The Express. — London, England, 1847-09-14 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 14, 1847. meats which have honestly resolved to make common cause with their people. In the peaceful dissipation of the storm which seemed impending over Switzerland and Italy we recognise the evidence of the establishment of a new power in the international relations of Europe, analo gous to that which has been established since their respective revolutions in the domestic institutions of England and France, and, like it, affording a guarantee for the future diminution, if not absolute avoidance, of war and violence. IT is doing ministers no more than common justice to presume that they are availing themselves of the repose of the recess to prepare for a renewal of their efforts to extend education as soon as parliament shall meet. The battle cannot be fought over again in the new parliament on the same ground on which it was fought in the old. Government has now been expe rimentally made aware that the majority of the sup porters of the grant to schools under the conditions im posed by the minutes in council would have preferred a grant for the promotion of exclusively secular educe. tien; and that they supported the ministerial plan not because it was the most eligible, but because it really was the only one in the field. These facts being ascertained, probably the best thing that government can do will be to prepare against next session a comprehensive plan of primary education purely secular. In a country where there is but one religious faith, religious education may be imparted along with other branches; but in a country where there are many irreconcileable and discordant sects, and where popular institutions afford these sects the means of averting any interference with their respective beliefs, we suspect the religious training of children as of adults must be relinquished to the various churches. 1)r. NICHOL, indeed, in his able and eloquent pre liminary dissertation, prefixed to the translation of WILM'3" Education of the People," expresses a de cided opinion that it is both possible and ne that religion should be made a branch of n c a e = primary education. And to show the possibility, i he enters into a subtle metaphysical disquisition in which he distinguishes, between " religiousness," and the entertaining of " certain views of the logical relations existing between metaphysical or religious ideas." Dr. NICIIOL, if we have not misunder stood him, appears to think that the inculcation of belief in the personality and providential action of the Deity, and of an habitual sentiment of piety to wards Him, is all that is required, and that oar various churches and communions will acquiesce in nothing more being taught. We suspect that were he to try the experiment, he would find them one and all recoil from the proposal as a plan for teaching the deism of natural religion as contradistinguished from revelation ; and, for our own part, what Dr. NICEIOL proposes appears to us to amount to no more than to give the pupils a correct abstract idea of what is meant by the word religion, and to accustom them to speak and think of religion in the abstract with reverence. But religious inetruo tion and education imply more than this ; they imply the inculcation of a positive system of belief, and the inspiring of such a frame. of mind as makes that belief influential in regulating the conduct. The abstract thinker may in theory (and in theory only) view that which is common to all systems of religion apart for itself; but the mass of the community are, and most probably ever will be, as incapable of con ceiving the abstract idea of religion apart from the dogmas with and through which it has been inspired into them, as they are of seeing light except by means of the colours refracted back by the bodies with which they are surrounded. Until men come to be all of one mind in religion, public religious education must continue to be in trusted to the diffiretit churches. But in the mean while the interests of society require that provision should be made for the education of all children to I the discharge of those duties which every honest man, whatever his religion, or whether he have any at all, admits that he owes to society. There is here a wide field open without trenching on the domain of religious belief. Reading and writing are not education, and still less is their un failing rhythmic associate, arithmetic. Reading and writing only enable those to whom they have been taught to acquire information and exercise themselves in thinking with more facility under the guidance et a teacher, or, when a teacher cannot be found, to supply his place as they best may by books or occa sional correspondence. Arithmetic perhaps, strictly speaking, belongs more properly to the department cd special than of primary education—to the training which is to prepare men more for a professional career, than for the universal duties of citizenship. We need but turn up the first report of any of our prison commis sioners that comes to hand to be convinced that man a boy and girl have been taught both to read and write, yet left utterly uneducated ; and if we cast our eyes back to the early history of our own land it will not be difficult to discover minds (their opportunities being taken into account) highly educated who were destitute of these accomplishments. Instruction in reading and writing is the best and easiest way of commencing a child's education, but they must be regarded as the mere subser vient instruments to that education. Education con sists in the imparting of indispensable knowledge, and the impressing of useful habits on the child while acquiring there* elementary accomplishments, and in great part by their means. When the teacher, by repeated explanations and cross-examinations, has made sure that the child understands what he has been reading, he has at the same time, te a certain extent, stored its mind with precise ideas, and familiarised it with some one or other of the elements of reasoning. When a child is obliged to come to school with its hands and face perfectly clean, its hair combed, and its garments, ' however coarse and dilapidated, freed from dust or dirt, or is obliged to make itself tidy on its arrival, before mingling with its comrades, habits of personal cleanliness and neatness are insensibly acquired by it. The custom of repairingpunctaally toschool at a certain hour, of performing certain moderate tasks daily,com municates to it the power of regular exertion for the ac complishment of a definite end, and super induces that state of mind which makes the individual feel uncom fortable when not employed to some purpose. The exaction of a certain deferential and courteous de meanour towards its play and school-fellows —of abstinence from gross or impious ex presions—all concur, if long enough continued, to develop habits of real, plain, rational good breeding. Innumerable occasions occur, both in the school-room and in the play-ground, for an intelligent teacher, whose heart is in his vocation, to enlighten the children under his care as to the duty they owe their neighbours, and the rights they have to exact from their neighbours in return. This is real education; this is what cannot be imparted in the course of a few weeks or months, or at desultory intervals, but which requires regalar daily attendance upon schools for years—two or three at the very least—at the time when the unforced intellectual faculties are beginning spontaneously to expand. Children thus trained may be sent with some confi dence to learn trades, and to be exposed to the occa sional miscellaneous society, which cannot be avoided while they are thus engaged. Their tastes and habits will be so far formed as to make vice and idleness disagreeable to them; their minds will be so far de veloped as to enable them to apprehend more readily , the instructions of their masters, and to work with intelligence. They will exercise, is every scene of ' life into which they may be thrown, those faculties which have been cultivated at school ; they will carry on for themselves the education which was there begun until they make themselves full-grown and valuable members of society. Even those of their number whom a disposition of more than usual levity, or a more than usual exposure to bad asso ciates, may cause to lapse from the paths of virtue, will have thoughts and sentiments within themselves, and associations without, that render their reform ton both more probable and more easy than is case of the untrained. In all the scheme of childish discipline and instruc tion we have now sketched there has been not one lota of religion introduced. The veriest sectary could not say that anything was therein proposed to be taught a child he could wish it afterwards to un learn. Nay, more, the habit of mind proposed to be make them better by the really religious public , to such a purely secular system of national education. At all events the chance of their giving their anent to it renders it , worth while to ran the risk of a rebuff. Tux amount of revenue annually collected in this country by means of direct taxation is little short of nine millions and • half. The assessed taxes yield* for the year 1843, 4,385,0671. ; the income tax yielded during the same y ear 4,989,8001.; in all 9,374,8871.1 Independeti of the general question which may, and moat proba bly will, be raised next session, us to whether the field of direct taxation ought to be widened or narrowed, the question as to whether the direct taxes we actually pay might not be more equitably apportioned, and more economically col lected, can scarcely fail to force itself on the attention of parliament. With regard to the income tax, the main objections to it, as at present levied, are the disproportionate weight with which it falls on limited incomes, and the unjust exaction of a similar per centage upon the wages of industry and on the profits of realised pro perty. Before, however, we attempt to suggest a remedy for this, it may be as well to look a little more narrowly into the state of the assessed taxes, which are virtually in the aggregate a property tax. The main items are, taking, as before, the returns for the year 1843, sufficiently near the average for our present purpose : The window tax Benoit, 200,231 Carriers 420,903 Hones foe riding, ks Hone dealen 10,860 131,037 =powder Armorial beerier' ...... .............. 67,137 GUM duties To which add— Unredeemed load-tae £1,139,148 This last item is the fruit of one of the greatest blunders ever committed by an English Chan cellor of the Exchequer. Tho aggravated diffi culties in which the occupant of this office for the time then being was involved, about the year 1789, made him grasp at any means of filling his coffers. Amongst other expedients, he offered for sale the fixed revenues of the state. The landowners I were enabled to liberate themselves from a long_l l I established, equitable, and far from heavy burden cm their properties, at a very inadequate price by the Land-tax Redemption Act. This, how ever, is the least part of the mischief that has been occasioned by the measure. Had the I land tax been complete.y redeemed, instead of par tially—had the measure been compulsory and of uni versal application—it would have left the field clear foe the imposition of some more equitable tax. As it is, however, it furnishes a never-failing plea against imposing any further taxes upon land. As to the other taxes enumerated, the mere amount of revenue they yield shows the expediency of getting rid of some of them. The taxes on hair powder (4,2121.) and horse dealers (10,8601.) are instances of that unadvisable class of imposts which from their slender returns do not in reality compen sate for the coat of reigns them, and the annoyance and irritation they occasion. It may further be ob jected to the tax on hair-powder, that it is inquisito rial and often evaded. Tho same objection applies to the dog tax, the tax on armorial bearings, and the game duties. A still more grave objection may be urged against the tax on horse dealers—its manifest njustice. Why tax only one class of dealers, letting others go free? The tax on windows is perhaps one of the least defensible in our whole catalogue of imposts. It is • bounty on malaria and sickness. It is unequal in its assessment, for large houses do not require the same number of windows in proportion to their rents as small. It is, besides, inquisitorial and vexatious in the assessment and collection. Lastly, it restricts the employment of manufacturers of glass, of joiners I who make window frames, of glaziers and painters. The theorists who admire sumptuary laws may feel a predilection for the tax upon servants ; but if we look only a little below the surface, it is easy to de tect the injurious operation of this tax. It limits the number of servants employed, and consequently di- 1 minishes the employment of those who would work i for them—cloth manufacturers, tailors, hatters, shoe-1 makers, &c. It also, by throwing so many people out of employment,. increases the poor rates. The tax upon carriages operates injuriously exactly in the same manner as the tax upon servants. It throws coachmen and other persons employed about horses and carriages out of employment. It prevents many coach-builders, coach spring makers, curriers, harness-makers, saddlers, cloth-manufacturers, and similar tradesmen from finding work. The tax upon horses has also had a tendency to diminish the resources of honest labours. But it has the further mischievous effect of restricting exercise for health by increasing its expense. It is particu larly objectionable as a tax upon hired horses. Many who cannot afford to keep horses, on account of the expense, would frequently hire horses by the day or hour to the great advantage of their health, w est it not for the high duty exacted every time a hens is let. It ie evident, even from this cursory review, that most of the assessed taxes are prejudicial on account of their indirect or secondary consequences ; most of them on account of their inquisitorial and vexatious character; one on aceonat of its partiality; and others on account of their petty returns, which necessarily make the per-centage of collection disproportionately high. Now all of these taxes press or are meant to grasa upon the classes who possess some property. are insidious property taxes. The same amount levlmi by means of a direct tax upon the rents and profits of realised property would not take more net revenue lout of the pockets of the owners ; would, probably, require them to pay less in addition as the cost of l letting ; and would be free from impertinent inquisi torial pre-examinations, as also from mischievous secondary consequences. Substitute for the income tax as it at present stands the same amount of direct tax on the rents and profits of realised property, and the ag .ate revenue now raised in the form of income tax and assessed taxes (excluding the unredeemed land tax) might be collected by a much more simple and less expensive machinery. The weight of what is now levied as income tax would also be by this means more equitably apportioned.' The scanty stipends of the merchants and lawyer's clerk, of the man of letters, and of the whole class to which they belong, would thus be thrown free. While the tax would be imposed upon those who, having realised property to be guarded, are fairly liable to pay for the protection of the laws in pro portion to the value which they secure to them. Lastly, were the redemption of the yet remain ing land tax made compulsory, land would be placed for the future in respect of national bur dens on the same footing as other property. There would then be no longer any shadow of plausibility for the sophistical allegation that, because a part of the land is encumbered with an hereditary burden, none of the land ought to be taxed. And thus a revenue of from ten to twelve millions annually might be raised by the simple and just process of a direct impost, the collection of which would, in a short time, be felt less grievous than the existing vexatious and inquisitorial taxes alone. As we hinted at the outset, the expediency of adopt ing this suggestion involves no previous decision as to the comparative merits of direct or indirect taxation. The proposal merely relates to a more equitable and less oppressive mode of collecting about the same pro portional amount of revenue from direct taxation as is derived from that source at present. It is not necessary for our present purpose to enter upon the knotty points relating to the incidence of taxation, involved in a comparison between the direct and indirect systems. Neither is it necessary to inquire into the expedieney and justice of extending to Ire land the blessings of the assessed taxes, or any sub stitute that may be adopted in lieu of them. the SOME horrid fascination would appear to lurk in the act of poisoning—some diabolical voluptuous ness to be stimulated by its commission. The poisoner who once escapes with impunity is alniest certain to repeat the criminal act. The modern BRINVILLIERS, whose case is recorded by FEUERBACII, carried poisons continually about her— fondled, cherished them, as a witch might do her are said to have sparkled, as from blo emotion, when the packets her while under examination. indulgence of the acquired propensity •dermme the vital powers, the common ensuring secrecy are sometimes tTMEE, the Warrington poisoner conversation with the chemist 10•111 impress . ed' a u j po"nh 4 ':, eTild — Wit - vrould make them better fondled, cherished then prepared for religions instruction; while, if the familiars; her eyes are worst came to the worst—if any of them were a thrill of pleasurable doomed to paw through life without having that were exhibited to het • arkieet Sad mast cheering of the intellectual senses In the eager indulgence • aweitemedmithln them—they would at all events be stealthily to undermine I =L i nay,far as this world only is precautions for enaur tstr a tul as mbers of • . Is difficult to conceive any soc' oblec ty t . ions being made neglected. ANN MtTP of her husband, in a c s. • from whom she purchased the arsenic, went so far as to allude to the use that might possibly be made of it. It is probable that close observation would show this tendency to the repetition of a criminal act not to be confined to poisoning. The man (or woman) who has been impelled by passion, or has nerved him eelf to the commission of a deed from which human nature recoils, is an altered being. The convulsive effort has revolutionised his whole moral existence. His re lations to GOD and society arechanged—he is conscious that they are. AU the feelingswhich were formerly his instinctive impulses—all the maxima by which he was accustomed to regulate his conduct—are inoperative on the man metamorphosed in the innermost recesses of his being by his own guilty act. This truth, which might easily be substantiated by reference to the histories of remarkable criminals, has been too much overlooked by those who take upon them to reform oar criminal law and penal discipline. The physiology of crime and criminals requires more profound invests- Wien before any one is entitled to speak with confi deuce of the treatment best adapted for the cases of those who are morally sick unto death. But even the very superficial view now taken is enough to strengthen the convictions of those who call for more vigorous and systematic arrangements for preventing individuals from lapsing into crime. We return from this digression to our more imme diate subject—the crime of poisoning.. Its frequency is startling, and still more so the wholesale manner in which its practitioners deal in it. The series of murders at Clavering must be lively in the recollection of our readers, and should the dark suspicions clustering around ANN BARNES—whose case was detailed in our yesterday's publicatiou— prove well founded, they will be no more than hor rible variations of a shocking theme with which the public is already but too familiar. Oar object in drawing attention to a case yet unde cided is to impart additional weight to the urgent recommendation of more strict precautions in the sale of poisons, which we have offered on previous occasions. The many cases of the administration of poisons with fatal effect, which have of late jostled each other in the columns of the newspapers, seem bat to indicate the greater multitude of such crimes which pass un detected. We are not alarmists on this or any other subject. Our nerves are not irritable enough, our fancy not sufficiently excursive, to be started by any given number of revolting stories into an imaginative chase after images of atrocities lurking in every dark nook and corner. But the firmest nerves, and the least imaginative disposition, cannot refrain from the inference that there is something about the many poisoning cases that have of late come to light, indicative of the mind of a certain portion of the public having grown callous to the horrors of the crime, by habitual contempla tion of its perpetration, as a not impossible contin gency. Dr. LYON PLAY FAIR, in his report on the state of the large towns in Lancashire, shows that the value of infant life amongst those who belong to burial clubs, and who obtain a premium on the death of their children, is much less than in the mass of the population. There are other ways, it is true, in which children may be got rid of than by poison, but none no little likely to excite suspicion. Arsenic is easily mixed with food ; does not destroy life at once, and produces a number of symptoms which may be easily mistaken for an ordinary disease of childhood. Again, recent investigations into the state of the manufacturing districts have shown the alarming extent to which opium under various forms is habitually administered to children, for the purpose of sending them to sleep. We do not insist at present on the certain under mining of the constitution and perversion of the habits in after life, which is the necessary consequence of such a practice ; nor of its liability to kill involunta rily by an over-dose. The habitual administration of opiates may serve as a screen and pretext for the wilful child murderer. Exclude them, or any otherpoison generally resorted to, from sale, and a great saving of human life would be the consequence. Restrict the number of persons allowed to sell them ; exact certain quali fications from, and impose certain liabilities on the parties allowed to deal in them, and to a less extent, but still to some extent, you narrow the field of danger. From the various substitutes for this pre caution we expect little benefit. The Prussian pre caution of exacting the attendance at the sale of a poisonous drug of a person who knows both buyer and seller is inadequate. It presumes caution—the sheens of an o'ermastering passion that forgets what is required for secrecy ; and the case of ANNA MATH en, already alluded to, shows that the poisoner can be excited above such considerations. Again, it has been proposed, in the case of arsenic, that it should not be allowed to be sold unless mixed with some colouring matter, which would betray its presence in solids or liquids. A correspondent of the Times, who signed himself " A Chemist," not long ago dec lared that he had dis covered an inert powder, which, if mixed with arsenic, in the proportion of one per cent., renders its presence apparent by a change in the colour of dif ferent articles of food in common use. This, if the inventor's boast is well-founded, would throw a new difficulty in the way of the poisoner • still, it applies only to one poison : and, besides, the victims of poison rarely expect the nefarious attempt to be made. Mere discoloration of their food, which many accidents might cause, would not awaken suspicion, or put them on their guard. Without discouraging any experiment which might throw additional difficulties in the way of the poi soner, we still recur to the limitation of the power of sale as the one most effective means. There can be no doubt that the facility with which arsenic, prussic I said, opium, and similar instruments of death can be obtained, is a great encouragement to the poisoner. This being the case, we can see no valid objection to a law for restricting their sale. It will be acknow ledged by those who read our columns that we are pretty decided free-traders, but we confess we shrink from the idea of a free trade in poison. Our laws, with a view to raise a revenue, oblige dealers in wines, spirits, snuff, and tobacco, to take out licenses ; it wield be more to the purpose if they forbade the re tailing of poisonous substaslces by unlicensed persons, and gave such licenses, not to anybody who paid a certain sum, but only to persons who had re wind a certain education, and attained to certain inks in the medical p rofessions. A clause might be introduced, as we have formerly suggested, into the Chemists' and Druggists' Bill, which will probably pass into a law next session, confining the retail sale of poisons to licensed persons, who should only vend them after cautious inquiry, and obtaining some gua rantee for their legitimate use. This would be a useful precaution, though it still leaves open a wide range of inquiry as to the educa tional, penal, and even economical measures that must be adopted with a view to diminish the awful fre quency of the crime of poisoning. Our Paris letters and the journals of Sunday have arrived. The Duchess d'Aumale was delivered of a eon at St. Cloud on Saturday afternoon, who is to re ceive the title of the Duke de Gnise. This event was announced to the Paris public by the discharge of 21 guns from the Invalids. The journals of Saturday afternoon and Sunday state that a serious accident had occurred to the Duke do Nemours while hunting at Compi4ne. It was said that the gun of one of the sportsmen who were near him being ill-directed a portion of the charge wounded the duke. The physician of the duke, M. Pamprier, jan., was reported to have found about ten grains of shot lodged in the region of the left temple ; but the duke felt such slight effects from the wound that he was out the next morning as usual on horseback. This report, though given in most of the jour nals, was contradicted at the Bourse, and La Presse say, that one of the servants of the Prince, who arrived in Paris on Saturday, knew nothing of such an event. The official and semi-official journals of the government are silent on the subject. The news which arrive by the telegraph and by extraordinary couriers, daily from Madrid, have thrown the Chateau of St. Cloud and the Hotel of the Rue de Courcelles into the greatest excitement family councils and cabinet councils succeed each other with scarcely an interruption. 'fhe principal leaders of the party of Christina and the Mont pensiers have been called to these meetings, and scarier after courier has been sent to Madrid with despatches for Narvaez and the Duke of Gluck,- berg. On Saturday, at two o'clock, Queen Christina was at St. Cloud, and had a long conference with Louis Philippe, at which several Spaniards of their party were present, among whom was Gonzales Bravo, to whom Narvaez had promised the Paris em bassy on his departure. The Duke de Broglie, who had passed the morning in conference with M. Guizot, went with that minister to Bt. Cloud, where a cabinet council wu held before the departure of Queen Chris tina. Monsieur de Broglie was admitted to a seat at the council board on this occasion. The announcement of the capture of the city of Taza by Abd-el-Bader, which we have already given, has been fatly confirmed by the adviccs received from Algiers to the sth inst. It appears that Abd-el-Kader, at the head of 8,000 men, presented himself before the gates of the city, which were opened to him without the slightest resistance. Tare v only . three days' march from Fez, the road to which city the Emir immediately took. It was feared that the prestige of this success, and the religious character attributed to the Emir would attract around him the population of Morocco to such a degree as to render all resistance on the part of the Emperor Abderrahman ineffectuaL Although despatches with the details of these events had arrived in Paris they were not made public by the government. The Duke de Broglie, on returning from St. Cloud, had a long interview with Lord Normanby at the British Embassy. It was expected that his Excel lency would have left for London on Monday. The Madrid mails of the 7th have been received. General Alai: had arrived, but had not yet obtained any appointment. It was doubted in some quarters whether he would be nominated to the Captain Gene ralship of Madrid, and it was positively stated that this office had not yet been offered to him. Some letters say that before the departure of General de la Concha for Catalonia, he had received an assurance that no change would be made in the articles of the tariff which affect cottons; we, however, are still in formed that a large and liberal measure of reform is contemplated in the entire system of customs duties. Don Francisco de Paula, with his daughter, were about to remove from St. Sebastian to Burgos. Advice' from Catalonia to the 6th inst. continue to represent that province as in a formidable state of insarreotion. An army of 3,000 men, divided into small bands, sweep the country, and keep the villages under their absolute command. They levy taxes, the payment of which the local authorities have no means of resisting. Want of funds alone prevents them from presenting a most formidable armed force. The rolls of the army actually enlisted in favour of the pretender amount to 9,437 men, a number ready to take the field if funds were forthcoming to enable them to do so. At the date of the last'advices there was not yet time to show what the effect of the re cent events at Madrid—the amnesty, the dismissal of Pavia, and the appointment of General de la Concha —would be. The result of a few weeks will exhibit this. The knell of absolutism has sounded beyond the Alps. Italy awakes like a strong man from a long deep sleep. fhe wisest of her princes have recognised the prognostics of her regeneration, and have identi fied themselves with its progress. Those gifted with less foresight hesitate, but soon receive a lesson by which they learn to yield to the imperious law of progress. An example of the folly of offering re sistance to that law has occurred in one of the smaller states, which will not be lost on its more powerful neighbours. We have, on a former day, announced the events which took place in Lucca, on the Ist, when the sovereign of that principality, awed by the popular voice, proclaimed the liberty of the press and the establishment of the national guard. We have now to raise the curtain on the second act of the drama. It appears that this feeble-minded prince vacillated immediately afterwards, and regardless of his pledged and published promise,withdrawing to Massa Carrara, a place not far from Lucca, but in the Modenese terri tory : he there declared that the proclamation of the Ist inst.,granting theliberty of the press,and the establish ment of the national guard, " was extorted from him by force, and that he would not fulfil it !" This most unexpected announcement fell among the already excited population of Lucca like a spark in a maga zine of gunpowder. . The national guard, refused by the Sovereign, started in a moment spontaneously into life. The Marquis Nlazzaross, who had been prime minister, but had resigned, headed a deputation to the duke, to induce hint to return to his capital. The duke refused, but issued a decree, appointing a regency, under the presidency of the Marquis Mazza rota. The council of ministers refused to publish this domment, and again supplicated the prince to resume his position and authority. 'While these negotiations were pending, ..-the popular agitation was aug menting. The object of the people was to obtain the desired political reforms without revo lution, and consequently they required it to be ren dered conspicuously manifest that the grand ducal government was sustained, the person of the sove reign inviolate, and that the constituted authorities were the fountain from which all reform proceeded. To compel the prince to return, it was given out that his revenues would be seized, and his palace and pro perty sequestrated. The population of the surround ing country poured into Lucca, and every train which arrived by the railway from Pisa and Leghorn brought hundreds of enthusiastic partisans of reform from those cities. The intoxication was general; the populace, in a delirium of enthusiasm, thronged the streets and squares. The female part of the com munity played a conspicuous part in the scene. A troop, consisting of several hundred women, pre ceded by the pontifical flag, paraded the town. A body of volunteers were enrolled to march to the de liverance of Ferrara. Such was the condition of Lucca on the afternoon of the tad and the morning of the 3rd, when suddenly and unexpectedly, at one o'clock in the afternoon, the duke, accompanied by the hereditary prince, returned from Massa Carrara, and presented themselves at the gates of Lucca unes corted, in the midst of the excited populace, by whom they were received with the greatest demonstrations of joy. The official journal of the government (the only newspaper permitted at Lucca) announced that on the return of the duke, the entire population, in cluding even women, children, and priests, bearing the national flag, presented itself in the Piazza Grande to salute the Sovereign; and while passing in front of the hotel of the commander of the troops, where the Italian flag was unfurled, the place re sounded with enthusiastic exclamations. In the an nouncement of these facts, given in the official jowled, the epithet Italian, as applied to the flag, is given In large capitals. It may be observed here that this Italian flag is, in fact, the revolutionary tri colour—green, however, being substituted for blue. In this official announcement no allusion is made to the retreat of the duke to Massa, nor of the events which took place during his stay there. The report concluded with a prayer that no recollec tion may be preserved of those days in which the mutual attachment of the prince and people seemed to be diminished. The correspondent of the Journal des Debar says that the animosity of the populace is directed more especially against the hereditary prince, and that the princess, his wife, taster of the Duke of Bordeaux, had rebuked him for his conduct, reminding him of the events which proved fatal to her own family seventeen years ago. Events so important in Lucca could scarcely fail to produce sympathetic demonstrations in its near neighbourhood at Leghorn and Pisa, where those who had gone to Lucca returned by thousands, bringing with them the tidings of the day. In the theatre of Leghorn a demonstration in favour of the national guard took place in the evening. The next day a deputation from that city went to Florence to supplicate its immediate organisation, and brought back a decree to that effect, accompanied by the Intelligence that nothing remained but the regu lations under which it should be established. This intelligence was, of course, followed by a fresh out break of enthusiasm : above ten thousand men assembled with the national flag, preceded by the hurts of Pius IX. and Leopold 11. A procession took place through the city by torch light; the windows of all the houses were illuminated and decorated with flags. These rejoicings continued for seven hours; notwithstanding which no disorder took place, and the whole population, even to the lowest classes, seemed filled with the liveliest gratitude to the sovereign who had given suck proofs of confidence to his people. " This revolution," says a corre spondent of one of the Marseilles papers, writing from the spot, "is incontestably one of the most ex traordinary pages of our history—a revolution un stained by a single drop of blood.' A solemn popular celebration of the great reform was appointed to take place on the Bth inst., in which all the ladies of the town were to assist, clothed in white and wearing the national colours. The Augsburg Gazette, under the date of Turin, the 2nd inst., repeats the report we gave long since, that the French government had placed 12,000 muskets at Marseilles at the disposition of the l'ope, and that a still larger supply was expected from Belgium. A number of French and Polish officers resident at Rome had tendered their services to the pontifical government. The forces to be encamped at Forli are now estimated at 54,000, of which 24,000 will be regular troops, and 30,000 the national guard. The Augsburg Gazette adds, "our government have made very friendly offers to the pontifical government." ' The Nuremberg Correspondent, under the date of Rome, the 30th, says that the city of Ancona has resolved to apply the funds which were intended to construct a theatre there, to the purchase of muskets for the aational guard. The magistrates of Perugia. Oscine, and Bologna have adopted a similar course. '1 The Pope has been enchanted at this, and it was hoped the example would spread. The government was engaged in preparing a new municipal corpora. tion for Rome. A communication in the Augsburg Gazette front Rome, dated the 3lst ult., gives the following : The first part of the great process is terminated. The re sult proves that there have been emoluments in the interest of the retrograde party. The Pope has just addressed to nearly all the Europsiut sovereigns a note signed by Cardinal Zerretti respecting the solution of the dispute with Austria relative to the city of Ferrara. About the middle of the month his holiness will hold a secret consid.ory. We recorded yesterday, as an example of the homage which public opinion in Europe has extorted from the cabinet of Vienna, that Prince Metternich has found it advisable to transmit an explanatory and apologetic note to President Ochsenbein respecting the occupation of Ferrara. Truly, things must have come to a sad loam when the apostle of despotism finds himself obliged to parley thus with the captain of the free carp?, and to resume diplomatic relations which be had insolently and contemptuously discon tinued for so long a period. But we have to-day a more striking, if possible, instance of the irresistible power of opinion over this crafty diplomatist. Some of the journals of the Rhenish states, like all the other organs of public opinion in Europe, have, it seems, been discussing the Auetro-pontifical question, and the Cologne Gazette and a Heidelberg journal have indulged in some general reflections accompanied with some unpalatable historical retidepections upon the repressive influence of Austrian rule in the Italian peninsula, and its universally acknowledged tendency to check every effort at social and constitutional pro gress, whether originating from the people or their rulers. The Austrian Obserrer has upon this received for insertion in its columns from the authority under which it exists another apologetic and explanatory mote, which we will here give in detail : We can now completely tranquillise the Gazette de Co. logne on the subject of its premature apprehensions. But we really think the Gazette itself could have spared us this trouble, for it appears to us that the obscurity in which Austria wishes to envelope herself, so as to be impenetrable te every German eye, needs not the eyes of Argus, but good sense and love of truth, to read in contemporary hi-tory what Austria is desirous of doing and of avoiding. Austria de mands for itself what every father of a fatally has a right to claim, that is to say, to be master in his own house. She allows the same right to all other independent nations. She respects their independence in the largest sense of the word, with no other restrictions than those which proceed from treaties and the rights of reciprocity. The Gazette de Co logne reproaches Austria with having stifled in Italy every manifestation of the public spirit. But im partial history will place the facts in their true light. It will say that Austria, when avoidance had been at different times solicited by the legitimate governments of Italy, threatened or overthrown by revolt, has aseisted them in the sentiment of het right, and appreciation of her own interests ; that she asked for no gratitude, and has reaped the furious hatred of those parties her opi ortune interven tion had deprived of the fruit of their criminal undertakings. Austria forces her advice and assistance on none. She knows how to do so when good advice is of no avail, and to wait fur events she can neither impede nor direct. If, in such conjuncture, a feverish agitation should take possession of whole states, nobody has a right to be discontented with Austria because she does not lase sight of what is going on beyond her frontiers (a duty no government can neglect, even in the most tranquil times), and, at the same time, tikes every precaution on her own territory she may judge requisite, in order to offer an energ e tic resistance to that anarchy which might penetrate into it from without. Such principles are so simple and so clear, and agree so per fectly with the precepts of justice, prudence, and legitimate defence, that it can scarcely be conceived how it is possible for them to have been converted into a mark for the darkest calumny, if old experience did not teach us that political par ties are in the habit of judging their adversaries by them selves, and perceive on all sides cunning, artifice, and hidden views, because their conscience cries aloud that such disloyal arms are to be found in great quantities in the arsenal of their own policy. That is the reason why the reinforcement of the Austrian garrison at Ferrara has been considered as a political demonstration, and even u the commencement of an armed intervention, whereas it is nothing but a mere measure commanded by the military authorities of the Lam bardo-Venetiao kingdom, which they had not only a right to command, but which it was their imperious duty to command, on account of the grave responsibility they were under of attending to the safety of the fortress and the garrison, when assailed by the moo violent cries of " Death to the Ger mans," and by the continual provoations of a press that know no restraint. But the above-named journal throws another reproach into the face of Austria. " Austria," it says, " does not bow down to the idol of our century," to the pretended progress. He who distinguishes aright, hems well, says an old proverb, and we can apply it to the present question. We do not eousider as progress every movemeut which carries us far from the point of departure. No where less than in Austria, where there are so many dif ferent nationalities, each having attained different degrees of civilisation, do people believe is a practical theory out of which there is no security. That is why political quacks, who pretend they have found a universal panacea for every human imperfection, find it more difficult to get rid of their bad goods with us than with other nation!. That is very easily accounted for. Daily experience informs us that a people is happy but as long as they remain faithful to the peculiar social conditions which are the result of nature and history. But this respect for the glorious past, this at tachment to the data of experience, does not prevent the Austrians from thinking of enlarging their house when it is become toe small for the number of its inmates ; only dry are prudent enough, in such cases, to place the new miselierg in what remains of the old, and to join both together by a strong cement, so as to keep them fast, but without attarr* ing the old foundations. " But if every well-thinking rasa is obliged to acknowledge this, Low does it happen," says the Gazette de Cologne, ' that the time is past when it could be said that a few adventurous and exalted youths were the only adversaries Austria had to contend with in Italy , " This is our reply to such a question. A political poet cf modern France has perfectly characterised the state of this country by these words, which can be very well applied to a part of the Italian peninsula: "La France s'ennuie." This ennui is nothing but interaal discontent and the disorganisa tion of the public mind, which have destroyed the moral sense, and among whom ambition and egotism have de stroyed ancient faith and the feelings of right and morals. Then man renders every authority which refuses to submit to his caprices responsible for his discontent, which is but the result of the abuse of his liberty. This kind of ennui has played a great part in the merrier of every state. FRANCE.—THE WIEDER OF MADAME DALKE.— The trial for this murder, the commencement of which we noticed in our paper of Saturday, was concluded on that day. Two of the accused women, Poirie and Dubois, acknowledged having received the gold produced from the murderess, Jubliot Delannoy, who owned that it was taken from her mis trues drawers. In answer to the president, Delannoy re peated with a firm voice that it was Francois Dubois who had stifled her mistress. Dubois solemnly declared that previous and after the time of the murder he had not been in Paris for six weeks. The jury pronounced Delannoy and Theobald Francois Dubois guilty, the latter with extenuating circum stances; the woman Dubois was found guilty of receiving the stolen money, but without knowledge of the murder. The three other accused : Poirie and his wife, and the younger Delannoy were declared innocent. The court having deli berated:condemned the elder Delannoy to death ; Francois Dubois to perpetual labour with exposure : and the woman Dubois to six years' imprisonment, without expoeure. AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, SEPT. s.—The Gazttee Allensatuie de Iloideaerg received the following from Frank fort, Sept. 5 :—The great question of the press, which was at last to have been settled by the Germanic Diet, SI it has been repeated for upwards of six months, is to go no further, The proposal of Prussia, tending to substitute a law on the press instead of the censure, has been favourably received by the great majority of the German states; but Austria, Hanover, and the Electorate of Hesse, have peremptorily objected to it, declaring censure to be an indispensable means of government. Then, one of the states of the south of Germany has proposed that each state should have the fa culty of regulating the affairs of the press as it should think proper; hut this proposal met with little encouragement, and Prussia herself considered this expedient as dangerous and inadmissible. Thus, for some time to come, we must relinquish the hope of seeing the German press withdrawn from the insupportable situation in which it is now placed, despite the public opinion. CAUCASUS.—ST. PETEIVBURG, SEPT. 2.—The Journal It Caucase contains a letter from Dsghestan which gives some particulars concerning the troops in Caucasus, and on the march of the cholera. The detachment of the troops of Sauter, commanded by the general-in-chief, is at Zurlechidug. The soldiers go through their manivuvres and practice ftnng ; the cases of cholera are less numerous in the plains, hut it has not yet entirely disappeared. It has broken out in Daghestan, and on the line of the Caucasus, and in the circle of Wladikanksa. The enemy is a great victim to its ravages. The chief of the central army died of the cholera. Lieut.-Gen. Schwartz has destroyed the principal village of West Daghestan, because the inhabitants had re fused to give him hostages. He hes considerably improved his military poeitioo. Iffh the 3rd July the Cossacks pursued a troop of 100 men. He lost 11 men and some arms. The prince, at Kuloff, has contrived to defeat several bands. BAVARIA.—MUNICIT, SEPT. 3.-I'he patent of nobility granted Lola Mentes has created a Int disagreeable sensation among the higher clue of the nobißty at Munich. Several noble families have immediately left Munich, de claring their intention of never again returning to the town. Among these families are those of Arco, Scheuborn, and Baasenheim. considered u the most ancient and the most illustrious of Bavaria.—According to a letter from Munich of the 3rd, the discount and mortgage bank of that city haa made to the Bavarian government the offer of a sufficient loan fee the execution of all the railroads which are projected, at a very low rate of interest, but on condition that it may be authorised to issue its own notes to a larger amount. UNITED STATES AND MEXICO. By the arrival of the steamship Cambria, Captain Judkins, and of the packet, Feneuil Hall, at Liver pool, yesterday, we have news from New York to Aug. 31; Boston, Sept. 1 ; Halifax, Sept. 3 ; Philadelphia, Aug. 31 ; Washington, Aug. 30 ; New Orleans, Aug. 23; Vera Cruz, Aug. 8; Tampico, Brazos, Santiago, Aug. 17. The following passengers have arrived by the Cambria : Front Boston : Hon. F. !Locks, Messrs. W. Everard, B. Lee, G. Sharp, lady, two children, and servant, P. O'Reily and lady, John Potter, Thomson, Welford, J. Swanwick, J. Shuter, M. Bated', jun., J. A. Griswold, H. J. Moult, H. Weide°, J. A. Peck, . Stetson, S. G. Goodrich, J. Aitken, 11. Stowell, jun., J. Parker, E. Robins, Whittaker, J. Rose, G. A. Fanshaw, M. Smith, C. Jeanjayuch, B. Behrman, W. 0. Comstock, Calhoun, H. Copeland, C. Miangault, Lewis Miangault, F. IL Pattison, U. Lewis, B. Gibbs, Petrie,C , C. Burr, M'lntosh, Crozier, C. Dagenhirdt, Stewart, W. A. Dawson, T. Hall, 0. Harrowfonitz, R Grove, J. A. Rlgar, Hirchtield, R. Villoldo, O. Graham, B. Thorn, A. Harvey, J. Lloyd, J. Simpson, W. L. Peters, J. Evans, H. Underwood, J. S. Florin, D. J. Ehrington, \V. M. Cook, L. Vein, Hitchcock, F. Warden, F. Candle, G. Nye, M. S. Collings, J. U. Grant, Kickhoefer, T. Parker, lady and two children.—From Halifax : Mrs. Moorsorn, two children, and servant, Min J. Cunard, Miss E. Cunard, Mr. J. Measly, Mr*. Tolima and servant, Mrs. Cbildes, Messrs. R. Lawson, Barnett, and Pitcairn. There is still nothing decisive from Mexico. The latest intelligence front Puebla is contained in unofficial accounts to the 6th of August. In these it is positively asserted that General Scott's advance, under General Twiggs, was positively to take up the line of march for the capital next day. All the reinforcements under Generals Cadwallader, Pillow, and Pearce had joined General Scott, and would swell his numbers to 14,000 or 13,000 men. From this about one-third would have to be deducted for the necessary garrisons and for the sick and disabled ; so that the effective 'force would not exceed 10,000 men. There was no reliable news from the city of Mexico. The landing of Paredes at Vera Cruz, however, had given rise to much speculation in the United States. We announced, on the arrival of the last West Indian mail, that this general had taken a passage in the 'Royal Mail Company's steamer from Havana to , Vera Cruz, under the assumed name of Colonel Mor ' gun, gut that it was uncertain whether he would be allowed to land. It appears that he landed immedi ately on the arrival of the steamer, and that letters from the American consul at Havana were only re ceived by the American authorities at Vera Cruz two hours after he had gone ashore. Paredes on landing is understood to have gone straight to the house of a friend, where he changed his disguise, was furnished with money and horses, and set out direct for the capital. The object and consequences of his return are alike matter of perplexing conjecture to American politi cians. Some will argue that it increases, some that it diminishes, the prospect of peace; some that he re turns to supersede Santa Anna, others to make common cause with him. The particularly profound statesmen shake their heads, speak of Parndes having of late kept bad company with kings and royalists in Paris, London, and Madrid, and hint unutterable things. They say that if the American consul at Havana knew that he was on board the steamer the captain must have known also, and that his land ing at Vera Cruz unknown to the American au thorities is consequently a trick of the British government. We should put a different interpretation on the subject. What was known to our correspon dent at Havana was probably generally known to all on board the steamer. May we not thence infer that the American authorities at Vera Cruz only pretended to be unaware of Paredes Lending until he wan out of town ? That, for some purpose of their own, they have winked at his return, while pretend ing to oppose it. Quid nerne for quid sine, we could almost undertake to beat our American Daciloa in profound political guessing. General 'faylor had, up to the latest dates, made no movement in the direction of Potosi, and the expecta tion that he would appears to have been given up. The latest &deices from Yucatan speak of a plot among the Indians to massacre all the white and coloured inhabitants. At Topick all the white and coloured men, women, and children are said to have been murdered; and a considerable number in some other villages. Party differences had, for the time, given way to union for the common defence. The Governor of Honduras (the Central American state of that name) had issued a proclamation, call ing upon the republic: to aid Mexico, and two Gutte r mats generals had promulgated similar appeals. Captain Drake of the British ship Modeste, arrived in New York on the 30th of August, from Oregon, which he left May 6. General Kearney and suite arrived at St. Louis on the 23th inst. Col. Frknont's party were left at Bottom., to come down in the next boat. Gen. Kearney left California June 18, accom panied by several discharged Mormon volunteers — in all fifty men. Col. Fremont, being under arrest, left about the same time, and travelled a abort die tance in Gen. Kearney's rear. (n. Kearney arrived at Fort Leavenworth on the 22nd inst., making the trip in the short space of 65 days, coming by the South Pass. He had many obstacles to encounter, the snow on the mountains being very deep. The In dians were quiet, showing no hostility whatever. All the emigrant trains whom they met, and Major Cook, and Judge Bryant of the party, stated that they were getting on well. When Gen. Kearney left California everything was quiet and peaceable and in a pros perous condition. Col. Mason was left in commend there. The American squadron was off the California coast, consisting of the Columbus, ;4, Com. Biddle; frigate Congress, three sloops . of war, the Portsmouth , Warren, and Dale ; storeship Lexington, kc-, the latter was to leave iu a few days with five hundred men. The rest of the troops were divided into parte and stationed at the different posts throughout the country. The domestic political news of the Union has no marked feature. The new steamer Guadalquivir had arrived e New York after a short run of 15 days, with news lam by 10 days than that of tke Cambria. The few letters received by that transient steamer had Gail been sufficient to let the New York public knoID w that there was a money panic and many ares London. The arrival of the mail steamer which wss to sail on the 16th ult. was therefore ansit'aq eT 2, peeled. The idea of the money panic, except " I ts tar as it might tend to raise the prices of cc had little influence at New York. Bat the report!! failures, in so far as they might be exPecte l : o endanger the acceptance of the large amo unt o euW drawn against sonic of the parties, was liste ned est W with a more nervous feeling. The following is the New York Courke'sgt review of the state of trade at the ti me of Ute for Europe being made up: 0 0 ea taw The favourable account of the Einwpsaw Barnet& arrivals which still poured in, of gran sal tour c. 0 71 0 nut a further decline of dour in I] have b id h e ws 0 here to.day (Aug. 31). The quellidsala PR lieur are arm before, and actual sales at these imaelatine—la meaU p eterlsa .ea' coneumption—bare been made. no sten cm hand maU, arrivals by the canal an almikantat —herre the &mom market. -es sash 010 0 . Amused L • table of exportalims mime our 'art • furlillbld by Ed. &IL inn Ben. I, lite. Premed by E. iii:. Onnai illl6 Wow ow asuuswrs - rs SW assektiv aaa allallis I I W 4 * Cons en. Oar" ••••. 1304. 11 _ 5 - s L..jizii non 107, 15 1 , 167 7, - . /EMS :540,007 1.357 141,13 r 46 = I I 4 11 2: „ , -"; 47.513 250 _ 5O ,e1:1;,- ; -, sat 'vial Ylour. Tram To Lsa. ToMom „ _T sa.vu N. Odors „ tos.a4 Mod& 1 114.970 ;VaJ a in . Jost* Zr d er oth. pt, J*l7lll 4osl 3.1110.t.26 ..--,--.Tt mu 1---.---------YKaer, Dow New York. 1 to Mimed Si. j New Orleans. i to August 12. I 2 2:: ********************* *** 12.1 r. -- Total 519,618 ........... .. MAIO x Sept I, ISA I , Ml' I ilZPi°To3;,=lieis ion New ek' limn .., ilat A comparison between this table and a twereepza.r4 00 Mows that the exportations Moos that time lime hers—. To Gradffmtain. Prffe Flour, 'Mils 143,562 MO KW Meat, Withal. The Com, do. 262,0 00 ._., The new flour would mats rapidly forward, lf 0 7 4 °Withe MO prier was offered. If not, the farmers feel FO IlEb ~...., gams of Ws year that tbey will Nove mbe r thew wheat. LC L.. la nut opium,' till ()ember and c;,3:5