The Express. — London, England, 1848-02-15 00:00:00

tioa than the 'liege of Troy; and, a far heavier charge, had permitted Mr. Barry to involve the country in an outlay which, so far from keeping within the original estimate of tinder a million, threatened, before the work was completed, to reach beyond four millions. (Hear, hear.) With buten° etception—thatof Lord Thincannon—theChiel Commissioners of Woods and Forests had, one MUT another, overcome by the blandishments of Mr. Barry, a second Amphion, permitted that gentleman to follow exactly his own will is arrangement and re-arrangement and expenditure, and kis own pace in progress. In 1836, Mr. Baring obtained the sanction of the house to Mr. Barry's estimate of 700,0001. for a esestnsetion which was to be completed in six years front the laying the foundation—a period, however, formally unascertainable, since the clerk of the works imitating the spirit of his employer. had condescended to take no note of the event. By 1843, the outlay already exceeded 1,400,0061. As 'an illustration of the mariner in which tee whole thing was carried on, he would mention, that after an expenditure of more than 4,000/ upon • party of geologists, sent on a mission to aseettain the best sort of stone to adopt, it turned out that the item actually adopted wan of a kind wholly uncalculated for permanence of duration. The bon. member next ad verted to the items for ventilation, warming, and rendering fire proof : the estimate for these was 86,0001., and a very tolerable estimate too. On these items there had already been expended upwards of 111,0001., and, according to the architect's statement there still remained an undefined atnosat of expendieure under the same items, so that, before the building was completed there might be another 100,0001. required for ventilating, warming, and fire-proofing. (Hear, hear.) The mention of ventiletion brought biro to the grand ventilator, Dr. Reid, and his *Tabbies with Mr. Barry. Now, the squabeles between Mr. Barry sad Dr. Reid were of more importance to the house and to the public than might, at first sight, appear probable. For what was the case? These squabbles, it bad been 'hated by inquiry, had delayed the progress of the building for no leas a time than clear ninemonths. This delay of nine months, independently of the other great incouvesiences and heavy expenditure it had occasioned, had had moth to do with the necessity for hiring committee roams, and when it was recollected that the cost of hiring committee rooms during the past session had beer. no lees than 200,0001., the house might perhaps, combining this eocaideration with others, think that possibly the bast way would be to amnia both architect and ventilator. Mr. Osborne next adverted to the extreme inconvenience which the Speaker, Mr. Ley, tree c'i Clerk, end other officials, ee t had been subjectedby Dir e es procrastination, which perso nal incenveuience te a s : was attended with a oast to the country , Ms shape of allow ances for house rent, ee mare thane 5,0001. per annum. In 1842, in psuenanee of a suggestion front the Speeher, the Woods and Forests had obtained an estimate from, Mr. Berry of an Mikis' residence within the new houses for the chief clerk. The emulate lursithed was 2,0001., and the house was to be ready in 18 neradee. The house was no more ready now than then; so that had been an outlay of 500/. per annum for 7 years, or 3,5001. altogether, simply because Mr. Barry chose to consult his own fancies and will. There had been much laudation of the frescoes in the other hours ; he (Mr. Osborne) was not a man of taste, and would not, therefore, venture an opinion on the subject, farther than the saying that, as a member of the house, he could not vote for the appointment on • com mittee of taste of the gentlemen who lauded the fres coes. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) But as to the frescoes, in relation to the progress of the building, he decidedly objected to the proportion advanced by Mr. Barry, that there must be more ventilation and re-arrange. meats, hero:vilify great delay and great expense, merely for the purpose of preserving these precious frescoes. (Hear, hear.) What, on this subject, said Lord Sudeley—at all eveats as Reed &judge of frescoes and of architecture as Mr. Barry ? Why, Lent Sudeley, before the committee of 1844, said t h at if the new houses of parliament were mean: as ex hibitions of the fine era Mr. Barry's view on the point. might be a correct one so era, but that he himself regarded the new houses of parliament in a different light, and con siderei that the tine arts, while adapted in the way of em. belishment, were not to supersede every other consideration, or to interfere with arrangemeuta otherwise desirable. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Barry, however, upon all occasions, put forward the orders of the fine arts committee as a reason for this or that alteration, or addition, or deviation, and the result would be an additional outlay of some 200,0001. for mere whims. (Hear, hear.) I' As to what anything would cost, however, this nobody knew, the architect team of all persona, the Chit Conunieioner of Woods and Forests—the responsible lune tionary—excepted. Mr. Barry, when raked by one of the committees shat he thought would now be the expense, coolly answered th a he bad not the slightest idea on the subjeot—that he could not even guess what would be the ul timate cost. (Hear, hear.) And as to the noble Chief Com missioner of Weevils and Forests, he declared himself wholly unprepared to assist Mr. Barry in his calculations, and, in deed. distinctly repudiated any knowledge of the matter whatever—an abnegai ion which at once suggested a strong douet as to the utility of the office which he repreanted. (Hear, hear.) Yet Lord Duncannon had in the most distinct manor r userted, not merely the right of the Woods and Forests department to coutrol the architects of ane works, but their bounden duty to do so (Hear, hear.) The committee of 18 14 , in their report, had sated that during the progress of the building of the new houses_ , certain deviations and alterations had been made by Mr. Derry without any authority from the government. Yet from that time to this, no public functionary had called the attention of the house to these alterations and deviations. With moppet to the delay that had taken place in completing the new houses of parliament, what, let him ask, was the house led to expect in the year 1836 would be the term which the new buildings would require for their entire com pletion ? The bon. baronet beow him (Sir R. highs) would remember in common with himself that six years was the extreme limit of time fix, d by Mr. Barry for the house to be in the occupation of the members ; and further, he recol lected that on the occasion when this statement was made, Mr. Barry volunteered the assurance that from the time that the foundations were laid, there would only elapse a period of two years before the committee-rooms would be ready for the reception of members. (Hear, hear.) But then there arose a delay and a difficulty in laying the foundations of the house, and in the year 1846, when Mr. Barry was asked when the foundations were laid, he replied that he could not tell, for he kept no diary of the pregreis of the works. Would any private gentleman act upon such a plan in his own building? (Hear, hear.) In point of fact, the architect, and all those who were officially concerned in the buildings, had (been annually subjected to • running fire of questions respecting the opening of the new houses which they had found it very inconvenient to p irry. In 1812 his hon. friend on his left (Mr. Hume) received for answer from Lord Lincoln, then at the head of the Woods rind Forests, the reply that he had seen Mr. Barry on the very day the question as to when the house would be opened was put, and that he assured the house the buildings would be ready ' for their n caption in 1845. So, again, in the year 1845, the honourable member for York repeated the same question, and he was assured, in precisely the same terms as before that there was no reason why the houses should not be ready by 1847. Mr. Barry himself, when asked by the lords' committee at what period he expected the House of Commons to be ready, answered, that be had not the smallest idea (a laugh); and lastly, Lord Morpeth had very ree,ntly assured hon. members that the house would be ready, but sit what period tLe noble lord had totally omitted to suite. So that the house and the country were as much is the dark on this paint as ever. There was soother point to which be begged to draw the attention of the noble lord, namely, as to the accounts funn.hed of the money paid for the new buildings. There was an item of 25,0001. paid to the archi tect, on account of hie remuneration for superintending the construction after the original plan. But it was stated in a note that this sum had not been accepted by Mr. Barry as a payment in full for his services. how he (Mr. B. Osborne) distinctly assured the committee that 25,0001. was to be the utmost limit of the remuneration to be received by him, sod a letter written by the late Earl of Desaboruugh was on record, wherein that noble lord stated that Mr. Barry had no claim whatever beyond the 25,0001. agreed to be paid on the ap proval of his plan by both houses of parliament. In answer to this letter Mr. Derry said that he acceded to the award, although the amount was below what was customary for architects to receive, and that he did so because h, found it was considered by the government to be a liberal remu neration ; and not only did the board of commissioners think the payment liberal, boa when the sum was ape cified to Sir Benjamin Stephenson and Mr. Milne!, they were also of oeinien it was quite sufficient. Having thus laid the various facts connected with the subject before the house, he could only empress his acknowledgments for the courteous attention with which his statement bad been received, and await the information which the government might think proper to give. (Cheers.) Lord MORPETH said that his hon. friend bad misstated the tune In which the answer of Lis noble friend at the head of the treasury, and his own reply to the question of the other evening, were given in ascribing • sneer, to either of them. (Mr. B. Osborne obeerved that he qualified them se being jeerer.) It was not to he argued from the purpor se what had fallen from his noble friend or himsell that they bad no control over the expenditure, and the answer which was Riven must be understood as simply meaning to say that in respect to so vast • building as the houses of parlia ment neither his noble friend nor himself could undertake to guarantee that 1,400,0001. would be the utmost limit of expenditure. His hon. friend had been very severe upon the public department with which he (Lord Morpeth) had the honour to be connected, and he seemed to say that it ought to be abolished. But when his how friend blamed the Commissioners of Woods and Forst., and expressed a wish that parliamentary commissioners had been appointed to watch over the progress of the new houses of parliament, he appeared to have totally forgotten that the building had beers carried on under the auspices and the control of a commission appointed by parliament, which had seported from time to time respecune the progress of the works. He was perfectly of accord with the hon. member that the original estimate sent in by Mr. Barry was 707,0004 whilst the sum advanced for the building was 808,0005, being 101,0001. in excess. But it must be stated that endows items were included in this amount, which had no referent* whatever to the architect's estimate, such, for instance, eel the cost of embankmenteconstniction of sewers, building ad ditional residences, and also the decorations and furniture of the Howe of Lords , and wheethase sums were deducted, there nly remained the gam of 430,0001. advanced on account of the original estimate. Mr. Barry had been blamed much more than he deserved on this account, and therefore ft was due to him to state that the sum mentioned was all that had been advanced towards the completion of the original designs. He would not enter into the subject of the style of architec ture, touched upon by his hon. friend, nor into that of the Fine Arts Communion. All he would say was, that although the present government was not responsible for the appoint meat of that committee, he was nevertheless of opinion that the country at large would not th respond to th ofe ridicule whic h h his hon, friend had cast upon e works art THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1848. mat Ind not bees deceived and plundered he Mr. Barry, as =Am& grndgmen seemed to think. Whoseer was to Sig delay or increased expenditure, they should at lees' delve** to his MUM% to his real, and to his abilities, which ne mite &stied. Indeed, oae of the elements of Mn Barey'e sigisisetien was elm applause he received,lnot only of'Ut dint ostudrymen, bet of foreigners, who with. out ezon..had expressed their achnisaiion of the build. g. the Roble RIM would glint a committee which Za h rh a ifronghly Investigate the question, and prove that neither the architect, nor the noble lord, nor be (Lord Lincoln) had been wanting in their duty to ths Homes of Commons, but rather that the /loused Commons was went , ing in duty to itself and the country. Mr. 0. THOMPSON conceived that no satisfactory answer had been given to the questions put to the govern ment, either respecting the cause of delay, or the excess of expenditure over the criginal eleimate. Mr. EWART advocated inquiry by a committee. Mr. BANKES considered that the time was come when that house ought to check the public expenditure. After a few words from Mr. A. Hors, Mr. DRUMMOND demanded a simple reply to the simple question, " who was responsible for the excess of expense over the estimate," bet no reply being given, the Speaker put the question that the house resolve itself into • committee on— THE NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL. The Earl of LINCOLN said he felt it necessary to inter pose some remarks at this stage of the bill ; and proceeded to show that the present constitution of New Zealand, al though correct and beautiful in the abstract, was yet so erroneous in form, so theoretical in its application, and had been so universally condemned by members of that house, and by those competent to form an opinion out of it, as to ustify a discussion of the question upon the pre sent bill, in order that they might consider what had bowie the errors already committed by the government, and I what war their best remedy. The noble lord refetred to forme" debates, to show that the opinion of the house had been in favour of a represeatative government for New Zea land, beginning with municipal institutions. The right hon. barocet the member for Tamworth had stated that he regarded municipal institutions as the germ ot represent*. tive government. The noble lord (the Fir.t Lord of the Treasury) had said that a municipal constitution was the proper prelude to a representative constitutien. He more over distinctly stated, that he did not anticipate that it would bo wise or desirable that a colony should at once jump from a state of despotism into)an elaborate aid fine-drawn consti tution.. Such a constitution had not been desired by any party, or any memb.r of that house, and in a pvtition pre sented by Lord Howick, in July, 1815, asking for a representative government without distinction of race, the petitioners stated that, looking to the ignorance of the lower orders, it was desirable that the local constitution of the coantry should be es little democratic as passible, and should be composed of persons having an interest in common with the colonists, and not of strangers who went there in search of place and salary. How Cc appointed must those petition ers have been when they received at the hands of the noble lord through whom instrumentality they had made known their sentiments a constitution which they now perceived had not attained the objects intended by it—a constitution which might be said to be half American and yen little English. lie (Lord Lincoln) regretted that the noble lord had acted with such extraordinary haste, end without oh tsining the opinion of the governor, of the colonist', or of residents in thin country competent to lichees upon it. The machinery of that constitution, though perhaps perfect in itself when put into operation, was found wholly inap plicable. The noble lord, tor instance, proposed a franchise intended to be democratic, being limited only by the ability to read and write English ; but, if ever there was a plan de vised to produce, not an amalgamation as anticipated by the noble lord, but a war of races, this was that plan ; for, according to the authority of Captain Grey, not one of the natives (meld read or write English. This suffrage was therefore limited to a email minority of English settlers, and the entire uatives deprived of it. The noble lord, too, had had his attention drawn to these and other points by four leading colonists resident at the time in this country, is a report containing their objections to his proposed constitution. They were most anxious that these corporations should have a more extensive bearing, About the time that the noble lord (Grey) succeeded to the Colonial-office a body of free-church colonists prepared to leave Scotland for New Zealand, es the understanding that they would there find representative in stitutions. At the close of the session of 1846, the noble lord's bill having passed, and they having received the assuraiiee of a representative constitution, they sailed for Otago, where, he believed, the) had new arrived. Mr. AGLION BY—They are now on the sea. Lord LINCOLN—At all events, when they arrived, they would bud that the constitution on the faith of which they had emigrated was suspended fur five years. Mr. M. MILNES—They have gone to the southern island. Lard LINCOLN—But it was well known tbat the suspen sion of the constitution applied alike to all parts of the co. lorry. Governor Grey hail taken the view which all the world took, and at once suspended this constitution as impr.x ticable. It was condemned here, and condemned their ; all the New Zealand papers were opposed to it. It was on the suggestion of the "overtime that this constitution was now to be suspended for live years. To this he should not object, were the intl real occupied in devising some more practicable ' measure; but a suspension implied an abstract approval of the constitution. Rather let the government confess in substance, what was confessed in spirit, that the thing was wholly inapplicable to the colony, and repeal it at once. The uncertainty in which these continual changes involved the colonists was a great evil. At one time a re presentative constitution founded on universal suffrage was given them ; then the whole power was vested in the governor, who might grant or refuse such constitutions at his plessute, This was a very unfair responsibility to cast on an individual; and the noble lord (Grey) seemed sensible of that. By the fifth clause of the bill b, fore the house, the governor was even authorised to regulate the qualifica tion of the burgesses. In this country such a power would be thought most unconstitutional and improper, and. would be regarded in the colony with great distrust. The noble lord in kis despatch empowered the governor to grant li censer to vote; and though such a poster would doubtless be properly exercised by Governor Grey, yet he was not immortal, and his successor might be less judicious. (Hear.) Upon the whole, he thought it would be far better to with draw his bill, and bring in one of one clause, entirely repealing the act of 1846, and empowering the go vernor to establish suitable municipal institutions in the whole colony. It was evident, from the governor's recent despatches, that the colony was in a very critical state ; and on this ground he heel avoided the introduction of many exciting topics, being sincerely desirous to nee past emirs corrected. A, the government valued the peace of the colony, and the well being of those emigrants who bad gone thither on the faith of enjoying a representative govern ment, he hoped they would early consider the question, and not let the matter rest where it was till the five years had nearly expired. Mr. LABOUCHERE assured the noble lord that he wpm fully 'sensible of the importance of the subject; but he thought many of the points now urged would be better discussed in committee. He hoped the whole of the time of the house would not be consumed in preliminary discussion. He would not revive the discussion on the land question, but would assure the house that there existed not the smallest difference of opinion between the noble lord at the head of the colonial department and 0 .vernor Grey on the subject of the waste lands. This was confirmed by a let ter which had been received in this country from a mis sionary in New Zealand. On a formsr occasion he (Mr. Labouchere) had mid he could not acquit the Bishop of New Zealand of indiscretion : he must now express on his own part, and that of the noble lord (Grey , their t hanks to the right rev. prelate for his successful exertions toward, ef. fecting a settlement of the differences which existed with the missionaries on the subject of the grants. (Hear, hear.) As the present bill proposed the suspension of the constitution, he did not feel it necessary to answer seriatim the objections which had been raised against it by the noble lord opposite: Otherwise it would not have been ditli,ult to defend the steps which had been previously taken by government. The noble lord had come into the Colonial-office at the end of a session of parliament, and fueled the government pledged to giant representative institutions to New Zealand. He had accordingly sent out this constitution; but it was to his credit that, as eonn as it was finind inapplicable, he had directed its suspension. (Hear.) As to the Scotch emi grants, it could not be made matter of complaint on their laccount that, when they arrived in the island, they found that institutions which were inapplicable t i the colony had been suspended. All were agreed that this constitution should be either suspended or aboli.hed ; but to adopt the - recommendation of the noble lord opposite for the with drawal of this bill would be extremely unwise. It was true that extraordinary pow.rs were proposed to be given to the governors, but this was the only nurse which could safely and promptly be adopted for putting the colony in posses sion .1 suitable representative institutions. The p tion would Ones be prepared for the pos.se , eion of such institutions ; and the governor might gradu ally Introduce such widening of the !remoldse and extension of liberties as he might see to be 'desirable. Governor Grey said that the southern part of New Zealand, where the majority consisted of white inhabitants., and where the aborigines were but few, was fitted to receive free institutions, but it was not ripe for such as they possessed at home. (" Hear, hear, " from the opposition.) The noble lord called this a "h ybrid constitution." He (Mr. Labou chere) did not defend it as a permanent system, but it was a constitution, however, that was not unknown in the colo nies ; and, recollecting that the noble lord was a member of a cabinet which, under the auspices of Lord Stanley, had sent out a constitution exactly similar to Newfoundland, after suspending a more popular one, he was surprised that the noble lord should call it a hybrid constitution. A similar constitution was established in Guiana, and it existed at that moment in New South Wales. This bill would empower the governor to increase the number of the legislative coun cil, which was desirable, because it was proper that he should surround himself with the best local advice, when so much responsibility was thrown upon hint. There were to be provincial councils, into which he might infuse as much, or as little, of the popular element as he thought fit. All this was to be done by ordinance, but it wt' to be subject to the approval of the crown. The noble lord laid great stress on the preservation of municipal institutions. But the bill be fore the house did not interfere with the establishment of municipal institutions. He had stated the reasons why he did not think the proposal of the noble lord was so good as that of her Majesty's government, which he considered would lead to such free institutions in New Zealand as would be consistent with their welfare and safety. The house then went into committee. Clauses 1,2, and 3 were agreed to. On clause 4 being proposed, Mr. GLADSTONE said be wished to point to something which appeered to him to be defective in the framing of the bill. The right hon. gentleman defended the suspension of the bill rather than its repeal, on the ground that, having held out to the people of New Zealand the hope of free in stitutions, they ought not to do anything to create a doubt brought into notice by that committee. (Hear.) He did not mean to deny that the new houses of parliament had been most expensive boildings,and that they had far exceeded in cost the original estimates; but could any other result have been looked for considering the shortens of time which had been allowed for presenting the original designs, and which had to be modified as experience and study threw light upon the subject ? The parliament had sanc tioned the deviations that had been made from the original designs and estimates, and, therefore, thereat:sensibility rested mot with the architect, but with the hoar.' As for the von• Illation, Mr. Barry was not to be made responsible for that Lion of the expenditure, nor for the delay arising from it. When Dr. Reid's arrangement was proposed for adop. this to the new houses, the parliament agreed they should be adopted, and accordingly he had the centrol of that department of the works,. lith e however, would not enter into details of whet had occurred before be accepted hit present office, and indeed during the period that he was not in perliament. He wow* only state that the present condition of the finances of the country rendered it advisable, in the opinion of the piers. meat, not to call upon parliament to grant the whole amouat required for the completion of the new houses in one sum, but to extend the period of advance over four er five years,l so a• not to press too heavily oh any one year. With respect' to Mr. Barry, he (Lord Morpeth) must observe that the enormous amount of labour impeeed upon him, i nel the anxiety which he bad endured, had proved most harassing to his mind, and it it should be found that the public cool deuce was withdrawn from him, it could hardly he ex. tooted that he would be able to bear up under the depres sion cuneequent upon such an occurrence. With respect to the question of remuneration, Mr. Barry had always con tended that it was inadequate as compared with what was the custom of his brother architects. The government, how. ever, had expressly undertaken to pay only 25,0001., and had never swerved from that undertaking. So that if parliament :ignited his remuneration to that sum, Mr. Barry could net complain. But he (Lord Morpeth) believed that Mr. Barry's predominant feeling was to render the buildings under his superintendence what they ought to be; and whilst he did tint mean to deny that the original estimates had been fare x meted, he (Lord Morpeth) oust be allowed to express his feelings towares Mr. Barry, who had inspired him with con fidence and attachment., and whose consummate *Lilt would secure him a prominent place as an ar hitect by those who came after him, in estimating the ebancteristics of the I men of hie own time. Sir R. INGLIS exculpated Mr. Barry from all responsi bility attaching to expenditure in the new houses of parlia ment beyond his own immediate department. lie entreated the noble lord to reconsider the subject of spreading the Lune necessary for the completion of the buildings over four or five years. If the government was prepared to complete the design', let the necessary amount be at once asked for, and bring the works to a conclusion, instead of delaying their termination for so many years. Mr. HUME concurred in the recommendation of the hon. baronet, to demand the whole suns re; aired for the completion of the houses at once, and to press forward this works with all proper speed. With respect to the buildings themselves, he must my that whatever might be thought. ot them, he should have had no objection to the houses as a display of Mr. Berry's taste, provided he had been at the expense; but, as it was, the whole concern was a disgrace to the house and all concerned in sanctioning what had been dine. lie was very glad to see the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel) in his place, tor he was resnonsible for what had been done. Sir R. PEEL said that when the subject was lest b. fore I the house he had summated the appointment of a select com mittee, as it was a subject very difficult of elucidation by debates in that house. lie bed thought it a very fit subject for inquiry, to ascertain how far the original estimate had gene, and also how much had ben absorbed by the Thames embankment and other extra causes of expenditure. lie :hought still that that would be the best course—reserving of course to the house the power to decide as to the merits of the course pursued. Ho had always thought that the better course was to fix the remuneration of the architect at a particular turn, "ether than to adopt the usual mode of allowing him 5 per cent on the expenditure; and he must say thet in his opinion government had aced erroneously in allowing that arrangement to be altered, and Lt allowing to be raised any exact orated expectation of increased equitable consideration. (Hear, hear.) He did not blame the woke tect, the Woods and Forests, or the Treasury exclusively. (he house must take part of the blame. (Hear, hear.) It was usual with the house to have hot and cold fits, more eepecial'y with respect to public buildings. If the new homes had been the result of the committee of 183's, they would have been a fac simile of Somerset House. (A laugh.) Mr. HUME—No, we had a plan. Sir It. PEEL—The hoe. member for Montrose then said that he could have a building like Somerset Ileum for ' 400,0001. But thee, economic projects hod never satiefl rl. There was the Treasury, built about 20 years since, on • low estimate, and now as were obeged to rebuild it at an in creased expense. Mr. Berry's talents had been much criti cism!, but he thought that that gentlemen had shown con ummate skill in making such a building so gre it an orna ment to the metropolis. ( Hear, hear.) There, again, was the National Gallery. (Hear, hear.) In that cue the were tied down to 46,0001., and ultimately to 70,0001., an d now they were anxious to set Mr. Barry to work in pulling' down that also. A misplaced economy had spoiled one of the finest sites in Europe. Mr. HUME—It was not my fault. The right hen. oaronet suggested a brick building, when I proposed one faced with stone. Sir It. PEEL—The hon. member is quoting a minute dictated by him but signed by me. (A laugh.) Did the non, member for Montrose recollect that when it was pro posed to make the architrave eleven feet high, he said people are not eleven feet high, seven will do"—(laughter) and that he (Sir It. Peel) had reconciled him to the alti tude by suggesting that the higher the architrave the less would be the expenditure of brick an 1 mortar ? (Continued laughter.) However, all the defects of that place were eaused by undue economy. Something had been said of the Commission of Fine Arts. He considered that commission had greatly promoted the object for which it had been ap pointed, and he was sure that if a committee were appointed ate members would willingly give every information in their power, and show satisfactorily . that they were not responsible tor any extra expense that might have been incurred. He thought it would be found that the extra expenses had been incurred under peculiar circumstances. Much depended on the cite, end for that Mr. Barry was not respon,ibie. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member fur Manirese bad, it wee true, recommended a site near Marlborough House, but the ma. jority of the House of Commons preferred preserving the site of the old palace of Westminster. After a warm cute- Mum on Mr. Barry, the right hon. baronet proceeded to say that he believed all the increased items could be clearly ac counted for, but still he recommended inquiry as • precau tion for the future. There wee one point which he wished to urge upon the house, and that was, that if they were sa tisfied, he would not say with the original but with the present design, he very much doubted the propriety of ex tending the expenditure over a number of year*. If an in. creased expenditure and the simultaneous employment of a greater number of men would complete the budding in two year., he trusted the work would not be delayed for seven years from any unwillingness on the part of the house to vote the whole money at ouce. He was quite sure that the question could not be properly discussed by the house until it had be en thoroughly examined by a committee. Mr. MILNES regretted that the works of art in the House of leirds were so little appreciated by the public. He hated that want of success to a fundamental error which had been committed by the commission of fine arts. lie believed that that body had been informed by the first muter of deco relive art in Europe (Cornelius) that if they nought to make one apartment a gallery of frescoes, the individual excellence af each, however great, would be destroyed by the general effect. He hoped that warning would he taken by the corn , mission, and that the error would be repaired in the re ' mainde r of the building. The Earl of LINCOLN said that the hon, member for Montrose had accused Mr. Barry of exceeding his estimate. Mr. HUME—The lords' report says so. Toe Earl of LINCOLN—The hon. member quoted the lords report. He (the Earl of Lincoln) had not seen the report, but this he knew, that concurrently with the lards' committee, a oommittce rat that house had sat, of which he lied been chairman; they went carefully through the accounts., and the result was that Mr. Barry was entirely exonerated, it being fully proved that all extra expenses had been incurred under the sanction of committees of that house. He (the Earl of Lincelo) was prepared to say that if a committee were now appointed the result would be, no blame to the architect or to the suc cessive boards, but to that house and its com mittees. He could speak for four years, during which all proposed alterations were invariably submitted to the house or a committee, and the result was generally en increase rather than r diminution of the expenditure. He wool I not go into the details of expenditure, as that was more pro perly matter for the committee • but with respect to another subject to which allusion had heen made, namely, tee con duct of Lord Bsssborouth when in office, he denied that Lord Bessborough had exercised nay more control than other commissioners. During his (Lord Lincoln's) term of office every proper control had been exercised, but commis sioners of Woods and Forests were not to go beyond their coestitutional bounds. The warming and ventilation (so heavy an item) were first proposed under Lord Berm borough's auspices ; and the first thing done by the new government, in 1841, was on hie (Lord B. recom mendation, to appoint • committee to inquire in to both eubjects. That committee recommended an addition but no curtailment of expenditure. (Hear, hear.) It had been said that, on an original estimate of 700,0001., an expense of 1,400,0001. had been incurred. He was pre parcd to say tkat that statement was entirely erroneethe As estimate was before the house for 1,401,0001., but that was not the amount already expended. All the expenditure to supplementary works and all, amounted to poly 833,0001. ; but of this 378,0001. was for works which had never been mentioned in the original estimate. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord opposite (elorpeth) stated the whole sum already expended at 808,0001., and, assuming that to be correct, it would leave the whole amount expended on works mentioned in the estimate 430,0001. He was anxious that, on this point, no misrepresentations should go forth to the public. (Hear, hear.) According to his account, Mr. Bury had, of his original estimate, 276,0001. still remaining. The fact was, that all the increaied•expenaes for warming, ven tilating, &0., had originated 'with the house, and had led to expensive alterations en the architect's estimate. He hoped that, for the future, can would be to keep the architect and ventilators distinct, as he believed that hitherto much delay had occurred from their functions not being properly defined. The amount of remuneration to Mr. Barry of 26,000/. was consented to by him under protest, and was only 3 per cent on the original estimate, instead of 5 per cent., which archaic s usually received ; and by a treasury minute Ime as excluded from receiving any greater amount of ?emulate lotion, should the expenditure exceed the original estimate. Considering also that Mr. Barry was unable to undertake, no doubt, smeller and less important, but more profitable, works (or private individuals, it was evident that the govern- ...e.----- -- et their Intention to carry them into effect as seen as ROSSI. zride. Now,fehertheomauld hen amae st• that o th ir e ee pr ichu ssuig ni a tio tr a bill th o e f , ' On the contrary, he thought it rather tended to doling* that caw'. The promulgation of the constitution had proved n • melons cause of sS to the °okay, sad excited grave apprehensions—w th ew were wing to an intonation on the part of the that the constitution would place power In the hands of the settlers, or from a feeling on the part of the settlers that they would be excluded from participating In it, in consequent.' of the elausorequiring reeding and writing as a n :qualification for the elective franchise, he did not knor a ge was afraid, therefore, that its men suspension would leave some of that excitement which menseed the peace of the colony. There might be a balance of theoretical advantage in retaining it in the statute book. The present measure, however, was not the one which Governor Grey asked for. He drew a distinction between the north and south of the colony, and requested the Secretary of State to ask parlia ment to conform its proceedings to that distinction. But the government did not recognise that distinction, mid they threw upon Governor Grey single-handed the responsibiliq of drawing the distinction between the north and south. HO confessed be very much doubted the wisdom of such a course. 1 Mr. LABOUCHERE remained unconvinced of the ad. visability of the course which the right hon. gentleman sug- grated. The right boo. gentleman thought that the go. : iferament should lay down the outline by which the go. .gernor was to be guided, hut be (Mr. Labouchere) was of opinion that it was much wiser, in the circumstances of the colony, to throw the discretion on the governor and We council, rather than undertake themselves what was a most difficult thing—namely, to lay down exactly what should be done with respect to institutions which alter all must be but temporary. With regard to the feeling of apprehension arising from the constitution being only suspended, he did not think that then was any ground for alarm as to the effect of the new institutions on the rights of the aborigines. Mr. DISRAELI asked, was it to be enuured that a colonial minister was to make the &our of his official career by sending out a measure which the local authorities were obliged to scout ? This was an act of legislation produced by one of the most enormous errors ever perpetrated by a secretary of state. The very name of New Zealand was sy nonymous with wholesale jobbing and official ignorance; but the act of the ColoniaLutfice with respect to it was worse than all the other instances of official ignorance that ever came to his knowledge. It was only last session the grants were obliged to be made in order to stifle the complaints of ople who could justly complain of o ffi cial mismanagement. They were about to begin this session by passing another act to save a minister. This was nothing else than en attempt to save Earl Grey's reputation. Save him if possible by ar gument, but let there not drag the House of Commons through the mire iu order to silence complaints of one of the meet scandalous acts ever perpetrated by a minister of the crown. Mr. V. SMITH thought, when en hon. member de nounced so violently the Ws of a minister of the crown he ought to have borne in mind what was the state of Use colony when the constitution of Earl Grey was promulgated. That constitution lay on the table of the house all last session, and was unobserved en by the noble lord or the hon. member opposite. Mr. LABOUCHERE considered that it was a very pro per principle in the house to lay down, that there ahoulu be municipal institutions for New Zealand. Mr. AGLION BY thanked the noble member fur Falkirk for the manner in which he hai raised the present discus sion. He urged the necessity of n o . longer withholding a good constitution from the colonists. Sir It. PEEL had heard with the utmost aatiefitetion that there was no material difference between Lord Grey and Governor Grey on the subject, so fruitful of peril, the settle meet of the claims to land. It was in the highest degree essential that we should act with entire good faith towards the natives iii this respect. He thought that most unjust cen sures had been passed on his noble friend the late Secretary for the Colonies, in relation to his view of the construction of the treaty of Waitangi. lie considered that it would be better at once and wholly to repeal the constitution of 1846, accom panying that ',peel with the clear statement that we were prepared to give the colony a constitution based upon sound constitutional principles, not, however, in the meantime, being lieu explicit as to the exact details of those principles, or too oetentitiously putting forward an indiscriminating ap plication of the English coustitutiou. It would be necesa ill I to wait for Governur Grey's deliberate opinion upon each point before any decision was formed by the government ! at home. The government would scarcely venture, he' thought, to put as the preamble to their suspending bill the real reasons which induced them to frame it. Ile teems- mended the adoption of municipal institutioas as the best medium of introducing a representative system of govern ment. Bat the representative system recommended to Go vernor Grey wee, that he war to choose the electors. lie (Sir It. Feel) believed Governor Grey to be above the usual order of civil governors ; but certainly the instructions of the ministry would give him the pow. r of otukin4 as large or as small a constituency as possible, and though Governor Grey might not he dispo-ed to avail himself of that power few civil governors could resist toe temptation. What he coiny'ained of was the nature of the detentions made by the government in respect to New Z,a'and. Let the govern ment adopt some qualification that was intelligible. It was said that many of the young chiefs were men of great pride, why not, therefore, give them an elective Initialise upou some uniform scale of qualification, and thus put on end to the possibility of roundup a foams of enmity toward the go vernment on their part ? Such were the views he enter tained on the suhject, and he suited the house to put on ' record its desire to adopt free institutions, and to teach the inhabitants of New Zealand that they were to be put on a ' level as British subjects with the settler& in that colony. Mr. LABOUCHERE objected to the introduction of municipal institutions in New Zealand, and adhered to the planpropoaed, of giving °weenier Grey the power of granting certincates for the purpose of constituting i lecture. As to the question raised respecting the cuustitution, he considered on the whole that it was advisable to suspend the constitu tion, and not to abrogate it entirely, as suggested. He did not believe that after all the proofs of interest in the pros perity of New Zealand which the parliament of England had displayed there could be so unfounded a jealousy entertained in that colony with respect to the suspension of the constitu tion as was imputed to the natives. Capt. HARRIS was at a loss to conceive whether the proposed suspension of five years of the constitution granted to New Zealsed was for the purpose of enabling the natives to qualify themselves for electors by learning to read and write English in the interim. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained the instructions issued by Earl Grey to Governor Grey with respect to the certificates to be granted by him qualifying natives for electors under the constitution of New Leland. Mr. DRUMMOND stigmatised the whole proceedings of the government towards the New Zealanders an a series of o;ipreasion and injustice that inflicted the greatest dishonour on them. -- -----• Mr. M. MILNES said his hon. friend who had just sat down hind totally mistaken the whole tone of the treaty of Waitangi. He believed that there never had been a fairer attempt to raise and improve a savage people than that which had been made by the English colouists in New Zealand. After an attempt by Mr. BROTHERTON to adjourn the debate, Sir R. INOLIS looked upon the treaty of Waitsnci an being as binding as the treaty of Utrecht; and until he learned that power was to be substituted for right he should cos ' eider all the natives of New Zealand as well entitled to the benefits of their treaty as if they had been the most civilised people in the ...mid. Mt. HUTT concurred in the greater part of the speech of the noble lord (Lincoln) ; but he begged to express his hope that the constitution of no important a colony as New Zea land would not be suspended for five years. Mr. SCOTT regretted that the treaty of Waitangi had net been otserved. Claueea 4 and 5 wee, agreed to, as were the remaining clauses, and the house resumed. MONTGOMERY ELECTION. The SPEAKER read a letter Ir. m Mr. Pugh, stating that he had been returned for Montgomery b. rough by 389 electors, and that the same number had voted for Mr. Chol mondeley, who had since informed him that he did not intend to defend his seat. On the motion of Sir R Peet. it was ordered, in con fortuity with the precedent in Ilth George 111 , when • double return was made for Scarborough, that the clerk of the crown should attend the house to-morrow (this day), and amend the return, by striking out the name of the gen - denten who did net wish to sit. . IMPEACHNI ENT OF LORD PALMERSTON. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having moved the order of the day for going into a committee of supply, formally to take a vote upon Exehe.mer Bills. Mr. URQUHART said that it was notorious that the government bad used means to prevent the motion of the hon. member for Toughed being brought on. and lie there fore would move the adjournment of the house. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN seconded the motion, because he thought that injustice had been done the hon. gentleman. Lord D. STUART said, that if he felt as the hon. mem ber for Yeughal, he would certainly persist in his motion, but would not interrupt the public business. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said if the hon. gentleman would take the advice of the noble lord behind him, government would do their beat to keep him a house on a notice-day. (Hear.) It was desirable for the public interest that the vote he proposed to take to-night should be taken, as P. matter of form, before the noble lord at the head of the government made his financial statement. Mr. O'GORDIAN MAHON admitted that he had exer cised ell the power he possessed to induce members to retire on the occasion referred to—(laughter)—fa the purpose of marking his disapproval of what he considered the factious course pursued by the hon. and learned member (Mr. Anstey) who had brought torward his motion in opposition to the expressed wish of both sides ot the house. (Hear.) `part NSTEY said he had given the government, in the earl of the evening, every opportunity to a ff ord him y the assurance that he should have an opportunity of bring ing on his motion ; but no such assurance had been given. He and other hon. members had remained all the evening, at great inconvenience, and he was now asked to surrender the only advantage he had been able to obtain. If the.right hon. gentleman would name a day next week for the com mittee of supply, and fix it at an early hour, he would ac cede to the request now made ; otherwise, he was quite ready to proceed. It was perfectly notorious that, on the former evening, the bon. and noble gentlemen who acted as whippers.in to the government had used their efforts to count the house. (Laughter.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was desirable that the hon. and learned gentleman might take an early day—say that day fortnight—when his motion would probably stand first, and government would do all in their power to secure him a house. As to bringing the motion on when • committee of supply was fixed, he would have just the same opportunity on may future occasion of a committee of supply. No advantage c.uld be gained to night by bringing the motion on at this late hour. Mr. ANSI EY agreed to postpone his motion till the day named by the Chancellor of the Exchtgutr, and twin(' that good faith would be kept with him. The motion was then withdrawn, and the house went into COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the vote he had to propose was the uwal annual vote for the payment of onstanding exchequer bills. The vote, the amount of which was 17,543,6001., was then agreed to. The house resumed and then adjourned at a quarter after one o'clock. GREAT YARMOUTH ELECTION COMMITTEE.—Mr. Serjeaat Andrews, Q.C., was heard yesterday, in reply for the sitting members. The learned counsel generally ad mitted the bribery charged to have been practised at the Angel Inn and other huusea of entertainment in Yarmouth, hut denied the agency of the parties implicated. The evi dence given, he contended, fell short of the requirement* of the act of parliament as to proof of agency . The room WM I then cleared ; and, after a short deliberat ion, the committee I cam , to the following decLion • That the lion. Arthur Lennox, commonly caEed Lord Arthur ben nos, is not duly elected a burgess to serve In the prment parliament for the borough of Great Yarmouth; tb.t Oman. Edward Coops, Fen, is not duly elected • burgess to serve in parliament for the bo rough of Great Yarmouth ; that the last election for the said borough Is a void elrction; that the lion. Arthur Lennox, commonly called Lord Arthur Lennox,Coupe, Esq., were, through their agent., guilty of bribery at the last election for the borough of Great Yarmouth ; that ervcral area of bribery were proved before the committee, but that there less no evidence to elbow that these acts of brtbery were committed with the knowledge and commit of the said land Arthur Lennox and Octavian E. Lamm, Esq. The committee are of °Onion, from the evidence given before them, that gross systematic and extensive bribery pre- ' railed at the last and at the previous elections for the borough of Great Yarmouth amongst the freemen of that borough ; they consider It their duty to express to the bowie their unanimous opinion that the freemen of the borough of Great Yarmouthehould be disfranchised, and that no writ ahuold be Omni for the said borough until legislative measures had been taken for the purpose of such dinfranchnement. GENERAL COMMITTEE OF ELECTION. This committee sat yesterday, and struck the following election committees : KlNaakit.—Mears. Cripps, Tancred, B. Cochrane, Tree lawney, Bouverie. The lost named ch Airman. LIME Roots.—Lord Seymour, Sir J. M'Teggart, Lord Ashley, Mr. Keogh, Col. Lindsay. Lord Ashley, chairman. Csatow.—This ease was called, but as the recogninances to the petition had been referred to the Cbe.tenhain Com mittee, the ballot was postponed until 2 nd of March. The ' CIittLYENJIAM COMMITTEE sat, but, as before, with closed dou r*. gil/pellyorto.s. MAILS The Meet Indio Meth, eiell;llng Bermuda, Raman, Ilaymaa, llooduroa, New Orleans Ver. Tampioi and Porto Rioo, nod including the for Madera, Jaunty, larthigeno, note Martha, Cliagres, Panama, Weal Coast of Muth America, and :it, Joanide. Nicaragua, will be made up en the morning of the 17th February. The mails tor rigo, Oporto, Livtion, Meltelll, radio, 11,111 thbralbar in he made up en the morning of the 17th February. orerhovl math for thbraltra, Maltrytireoce, the laden Wand.. Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Mons -Kong, and rhino, no Southampton will he made up en the morning of the 20th February. The made for N, w SOUVA Wigell, can incomes Land, and Mew &shod will be made up on the mewing of the 29th February. the overload Mooed undo Mameilley, to the Mcdnerrineas rgyst, Aden, Ceylon, Rattle, ;tong MOM, to n will be made up on the owning of the ttili February. the toad. for Erthah North America, Reminds, mail the thelesu quire. will he mule cat on the evening of the 20th February. The Rutile for the Welt Coast of A7ries snd Madeira will be mods op an the evening of the 29th February. The math for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam buco, Bahia Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, wiU be made up on the evening of the Ith March. TO COARF-sPONDENTS. THM number of STAMP'S iaqued to the DAILY NEWS by the authuritim of the Stamp-otfice, during the year 1847, was From JAN. 1, to Dec. 31, 3,447,009 This we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, aa.d Morning l'ost, ALL PUT TOOETHEit. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Mornino Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition, THE EXPRESS, From JAN. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714 Which was wore, we believe, than were issued cla6_r to the GMe or Standard, Evening Papers. •.• ateterkarrarete leteked Sr The Laken; !wish neuter "..“ tl,e wile. It thkentkreet. by Tero o'clock he the day of pubitest tea. HIGH Wing AT LONDON 111.1.)011. Tem II av—ll r.ral•A 44 W. ism . Aneesegm.4o Ws. past 11. To.ll.ms —Mama'. • We. pat • I AM.." I• ...P.' 0. LONDON, TUESDAY,.FEI3II.S . POLITICAL chloroform is often productive of effects, equally salutary and benign. Like other potent agencies it is, no doubt, liable to manifold abuse. In ordinary cases it is. perhaps, better dispensed with ; in all eases it requires to be administered with peculiar skill and care. But where the existence of society is at stake, and no gentle remedies avail, its application is alike merciful and wise. It intervenes between even tual danger and immediate pain ; between the sense of what is desirable to have done, and the doubt as to what is endurable in the doing ; between the convic tion that the growing evil ought to be met ere it be too late, and the irresolution that clings to an illusive hope that things may mend of themselves. By a temporary suspension of the will and the power to resist, it eaves much painful and perilous irresolution, and insures that which is requisite shall be accom plish d as perfectly and rapidly as possible. All this is well ; nevertheless, the suspension of the capacity to suffer admits not of prolongation. Effects fatal, or even worse than the summary extinction of life, inevitably ensue when susceptibility is too long benumbed. The conditions of the trance-compare must be scrupulously kept. It way even be necessary to stimulate the tardy resumption of consciousness, and arouse the sufferer to a sense of what he has under gone. It is sometimes a most painful duty, but it is an imperative one—one that admits of neither falter ing nor delay. It is time that the trance of coercion for Ireland should be broken. .When recently it was authorita tively pronounced indispensable that sharp and dis tressing measures should be resorted to, in order to arrest the advance of a social gangrene that threat ened to destroy all social health and strength, public opinion showed itself willing to be bound and blind folded for a season, and immovably to abide whatever those in whom it trusted might do. But the etmdi tions having been on both sides faithfully fu:ll , .ed, the temporary suspension of public sympathy and ac countability is at an end, and the sovereign lights and duties of public opinion must be resum« d. The Special Commission has done its work, the law of life and property has been vindicated, and many offenders have been brought to condign punishment. The grave and anxious question still remains, what securities can be found against the recurrence of such humiliating necessities? The question is truly an imperial one. It is in vain that some affect to treat it otherwise. Agrarian crime and anarchy in any in tegral portion of the realm would be disreputable and dishonouring enough to our pretensions as a . nation ; but when whole counties—nay groups of counties —are subjugated by its terroriem, and all hope of industrial progress or improvement is barred by its ruthless interposition—our feelings of shame give place to the consciousness of the practical evil such a state of things entails upon the whole community. Slowly but steadily the conviction gains moreover, that these maladies are more or less referable to causes whose mischievous operation may be checked, it not altogether suspended. IVe know that the soil of Ire land is distributed in ownership among some eight or nine thousand persons—in occupancy among some sight or nine hundred thousand. We know that wherever the owners—not as isolated individuals, but generally, and as a class—treat the occupiers justly and judiciously, there is neither turbulence nor crime. We know that the habitual and here ditary sense of insecurity lies at the root of Tipperary . ism ; and that from the threatening notice of the friendless and revengeful peasants, to the clamorous and incoherent cry of congregated thousands for what is called " Tenant-right,"—the one pervading notion • and sole animating idea is, that the tiller of the soil should somehow be secured the fruits of his labour, and a roof to shelter him. Without these it is idle to expect agricultural improvement or social peen. And sinceit is disgustingly notorious that in manyparts of Ireland there are landlords who will neither improve themselves nor guarantee to their tenants the worth of the improvements they may make on their farms— , who will neither grant reasonable leases, nor by their mode of dealing create that feeling of confidence which can alone 'apply a practical substitute for written engagements—it becomes the imperative duty of the legislature to try whether some means ' may not be found to restrain the rapacity and folly of these highborn foes of peace and civilisation. Sir W.Sommtvltuf has given notice of his intention 1 to lay upon the table of the lower house of parliament this evening a bill intended to grapple with one ' of these evils. The principle that wherever the occu pier of land expends his capital and labour on build ings,, fences , drains, or such other works of a perms , rent character as shall increase the letting value of his farm, he shall be entitled on quitting it to eon. pensation within certain limit, for his outlay, may aloud for legislative recognition. The impod. tion of limits to such just and equit a bl e reimbursed may seem at fil at view needless. How can there be too mach improvement, when improvement is measured by so strict a test as the increased letting value ? If the fee of the farm is doubled during the occupancy of an industrious and enterprising tenant, ought the landlord to grudge th e amount of its farther purchase ? But there are other considerations which ought not to be forgotten. Where a tenant under lease enjoys for many year s the fall advantage of the improvements he has made, he compensates himself, to a great extent, fur his ex penditure. The balance is all that he can justly claim from his landlord. To render the landlord liable to demands for the absolute value of improve- ments, the usufruct of which the tenant bed long enjoyed, would practically work a nullity is a country late Ireland. leases, already grown too scarce I there, would either wholly vanish, or they would be loaded with covenants that in effect would preclude the possibility of such cases arising. The true policy of any measure of this kind should be to induce, if possible, mutual co-operation by in suring to both parties a portion of the common benefit of agricultural investment. If the scope and tendency of the contemplated change in the existing law be such as will encourage the tenant to labor': without discouraging the landlord from letting on fair terms, and for a reasonable Cm/ difficult and uncertain though its immediate worki ng may prove, we need not despair of its ultimately effecting considerable good. But no one-bid, d deal ing by the state with the subsisting relations betwixt man and man, can possibly be received as other than a political or social wrong. And we are persuaded that, even in an industrial point of view, much mis chief would arise from enabling the tenantry of Ireland suddenly to extort from their landlords mare than the latter in many cases are able to pay, or to make the peasantry feel that henceforth their condi tion was to be bettered—not pari Bayou with that of the landlords—but at tho it expense. A well regulated system of arbitration probably affords the simplest and must inexpensive means for reconciling the conflicting views of landlord a n d tenant. There would seem no insurmountable diffi culty in contriving a machinery of notices and Bali. mates to be served on the proprietor before the work is begun, and verified after it has been completed. One arbiter named on the part of each, and an umpire chosen by these two b. fore entering upon the specific case, would, in most countries, be found a cheap and expeditious mode of determining whether the changes suggested to be made were likely to prove permanently profitable or not. The warfare of classes and the inveterate habit of distrust mutually subsisting, render us far from sanguine as to the faci lity with which ouch a system may be introduced in Ireland. The want of an independent middle class is felt here, as everywhere, to be the worst and greeted of Ireland's wants. The stupid maintenance by law of the ruinous monopoly of landed property in the hands of a bankrupt aristocracy, their utter inability to sell portions of their ancestral domains, and the correlative inability of persons possessing moderate capital to invest it in land, more than all other cause, tend to check the growth of an agricultural middle class : and until such a class acquires strength and power, neither property, in dustry, nor public tranquillity can be secure. Meantime we shall look with no ordinary interest to the exposition of the government scheme by the Secretary for Ireland. As a good and extensive land lord, he knows what the duties of property are, and what the rights of improvement ought by law to be. THE state of affairs in the British North American provinces, will teat the sincerity and moral courage of the home government. From Nova Scotia we learn that a provincial ministry, finding itself in a minority in the House of Assembly. have actually resigned from Canada, that in the face of an overwhelming majority against them declared on the hustings, the provincial ministry are preparing to resign ass an as the house meets. Since the mission of Lord Dot me m, responsible government, as applicable to the British North American prosiness, has been recognised in the abstract; but unluckily some reason or pre text has always o&red itself to avert the entire realisation of the principle in practice. Now comes an opportunity for ministers to show that their pro fession of faith in responsible government for the colonies has been made without any mental ri serve tion, and that they are too clear-sighted to allow in terested local cliques to whisper them into temporary forgetfulness of their principles. This is particularly desirable at a time when the equivocal New Zealand Government Bill will of necessity awaken mistrust in the colonies. In Canada, party spirit has displayed itself with a degree of virulence and fierceness which has no coun terpart in Nova Scotia. The party relations in Canada, too, are more complicated and difficult to comprehend than in the sea-board province. And 3 et we have less fear for the ultimate consequences in Canada than in Nova Scotia, because we have confi dence in the frank sincerity of Lord ELGIN ; while the whole career of Sir JOHN HARVEY marks him, though animated by the beet intentions in the world, for what the Irish call a policiser. We believe that Lord ELGIN will get through his difficulties by straightfor ward, manly conduct; and we fear that Sit :Jolts w ill in ' crease his by being more clever and dexterous than is I required. It would appear that Lord ELGIN has deemed it necessary to take counsel with the home government before he acts. At least, this is the natural inter pretation of the announcement in the Canada Gazelle of 22d January, that the provincial parliament is pro rogued from the 24th of that month till the 4th of March. We cannot imagine that ministers should feel a moment's hesitation as to the course which they ought to pursue. Of 84 members returned to the House of Assembly 6 only are understood 'o be doubtful; 24 to be miiiisti rial, and 54 anti-ministerial. There is nothing for it but that the governor, without iloss of time, should allow his present executive council I to go, and till up their places with men who can coat i wand the support of a majority in the House of As sembly. When Lord NIETCALFE and the Baldwin- Lafontaine ministry quarrelled, the home government very properly supported Lord MereALee, not on the ground that he was in the right, but because at the general election which ensued, the Canadians gave him a majority, though a small one. On the same ground, the Baldwin-Lafontaine party having now obtained an overwhelming majority at the late general election, the home goveriment ought to instruct Lord ELGIN to take them into his counciL It is conducive to the good go, ernment of the province that the qualification for administra tive office shall be the power to acquire and retain the public confidence. It is conducive to a good under standing between the mother country and the colony, that the former shall not mix itself up in local heart burnings and quarrels. The surest safeguard of the English crown is the equanimity and impartiality with which it accepts as ministers the leaders of the parliamentary majority, whatever be their principles; the connexion between British North America and Great Britain will be best maintained by the observance of this wise policy on the part of the latter. The government of this country, of necessity imperfectly acquainted with the spriugs of colonial party, cen do no good by allying itself more with one set of provincial politicians than another ; but it may do harm, and is sure to gain ill-will. When ever the home government interferes in the local po litics of a colony it is sure to draw down upon its head the whole of that hatred which the contending parties would otherwise have spent upon each other. We abstain from farther allusion to the quarrel be tween the late Lord METCALFE and the I..ianadian ministers in prospectu, in the first place because party relations have so materially changed since that event as to render it little more than a matter of history; in the second place, because that lamentable dispute appears to have been a pure outburst of temper on both sides, which all parties would do well to forget. The Nova Scotia crisis, though less vio'ent, appears, for various reasons, in more dander of being erroneously dealt with. In Canada it has been practically recognised that the tenure of administrative office is co-terrainous with the power of the holders to command a majority in the provincial parliament. In Nova Scotia this appears to be ques tioned by the late provincial ministers. In a letter addressed to Sir Jons HARVEY, on the 30th of January, they profess anxiety to keep the provincial government responsible to the legislature, but argue that this can be done without making it necessiry for the heads of departments to resign when in a puha- V'm