The Express. — London, England, 1848-07-26 00:00:00

I IMPERIAL PARL lAMEh T. HOUSE OF LOMIS.-TCESDAY, JULY 23. The house met at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINEid. SECOND READTNGO.—Virgin Mary's Hospital (Newcastle-Ws. I Tyne) Estate; Thorne Molt Drainage and Improvement; Bills. THIRD READINGS. —Edinburgh and Bathirate Railway (Estes. non and Deviation); London awl North Western railway (brusehee in and extension. from Levineton ; Edinburgh and Glasgow Ravel. I and Glasgow, Airurie, stud Mouklinds JUDeflOn el Acts) ; Dundee and Arbroath I...away (Dundee Junctioo) : London and Sou t h Western ExiAray Company's Act: , Amendment (extension, deviation, and new works; (Amendments to br pr000 , x1); Stirling ana Dunfermline Railway (amendment and deviation) ; Bins. PUBLIC BUSINESS. COIPITITEES.—Exchanue of Aavolmon. in the counties o f West India and Staftord; Provident Assoc i a tion Fraud Prevention ; West Indit islands Relief; BUS. REIDICT.—PubIic I (wall Dill. MIR') READlNGS.—Reliadiring Birth., Be. (Scontad) ; Mar. doge (Scotland); bills. CORMONS' AM ENIMENT4 CONSlDERED.—Avelgnment of Ec clesiastical Districts Bill. ROYAL ASSENT. The royal ament sea. given by commissi , nt to the Habeas Corpus Su,•er.sian (Ireland) hill , and the i,on. don and Blackwall. Railway (Connecting Branch), an Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Roscobie, Keltyheads, anti Glencraig Branches) Bills. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chantel'or, cos Lord Privy Seal, and the Marquis of Lansflowne. Their lordships then adjourned till 5 o'clock. REGISTRATION (SCOTLAND) BILL. Lord CAMPBELL moved tha third reading of this bill. The Earl of HADDINGTON opposed the bill, but his observation , were not diitinctly heard in the gallery. The bill was then read a third time and passed. MARRIAGE (SCOTLAND) BILL. Lord CAMPBELL. moved the third reading of this bill. The Earl of HADDINGTON believed the bill would not have the effect which it was intended to have, namely, to check irr:gular marriages iii Scotian'; and be hoped the nele and learned lord would, at all events. postpone it until next lesion. His opinion was that the el ect of the bill would merely be to transfer the marriages (tom the church to the registrar under the act He b.ped that the house would tint term on an unwilling country ouch a system as that proposed by the bill. The noble lord ear.cluded by moving that the bill be read a third time that day three months. Lord BROUGHAM thought the measure meet unobjee. tionable, and it would certainly greatly impr ove the law of Scotland. He was ..:tonieked at the opposition whisk ned been offered to the bill. By the present law of Scotland, taken from Constant:n .ple one would think, any boy of 14 and girl of 12 might, before a postillion or chambermaid, ar any one else, declare that the one would take the cher as wife and husband, .0.1 each a declaration, before a witness, without a moment Iti reflection, was a legal marriage in Scotland. Could .vnything be more barbarous? And what rational objection could there be to place the law of mar riage in Scotland c u the same Looting as that of England ? The present measure, instead of allowing parties to te mar as he had described. in a minute, while you might count ten on your fingers,would oblige them to reside 14 days in the parish before they could be married. He hoped parliament would also turn its attention to the subject of the law of divorce. Nothing could be more shameful than the state of the law in this respect. No lawyer could tell whether cer tia persons were bastards cr legitimate, owing to the con flict between the Scotch and English law en the subject. A party going to the Court of Chancery to obtain :personal property might be held to be kgitimatc ; but, if he went to the Queen's Bench or Cer...mon Pleas to demand a real tate, he might is held to be illegitimate. This had been decided in a case of .• Doe and Barber." The Duke of ARGYLL approved of the b:11, and though it would be a great improvement in the law of Scotland. It recognised all marriages iN facie ecclesire ; all marriages performed by clergymen of any denomination; and it also recogni4ed marriegir as a civil contract when performed by the regiatrar. It recognised, therefore, every regular =Ars of marriage, and it would not encourage irregular but wculd give every facility to regular marriages. He should therefore vote for the third reading. Lord CAMPBELL said the bill would be one of the greatest he. ns that could be conferred on Scotland. The Earl of HADDINGTON then withdrew hcs amend ment, and the bill rot read a third time and passed. LONDON AND SOUTH WESTERN RAILWAY ACTS AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion that this hill be read a third time, The Earl of ILARROWBY objected to the power given to the company by this run steamers in connexion with their line to the Channel Islands, and the emote of England =3 France. It WAS a ni eiopoly which ought net to be givoa to any parties, and the more especially to railway companies. Moreover, it was an improper application of railway funds. He should therefore more the omission of that part of the preamble of the bill which sanctioned the company becoming proprietor of StettEl.boats. The Duke of WELLINGTON thoutl , t railway compa7 ics multi not to have the power of establishing steam-boats it connexion with their lines, and he should therefore support the proposition of hie noble friend. The Ear: of St. GERMANS, as a member of the c mittee to whom this quest:ea was referred, vindicated the decision of the corataittc,s in the casts of the Dubl , n, Ches ter' and Holyhead, and the Brighton and South Coast lines. With respect to the London and South Western Company, the committee had permitted the purchase of steamboats fer the traffic with continental ports solely for the purpose of increasing the amount . of public accommodation and the facility of transit. Lord MONTEAGLE supported the amendment. His experience of railway companies had shown him that their plan was firs. to zet . a terminus at a seaport, then to secure tits port, and Emily to monopolise the water communication. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER supported the clause as the cal,- means of securing regularity of communication with the Continent, a point which all previous steamboat companies had faded to effect. The Earl of MINTO feared that the house had been taken somewhat by sur,:r:se by the noble earl's amendment. Would it not be better tf the noble earl were to postpone • ne discussion to a future day ? After a few words front Earl St. GERMANS and tl e Earl of WARWICK, in vindication of the decision of the committee, Lord BEAUMONT opposed the clm.se ea a question GS principle, but the Sou:k WesternCorapany would not be de nated in their object, as they could form themselves into a separate company for ...eamboat purposes. the Earl of KARROWBY declined postponement, seeing that all the facts were sully before the house. Lord REDESDALE complained that no notice had been given of deo opposition intended. He concurred with the Pricy Seat in :hinting that an adjournment of the debate would be desirable. After a few words from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, The Earl of HARROWBY consented to the adjournment 3t the debate until Thursday next. The Loose adjourned at a quarter past seven, until Thurs. lay next. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TCESIDAY, JULY 23. he SrrAxas the chai BUS r at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE INESS. BROOM/ TI!-ADDIG.—Windlor Castle and Town Approaches Im- prominent InIL LORDS' .IMENDMSNIS CONSIDERED.—Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton ilvirrvay ,No. 2) ;deviation of Poe, and power to Sh-ewsbary and Birm.nglaM, and Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudit7 itallway Companiev to contribute and make arrange. manta); 'Mors and EnMeklUer Railway (amendment of acts, and to authorise arrangements saint other companies); Bills. PUBLIC BUSINESS. REPORT.—Palrita In.".and ;No. 2., Lill. _ Unious and Divisions cl l'arinbas NOTICEss OP MOTION.—FARM[R , ' &RAI r (IRELAND) 8rz0..-1.4r. OL SI/STONE, on Frith' nese. to move the recommittal of thin MU. St.GAZ WEILL—Lard O. LEXTINcIi, in committee of the whole mouse on mi. subjeet, to wove farther amenamsniA, CorsnN, our. tics ESVAIti, no 2211 August, to more th.t on any membernotice thot 40 members are not preselit, s uch member's name to prhated M the votes. WINDSOR CASTLE AND TOWN IMPROVEMENT BILL. Lord MORPETH mired the second reading of this bal, Col. SALWEY umitratood that this bill went to deprive the public of rights they now enjoyed, by stopping up one oil the most values le footpath% in the 110.r.e park, and without some explar.ation ire could not consent to the motion. Lord MORPETH it was perk:say true that the bill authorised the e:oe,mc up of a footpath and road through the Rome-park, but it ;see lit! public much greater advantages tbm it took away, for rew open a large portion of the park to the pubic trim which they seer , now excluded. Col. REID oha..rec.t that the inhabitants of Wirolsor were generally in favour tof th.: bill. Col. SALWEY tteolght if the ialiabitants of Windsor were in favour of the hid, that was uo reason why they should p - 's a bill inttletin; an injury on the public. lie should mere that the rem li ng be put e ff forth( mon th s. Mr. Ewar.t. ,11.1.4 . , prepared to seemed the amend meat, tneught sacrament ought to make some arrangement by which the public would still be admitted to that part of the path where Herne's oak stood. (lieu, hear.) Sir H. WILLOUGHBY wished to be assured that the 'urns agreed to be pail by the railway companies would it suflicient:to carry out these contemplated improvements, ant that no demand would aLerwsrils be made upon the public for the pre se. (Hear, hear.) Lord :lORPETH was quite ready to give such an assu rance ; and it would rest as an especial duty on the depart ment which he proiJe..l. over (the Woods and Forests) that tl ese improvement% should occasion no hitcher charge upon the public. Witu :cord to Hemet oak he Is:tiered that there were three or four owes in dqll.leat parts a the park each of which woo r oireeo out as the identical one, but that according to ' .r. antiquaries the original lierne's ook no longer existed. The bill was then read a second time, and committed to a select committee. POOR. LAW UNION CHARGES (No. 2) BILL. Mr. C. BULL.EIt, .n moving the secomi reaeling of this hill, assured the house that it was not mere anxiety for legis lation that induced him, at this period of the session, to bring forward four bids on lade subject of the poor law ; and that it was only under the ?erasure of absolute and urgent neces sity that ne called at:sutoon to this the first of those bills, the object or whim undoubtedly was to efiect an important elapse in the exis,ing low. In the nrst place, it was net lacy to renew Mr. Veda in*, Lid of lot session for the removal of the poor, which oo.b: otherwise expire in Oetols r. In 1f , 16 there was an inip-wtant change made in the law as to the removal of turn to, hut that chancre, teoctfrkgrounded in sound policy, and ,ox,,sioned much complaint amongst the retepsyets iu n,sd . , cpeilicies, as having shifteu upon their shoulder.; on ao burden. The object of that measure was to raisins ;he burden more equal, but the addi tional charge which :is thrown upon some of the parishes was not borne withoo: :with impatience: and last session a vary wove feeling agama: theoperationti thr. then Yoor Law THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 26,. 1848. Samuel Act evinced itself in parliament ; and after an in quire by &select committee, it was thought that thesevere and unequal pressure of the burden on particular parishes should be guarded against by enlarging the siva of the rating district, the rate equally to all the union. Accord inandvb, to carry eat that object ; and the principle of that act, he proposed, should be continued, and by passed that the irremovable poor should be a charge not on the particular parish in which they might be, but upon the union generally. It had also appeared to him impossi ble to leave the question of vagrancy on the footing on which it now stood. Upon this subject icirculaz letter had been gent ley the poor law board to the several boarde of guardians, containing instructions which he trusted woulu put a stop to the evil, it being his opinion that it was one which could not be met by an act of parliament. He thought the law against vagrancy was strong enough, or almost so, now ; but there was wanting • different administration of that law, above all a different administration with regard to vagrants on the part of those who were charged with administering the poor law. He believed that the whole system of vagrancy which was now so intolerable an evil and such a stigma upon the country was very much the result of the injudicious administration of the law during the last seven or eight years. He was perhaps wrong in using the term injudicious administration, for probably no other interpretation of the law could be given at the time than that which was then pet upon it, and which had ever since been acted upon. But the truth undoubtedly wee, that the law with regard to vagrants had been adminhtered with too much laxity; acd though they might not be able to contend against the evil by any alte ration in the law, it might be diminished to a very great extent by a wise and discriminating course the administration of the law as it now existed. (Hear hear.) The board had, in their letter of instructions, directed the relieving officers to exercise some discretion in respect to vagrants, and to refuse, on their own responsibility, relief in all cues where they consider it ought not to be given ; and be (Mr. C. Buller) had assured them that if they would ad , minister the law in that fair, discriminating, and honest spirit, he would take his share of the responsibility of their acts in the performance of that which he contended was their duty, in contending against this frightlel and growing evil. He would within a week lay before parliament his circular letter, containing his plan of dealing with thin subject, toge ther with the various papers showing the extent to which this evil prevailed. (Hear.) There was one question con nected with this subject of vagrancy which had been forced on his attention by communications from all parts of the country, showing that some alteration in the law was neces• sary. He referred to the charge of supporting vagrants. That charge wax now thrown entirely on the parish to which they might apply for relief; and, in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred, the application was made in that parish where the workhouse was, or where the re lieving officer happened to reside. Frem parishes so cir cumstanced he had received numerous and loud complaints. They said, and with justice, that it was no act of theirs that the workhouse was erected, or that :the relieving officer re sided in their parish. The first was the act of the union generally, and the second of the individual himself, who chose that place for his residence which was most convenient for him in the performance able duties. He need scarcely detail the extraordinary expenses this state of the law en tailed on some parishes, or the more extraordinary shifts and devices to which they sometimes resorted to throw the burden on their neighbours. In one parish in the South of England, which was much inconvenienced by the number of vagrants that became chargeable upon it, in consequence of the residence of the relieving officer being therein, the autl Titles offered a boon, in the shape of a house rent free, to the officer, if he would move to the other aide of the street, which happened to be in the adjoining parish. Of course this was a temptation too great for the officer to resist, and the Testa was, that the parish in question succeeded in throwing the whole burden of the vagrants upon its neighbour. (Hear, hear.) But in dealing with the question, it was not merely the matter of expense he bad considered—though that was great anal unjust—but there was another great evil : that was, that the whole administration of the law ' was in the hands of the boards of guardians, by whom all the officers were appointed, and who regulated the mode by which the relict should be given, These boards had no direct interest in suppressing vagrancy, because the charge did not fall on the union generally, while the pariah upon which the whole burden fell bad no power to appoint the officers by whom the relief was to be distributed. And in many instances in the north of England the attempts on the part of those parishes which bore the burden to suppress vagrancy had been rendered abortive by the adverse votes of those guardians who represented parishes which were en tirely free from it. (Hear.) For these reasons it was, in his opinion, absolutely necessuf that the charge on account of vagrancy should be made a union charge. (Hear, hear.) lie thought also that the establishment charges should he spread equally over the union. At present the establish ment charges were made on each parish on the average of the expenditure for the three years previous to tho pesoing of the poor law. When the workhouses were first erected, and the officers appointed, it was hut fair that each parish should contribute according to the amount of pauperism it brought to the union, but the same cause for this apportionment no longer existed, and the charge for irremovables and vagrancy now could not, in justice, he charged upon each parish in proportion to its former pauperism. The result of this system was that where a parish, from its faults or misfortunes, had been subject to heavy charges, the great proportion of the burden WAX placed on it, while the lightly burdened parish was lift compara tively free. Many complaints had been made in this respect of Mr. Bodkin's bill, and Mr. Rawly, an inspector of poor laws, had addressed a letter to the poor law board, pointing out the injustice with which, is numerous instances, this nysfem of charging operated. He proposed by the present hill to make the principle of Mr. Bodkin's act pi eminent — that the charge of vagrancy should be thrown permanently on the union fund, and that the coat of supporting irremov ables and vagrants should be thrown fairly and equally on the whole rateable property of the union. (Hear, hear.) The change be then proposed as to vagrants and irre movable' would establish for the first time en uniform union rate. It would be mist inconvenient, as it appeared to hiss, to have two union rates founded on d,fferent princi plee—one on that of a uniform and equal rating of the whole property in the union, the other on that of the old averages. And though, at the commencement of the operation of the present poor law 15 years ago, it would have been impossible to establish unions, except on the principle of each parish contributing its fair proportion, according to its previous overage expenditure, it was not so now, after they had been established from 10 to 15 years when the whole administra tion of the law had been taken out of the hands of the parishes, and placed in those of the union officers. They could no longer then hold any particular parish responsible for the whole of the burden it brought to the union. Let them inquire what those establishment charges were, and whether they were such as ought to he thrown on the parish, accord ing to their proportion of pauperism. They were comprised under two heads : first, the expense of building and main taining the workhouses; secondly, the salaries of officers. The charge for builiing the workhouses was in most cases already incurred, and when any part of the outlay had yet to be made, he had provided for it in the bill, by requiring that each pariah should continue to pay its share of any debt due on account of building the workhouse. Then the establishment charges were reduced to but little more than the salaries of the officers. It could not lie said that the services of these officers were required in proportion to the pauperism of the several parishes. The duty of the clerk and other union officers was required equally for the whole of the union, and with regard to the medical officers, the medical relief under the Poor law could no longer be con sidered as a mere poor law charge, but had become a system of medics. ) relief extending to the working classes of each parish. He feared that those classes generally now were ac customed to look to the medical relief under the poor law as iutended for them. They could not look, then, to the duties of the union officers as pertaining more to one parish in the union than another, and the charge for this part of the esta blishment should consequently . he borne by the union gene rally. It was known how anxiously the guardians looked to the reduction of the establishment charges, in order to reduce the average expenditure ; but unfortunately such reductions are not always effected by legitimate means. Last year they had heard much of an chute which prevailed in some pars 3i Englar.d, and which, if allowed to continue, would bring the whole system of the present mode of ad ministering relief to the poor about their ears—he refernal to the practice of clearing parishes. In some instances, when the property in the parish was almost wholly in the hands of one proprietor, it had been attempted to lessen the expense of maintaining the poor, not by giving them employment, but by allowing all the small cottages to tall down, and in some cases be was son y to say pulling them down, and thus throwing the burden of their poor on parishes the property of which was more sub divided. This practice was occasioning numerous complaints of the whole system of levying the funds for the relief of the poor, and was turning the public mind to demand changes so large and so extensive as would materially interfere with the effective administration of the law and peril the general wel fare of the country. (Hear, hear.) This was an abuse which in his view ought to induce the house to abolish the average system. (Hear.) In some parishes also the practice was resorted to of reducing the amount of the poor rate by plac , ing a part of the poor on the highway rate, thus making the highway rate the means of parochial jobbing. (Hear, hear.) Another mode wax for two or three inhabitants to raise a rate amongst themselves in parishes where there were but few paupers, thus keeping their poor out of the workhouse, and, though paying as much for their support, avoid ing their share of the average establishment charges. These were the ground , on which he proposed to make the third change. Ile further proposed to raiss the union fund chtirely by a union rate, proportioned to the property of the whole union. Tho parochial assesrment act had proved wholly ineffectual for the protection of some parishes, one pariah being valued at a rack rent, and another at not half the amount. Upon inquiry, through the inspectors, he found that in England theirs were only four counties, Buck- higham, Shropshire, Suffolk, and Westmoreland, where there was a satisfactoty county rate, or in which it had not been charged or modified. Indeed, of only ono of there wax he certain, namely, the unhappy and heniehted county of Suffolk ; and even here his noble friend near him (Lord Ebrington) suggested that the straw was beginning to move ; so that throughout the country g nuttily the county magistrates had been fore( d ton re-adjustment of the county rate, 'principally by bearing the expense* of lunatic neylums end gaols thrown upon them. lie saw, therefore, that the county rate would not be a satisfactory Nixie ; and he moped by this bill, that the union charg s should be based upon the valuation of each parish for the county or benne) rate. He begged to remark that the Gth clause, to which he anticipated objection would be made, was only declaratory, and intended to put an end to Rome mischievous doubts respecting the Poor ltemovel Act and Irish vagrancy. If it were the opinion of the house, he had no objection to defer legislating . on that subject, hut as it was not at all necessarily involved in the principle of the bill, he hoped hon. gentlemen would discuss the ball without refer ence to it. But besides esme object:one to the (kWh he had reason to think some opposition would be given to the principle of the bill, although from other quieten he expected it would gain him much support. It was said that they amid not topsider this bill without substituting union for parochial r ating; and however humiliating might appear r the confession to many sincere reformes, be must say that he was not yet a convert to the doctrine ed substituting union for the old system of parochial chargeability for the poor. It appeared to him of the greatest moment to make the pr of every part of England • matter of interest, pecu niarilyooas well a.s in feeling, to those who by property or vicinity had any influence over their condition—(hear); and he should be loth to assist in any change which would at once deprive the proprietors and occupiers of estates in parodies of that direct interest which they now had in upholding the condition of the working classes. The law of settlement lie regarded as a great hardship, and he hoped parliament would soon relieve the poor man from it. lie be lieve.' that a great interference might be made in that law without any change in the general principle ; that the charge of the resident poor should be thrown upon the particular parishes in which they had resided all their lives. But while he upheld the principle of parochial rating, he could not con tend against the growing feeling which was animating not only the ratepayers of towns, but even members act that house and gentlemen throughout the country most inky sted by property in maintaining the present system, who wished to extend the area of chargeability he felt he could not struggle against that wish, unless he were prepared to put ' the law of parochial liability upon a just and satisfactory footing. There was so much of cruelty and injustice in the present system, that he was sure they would not be able to uphold the principle of parochial chargeability as the basis of the poor law, unless they modified it so as to meet the claims of justice, feeling, and 'policy. After taking great pains to ascertain the feeling of the country in reference to the ad ministration of the poor law, he found prevailing a very general opinion that there ought to be a greet change made in the area of rating, to the extent even of what appeared to him a most dangerous and impracticable scheme —namely, of a national rate. (Hear, hear.) He called it impracticable because it could not be carried into effect without opening the door to the widest abuses. Either the beards of guardians throughout the country should be able to dip their hands into the public purse, and incur expense without the slightest regard to the conse quences ; or, on the other band, all local contracts must be done away with--(hear, hear)—and the national rate bo placed, whore only such a rate .tight to be, under the hands of a national administration. (Rear, hear.) Now for these evils he did not believe that • practical remedy could in the nature of Wags be found. These were the grounds on which he proposed a modified system of union rating. Ile did not abandon psrocbial chargeability ; but if they wished to uphold it they must discriminate between those parts of the charge which would entirely fall upon the parishes and those which were to be diffused over the area ot the union. He proposed simply, in order to keep up the parochial charge, that the parishes should at once cheer folly submit to its being extended to the whole usion. Another part ofthe bill made extraparochial places charge. able for the support of their poor. They were generally very small, and contributed little to pauperism; and it was therefore only just to make them chargeable with their own ' poor. All he proposed, as a general principle, was, that the poor-law commissioners might call for the appointment of overseers to levy a rate in those extraparochial places. The right hon. gentleman concluding by moving the second seal ing of the bill. Mr. HENLEY thanked the right hon. gentleman for the clear and lucid manner in which he had treated so complex and difficult a subject. But he did not thine the right hon. gentleman was consistent even to his own principles. lie (Mr. Henley) contended that this measure would break down altogether the parochial system, upon which large pur chases of property and long leases had been made—(hear, hear) and that once done, he never heard any ar g ument, and knew of none, which could prove it possible to stop there, and not go at once to what the right honourable gentleman so much deprecated — a national rate. In the committee in which be sat with the right hon. gentleman every reason given for extending the area applied with equal force to its being univ. real. The right hon. gentleman was of opinion there should be a wide area, but lie had offered no argument whatever to show why one description of charges should be made on a wide area and the others left to a small area. He saw no reason why they should make an invasion of settled rights in one in stance, and omit doing so in another. With regard to vagrancy, the right hon. gentleman, in his opening statement stated that the law against vagrancy was sufficiently atringentS,but required a different administration. From tho year 1839 to 1842 there were increasing complaints in large towns about the number of vagrant peon Those poor persons were taken to the police-office, and then public attention was directed to the circumstance. Various measures were adopted by the poor law commissioners, who endeavouren to guard against the evil. Various orders were issued, under which relieving officers and workhouse muters considered themselves bound to give relief to almost every person who could be considered destitute. The consequence was that they took possession of the vagrant wards in tho work houses, and went on day by day horsing contributions. Un fortunately the relief in these cases was given at the cost of the poorer class of ratepayers. In many cases these persons went among the poorer classes, who were always accessible to charity, and thus succeeded very often in levying a sort of black mail upon the poorer and inure industrious class of the community. Ile did not know how the right hon. gentle man intended to check this evil, but he hoped that he would turn hie serious attention to it. Many persons were of opi nion that it should be altogether apart from the poor-law; that it was a mere police question; and that a police reguis. lion should be made to meet the evil. (Hear.) Thereby there would be a greater means of detecting imposition, and preventing the money of the ratepayers from being impro perly applied. lie saw no justice in confining relief in cases o' vagrancy to a limited area of taxation. They punished crone and placed the expenditure on the country, and why not pursue the same course in this instance? The new system got rid of one safeguard. as it took from the hands of the parish the control of the expenditure under the poor law of 1831, and now when cases of vagrancy arose they were disposed of by the union officer, who of course did not care to what expense he put the parish to relieve that va grancy. Did they imagine that if the charge was thrown over the whole union there would be that careful vigilance which previously existed ? If this system were ,adopted no person would have an interest in checking the evil. Mr. C. BULLEB.—The union will have an interest in checking it. Mr. HEN LEY.—Yes; but the charge would be so diluted. so spread over the whole union, that it would be lost by the extent of surface. Would the board of guardians establish a staff of officers to detect vagrancy ? No ; they would only treat it as a matter of pounds shillings and pence, and would not use due vigilance to protect the interests of the public. Ile believed that the people would call for a national rate if the house passed the bill. They were new going to shift the charge, and were going to throw a rate upon extraparochial property. If they were to do this, upon what rinciple of justice could they refuse to charge mine., landed property, and money in the funds? The right hon. gentleman did not attempt to show upon what valid g round he was going to shift these charges . The right hon. gentle man spoke as if they were going to make tl•is alteration for the first time. Take the case of a labourer in the south of England, with 4 or S children and 10s. a week to live upon ; that would give them Is. Bd. per weer per head to live Orion, but if that man was obliged to go into the workhouse his family would cost the union 3s. per head. With respect to rating, the right hon. gentleman admitted in argument that it would be very inconvenient if they were to subject the union to acre rating, and that for this reason he had made the alteration. The system of an equal rating in a whole county was almost an impossibility, and, therefore, the county rate could not he taken as a fair basis. if minute in quiry was instituted they would find that throughout vari ous counties the rating was very unequal. The right hon. gentleman should have told the - house how many unions ran into two counties. It happened in his own county that several unions ran into two counties. The right hon. gentleman made some strong - statements as to the clearance system, but he did not believe that it existed to so great an extent as he (Mr. Buller) would lead the house to imagine. The truth was that cottages had not been built to meet the gra dual increase of the population. With regard to public and private rates, stone misunderstanding might mast if the sweeping condemnation of the right hon. gentleman was not alluded to. He believed that a great deal of misery was relieved by the means which the right hon. st. ntleman so un scrupulously condemned. Take the case of a man and his wife and three or four children, what relief could they pes sibly get gleam physical causes he was unable to work in the fields and could not get work on the roads ? It was far better that a man should get employment on the roads for Gs. or 71. per week than live on a pittance of 2s. or 3a. a week doled out by a relieving officer. It was a question certain', whether the labourer gave the worth of his week's wages, hut it was better to give him Is. for doing half-a crown's worth of work than give him 3s. for doing nothing. He regretted that a principle so important as that involved in this bill should be introduced on so small a basis. It was better to meet the evil full in the face than to endeavour to remedy it by small and inefficacious measures. Hebelieved that if the house were to proceed in this way they would over turn the present system altogether, and cause the establish ment at a national rate. He could not heln thinking that this measure would inflict a burden on the agricultural dis tricts which was previously thrown on towns. It was not just further to oppress a class which was already too heavily burdened. Not only were the agricultural parishes deprived by this bill of the advantages which they had enjoyed, but additional charges were thrown on them for a staff from which they derived no assistance. In his opinion it would lead to a breaking down of the entire narochial system. He moved that the bill be read a second time tbis day three months. Mr. RICE consileredth a t thSe parochialnysct of tem had alread He been broken down by the Settlement A 1811. moved that the debate should now be adjourned till 'Thurs day morning. After a few words from Mr. CHRISTOPHER the motion was agreed to, end the house adjourned at a few minutes alter three until five o'clock. The house resumed at 5 o'clock. MARRIAGE ACT. Sir R. 11. INGI.IS asked if ;he right hon. member for llutc intended to press dur;ng the present session the measure of which he had given notice upon this subject. Mr. J. S. WORTLEY said he was very anxious to call attention to the present lamentable state of the law upon this subject—(hear, hear) : — but in consequence of the report of the committee having s beeu only very recently circulated, and there being several notices on the paper on the subject, he should not bring forward the question to-morrow. He should do so, however, in the course of the ensuing week, unless, indeed, her Majesty's government would take up the subject. tit G. GREY said ha should be very sorry to do soothing which would Like this. important matter out of the 'hands 9i the right hon. geutleman, than whom 119 one was hater capable of dealing with it. He thought the report to which the right boo. gentleman had directed attention was a most important one, and certainly if a bill founded on it were in t r oduced, he - fer one should be most anxious, even at that tete period orthe session, to give its principle his support. DENMARK AND PRUSSIA. Mr. B. DISRAELI wished to put a question to the noble lord, the Secretary, for Foreign Affairs, relative to the con ' dation of the negotiations for an armistice between the powers of Denmark and Germany. It was generally known that the King of Denmark had been induced to sign that armis tice with great reluctance. Its terms were not too favoura ble to his kingdom, end his signature was very dissatisfactory to his subjects. But he was anxious to consult the feeling which he knew to prevail in this country, and to terminate a conflict so disastrous to commerce. The armistice having been accordingly si,ned, it was sent to Berlin, where it was signed and ratified by the King of Prussia. The house, how ever, would be surprised to hear, that even after the armistice had t,een thus ratltied and subscrihed,theK ing of Denmark had it thrown in his face, and Europe was again threatened with a renewal of the war. Under this state of things he was in duced to ask if any communication had been received by her Majesty's government on the subject of this unprecedented occurrence in our diplomatic relations—if they had received any explanation of the circums . ances—if it was a fact that the King of Prussia kat informed the Court of St. James's that under the new constitution promulgated in Germany, and which the King himself did not appear to understand, he had no authority to sign and ratify the armistice tin question. and if he intended, is con,iquence, to terminate any diplomatic negaciations between his crown and our court. He was sure tee noble lord would reply to these questions with all the speciality their importance demanded, and he should be glad it he was able to hold out any promise of the pro. bability of terminating the controversy between Denmark and Germany. Viscount PALMERSTON said ho had much pleasure in giving such explanations as it was in his power to afford re garding this interesting and important matter, and he hoped the answer he had to make would be more encouraging to the house and the country than the speech of the bon.gentle man might have led then, to anticipate. The great difficulty in this case had sprung from the circumstance of there being so many different parties to consult. The state of the matter was this: Her Majesty's government proposed to Denmark and Prussia articles of an armistice which contained the basic of a future and permanent settlement of their dispute. As this appeared to involve questions which might lead to dircua mon, the Prussian government sent to Schleswig an officer who in consultation with the representatives of Denmark and Sweden arranged articles for an armistice which did not con clude the basis so proposed. Those articles ware agreed to, though they were not, as the hon. gentleman supposed, ab solutely signed. They were then sent to Berlin. At Be:lin some details were objected to, and some qualifications intro duced. The armistice so amended was sent to Denmark and accepted. Undoubtedly it might have been supposed that it would have then been signed. But when orders were sent to the Prussian general in Schleswig on the subject, that officer stated difficulties in regard to the position in which he considered himself placed in reference to his own govern ment and the confederation, whose organ resided at Frank foi t. From communications, however, which he (Lori Palmerston) had received from Berlin, he hoped that these difficulties, which were difficulties of form rather than of sub stance, would be surmounted, and he still felt confident hopes that the armistice would be signed and concluded. The house, however, would understand that the main ques tion in this case still remained to be settled. That question her Majesty's government would continue their good offices to urge, and he did hope that it would be brought to a speedy withoutsettlement by the xercise of the spirit of mutual conciliation, without which no t e tUement could, he was sure, be satisfac- ;;;i1; effected. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. Mr. URQUHART asked for some information respecting the events its the Danubian provinces, and inquired in what character the Russian troops had marched into that terri tory? lie also wished to ask whether any information had been received of a treaty of commerce having been entered into between Russia and Turkey! Viscount PALMERSTON said, with regard to the finst question her Majesty's government had received information of a revolution in Wallachia, but had not received any Intel ' ligence of the invasion of that province either by a Russian or a Turkish force. He should conceive, however, that if a Russian or Turkish force should enter the principalities they would not eater with a view to collision, but upon an under. standing between the sovereign power and the protecting power under the treaty of Adrianople. With regard to the twitter of the treaty, he had no information of any negotiation for a new treaty between Russia and Turkey. VICE-ADMIRALTY COURTS. Capt. PECIIELL asked what steps hail been taken to put an end to the abuses in the Vice•Admirelty Courts of our colonies? Mr. WARD said the subject had been considered, and with the able assistance of Dr. Lushiogton the government lead arrived at a very clear conception of the evil, without, however, arriving at a conclusion as to the remedy. The costs of there courts consisted of fees and expenses. The (-is were very moderate, but there was a discretion ary power in the court to make other charges, about the legality of which, however, there was considerable question. The only remedy they could devise would be to allow the bills of these courts to be taxed by the Admiralty Court at home. The matter was under consideration. OVER-CROWDI NO OF STEAM-BOATS. In rePIY to Mr. C. LUSK INOTON, Mr. LABOUCHERE said his attention had been directed to this subject. By the Steam Navigation Act owners of steam-boats were obliged to present to the Board of Trade once in six months a certificate of the era-worthiness of their vessels, but unfortunately the act did not enforce a penalty upon the owners of river steam-boats. From information which had reached him he believed, however, that it would be necessary to legislate further upon this subject, and he had accordingly given directions that a bill should be drawn, giving power to the Board of Trade to enforce the provision of the Steam Navigation Act to which he referred, and also Ovine power to the same board to limit in certain cases the number of passengers on board steam-vends. TILE CHOLERA. Mr. WYLD asked whether any measures had been taken to subject to quarantine vessels cornier from certain ports ? Mr. LABOUCHERE regretted his noble friend (Lord Morpeth) was not in his place to reply to the question. He had been enraged in endeavouring to provide, as far as human means could do so, ageing the scourge of cholera being brought to our shorex. DUTCH SUGARS. Lord G. BENTINCK asked whether any correspondence would be laid on the table on the subject of Dutch sugars ? Viscount I'ALMEItSTON said the correspondence re ferred to between her Majesty's government and the govern ment of Holland was still going on. Lord G. BENTINCK asked if there had been any corre spondence on this subject during the last three months ? Viscount PALtdERSTON.—No ; not within the lastthree months. CASE OF SIR JOHN CLARIDGE. Mr. GLADSTONE they moved " An address to her Ma josty, setting forth, that by an order in council, which his late Majesty was pleased to approve on the Ifith day of De cember, 1831, Sir John Thomas Claridge, then recorder of Prince of Wales's Island, was removed from the said office on account of an ' irritation between the local government and himself,' which, in the opinion of the lords of the com mittee of council, acting judicially in the case, princi pally to be attributed' to the conduct of the said local government and of the home authorities; also setting forth, that it further appeared to their lordships in their investi gation of the case,' that no imputation rested on the capacity or integrity of Sir J. T. Claridge in the exercise of his judi cial functions, so as to preclude his Majesty frnm employing him in his service In some other judicial situation:' and praying that her Majesty, graciously taking into considera tion the expectations which the terms of the said order in council were calculated to create, may be pleased to direct that Sir J. T. Claridge may receive an tomeintment in her Majesty's service, of such u class as to her Majesty shall seem meet." The right hon. member said that he rested his ease entirely on this document, and would not enter into the charges on which Sir J. Claridge had been tried. He con tended that the words of the order in council were such as to lead Sir J. Claridge to expect employment from the crown in some other judicial capacity, and the object of his motion Was for the house to interfere to assist the crown in carrying out its expressed intention. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE observed that he bad had nothing to do with Sir J. Claridge's appointment or removal, and was in no way responsible for any part of the transaction, except so far as that he had not thought fit to recommend him for an Indian judgeship. But supposing that the case did involve so great a hardship me the right hon. gentleman tcpreseuted, how was it that durin., the five years he had himself been connected with the government, it had never pressed itself on his attention ? The proviso in the order in councii on which the right hon. gentlemen depended was extra-judicial—but it contained no promise er recommenda tion, it merely said that there was nothing in Sir J. Claridge's conduct which should prevent his being employed in some i other judicial station. It did not enjoin his employment on Ithe minister, sod it would be odd if it did. (Oh.) Hav ing looked over the papers, he could say also that there was uething in them to impugn the conduct or ability of Sir J. Claridge. Ile would follow the example of the right hon. gentleman by not entering into the causes which led to Sir J. Claridge's removal, as he was not desirous of saying anything which might appear to bear hard upon that gentleman and be painful to his feelings. All he would say was, that he bad rather not recommend him for an Indian judgeship. The case had been brought before Lord Cilenelg, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Fitzgerald, Lord Ripon, and htmself, as presidents of the Board of Control, and they had fonnd no ground to interfere. Suppose the address agreed to, where would be the advantage ? Such an ieterferenco he considered moat un constitutional ; and whatever might be the opinion of the house as to the hard.hip of the cese, he hoped they would not agree to this motion. Sir F. THESIOER supported the motion, and contended that there was precedent in favour of this motion, but there v.as no precedent of a gosernment r.fusing or neglecting to carry out the recommendation of the ;.rivy council. Lord J, RUSSELL knew nothing of the case until brought forward by the right hon. gentleman; but he must express his dissewt from the unconstitutional doctrine that the committee of the Pets y Council not only recommended Sir J. Claridge to the favour of the crown, but gave a pledge that he should be reappoint:A to as Indian judgeship or atone other vacancy whenever it oxurred. lie had never heard before of such a pledge having been given by the Privy Council. But the right hon. gentl, man went fur:Moo, and said it was to be carried into cti. et by an address to the' House of Commons, calling upon the crown to rna.lu, good that pledge. He was surprised to hear such au uneonstitu ti anal doctrine enunciated not only 'oy the righthon.gentletaan, bat by the hon. and learned gentleman who speAte last, who had himself nerved under the crown, and who nod no excuse for so far mistaking the prerogative of the crown and the functions of the House of Commons. But it appeared to his that the judicial committee of the Pricy Council gm no such pledge. They did whet was often done by the these colonies was not less than two millions ste r e e — . Secretary . of State for the Coloa'ma when ttn he removed a mafterwards we paid two . millions a year for the chanc e of person from a judicial or other , o , stati n g t ha t g etti ng purchuers for six millions . a year of exports, og e ._ although he felt bound to remove him there was hear.) Cut off the whole of this two millions a yea . i nothing to preclude the crown from appointing penditure, and there would not be a diminutive in the a l : i him again to some other situation is another mend for our exports to the extent of a single pound. o a r; colony. There might be local reasons to unfit him average of the last sixty years oar North American co'ore — , for the particular piece he occupied, without any imputation in one way or another , had not coot us less than ain 'Mo le.- whatever being cast upon his character, conduct, or caps- year, or, in other wines, full 30 per cent.ono t ur he e l e , " bilities to p his being appointed elsewhere. More thither. (Hear,hear.) On what principle did wet : ta u , i than that the judicial committee of the privy council had 9,000 troops there ? To protect our colonies fro m " ' thee not donee and he (Lord J. Russell) saw no reason for gum United States , If the colonies were loyal , th ey couldv ery toning the discretion of Lord Glenelg or Lord Ripon in not well protect themselvesthey were not foyal twi ce having thought it necessary again to appoint Sir .1. Claridge. troops would not at all answer the purpow 41earb 9 er) The only question that remained was, whether the House of Even suppose our North American colonies slid j a ,,,e- Commons should ask the crown so to appoint him, and on the United States, we should, in a commercial D 0 . 6 -1 that question he had only to remark that they had quite of view at all events, be the b e tter f ' - , - 1 ..... business enough to occupy their attention, without under- change. In that commercial point of view th e Unit eda "teetaking to interfere wail the patronage of the crown. themselves were as much our celonies as ever, and be ta-- ; (" Hear, hear," and cries of " Divide.") colonies for the purpose than any of those we reta ine d at Mr. GOULBURN and 01r. UUQVULIST supported the such a heavy outlay. (Hear, hear.) In 1814 the decline motion. value of our exports to the United States did not tell coho rt 1. ster 't l e sag. d Sir J. HOGG admitted the ease was one of hardship, but of 8,000,0001. sterling, the whole expenditure through outi th tle e hoped the right hon. gentleman would not divide the union not exceeding 15,0001. tin the VIITI,US consula r s ate. - blishmenta. (Hear, hear.) As to emi gration, house. Mr. HENLEY protested against judicial appointments Suites received every year more of our po lo p moo til,r ,000 • ••10U a s ere , teeing forced upon the crown by addresses of that house. grants than did all our own colonies put together. (Hear , (Hear, hear). hear.) In the West Indies we kept up S force of 6,004 ~„- , ,n - -, Mr. GLADSTONE replied, maintaining that sufficient at a cost of 613,0001., the civil and other expereliture .- ,, e . - ' I had been said to justify Sir J. Claridge is believing that he the total expenditure to not less than 700,00 1 11. per sao rar— e would be reappointed ; but, as the sense of the house was (hear, hear) —being 26 per cent. on the entire of our ixp orts urs. agsinst it, he would not divide, thither, which exports, be it remembered, were every , Motion by leave withdrawn. decreasing. It would be well worth our while, in " hie opinion, to give the West India colonist. COLONIAL EXPENDITURE. Sir W. MOLESWOIiTI.I rose to bring forward the fol- on condition of their becoming indi pendent boots. It would lowing motion : " That it is the opinion of this house that effect a saving of full 350,000/ per annum to this comp, the colonial expenditure of the Briti sh em p ire demands in- In our Australian colonies, including New Zeeland, we e e' quiry, with a view to its reduction ; and that, to ac- pended in m ili t ar y outla y 270,0001. per annum, and in Wm . complish this object, and to secure greater content- items fully 30,0001. more, the declared vilue ot our exports t o ment and prosperity to the colonists, they ought to be invested these colonies not exceeding one million sterling ;so t h e e with large power' for the administration of theirlotal affairs." here again our expenditure amounted to 30 per cent. on oa r He maintained, and was prepared to show, that that redue- exports. By reducing our military estelash.aeuts in these tion might take place without detriment to the interests of colonies within reasonable limits, we should save anot her the empire, and with advantage to the government of the million per annum. As to the purely commerci il coloni es, colonies, rendering tneir resources more usefu l and their in- if they were entrusted with their just ri,zht o r „If eeeee habitants more attached to the British empire. In speaking meet, they need cost us nothing at all ; and here would be of the colonies, he alluded to those only which were under effected an enormous annual saving. At present scarcely say the jurisdiction of the Colonial-office. They embraced an thing could be worse than the system ot their envernment by area of between 4,000,000 and 5,000.000 of square miles, the Colonial-office. As to money matter-,he had lecrore him a about 1,000,000 of which were divided into forty differeet co treasury minute of June 16,in whieb my lortiF COMpiamett very lonies, having separate governments, and 6,00 0 , 000 of inha - emphatically of the delay, on the part of the Colonialeeffin, bitants, one half of whom only were of European origin ; in the auditing of the colonial accounts, specifying, among their expenditure amounts to about 8,000,0001. annually, one other glaring instances, that the accounts of Mauritius were halt being defrayed by the colonies, and the other by Great in arrear 10 yearn, those of the Cape of Sheol Hope 8, these Britain. That portion defrayed by Great Britain was under of Ceylon 6; the arrears, as to the other colonies, rangies t four different heads—military, naval, civil , and ex - from 4to 5 years. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member pro - Unordinary. The military expenditure in 1832, was ceeded to show that the rate of expenditure in the cross 1,700,0001. ; in 1843, it was 2,600,000/ ; and, at present, colonies was infinitely more than the expenditure in the it could not be leas, having in our colonies about 42,000 colonies which, more or less, administered their own interne! troops, for which alone we should have to v0te0,600,0001. ;so affair' by the means of representative assemblies. Omitting that he thought he under-estimated the present military east from his calculation Ceylon—as not properly a colony—the in saying it was only 2,500,0001. They had 255 ships in military stations on the West Coast of Africa, and the commission, and taking 40 of them, with a complement of lonian States, he found that the rate of expenditure in the 8,000 men, SS required for the colonies, the naval expense tot mer class of colonies was on the average ' half len than must be at least 700,0001.. to which must be added the cost that of the latter class. The popu lation of the of naval establishments and works, and freights, and expense colonies with representative assemblies was 2,580,000, of reliefs, raising that sum to more than 1,000,0001. The and the expenditure upon them 1,930,0001., being civil expenditure annually voted in the miscellaneous esti. at the rate of Its. Ild. per head per annum mates consisted of a great variety of item, and amounted to The population of the colonies without represea -300,0001. ; and the extraordinary expenditure made up of tative assemblies was 820,000, and the expenditure such charges as for relief to sufferers, money lent to South 1,420,0001.. being at the rate of 11. 14s. e head; or lit. 7d. Australia, and promised to be lent to the West Indies, inieht at more then in the other elms of colonies. (H, or, hear.) In the lowest calculation be put down at 200,0801., making the North American colonies the rate of expeethture was the altogether 4,000,0001., which, however, was much under the lowest, for there was the greatest amount of selegovernment. real expenditure by Great Britain on account of her colonies; There the population, in 1815, being 1,700,000, the exrendi while the declared value of our exports only amounted to tore was 1,134,0001,, or 13s. 4d. per head, and taking into 9,000,0001., 1,000,0001. of which was an export trade to account that half a million of the sum was a special amount Gibraltar ter smuggling into Spain. So that our expendi- raised by loan for public works, the expenditure in point of tore amounted to Os. for every 11. worth of goods we ex- fact was only Os. per head, and even this amount was ported. (Hear, hear.) Now colonies ought to be useful for thirty per cent. higher than the expenditure ix political or commercial objects, and witk that view were the United States. The difference arose in meet sometimes employed as military stations. But he would ask measure from the enormously horsy salaries pale in what we derived from our military colonial stations? They our colonies to the higher functionaries, who received were said to be necessary for purposes of aggression. But in three or four times more than the lame clam of functionaries periods of war they might prove a source of weakness, in- received in the United States. The Governor eif Canada, for stead of strength, as they would oblige us to scatter example, superintending a population of 1,200,000, received when we ought to concentrate our forces (hear, 7,0001. per annum, while the President of the United Stake hear) and in the case of a serious struggle we had only 5,0001. per annum; the Governor of New York, might be compelled to abandon them to their fate. Pass- with a population of '2,600,000, receiving 8001. per annum ing over Gibraltar end Malta, he would ask where was the The Chief Justices of Upper and Lower Canada had 1,5001. a necessity of protecting the lonian States with 2,500 troops, at year each ; the Chancellor and Chief Justices of New York a cost of 130,0001 , that sum being eomething more than the had 8001. a year each. The l'uisne Judges of Canada had value of our exports to those states? (Hear, hear.) In 1,0001. a year each; and of New York, 2001. a year each; 1842 they were 122,5001. in artier with this country ; and he the Governor of Nova Scotia had 3,500/. a year; the Gown doubted not that, instead of diminishing, it had since in- nor! of New Brunswick and Newfoundland had 3,0001. a messed, while we were this year to be called upon to vote year each; while the Governor of Massachusetba with a mach 12,0001. to cemplete the fortifications. Bermuda, another huger population, had only 5001. a year. The same rate of military station, expended since the peace 600,0001. upon lavish expenditure prevailed in our other colonies : there military and naval works ; and to complete the fortifications were the Governors of Mauritius and Ceylon we must expend 260,0001. more. St. Helena cost with their 7,0001. a year each ,• the Geeneor us 40,0001. a year. Our colonies on the coact of Jamaica with 6,5001. • year; the Governors of of Africa cast 52,0001. a year; while we spent at Gibraltar, Malta, &e a with their 5,000/. c year a piece, and least 500,0001. a year in vain attempts to sup- so on ; while, if the colonies had to make the appointments, pros the slave trade. He could not avoi d recommendin g they would s elect much better men than the present avenge the house to dispense with their military stations on the for a fourth of the cost. (Hear, hear.) In the West Indies, coast of Africa. Then there was the Cape of Good Hope, Jamaica, the Leeward Islands, the Windward Islands, with larger in extent than the whole of the United Kingdom, the exception of St. Lucia, and Bahamas, with emulation of rendered particularly remarkable of late by the Kaffir war— 700,000, had en expecditure of 4.50,0001., or 125.10 d. a head, the fourth war within the last twelve years ; one which the rate of Jamaica being 133. Compare these with St. formed • strange instance of the little influence exercised by Lucia, Honduras, Trinidad, and British Guiana, with the Colonial-office over a elistantcolony—(kear, hear)—whice a population of 190,000, and an expenditure (exclusive cost this c ountry 1,100,0001., and which wou ld in all pro- of immigration) of 284,0001., being at the rate of 11.95., bability cost us 800,0001. or 900,0001. more. When Sir or twice that of colonies with representative assemblies. Henry Pottinger came to the colony he was astonished at And there again the:salaries of the higher functionaries the proofs he found of the enormous expenditure that had were excessive : there were twelve governors andlieutenent been committed, of the monstrous peculation that had been governors, with 29,000/. a year. At the Cope and Mauritivi perpetrated, and peculation in which there was reason to there was a population of about 160,000. These being mown believe men of very high station had been implicated. colonies the rate of expenditure was about the same as the (Hear, hear.) As an example of the reckless expenditure crown colonies in the West Indies, 11. is. a he Govead. T he would mention, that a party of colonists settled in a Governor of Mauritius receives 7,0001. a year ; rnor of frontier village had been receiving rations, & c., from the the Cape 5, 0001 . (Hear, hear.) It might be said , that government to the extent of not lees than 2,000/. per annum, the rate of expenditure was higher in the moan colonies on the pretext that they served as a sort of out-post. What because they were more thinly inhabited ; but the mesa had the renewal of the Kaffir war been owing o? Simply colonies of Mauritius were four times as thickly inhabited to the circumstance that 20 oxen having been stolen by some as Jamaica, yet the rate of expediture at Jamaica was natives, although immediate restitution was made half less than that of Mauritius. (Hear, hear.) of 16 of them, the governor chose to say he was Now, with respect to the Australian colcnies, he found that not content with this restitution, but must proceed only one of them—New South Wales was the orly me, to punish the whole nation to which the robbers belonged. which had a legislative assembly; and tee consequence The war which proceeded was conducted on principles the wag that a reduction had taken place in the expeaditum of least likely to bring it to a satisfactory Wye, the troops em- that colony immediately after the constitution had been ployed being partly old peninsular soldiers, whouy =ace granted to it. From the years 1841 to 1845 the expenditam customed to the sort of warfare, and partly of bees" , dra- had averaged about 31. 45. per head on the whole popalatioa g- one, armed with heavy rifles which, once discharged, they of New South Wales. In the year 1846, one twelvemonth could scarcely menage to reload without dismounting, and after the legislative assembly had begun to sit the expenditure it was not until recovese was had, by the new governor, to was reduced to 11. Bs. per head, or less. than half what it had Let him compare the ex nditure of New native fours, officered by young and dashing British officers, been previcusly. pe that success was accomplished. When Sir H. Smith arrived South Wales with that of the kindred eileuy of Van Die. to replace Sir H. Pottinger he found the struggle termi- wen's Land, where it amounted to 41. fa. . Neils natcd, and all the new governor did was to make the native 18 81 , a sum three times greater than in chiefs kiln his feet, and to add to our possessions some 40,000 South Wales after the legislative assembly was established square miles of territory, of as barren and useless land, to This excessive exrenditure occasioned the greatest discontent use the surveyor's phrase, as was to be found on the at Van Diemen's Land, and it caused excessive tandem earth's crust. 'lbis splendid result of a war, which origi- The colonists themselves were of opinion that this Unfelt rated in a removed axe and two stolen cows, had cost was illegal, and one of the judges there had been recently re this country twe millions of money. (Hear. hear.) As to moved from his post for having declared the se taxes illegal. the Colonial-office here, the probabilities were, that while (" No, no.") The hon. member then i ntered into • state the struggle was going on they knew nothing at all about it, ment of the proceedings of the Colonial-office with respect to the noble lord at the head of the department being, very asserting the right of the crown to royalties on the prods* possibly, more surprised than anybody else when the bill of of mines situated in the Australian colonies, which proceed. coats was presented to him. (Hear, hear.) The war was iags he asserted were highly unjust, oppressive, and con s at en end now, indeed, but tho house might be sure that, to good .with. With respect to the colony of New Zee sr' unless some effectual measures interposed, • similar war he was unable to state what the amount of mete would be got up again before many years had expired, for diture per head was, but it must be very greet, the Cape Town people admired the sort of thing vastly, as the military proceedings there had been very et• in consequence of the active exnditure upon it, by which pensive ; and what with an imbecile governor, et they so largely benefited. (Hearpe, hear ) Now his(Sir W. incendiary bishop, a faithless colonial sec.etary, and biolesworth's) proposition woe, to withdraw at all events a discontented set of colonist., that se'tlement was at present he the great bulk of the troops from this colony, and in a most unsatisfactoryunsatisfactorystate. Hadid not mean by what to leave the colonists to protect themselves, which they could stated to cast any blame upon the individuals who ad very will do, the more especially, that under such Mecum- ministered tae affairs in the Colonial-office. The ay:to:swot stances, they would take good care not to provoke hostilities. to blame, and not the men; and it was the system alone (Hear, hear.) If a military Motion murt he maintained which merited, and which should receive his blame and dee at the Cape, 1,000 soldiers wield be amply sufficient for the respect. Indeed, if he turned back to the proceedings of purpose ; but he thought that emigrants would serve the co- former sessions of parliament, he could cite the opin ions of bony and the mother country much better than troops. Emi- the hon.and learned member for Lielvard, and of the present grants might be conveyed to the Cape at the cost of 101. per Earl Grey, the colonial secretary, as hilly bearing him out in head, while every soldier kept there cost this country 601, his di scriptien of the manifold veils of the system ob per annum, so that if the money spent upon them were laid served of goveraing the colonies. The ambition of out in emigration the colony would receive 9,000 new Mtn. the Colonishottice was no less glaring than its incapacity. bitants every year, who would be a far more efficient protec- The authorities there pretended to be able to govern poems teetion than the 1,500 soldiers could afford. (Hear, hear.) 'ion, ranging between tne arctic and antarctic ! poles —they The Mauritius was to be regarded at once as a arm. exercised authority over colonies which w ir e ! at the ihstance mercial colony and as a military station. There of • twelvemonth's veyage from the oof heir authorise. the expenditure was 28.5,0001. per annum, while and it was notorious that one letter had scarcely teen de the total of our exports thither did not exceed 92,000/. The patched from Downing-etreet, cre a change in the einem expenditune, in fact, was far more than be had stated for stances of the colony to which u' was addreesea, compelled the there were to be additional troops placed en the station, and colonial secretary to write another diametrically opposed to 150,0001, were to be expended, it aupeared, on the improve- it, and thus Lary to on from year to y, ar, the orders and ment of our defences. Yet here. as at the Cape, 1,000 sot. recommendations of the home authorities being elike ne drectierattiwoottultdre ianswertit institution t l n egi t t e i t in u a nt te t p .o u t rpr n e d , e n th: lit e: own protection. Colon was neitner a military station nor a received them, the colonists themselves being disgusted rtewdtatnedtdddespreittedised,b"y tdhedilteogibeelayedtivebyintstiecre.liglimeserntoots:hwohm. commercial colony, but came rather under the would Indian and alienated by the gross ignorance ihsplavthose who possessions! Indeed it seemed to him that it be far assumed the right of directing their affairs. Now, if it better to transfer it altogether to the East India Company, were expedient to entrust such multifarioas and important g lo t n h ist. eir t g h lec e and to Save the cost, which at present amounted to 110,0001. duties as those of colonial secretary to any single individuel, per annum in military . expenOtture, besides 70,000/. per an- that person ought to be possessed not only of a vast amount N, did these qualtheat o ions charge num paid by the colonists; the whole of our exports thither of knowledge, but also, h ewh ugh to be a man f . great cape not exceeding 240,000 1, Upon Hong -Kon g this y ear he rience and sagacity. found that 04,519/. had been voted—a small sum in compari. tense the individuals who bad of late years etesided over the. vernment bad begun very promisingly with the governor of a colonial secretary that which WU foIICAWNI its selecting t',.. son svith what this station would very noon cost. The of Colonial-office ? Was the rule he laid eiown ter the chice. re. this new station, who was to he paid no e sss a sum than functionary ? 6,0001. per annum. (Hear, hear.) Altoge, our expeedi. no such rule had ever been laid down—much lesseamee h ture within the Chinese and Indian seas did not fall short of The colonial secretary was generally chosen for expedeen t el e (Hem, and a laugh.) /lowa. of °pollen . . tni oa e 600,000/, per annum, while a'? our exports thither did sake, from amongst the heads of one or the averageotheroih not exceed two millions. Another station now figured on parties who sought to govern the country, and the 9,8271., of which 2,0001. was to go to Mr. Rajah Brooke, months. The changes in policy were as frequent as, l the list, Labuan, which was to cost us, in this its first year, duration of his term of office did not exceed gnr as whose territories at Sarawak, meanwhile, were to be looked even more so, than those in the heads of the office. n o s tt , ... after by a consul, whom we were to remunetate with 5001. a moent the Colonial-office was sweire . e by the West 1 dif year. No great length of time would elapse, under the sent system of things, before Labuan would figure as largelyr turn wets protectiorasts had the . rule , '' thusur estimates as the Cape or Ceylon ; and we should displareel by the New Zealand Company, who gale Wil bl'. pre- interestsanti.slave , t th y e p r elety elt succeeded day the these, and in t he i r twenty shillings of exports that we transmitted were" Everything by turns, and nothine long," 10' 0 _1; have to pay ten shill'ngs Purchase money for every fore the missionaries, and thus thn Coloniel-office alitho.riti_es. to this colony. (Hear, hear.) Then thete were dared all their projects abortive and ail their measure ten""a the miserable Falkland Island., which, ethos 1841, had cost cessful. Such a system of gooernment might suit a t IULUSD, US no lass than 45,0001., with no return or advantage to us serfs,buttoapeopleaccustonied teself-governme t r i u h t IT. of. any description. By all means, he, world say, let this no other aspect than that of an odious and a elate I fr"l, utterly useless pessessson be forthwith handed over to the (Has, hear.) But if the colonists h . -a . e bo a acknowledged claims of Buenos Ayres. By reducing the complain of the Downing-street authorities, the y ,T3 troops at such militory stations as It might be deemed cape far more serious grounds fee complaining of the go r. _,, client to reduce, from 21,000 to 10,000, there would be a who were sent oue to rule over them, and who were: t eeOS saving effected of one millitna a year in military and naval not on account of their fitness to exercise aunt import,i , haee,", expenditure alone. Then as to our colonies in North titer^ but putely on personal pounds, such as pro J o lleg: . America, the West Indies, and Austtalasia, of what the needy telatives of those in power—these' heart a l..f m ' possible benefit was it to the mother country to retain Tiding posts for. unsuccessful Otters, unemployed nv e r r ee ... the present system there? In the year 1844 the de- or importunate office hunters. Noy, the class of pe r t:r e elated value of all one exportato our North American colonies, leeted as governors was not always con fi ned to the t, _r ai .. to our West Indian and Australasian colonies, was six :nil- though needy, for instances were not wens IF I °.!`._ t oo lions sterling. In the same year our expenditure upon creditable persons had been got rid of by twain uue r re y