kong, and Mat, vie Southanaptee, wW be mode up on the morning of the 20th December. The overland cloned rie Marreilles, to Se Mediterranean emit, Aden, Ceylon, India, Item Kong, arc., will be made up on the evening of the 24th December. The mein for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cade, and Gibraltar will be made up on the mender of the 27th Deaner. The mails for Ncw South Wake*, Van Diemetes Land, and New Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31st December. The mule for British North America, Bernard; and the Unite items, will be made up on the evening at the list December. The West India Mails, excluding Seemed; Nassau, Demo, Gondar., Now Orleans, Vera Crue, Tampico, and Porto Woo, and including those for Medeira,Carthagena, Santa MArths, Magee, Panama, West Coast of Scutt America, and St. Juan-de. Nicaragua will be made up on the morning of the 2nd January. • Tht malls for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Yemeni. eve. Babe, Madeira, end Buenos Ayres, will be made up on tie taming of the 4th January. TO • • Advert%emote • 1 71te $ NDI M•do. * be . 4 U. ak... Sanuio4o~o.7 T:e7rlreit. ei7;l7 j=“7:" HIGH WATER, AT LONDON ISIDOE. Tay. D.v-11.•fra, SI Ws- 104 t P22t TaMosalm—hkeViall22 mi. pad II I 1,111 NOW" Owls. pant O. LONDON, SATURDAY, DEC. 18. WS regret much not being able to join in the general admiration, expressed by our contemporaries of the press, and the public, in favour of the Irish bill. Yet there is nothing we are mere anxious to avoid than the being singular. Our desire would be to join some current of opinion, to fall into some rational and general vein of sentiment; and we would cer tainly go out of our way, in the road of political discussion, for company's sake. But, with all humility and hesitation, we must be permitted to differ from most of the opinions upon this Irish Bill. We understand the pressure upon the ministry, the necessity of its meeting the dread coali tion of a peasantry, resolved to enforce its own views and supposed rights by murder. We see the necessity of its avoiding all those old and decried clauses of peat coercion laws, of curfew edicts, arms branding, and the power of summary justice entrusted to a landlord magistracy. We admit the urgency of strengthening the law, and even intimidating the Irish peasant. But we object decidedly to the out rageous clause against " accessories after the fact." We object to the threat, for it is but a threat, to punish those who at least do not feign zeal in pur uing a criminal. And, moreover, we object to much the entire spirit of the bill. When the first sketch of the law was made known in parliament, we stated our belief that it would be incomplete unless it ware accompanied by the French or passport system. For when a district is visited by , the declaratory decree of the LORD-LIEUTENANT, it Le evident that the professional assassin will take up his musket and go elsewhere. To catch him, the circle the proclaimed district must be enlarged. And Lord FITZWILLIAII felt this so fully, that on Thursday night be proposed the establishment of the French system in Ireland, the gendarmerie to be completed by , the passport office. Lord FITZ WILLIAM accompanied this notable recommendation by stigmatising every " constitutional " objection that might be urged against it as " twaddle. We are sorry to find such a line of . argument pursued by Earl Ftvzwittissi. The opinion is but too general, too current, that the circumstance of a person, how ever liberal in general polities, happening to be an Irish landlord, incapacitates him from legislating rationally upon Irish politics. Moat certainly Lord FITZWILLTAM's definition of constitutionalism as " twaddle" goes far to prove the truth of an assertion, which, for oar part, we are still unwilling to believe. The House of Lords altogether, and the great ma jority of the speakers in the House of Commons, seem to have been carried away by a very natural abhor rence and indignation at the crime of murder, into a species of legislation which savours more of vindic tiveness than of sage prevention. The effort of angry legislators in both houses was to strike, not so much at the criminal, as at the general mass of the population, supposed to be his abettors. Now, we beg to say, that you cannot penally coerce or punish, at least with any good effect., a whole popu lation. Society is full of thousands of bad men, com mitting bad acts, which neither law nor penalty can attain. The world around us is fall of such male factors. There are not only murderers amongst the Irish peasantry, but the whole population is said to sympathise with them. Youmay punish the murderer. But we defy any law to punish that ay mpathy, or eradi cate it by penahty. Of the same class of indefinite and powerless craving after punishment, is the desire to dreg forward the catholic priests as accessories to murder, when they indulge in the too common diatribes and denunciations against landlords. We do not defend these priests. Our remarks on Mr. M , lleasorr sufficiently show our opinion on this sub ject. But at the same time, let a law be passed against priests who shall denounce from the afar and not a denunciation, that the law can lay hold of, will be repeated. But will the priest want the means of exasperating his flock against the landlord, who makes himself odious to both? The law may mean well, but any such law is powerless. We cannot but think those orators to have been gaits in the wrong, who recommended flinging reme dial measures to the wind, and who were all for not only scotching the murderer, but punishing the entire Irish popalation for his crime. Let the most stringent law that can be devised be passed against the mur derer. But stringent laws are useless against a whole population. The duty of the legislature is not to leave the ignorant peasant in that situation in which his life is worth so little that he can sacrifice it on the first impulse of vengeance. These are no ordinary times in Ireland. A revolu tion is in progress. Famine commenced it—the poor law, decreed by the legislature, has continued it. The poor Irish, never certain of sustenance, or of land, which is synonymous, have for years been accustomed to struggle for that bit of land by violence. They have now en hundred times snore cause for this strug gle and this violence, for never was their existence so threatened, their usual mode of subsistence so plainly denied, without any other being fully and clearly pm vided. Let the government demand, and the legisla ture vote, all the police laws which it considers requisite for such an emergency Lbuklet not this suffice. The Irish are helpless children in this extremity, desperate children, rash and wicked ones in too many instance.. But for the Irish peasant to help himself, when a landlord tarns him and his family into the ros -- t r" .. , derision to ask. And if in such extremity he ttunste crime, yon may punish him for his guilt, bst cannot wonder at it. We cannot think, therefore, that parliament i ts done all its duty by Ireland in this short session, am that it has done very wisely the little that it has done. It has legislated in half panic, hat passion, dominated by one frightful ides. throughout the whole course of this lewd Irish crisis, the British parliament has alternated be. tween two systems and two ideas, both extreme. O ss day it was all charity, all overflowing of heart, s a readiness to relieve and to feed. The moment thi s hot fit had passed the cold fit came on, and then th e cry was, " Not a shilling ; let them go to gaol? , alms bill one year, a police hill the next. Such is tbe wisdom of England to Ireland. Now, for our part, we should desire a maims h. tween these extremes. We shall bail the thy when parliament shall get out of this task * ague which the name of Ireland excites; wh it British legislators shall come to direct the 'E i k e of Ireland in some other vein than the venting of vulgar prejudices, and the exchange of Billing s , gate terms with gentlemen from Conciliatira. hall. Hon. members cannot contribute to the pad fication or improvement of Ireland by bitter jokes Homeric apostrophes. Such conduct more resembles the conduct of the Irish themselves in a provincial rem than the gravity of a Saxon Witan. If we have read the Irish bill with dissatisracti et , we have perused the debate, which ushered it met* shame and with disgust. Nor can we see in either of them any traces of the wisdom, the calmness, the gentlemanly conduct and humane feeling, whi c k characterise Englishmen in legislating upon any sub. ject save this apparently accursed one of Ireland. THE debate on the Jewish question fell, es me natural, principally into the hands of those me re , hers who take a special interest in rehgiee e matters. It is true that the real point at issue ie properly secular and political. Sectarians of large se small sects may disease the possible bearing of the proposed measure on their respective interests sad tenets ; but it is for statesmen to consider whether any argument of justice or expediency authorises th e exclusion of any class of natural subjects resident in these islands from equal political privileges with their neighbours. None but @violists and denlaimere seriously assert that all inhabitants of all countries can be admitted to a share in government. We fall into no such follies in those parts of our possessions which are occupied by a superior and infelior rare, Power is for the powerful, for those who know how to keep it and to use it. The English rale the Miriam of Bengal because they are stronger, braver, wiser. From no theory of tests or of civil and religious fees. dom or exclusion, but from the nature of things, the dominant race is dominant. The United Kingdom itself is in an entirely different condition. AU races which are found wituia its borders are recognised by the constitution as equal—English, Welsh, Scotch, Irish, are all competent by law to enjoy any office ' or rank, up to the crown itself. Even Jews are ad mitted to be politically qualified for the appointments which have hitherto been withheld from them; for by a profession of Christianity a Jew of the purest blood could always pass within the pale of the eon irtitution. There is no pretence for calling them an inferior race, even if English polity recognised the existence of such cases in the imperial islands. A statesman is fully entitled to say that the anomaly of excluding one small body of Englishmen from parlia ment ought not to exist, whatever may be the reli gious grounds assigned, or even proved, for the exclusion. . . . . Lord JOHN RUSSELL was quite right in throwing the onus of justifying the exclusion on his opponents. He showed very clearly that the supposed requisition of a profession of Christianity as a condition for the enjoyment of full political rights was, if not a fiction, at least as innovation, which could not be said to has existed till the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill. Religions tests were always intended for the prota° tion of some definite and substantial rule of ca. formity. As Lord JOHN Russell. showed, they was all instituted for political purposes, and removed when those purposes became obsolete or inexpediad. First it was determined that power .should be plate exclusively in the hands of churchmen ; the that only Roman catholic' should be excluded; and from the time of the Relief Bill only clan it be suggested that Christianity was the object of protection. Vet it is difficult to ne how the Jews can affect the interests of Christianity, except by their possible dealings with the church, which has already much bitterer enemies than the Jews within the walls of parliament. In point d het, no one supposes that Jewish members will do any practical injury to religion. It is the nomad recognition of a non-Christian element in the gores. went of the country to which Lord Joas Rummell opponents object. It is admitted that Hula sad GIBBON were as hostile to Christianity as the mat polemical Jew; but it was truly remarked that thee peculiar opinions were not openly recognised by pee lament. When Mr. BANKES, however, primal to maintain that no unbeliever except Lad BOLINGBROKE ever exercised influence in pa- Bement, and that even he could not have es joyed it if hie opinions had been known, we ea only admire his good faith and simple confide= la parl i amentary formulas. The zealous pietists air then contended for power—the WALeoLes and the CHESTERFIELDS—wouId have been surprised to her that orthodoxy was essential in the days of Growl IL to the enjoyment of power asd reputation. It must be admitted that the admission of the Jcweis vulvas a principle, and that it involves little else. We think that the election of Baron RoTHSCHILDINI morejudiciously applied by Lord J.Russ ELL than Wit Fox, who otherwise made an able speech in fawned going into committee. The decision of so important& onestitaency is a prosf, as Lord Jonre said, that the* is no popular prejudice to contend with. It is &hes proof that the disqualification of the Jews is arse heal grievance, not only to themselves, bat, a Mt Fox justly observed, to those who may wish to ke represented by them. We cannot, however, an* much weight to Mr. Fox's anticipations that a wile lion of the present measure and of Baron Rows. CHILD would lead to a series of conflicts between he house and the electors of the City, such as than which were caused by the refusal to allow Wilma to take his seat for Middlesex. It is for the City cl London to express its opinion; but not to supplant parliament. It has elected a member who cannot take his seat till the law is changed. If the law should, unfortunately, not be changed, • Pereeeereno In the choice would merely be an act of self-disfran chisement. The electors of Middlesex thought that their legal rights were violated. The citizens ci London admit that the law, as it stands, is agsiaß them. I The division of religions parties in the house on the subject is nearly what might be expected. Tat strong protestants are opposed to the admission aka Jews, the Anglo , catholics are favourable to it. Lad JOHN RUSSELL'S recent declaration of hostility to the high-church party . does net secure him the suppnt d their opponents in a measure when his views as s lesbian= may be supposed to influence him mete then the devotion which ho appears to feel for r teetantinn. The arguments of the representatra of the popular and numerous low-church Peg were not very formidable, except as they prang' from the most powerful party in the church. Sia• Isrows, though a man of ability, is always the Si audacious atterar of platitudes and paradoza, tided they are protestant and popular. in actually assigned as a reason for exclohli the Jews, that they are the latest inani of all the inhabitantsof the country—not, howerer ,o , would suggest, later - tharßhe French protestant' ea their descendants, or even than the Scotch, if - 'V.I . _ . culotte from the time see what bearin g th Sir R. INGLIS IS all religious exclusion, be rather anomalous. maintain tho supremacy the church and protestant give a monopoly of pow. men, of dissenters, and _ abhors. If the church in SL Stephen's, hp sp._ much u possible limited that we think the -' Jews will net make able. To sum up the is a few words, it was we may believe the 6 milted to memory by aL Far the ablest speech Or even Win use 04.1.0.31 ne of the union. It isdiScatt* the remark has upon the coedit always consistent in the prestos • 1, but oonsietency in a negatios lo l us. Sir ROBFRT once attempted remacy of the church, then thet• otestant dissenters. He would". f power to a sacred league &lee and of thepapiete whom he so eget church cannot enjoy its pritM Ne would have the compeekt e limited in limber. pesos"" additional intrusion of two cc ths• re the church at all more anomie , the merits of Sir R. INGLls'shtt was one of those orations w • he Standard, are uniformly wav r by all the protestanta of the empil• speech on the same aide of the (11111.