The Express. — London, England, 1851-10-01 00:00:00

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WrIATEVF.R be the scope or tenour of the new Re form 11111. it is clear that it ought to be a bill for the United Kingdom. Three separate measures will not do. The patch work plan was tried in 1832, and confessedly , re sulted in a manner the most unsatisfactory. The conjoint efforts of the liberal parties in the three countries which together constitute the insular realm of (heat Britain and Ireland, were primarily con centrated at the period in question on the bill as it was framed for England. Regardless of their specific interests and claims, the representa tives mid the people of Scotlandand Irelandeorthally lent their unconditional aid to carry that measure. That assistance was at the time far from being con sidered superfluous. The house of Lords were then unused to yield. The instinct of oligarchic power as sured them, that once compelled to give way on such a matter, the talisman of their domination would be for ever broken ; and they resolved therefore to re. sist so long as it was possible. To overpower this then unbroken force, the organised might of three nations was requisite, and it was not wanting. The reverberations of popular demand were heard from the Clyde to the Shannon; and the ex postulations of JEFFREY were mingled with the declamation of Otos:Nut- The English bill was carried, and then came the fulfilment of the implii.4l pledge to the other portions of the empire. Scotland gained much, indeed, by her sup plemental share of the general change ; but Inland was left to the insolent caprice of Lord DERBY, then Chief Secretary, and was cheated to her face accord- 1 ingly. A meagre and miserable copy of the English bill was pissed, into a law. 'the slam constituencies, rapidly melted away, and the state of things because at length so scandalous, that a 121. rating franchise' in counties was recently found to be indispensable, in order to preserve the semblance.: of a representative system. For the cities and bo roughs nothing whatever was done by the shambling coonpromise of last year. The number of civic (lectors in Ireland remains as before prepus terously disproportionate to property and population. The Inf. household qualification has been converted into an muting test; but no extension of the suf frage has thereby been accomplished or was perhaps intended. (If the thirty-nine members for Irish towns, twenty-three represent boroughs whose con stituencies on an average do not exceed 230. In a word, Ireland was left to be a stronghold of land lonlism, in defiance el the just remonstninees and reproaches of teen-twentieths of her people. This fatal error must not be committed again. The maw of the people everywhere have the same abiding interests and feelings. If at the present hour the fiscal policy of the whole empire is menaced subversion and disturbance, it IS because com bined landlordism in tin three kingdoms has still been left so much political power. If we want to put an end for ever to reactionary schemes of partial and repressive taxation, put forward under the guise of mopensution for a lust protection, we must in sist upon a full and final enfranchisement of the whole mph. of whatever race, invent, or creed; fur in this alum can we ever find industrial security and peat.. But there arc other emuiiilemtions. which in the mind sof a true statesman ought in themselves to de termine the question. (In other points there unhap pily still prevail deep-rooted di&rences which con tinually serve as elements of alienation between the dwellers upon orpomite sides of the Channel. We have now fur ha lf a century lived under a legisla tive p'yitse. which is formally, and in books of con stitutional law, designated "An incorporate union." But union of hearts unfortunately there exists not ; nor in many respects union of aspirations. Why is this? The first and gravest reason, we be lieve, to be the want or identity in institutions. 'To such identity the landlord parties in parliament, both whig and tory, have ever been inveterately opposed, and of such identity the true friends of popular free dom in both countries leave almost begun to despair. Within the course of the last session a whole code et anti-popular measures were passed for Ireland exclu sively, not one of which have ever been at tempted here,—carried by English county mem bers, combined with Irish county members, against the pretests of the representatives et towns in both islands. What wonder if a nation seeing themselves first disarmed of their po litical privileges, and then made the sport of the landed oligarchy whom they hate and fear, should discredit the sincerity of all professions of a desire for " incorporate union," and in the bitterness of reiterated disappointment and insult listen to the counsels of disaffection ? Surely it is time to put an end to this dangerous trifling with solemn pledges and plighted rows. If the dream ore real union is ever to be realised, it is certainly time to begin the experimental process whereby alone it can ever be accomplished. A great opportunity is about to present itself. The foundations of the whole representative struc ture are found to be in a condition that demands careful and comprehensive repair. They require to be widened and strengthened to bear the additional weight that the national development has imposed. This is what is meant by parliamentary reform, the 'I re-formation of the groundwork of our constitu tional edifice. We arc bound in common sense to neglect no portion of the task, but in the same esti mate of cost and design of improvement to include every important part of the sub-structure. How else shall we make a complete job of it? But I if, on the other hand, there be one wing the founda tions of which were never as well laid as the re t.l and whose security is in proportion more manifestly in danger, are we nut especially culled upon to com prehend its repair in whatever plans we adopt, and to take heed that the same line and plummet be ap plied to the quarter most in jeopardy ? Would it be any sufficient excuse to say we have last year swept away sollle fallen rubbish there, and even covered it all over with mock stone? Whom will such twaddle deceive? If parliament be in earnest about electoral reform, it will insist upon having one bill, and but one bill, for the United Kingdom. The details and adapta tion, thus rendered necessary may be voluminous. Be it so. The object to be gained is worth any amount of trouble of this kind. Certain points there are concededly in common. The property qualifica tion is to be universally abolished, and we trust we may add that tho ballot is to be universally adopted. Why not, than, let there be established common franchises throughout a consolidated realm? ALDEZMAN SIDNEY has taken much to heart mow hinter which the Tunes thought fit to address to the corporation of London on the occasion of its visit to the municipal authorities of Paris. The journalist seized the opportunity to compare the municipolties, the local government, the systematic and the magnificence of the two cities. In Er7t 4s his, the Mites drew all comparisons and m ansions in favour of tho Parisians to the prejudice of the Londoners. Its allegations might easily have been contradicted, and its arguments satisfactorilv re futed at the moment. But it would have then been ungracious in an English paper to make charges, or reflections on the municipally of Paris, upon its awanwation or its acts, at the moment of its hospi table reception of our own citizens. And, in truth, all comparisons and reflections of any kind THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 1. 1851. Weld better have been defer international fees has, howevi onomal magistracies are drawing to a aisle. AnOther dais year is about to conomnson, fie that, as k worthy Alderman has recalled attention to:tlie In junkie at the News, we ea tcke the opportunity of pilligest mos et its most palpable errors. me OA Om the French metropolis has no vikabrisr. Its chief magistrate is a tbe government, and his council aver gtlalaalad Is is same workshop. The twitting ai rdi& tek tkoesfore, on the score of the greater metropolis having no local represeFte the t, is rather misplaced as a comparison wilt axis, which enjoys no municipal representa tion whatever. Bet, though not elected by the citizens, nor exist ing by any right, except the favour of government, the mock municipalty of Paris has a largo taxing power. At least it raises a very large revenue, and that, too, from the poorest of the population. The wealth of the Parts authorities is derived from cer tain pence laid upon every pound of meat, every bottle of wine,—even that which serves the people for their common drink—and every basket of fruit. Now, the municipalty of London, although they do derive some income from coals, to repay the cost of London-bridge—a bad tax, by the way, since it falls chiefly on the poor—raises its revenue in a much fairer way than its Parisian sister. The edileship of Paris is a much easier task than that of overgrown London. The river is no tidal, but sweeps at once and for ever away the sesaage itro. ceives; and plenty of filth it doesroll, sufficient to render the vicinity of the river unwholesome down even as far as Sevres. As to the sewerage of the streets of the French metropolis, it must bo known to every travelled nose, that the offscourings of every kitchen flow into the street, and form in the middle of it that black and odoriferous ruimeats which Madame Ds SrAEL so loved. The corporation of London had nothing to learn of the Parisians in the matter of sewerage. Smithfield, certainly, is a nuisance that Paris escapes. It has two cattle-markets, one on each side of the river, some leagues out of town, and its slaughter-houses are so arranged all round the city, that there is one of them within a quarter of an hour's drive of the moat thickly inhabited parts of the city. And yet these abattoirs are almost isolated and upon waste ground. All this is unfortunately impossible in London, and how to obviate the difficulties attending the duo supply of meat to the English metropolis, sanitary and economic in terests being consulted, is a question by no means solved, or in way of solution. Aldermen cannot lie expected to solve such riddles, and Paris certainly could not help them to it. How to make wide streets was another lesson which the Tiows hoped the London corporation would learn by crossing the Channel. It was forgotten that the very Hotel de Ville where our citizens were feted is surrounded by a network, or spider's web, of such narrow streets and houses, that it formed the focus of insurrection at all times, being utterly impervious to troops, and equally so to sun and air. There is no rookery in London to be compared to that part of Paris north of the Hotel de Ville. And if the writer of the Times will look into the reports of the com mis,.ion which made a general visitation of l'aris during the cholera, he will find that no misery de picted by Mr. M. ur.w could equal the shifts to live of what the Tintea would present to us as a model population. We forget the other items of our contemporary's invidious comparison. But we recollect it ended by a warning to the French and English to have no thing to do with the London corporation, or any of its members, as nowhere was to be found such a set of jobbers. This was rather a rude phl for Messrs. FAREBROTHER and LAURIE. Our corporation, how ever, had but to borrow the Memoirs of Otsuurr from the first circulating library, or the trial of TMTE, or the life and anecdotes of M. DE ltsmnu- TEAL', if such a work is yet published, in order to be convinced that the Times, \Shen it crossed the Chan nel in search of honesty, did but go further to fare worse, as the old proverb says. Still, we are fur from denying that we might, with great advantage, learn and take many things from } ranee. There are some articles of their code, the adoption of which would advance us a century. There are parts of our law which would equally benefit them. Above all, if they would borrow our reveet fur law, it might make them, what we fear they will never permanently become, a free people. FRANCE. PARIS, TuntoAT EVENING, I mentioned some time agO a rumour, that the government intended to impeach those members of the Mountain who subscribed to the Mazzini loan, and thus cut down, if possible, the constitutional majority against revision, by purging the Assembly of those members, and either leaving them in obey ono or replacing them by revisionists, elected under the law of May. I was unwilling nt first to attach much credit to a scheme which implied so flagrant a pitch of effrontery ; but I have at the present moment serious reasons for' believing that such a measure is actually in contemplation ; and when it is remembered that the fate of Louis Napoleon hangs wholly on the use eces of revision, it is hardly surprising that his go- vernment should, in order to carry that great mea sure, resort to machinery of an audacious and despe rate character. It is known to your readers that on the 21st of August the National - published in its co- I lumns a letter from M. Schcelcher "to the Citizen Mazzini, president of the National Italian Com mittee," announcing that he, together w ith several of his colleagues of the Mountain, gabscribed to the loan opened in favour of the cause advocated by the ex-triumvir of the Roman Republic. Besides M. &leacher's, forty-six other fames of members of the Mountain figure as sub scribers to this loan. here, then, the lawyers of the government of Louis Napoleon conceive that they can lay their fingers upon impeachable matter; and the train of reasoning by which they arrive at this conclusion is remarkable. What is the object, say they, of the National Italian Loan? The sums subscribed will be spent in rebellion, massacre, pillage, fire, and the destruction of the Pope's sovereign authority. Fomented by such contribu tions, on some day not far distant, the Roman demagogy will break out in insurrection; they will find in face of them that French army which re stored the sovereign pontiff, and which will once more rally round the chair of St. Peter. But the cause of religion will not triumph without a bloody struggle, in which the bravo soldiers of the French republic will many of them be shot down by balls bought with the gold of the Mazzini loan, contri buted by French representatives. Who doubts the right of arrai gn ing as conspirators representa tives who subscribe to arm a plot, which strikes by rebound against the government of their country ? Who questions the justice of accusing as traitors those who contribute the pay which they receive from the French t yy to procure the des ! traction of French armies ? The government puts these questions through its organ the Patrie, and expects them no doubt to be answered in the affirma tire by public opinion and by the parliamentary majority. The symptom is a grave one, and gives additional countenance to the report that such a purge of the Assembly is contemplated. I 1 cannot too often warn you against partaking the extravagant estimate entertained by the Tones of the influence of Louis Napoleon. That that influence has been during months past daily declining, and is at this moment declining with accelerated rapidity, I am convinced, by all the opportunities that occur to me of appreciating public opinion. It is a matter now concealed from no one, that neither General 'Magoon, nor any other general officer of the least reputation, will consent to risk a coup tr, , tot in his favour, should the revision be rejected. It is said to-day that Louis Napoleon will only vindicate his right by an appeal to arms bit case he should obtain the absolute majority of miss. Now, so long as the President remains an unoxiasti• tafional candidate such a result is absolutely imps able ; for not a single legitimist will vote for hint under such circumstances. His chance then is iden tined with the fate of revision; and to carry that nomeare I have no doubt the government is prepared ill adopt measures which would, under ordinary deeenetanees, appear quite desperate. Such is Ile Nikene to which I have above alluded of Onsting forty-seven members of the Mountain out of the Assembly. Meanwhile Louis Napoleon lies, soder the policy which ho has adopted, completely at the limey of the legitimists ; and these tempo rise lab lum in a twit that seems to indicate an ex ast a crisis will occur after the election of reistr ia fteserably, in which, by the preponderance of the legitimists in this body, the king may be pro claimed with success, and his cause be embraced with esthetes' sm . by the army and the people. In connection with this subject, I draw your attention to a remarkable article in the Union to day, in which the di lemma of republic or monarchy is very firmly pro posed as the grand one, and the presidency treated as a question not worth thinking of till the other be solved. A confident belief is then expressed that something may be done to solve this dilemma when the Assembly meets. The same paper says that the proposition Creton will furnish a touch-stone for General Changarnier, who must then speak out dis tinctly. The market women (lea dames de lo Halle) were so delighted with their reception at the Elysee that they have invited the President of the Republic to a ball to be given on the 25th instant at the Hotel do Ville, M Berger having readily placed the grand suit of rooms at the disposal of those ladies. It is understood that invitations will be very sparingly issued, and still be confined chiefly to ;the husbands and relatives of the ladies, and some leading official personages. The Paine having stated that the Minister of War had applied to the government to have the funds of the lottery of the Lingots d'Or devoted to the purposes of colonisation in Algeria, has found out that this is an error, and that the proceeds of the lottery will be exclusively devoted to the original design of sending out workmen to California. The government was so bound, in fact, by the contract with the lottery, that it could only have been justi fied in diverting the funds from their original destina tion by certain intelligence from California that there was no work to do, or that the place was un healthy. As the official reports received by the mi nistry confirm neither of these suppositions, no suffi cient cause appears for a change of plans. Accord ingly the first batch, consisting of 140 emigrants, will embark to-morrow at Havre, fur which port they set out this evening by the railway. These emigrants were received yesterday at the prefecture of police by the secretary-general, to wham they presented an address of thanks and farewell. Their conveyance to their destination is confided to M. Ferry de Belle- • more. M. Leon Faucher has to-day instructed the autho rities to prosecute a letter written by M. Langlois, ex-director of the lottery, to the Steele containing injurious charges against M. Clement Here, secretary of the l'refect of Police. The Minister of Public Works has opened a credit of one million of francs for the prefect of SnMe and Loire to commence the works of the Lyons Railway between Chalon and Tournus. The surveys from Chalons to Macon have been completed since 1417, the valuations of the property to be taken are being made, and it is intended to set men to work at the beginning of the winter season, when they are gene rally without employment. The municipality have lately voted considerable sums for increasing the supply of fresh water in Paris and for making new sewers, and enlarging the existing sewerage. A large sewer is to be made for the use of the Northern Hospital, now nearly finished, and several others arc planned on the llu ahou and Orleans quays and in the Isle St. Louis. . The l'ays publishes an article showing that La ntartine has lost all patience with the l'resident, who has been amusing him with hopes of office, and holding out hopes of a return to universal suffrage. Lord Normanby has made a representation to the government of the inconvenience occasioned to Eng lisli subjects by the new regulations respecting foreigners. A German who had long worked as a journeyman tailor in Paris felt such a horror at the idea of pre senting himself to the prefect of police for a permis sion to remain, that none of his friends could per suade him to conform to the order. He became more melancholy front day to day, and at length com mitted suicide with charcoal; savings amounting to 1.10/. were found in his room. An instance of the oppression suffered by indivi duals in consequence of the indiscriminate arrests that were made of foreigners accused of being im plicated in the alleged plot, is afforded by a letter from M. F. Kellerhoven, an artist residing at No. 37, Rue de la Pepiniere..This gentleman, now set at liberty, and admitted to be wholly unconnected poli tics in any way, was arrested, and detained 23 days in prison, on account of some letters received by one of leis workmen without his knowledge. Arrangements are making for the election of the national guard of Paris in November next. The Bidletin de Paris contradicts the report that extensive changes are to be made in the prefectures. The number of inscribed electors in the Morbilmn k i 0406. M. Gouyon, the legitimist candidate, having obtained more than one-fourth without any contest, has been proclaimed representative. The abstentions amount, as in the neighbouring depart ment of the Finisterre, to about 30,000. The Gazette de France says: We learn that a meeting of the delegates of the electoral committee du droll national of the six departments of the south, lately held at Avignon, unanimously decided that M. de Larochemquelin shall be the candidate of the legitimists fur the proidency. 'lhe prefect of the Seine has just received, through the ambassador of England, a resolution adopted by the muni•zipal council of Exeter, at one of its sit tings, in which it expresses its gratitude for the handsome manner in which the mayor of that city was received in Paris during the fetes given to the Lord Mayor of London. The Prince de Ligne is about to be married to 1111 e. Talleyrand Perigord. A young man named Keller, a pianoforte tuner, the brother of a former member of the provisional government at Munich, was arrested at Valenciennes on Friday, and has been brought to Paris, on a charge of being concerned in the plot. Seve ral do miciliary visits have been made at Valenciennes. M. Brun, a retired officer, formerly captain and adjutant-major in the national guard of Grenoble, has been arrested on a charge of having used insult ing language towards the President of the Republic. During the whole month reports have reach Paris of the great success of M. Odilon Barrot in killing . wild boars at Saint Gobain. The wicked Charicari has been throwing doubts as to the truth of these exploits; the honourable member for the Aisne has taken a magnanimous revenge by sending the last boar that fell to his gun by diligence to Paris, ad. dressed to the editor of the Charscari. At the Bourse the Five per Cents. fell closing at 92.30; the Three per C ents. fell 35e., and closed at 56.3. The railway market was heavy, with but slight changes from yesterday's quotations. The Journal des Deloats, Ordre, and other papers, which did not publish Mr. Gladstone's letter, publish, nevertheless, the reply of the Neapolitan government. ITALY. ROMAN STATES. The Lombardo Veneto, a journal published at Venice, with the sanction of the Austrian authorities, states that at the recent consistory held at Rome the really important questions under debate were, not those referring to the appointments of bishops or cardinals, but that the main subject discussed was the probability of important events in 1832. The reception of an answer front Austria to a note forwarded to Vienna by the government of l the holy father was also a subject of debate. The Austrian note is described as giving the papal go vernment every assurance of future peace, and an offer on the part of the cabinet at ienna to assist Rome with imposing forces in case events breaking out in 1852 should lead to the proclamation of a Roman republic. In the event of such a catastrophe occurring, the Austrian government would consider itself enabled to take this step, as the obligations contracted by the treaty of the four catholic powers would then be considered as null. PIEDMON P. The King of Sardinia arrived at Alessandria on the 26th, and immediately proceeded to Marengo to witness the military evolutions prepared end di rected by the Duke of Genoa. The troops assembled there amounted to 30 battalions of foot, 24 squad rons of cavalry, and 8 batteries of artillery. GERMANY. AL STRIA. The Augsburg Anyoneins Zeitung denies that the Emperor of Austria intends to pay a visit to the King of Bavaria at Munich. VIENNA. Sac?. 26. The appointment of Field Marshal Prince Win disehgratz to the governor-generalship of Bohemia, vacant by the removal to Hungary of Archduke Al brecht, appears to have been already made, though it is not yet officially announced. The military jour nal, which is generally well informed, states that the appointment was signed by the Emperor on the 18th instant. To many of your readers the name of this officer will be familiar from the tragic fate which his unfortunate wife met with at Prague; she was shot during the revolution while standing by his side at one of the windows of the commandant's palace ; and from the disastrous termination of the first Hunga rian campaign, in which the Austrian army, under his command, were so thoroughly beaten by the Hungarian raw levies. The main cause of this defeat of the Austrian army was attributable to the jealousy of Field Marshal Welden, who commanded in Vienna, and who refused to send to Windischgratz the neces sary reinforcements which he so urgently demanded. Nevertheless, the Emperor deprived him of the command, and placed him d disposition. Sines then Prince Windischgratz has lived in retirement on his estates in Bohemia. Whateverannoyance he may have felt at being displaced, must be entirely effaced, by the offer of the present appointment. It heals the wounded vanity of the soldier, and is, at the same time, a sop to the prejudices of the man. The Prince is a thorough aristocrat, who considers him self born to enjoy all the privileges which, in feudal ages, belonged to his high rank. In the words of the German proverb, .‘ Der blench fivajt beim Baron an," he acknowledges no rank beneath that of a Baron ; in other respects he is an honest and deter mined man, whose fame has not been sullied by the merciless brutalities which have rendered the name of Ilaynau infamous. Ile is neither statesman nor politician, and knows about as much of the princi pes of government as a parish beadle. He is nothing more than a middling soldier, whose only notions of government are contained in the corporal's cane. In this respect his appoint ment is another proof of thedeterunuationof Schwar zenburg to maintain the present system of military misrule. Soldiers administer the government in every one of the provinces of the empire, in most of them—(Arehduko Albrecht in Hunga ry, ltadetzky . and Giulay in Italy, Khevenhiiller Gallicia, Jel lachich in Croatia, Windischgriitz in Bohemia, Welden in Upper and Lower Austria)—all men whose cha racters and antecedents render them incapable of in troducing or carrying out any other system of go vernment than that of militia rule. How such men are to introduce the promised constitution is a riddle, only to be solved by the supposition that it will prove a corporal's cane. A case of considerable daring on the part of the legal authorities of the little watering place Baden, about an hour's ride by rail from Vienna, occupies the public mind. Baden lies without the rayon, within which the state of siege and martial law is proclaimed. The military authorities, who rule in Vienna, have therefore no right to interfere in any way within the jurisdiction of the town. Notwith standing, however, the court-martial sitting here caused an unfortunate author temporarily resident in Baden to be arrested there by its own officials, an act contrary to law. Considering the power of this court, the arbitrary manner in which it is exercised, and the utter disregard of all law and jus- Bee daily displayed by the government, it is un heard-of boldness to oppose or protest against the ejurisdiction of the court-martial. The judges of Baden ve ventured to do so. Their protest has been pre sented to the proper authorities, and the public are waiting for the reproof which will doubtlessly be administered to the court-martial for trangressing its authority. I fear, however, that the public will be disappointed, and that the protesting judges are much more likely to be removed from their posts. Advices from Frankfurt announce that the wealthy merchants and bankers of that city, from whom a very general participation in the new loan was ex pected by the government, have subscribed the paltry sum of two million florins. The government journals explain this failure of their expectations by the as sertion that several of the larger Frankfort houses ' have subscribed through their agents in Vienna. I have mentioned, iu a former letter, that the finance minister has had recourse to the trick of putting foreign houses down for subscriptions without their knowledge or sanction. A decree of the finance minister prolongs for Gal lieia and Croatia the period of seven days during which the additional 2} per cent. discount now allowed for subscriptions to the new loan. A refer ence to a former letter of mine will show that the subscriptions from both of these provinces aro dia., proportionately small to their wealth and number of inhabitants. The ground on which the finance minister accords to these provinces this seeming advantage is that the termsof the new loan were de layed in publication in both. The King of Bavaria is setting an example to the Austrian government, which it would be wise to follow. A royal decree, countersigned by the Minis ter of War, which has just appeared, orders a very considerable eduction and economical re-organiaa tiou of the army. BERLIN, SEPT. 27. The outbreak of national feeling among the Polish members of the Posen Diet that took place some days ago betokens early—at the first sitting of that assembly —the wide split that exists between the German and the Polish deputies. This, to be sure, is:not likely to have any serious consequences, but it may roughen very much the proceedings of the Diet, and has been deemed sufficiently important to bring the Grand Marshal to Berlin to consult high authorities respecting the best means of allaying the proud and somewhat Irish susceptibilities of the l'oles, always catching fire, and always sinking into impotency. Count Konigsmark, the representative of Prince Thum and Teals, has for this purpose given an unmet to the speech of Prince Sulkowski, that is well calculated to remove the impression which the some what imperious opening address of the president, M. Puttkammer, produced. The count's speech is as follows " The report just read reminds me of the protest made in the last sitting against denominating Poles 'Prussians.' The grand marshal on that occasion cut off all discussion on this eubject, and I wish by no means to:provoke one now. But, undoubtedly that protest arose out of a misunderstanding, which, if not explained, but passed over in silence, would place this Assembly in a very awkward and false position. Therefore, I think a few explanatory words are indis pensable. Gentlemen,—ln the grand duchy of Posen and in our Assembly there are both Poles and Germans. We could never succeed in turning Poles into Germane, or , Germans into Poles ; this is beyond human power. Yet, gentlemen, whether Poles or Germans, we are all Prussian subjects—yes, I hope in God—and from the speech of Prince Sulkowski himself I have the assurance—we are all true and loyal Prussian subjects. In this sense the Polish inhabitants of ,the Grand Duchy must be called Prus sians ; in this sense they elitist, with devotion, thankfulnees, and love towards our illustrious royal house, call themselves Prussians, and genuine Prussians, too; in this sense the royal speech dismissing the Diet of 18i1, says : ' The dif- ference of race, and the different names—Pole and Ger man—are reconciled and united in the name of one monarch, and of one state, to which belongs for ever the name' Prussian.'' That Oldenburg will become a party to the treaty be- tween Prussia and Hanover of the 7th September there is no doubt, hut Oldenburg has yet, as some journals have affirmed, signed the treaty. The commercial treaty with Belgium may also be eon. sidered as shortly to be concluded. Some weeks ego an understanding was come to respecting the principal points. Belgium declared herself ready to raise the import duty from 5 grog. to 71 gros. on Belgian iron. Sonic doubt whether this treaty will not hinder one which was negociating be tween Belgium and llollind. But it is by no means likely to have this effect. The Knouts is of opinion that the negociations respecting the Schleswig-Holstein affairs will be brought to a satisfactory termination within a few weeks. DENMARK. M. von Mlle, the Danish Minister at the court of Sweden, has been recalled from that post, and ap pointed to the Prussian embassy. Since the com mencement of the war in 1848 there has been no ambassador from the government of Denmark in Berlin, the duties having been performed by a charge d'affaires. The nomination of a minister as a definitive appointment is considered a return to the friendly relations broken by the events of the revolution and the insurrection of the duchies. The present charge d'affaires of Prussia at Copen hagen is also raised to the rank of ambassador. M. von Bjelke, who is now the Danish charge at Berlin, will return to Copenhagen as soon as the new minister arrives. The Noe Preusaiche Zcitung (Berlin) declares that the Schleswig-Holstein-Danish question is about to be satisfactorily concluded. It adds, that the Duke of Saxe-Coburg has promised formally to press on the great powers the claims of the Duke of Augusten- SPAIN. A Madrid letter of the 24th states that the report of Marshal Narvaez having been written to by an influential member of the Spanish cabinet, to request that he will defer his visit to the capital until the excitement of his friends against the government shall hare subsided, is unfounded. The member of the government who is alluded to is General Armero, the Minister of Marine, but the purport of his letter was not such as has been stated. General Ar mero, who is is an old friend of Marshal Narvaez, had refused to accept office except on the condition that the marshal should be received in Spain with all the honours due to his rank, and, this condition being accepted, General Armero is said to have written to him to acquaint him with the fact, and to state, in the name of the government, that whenever he shall think proper to return to Spain, he will ex perience all the consideration to which his eminent services entitle him. It is probable, however, adds the writer of this letter, that the marshal mayave delayed his return, out of regard for General Amen), until the moment when it shall become his duty to' take his seat as a member of the Senate. ALLEGED MURDER.—Last night, Mr. Payne held an inquest upon the body of Ann Sarah Parker, whose bus band was on Monday charged at the Worship street Police Court with causing her death by violence. The evidence of the surgeon was heard in addition to that of some other witnesses, after which the jury returned as their verdict I that " death was caused by effusion of blood on the brain, but whether such effusion was produced by her husband's assault there is no evidence to show." KOSSUTH. The following is the text of the diplomatic corre spondence between the Austrian internuncio at Con stantinople and the Turkish ministry, on the subject of liossuth's liberation : The undersigned representative of the Emperor of Aus tria at the Porte, has already communicated to you the commissions transmitted through him from the imperial cabinet to the Grand Vizier and Minister of Foreign Affairs, relative to the continuation of the detention of Kossuth and his most dangerous companions in Kutahia. The minister may have seen, from the contents of the com munications exchanged on this subject, what great import ance the Imperial court attaches to this matter, and that thu Imperial cabinet considers itself entitled to suppose that the detention can only cease after the joint con currence of both powers shall have been obtained. Both his Excellency Iteschid Pasha and his Ex cellency Ali Pacha, have assured the undersigned that the contents of his communication would meet with due attention from the ministerial council, and that the result would be made known to him as soon as it bud received the sanction of the Sultan. flow great, therefore, must have been his surprise, whin he learnt from certain sources that the minister Mid given the chief of a certain embassy the assurance that Kossuth and his dangerous companions would be set free in the middle of September, and that in consequence of this assurance, the above-mentioned diplo matists had made certain arrangements is view of the journey the Hungarian prisoners were to make. These details have not been denied by his Excellency An Parka, and the undersigned finds himself under the necessity to renew more vigorously his exertions in order to turn the Porte from a determination which it has doubtless taken without mature deliberation, and which it will, the undersigned hopes, abandon, when it considers all the consequences that may ensue from the liberation con templated. Before proceeding further, however, it will be necessary to call the attention of the Turkish ministers to certain facts which should be noticed in order to a clear view of the matter in hand. The undersigned does not intend to detail the circumstances which led to and caused the flight of the chief of the Hungarian rebellion, although such details would give him an opportunity of offering numerous points in reference to the demands of the Austrian govern ment, which the Porte ought instantly to grant. At the value time lie considers it superfluous to refer to the mean ing and words of the treaties in force between the two powers, in virtue of which rebels and criminals who are Austrian subjects, and fly to Turkey, should nut be harboured. lu accordance with the special wish of the Sultan the imperial court abandoned its right to demand the extradition of the fugitives, although the mean ing of treaties clearly gave him the necessary power in the case. But it is fur this that the Austrian cabinet must, with so much the more instance, dwell on the following clauses of the treaty of Belgrade, which (clause 18) says " When such rebels fly into the Turkish states with the intention of concealing themselves there, the Porte is to seek therm out and cause them to be punished ; and also when the said rebels and criminals shall show themselves repentant, and promise better behaviour, the Porte is not to believe them, but detain them and confine them in a place distant from the frontier." Nothing can be clearer or more distinct than this clause. Yet not only did the imperial court abandon its rights confirmed in these declarations of the treaty, but showed itself inclined to come to an arrangement with the Divan relative to the confinement (internirung) of the fugi tives. What did the Porte to further so friendly a disposition? She pertinaciously fixed a limit of a twelve month, and forced the imperial court to consider us of non effect the negotiations relative to a limitation of the period of imprisonment, and to take its stand upon the terms of ex isting treaties, namely, those which had previously been concluded by the two states under the hand of his Majesty the Sultan and him Majesty the Emperor, on the 26 Schewal, 1263 (Sept. 17. 1819), and those which were made between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Turkish envoys ac credited for that purpose in Vienna, with the proviso that in case of need, the clauses of these treaties would be en forced in all rigour. This last proviso is made known more specially in a despatch of Prince Sehwarzenberg, dated March 19, 1850, which Count Sturnier, then iuternuncio, communicated to his Excellency Ali l'achu. What, indeed, does the note of the Porte itself, dated the 23rd of Gemasil Evvel (the 6th April, 1830), say—which serves as appendix to the' above mentioned acts? Why, that the Porte, in order to strengthen the cause of order in llungary, expresses its readiness to come to a friendly understanding with the imperial court before it set the captives in question free, and that the imperial government should therefore express its views in the matter, and communicate its detcrntina tion. - - - It is clear, then, that according to the declarations of the Sultan and of his ministers, the meaning of these worsts cannot be understood by the imperial cabinet, or any im partial parties, iu any other way than that the confinement (intentsnutg) should cease only on the joint determination of the two powers. The undersigned has on several occa sions had the honour to bear the Turkish ministers on this subject declare that in their soul they had not doubts on this point; and his Highness Rescind l'actia assured him at the commencement of last summer that the l'orte did not intend to set the prisoners of Kutahia free without the consent of the imperial cabinet. And now what happens? The Austrian court declares that order in Ilui.gary has not yet reached that state when it becomes possible to let Kossuth loose without danger to the peace of the kingdom. The imperial court considers itself alone competent to judge of the internal state of its provinces ; hut it assures that, as soon as the moment ar rives, it will hasten to inform the Porte, and it will then make co opposition to the cessation of the imprisonment of the Hungarians. . . In the'meantime the Sublime Porte, under ~11 manner of pretexts, and taking up its position on an interpretation of the agreement, which has not been assented to by the im perial cabinet, resolves no longer to take account of engage ments which it entered into in the most solemn manner, nor held the righteous and well-grounded objections made to its proposed course. It persists iu its intention to set at liberty Kossuth and his dangerous companions at the very moment when his imperial Majesty has sought to give to his sovereign neighbour new proufs of his wash to maintain a good understanding with him, in the nomination of Count ltechberg to the post of chargi".: &attains in Constanti nople. Ou all these grounds, and in consideration that the Sublime Porte has proceeded so far as to commence the execution of its design of liberating Kossuth and his com panions at Kutahia, the undersigned feels compelled to pro test against the liberation of Kossuth and the other d - tiinus of the afore-mentioned city. The undersigned re peats his declaration which he took OCCPhiOII to make on the 17th of February of this year, namely, that the departure of any of the detained persons from Kutahia without the previously obtained acquiescence of the imperial Austrian government will be regarded as a breach of the agreement concluded between Austria and Turkey upon the subject of their detention, as an event which must draw after it the destruction of that good understanding which has hitherto existed between the two governments. It is impossible that the Sublime Porte can shut its eyes to the fact that by such a misapprehension of its duties (as well as of the dictates of a wise policy) such a flagrant repudiation of its own assurance, such complete oblivious ness of all the proofs of real friendship evinced by the impe rial government, which fill the annals of its history, the most painful necessities will be imposed on this court, aris ing out of its doubts of the sincerity of the intentions of the Sublime Porte, while finally such a proceeding as that now complained of, will completely justify Austria in presence of impending questions, to consider nothing but her own interest in her relations with the Turkish empire. The undersigned has the honour, &e., Bujukdere, July 29, 1851. EDWARD KLEZL. The following is the reply of the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs : His Majesty the Sultan has taken cognisance of the vari ous verbal communication, and of the official tote of July 29 of the present year, in which your excellency the Chargé d'Affaires has notified to me that the resolve of the Sublime Porte to set at liberty the Magyar fugitives now at Kutabia at the beginning of September, has not the acquiescence of his Imperial Majesty. The friendship which has existed for centuries between the Sublime Porte and the Austrian court, to maintain and confirm which is, even upon the ground of territorial proximity, so much the interest of both states—this friendship upon which the Sublime Porto has always set the highest value, it has always sought to pre serve by averting every occurrence that could cause its in terruption. lam not able to express with sufficient force how greatly the government of th e S u lt an regrets the ,dif ference of opinion which has lately divided the two cabinets on the subjects discussed in your last note. The Sublime Porte gladly entertains the hope that the cabinet of Vienna will finally acknowledge the frankness and lemesty which has uniformly characterised its proceedings in this matter, and will put away all those prejudicial suspicions which from the terms of the communication of July 29, it would seem the imperial cabinet was then inclined to entertain. For in fact it is not until all engagements taken by the Sultan's cabinet have been punctually fulfilled, and after taking most anxious measures for carrying out the sate guardian ship of the fugitives, that the Sublime Porte has determined I to remove them from its tenitorice, considering their deten tion no longer necessary. We find it hard to believe that any one can with fairness characterise this resolution as a breach of the engagements entered into with respect to the refugees. Your Excellency has taken occasion in the note of July the 29th to allude to ancient treaties, and al.o to the written atiurance given by the Sultan to his Majesty the Emps , ror on this subject. But it is superfluous at this time of day to refer back to those old treaties, since the most explicit declara tions have been long ago made to the imperial court as to the limits within which those engagements were and were not to find their application. As to the letter of the Sultan to the Emperor, it contains no more than tin assurance that the refugees should be so guarded that it should not be in their power to disturb the tranquillity of his Majesty's domi nions. The note addressed by the farkish cabinet to the Austrian internuncio, April 6, 18.7e0, to which Tour excel lency finally appeals, and which contains in the most ex press terms the promises of the Sublime Porte. states that, " after the restoration of order in Hungary, the Porte, be fore setting the Magyar refugees at liberty, will inform tho Austrian government of its intention, and endeavour to pro cure its sanction for the act." Now, tranquillity has long been re-established in Hungary ; and, if there are some few still occupied with projects of disorder, yet, are they not, by the express admission of the internuncio, in a situation to et cite an insurrection. Besides one might wait in vain tiur the time when no persons in Hungary could reasonably be suspected of evil projects, since in all times and countries there exist such. But although the Sublime Porte has for a long Unto thought that it might liberate the refugees without injury to any, yet it has not refused, upon representations made to it, to protract somewhat the period of their detention, a proof of the neighbourly feelings it cherished towards Austria. This alone did the Sublime Porte undertake in its engage ments with Austria—to watch sever the refugees in its own states, so long as any rekindling of insurrection was to be feared from them. But if on the one hand, a friendly feeling led it to undertake sad fulfil that onerous task, the Sublime Porte expects, on the other head, that, in consideration of such self-abnegation, the Austrian government will not claiin indefinitely to prolong an unpleasant state of things, front which nothing but embarrassments and misunderstaudings are to be appre hended. If thus, at length, the Sublime Porte has felt itself compelled to liberate the d,stenus at the begiuning of September, this has not been without the complete convic tion that, looking at the subjected state of Hungary, no necessity for their further detention exists, and that the Porte has fulfilled its utmost duty, of which conviction the imperial court was informed without delay, and its acquiescence in the sonic solicited. Conscious, therefore, that in no particular has it been want ing to its engagements, the government of his Majesty the Sultan does nut surrender the hope that, after a candid re ' consideration of the facts, and a just appreciation of what must obviously be the desire of the Sublime Porte, to put an end to a situation fraught with difficulties and dangers, tho imperial cabinet will attain to the conviction that the I Sultan cannot depart front the resolution he hue taken. I have the honour, sic., Constantinople, Aug. 16. ALL rACII.t. - - To this note the Austrian internuncio forwarded the following reply: With the deepest regret has the undersigned, Chanel d'Affaires of his Majesty the Emperor of Au.tria, at tho high Ottoman Porte, learned by the note of his Majesty the Sultan's Minister of Foreign Affairs that the government of the Porte persists in its resolution to set at liberty, on the Ist of September, Kossuth and the other refugees at Kutahia, without considering the validity of the weighty masons urged by the government of his Imperial Majesty in favour of a prolongation of their confinement. The un dersigned must repeat the protestations coutaitied in his nute of the :nth of July, siddressol to Ali Paella, and at the same time hold the Sublime I'orte answerable to tho Austrian government for all the consequences of the libe ration of the said refugees without the concurrence of the Imperial Court.—l have the honour, &c., EDWARD KLEZL. BUjllkdat. Aug. 18, 1851. KOSSUTII'S LXTENTION TO VISIT EXCLANI) AND LAND AT SOUTIWIPTON CON FIRMED. The following important and interesting communi cation, dictated by Kossuth himself, to the Mayor of Southampton, was received by that functionary yesterday afternoon: " Marseilles, Sept. 27, 1831. " Excellency, Governor Kossuth (my chief), with thankful sentiments acknowledging tho lively interest and the high-minded sympathy which the generous city of Southampton, and you, sir, par ticularly, were on so many occasions honouring, the Hungarian cause, the fate of its exiled leader, and of all Ilungarian exiles who chanced to land on your hospitable shore, has entrustedme with the agree able duty to present you, sir, his hearty com pliments, and respectfully to infiwns you that, embarked, with the generous consent of his Majesty the Sultan, without any previous condition whatever, but rather with illimited liberty, on hoard the United States steam-frigate Mississippi, sent over by tho Congress and government of the United States pre cisely for his and his associates liberation from Ku tayah, stopped at Marseilles, with the purpose to pass through France directly to England, and to land from Havre at Southampton, having the warm desiro to thank personally for the protection which the public) opinion of the high-minded people of England pleased to throw in the balance of his destiny. " Arrived here yesterday, his Excellency imme diately applied to M. lc Prefet of this department to grant bins and family free passage through France. M. le Prefet judged convenient to report to Paris by telegraph to the ministry, but the action of the tele graph being hindered by the misty weather, an answer has not yet arrived. "So not being able to give you exact information about the issue, or in case of granted passage übout the time of his excellency's arrival at Southampton, still I feel gratified to be the organ of communication of his said design, and of his firm in tention to go, in every ease, for some few days, to Englund ; which, should he be not permitted to exe cute directly from Marseilles, he has decided to pro ceed immediately to Gibraltar, and hence to visit England and ask for an asylum to his children them while he proceeds to the United States, to thank personally for the most generous aid and assistanoo which the people, congress, and government of the United States honoured him with. his Excellency left Kutayah with the confident hope that the sacred cause which it is his Klory to represent cannot fail to have a future yet, being ho noured as it is by the powerful sympathy of tho English lace that mighty, great, and glorious guardian of justice, right, and freedaa on both hemispheres. " I have the honour to sign myself to be, with tho most distinguished consideration, Sir, your humble and obsequious servant, "J. lI.VSKE, L..ColoneL J. Andrews, Esq., Mayor to the City of Southampton." The news (says a Southampton correspondent, writing . yesterday) that the mayor had received a communication from Kossuth, spread like wild fire through the town, and all are on tho tiptoe of expectation that the illustrious !dog yar will shortly arrive here. In fact, if he is allowed to go . through France he may bo hero to-morrow morning. A Havre steamer arrives here every morning. If he is not allowed to go through France, he will most probably reach South ampton by the Peninsular Company's steamer Jupi ter, which will leave Gibraltar about to-morrow. No doubt some news of Kossuth will be in the French correspondence of the Daily Niws to-morrow. Tho following address to Kossuth, when he lands at Southampton, was for signature in the town yester day, and received immediately numerous names of all classes of persons. A meeting will be instantly called here, to make araangeraents for his reception, with befitting grandeur and enthusiasm. Hu and I his family will be the honoured guests of the Mayor during his stay at Southampton, from whom he will receive a welcome and hospitality worthy of an Englishman to show to one of the noblest and aublimest assentors and defenders of human liberty : ADDRESS TO LOUIS KOSSUTH, LATE GO VERNOR OF HUNGARY. Honoured Sir,—We, the undersigned inhabitants of the town and county of the town of Southampton, cordially bid you welcome to the shores of Britain, where your name is well known and dear to thousands, us being identified with the same principles on which the liberties, social order, and prosperity of this country arc founded. Be assured that the feelings with which we hail your arrival amongst us aro designed to express something more than the ordinary for malities of civility. We have been deeply interested in all the patriotic enterprises which your love of freedom and truth so eminently contributed to originate, fur the porpoise of maintaining the ancient indepen dente and free constitution of your native land, and which your wiidini and disinterested energies, for so long a time, served to promote ; and in your endeavours to obtain for them a successful issue, you have shared our aincerest sympathies mel been the object of our most constant and heartfelt solicitude. We forbear P ;ml sofa is wit cl