The Express. — London, England, 1847-02-11 00:00:00

house to contrast the anticipations - -es.) In the more recent debates on ouous advocates of non-interference AI regl4lll loos and restrictions already • prejudicial result, or stated that recommend their repeal. (Hear.) the member for Dorchester (Sir J. admitted the benefits of past lege . doubt those benefits so regar ded and intellectual welfare had certainly Simultaneously with increased comfort to -. an extension of education, there increase in the amount of pro reports of the inspectors showed wealth had greatly accumulated. was in favour of the principle of the ' The real question was, whether itself to fix the hours during and children, should be em now adequately di , charged its . he thought it had done so. n in factories gentleman might say that, in oust extend restriction over the .) Where children were em ries collectively, it would be , principle (Hear, hear.) He case of children parliament had neasary in providing that they A for six hours in the day, and portion of the day they should . A great deal of the AMISS the co-operation of the employ actors exhibited the most grad instances the millowners had entire means of education for the erns. (Hear, hear). In ad ' he had no wish to create ployers and the erupt= closely connected. It masters who opposed the bill, proper sympathy for their work- i he greater part of them nega- I ion. He thought that the d not fulfilled its duty with the ages of 12 and 18. Wham 12,. after working only 8 bran a ' • transferred to tulle in over the same period a that . that there was a defeat in the' ...tat there should be an stasidan using that word in the tam is ‘e act, and that the porta d ir on should be further protracted. gh there was no direct inter& ...e folly admitted that if the mew of labour would practically le Nits. (Hear, hear.) He repaandl in to the manufacturers was at .ht one result would be a more throughout the year; sad both of the masters and of had no cause to fear foee lea Now he confessed that he J. member for Oldham as to the i been occasioned in factories by . ant hon. member in introducing the to the quarterly return of the registrar _ ..._.e, marriages, and deaths, and he understood haw from it great mortality amongst those en hillictory labour, as compared with persons en . he Mar kinds of labour, and to urge this se • - reason Ise restricting the number of hours. He Ms G. m ein Ger) thought the t benefit of restriction weahl in its afro • Stmt , — he would not ear sr meesation,—but for m , intellectual, and reli glasselopereement. (Hear, hear.) On looking at the two lon enorioty. returns he felt eatiefied that, as between a lowa aid; e mplo yed factory labour, and another which did set, noire .enos as regarded mortality as the hon. member hat dated could be established. Tee return end ag - IS, ISO, after stating the mortality which had he Os previa's quarter, enumerated many densely pegiel hewn; in which &• rate of mortality had been the the number were Maidstone ' Plymouth, r=t;= Dudley, Wolverhampton, Macclesfield, He sad Bury. When such towns were included is the Net so unfavourable inference could be drawn Sus the report, in reference to factory labour. The dim= were referable to causes which prevailed nory towns and in other parts of the country. Vida islh retro showed that the mortality of Liverpool in the hat "astir was quite as great as that of Manchester heat. Then was only one passage in the regi,trarlenerars = a lma* bore at all on this question, and that wax the *in neglect of children by their mothers. That evh set prevail to a greater extent in factory districts than in ear pars; still it was common for mothers in Limped mad ether large towns to neglect to obtain medical ✓are he their oaring, and such neglect caused great nestmlity inenget children from three to four years of age. It wee act notaary, perhaps, that he should say anything more on Ms or.=. He had expreseed his own individual year his hon. friend had declared that he =be the members of his government freedom of and action, on matters of detail. (A =.) =r ( Sir G. Grey) held to be a matter of de. tal, and net sae of principle. (Hear, hear.) He did not nit that the course of the discussion would show a differ ma of sprint amongst the members of the government. For his own port, he should vote for the first clause of the tlveresnialit - the hours of labour to eleven instead of • ad when the house went into committee, be should ' ewer ' Or *re which prospectively—that is, at the end of a year--hrhod the hours of labour to ten. (Hear, hear.) Ha scald met, mosistently with proper caution, go the full length }speed by the hon. gentleman. .. Mr. BANKES, in supporting the bill, mid he believed he woo irthsehad in saying that those who sought for a ten hewn' ha fed entered into no compromise. He called upon the hen nentar for Durham (Mr. Bright), for the sake of lie eon essisteocy, to support this bill. On the 23rd of May kit year, that hon. member said in the House of Cons- , ISM ilia " the proper mode of proceeding would be for the operrine to seek by private arrangements to obtain the ten boy" Ark he admitted they ought to have by some means I sr oar"—(hear , hear)—and in reply to a question put to him at Maaolterer in December last, the hon. member said, " I am quite certain that a man who works ten hours a day is much mere likely to be edu. maid than cone who works twelve hours ; I don't I Mar oe re that point at all, I differ as to whether the reduc- hen eras should be carried out by legislative eaernment, er whether it should be carried out by • regulation be- I Sweat the 'operatives and the masters themselves." Now' Maio arriment suggested been tried since May last veer, r dna Deeenaber last ? and if it had not been, what chancel * was *arc it ever would be? (Hem., hear.) He trusted Hui the tones of the hon. member for Durham being I erw a e for . Manchester would not Inn his vote to dr . (Hen, and a laugh.) He trusted that that WO. would not draw back from the opinion he had gienetatelabletl. There might be persons in Manchester 4s ' oat were more important than those of the tires, whose petition had been laid upon the :Ir • that circumstance , he was sure, would in no way i " Pia views of the boo. member for Durham. He was ✓ah ne hosed a man to withdraw from the pledge he hod given, and from the opinion he had so decidedly ex pellee' that the only practical mode of car) ing through this amen, was by making it an set of the imperial legis lating. (Haw, hear.) He had now a word to say upon a =4 whined b been put into his hand that morning, "The Report of the Central Committee of the As essiseise of Millowners engaged in the Cotton-trade." He bad 'eat Ind time to read this pamphlet which was two years aid, and ought to have been circulated two years ago, if blended to be circulated at all. But he had dipped into it, and than were one or two comments which he might seam apes it. The writer said it was " useless to discuss whaler the present arrangement was or was not r Irthe best. Why was it unites ? Could sasies for parliament to discuss whether what was den up to a certain point, might or might not be ex tended ? ' Dere and habit have accommodated the peo ple to the present period of labour." Why the some might ban hen said in defence of the slave trade and slavery. " Moreover, on the present system the master manufacturer has herd his calculations of a profitable return." What right la the master manufacturer to do anything of the hag? The parliament had made to stipulations with the artahrwrer : they had never promised to proceed no fer nier whit the measures which they had formerly passed. The bre. member for Montrose raid that he had but one be aring or—that of uniformly advocating economy and re design he public expenditure. Others thought, however, *et dr Won. member had another besetting sin—that of loshhig at only one side of • question, and refuti ng rat to glance at the other. As the hon. member was so fond • of statistics, let him give him one add' told with great effect upon the subject of this discus sion. In 11114, before the Limitation of Labour Act was porn, the aumber of bags of cotton consumed weekly in the ferries of this country did not exceed 600. In 1846 the number of bags consumed was 30,000 per week ; an rerun of more than 400 per cent. (Hear, hear.) He heed n remind them that they could not look at this as • %wend or theoretical question. There were 22,000 of ths maaufacturing population of Manchester now petition ing than to Peas this bill. "Oh ! but these people," said the hr. member for Montrose, "do not know their own betemiet. We must educate them and prepare them better." Why that was preei ely what the advocates of this measure &Sal ta accomplish. At present the child who worked IS lairs a day had no time to receive education ; and it was useless to have schools and provide maxters for him if he had neither time nor opportunity for study. He trusted, however, that by pasaing this hill at once, they would man bun that time and opportunity, and he congratulated thous upon having an opportunity of pawing it at a moment when its adoption would be of comparatively little injure to dr nainnsar and manufacturer. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS said that the opinions he had always entertained upon this subject remained entirely un lailard, and it most not be thought that he had no gym nay her the working classes, if he took a different view hen that which, by there petitions, they desired him to adopt. As a legislator, he felt bound to weigh seriously the earopeenes of this bill to the country generally ; and-the,hp Whored it was inapomible, without„without„ danger to tie Louis of those who emplold capital, 4:timiting Mse Whim at their disposal. His fear was, that if Ow briar the hose of labour .. to ten, there must be • serrayouding dimi.uition in the wages of 4, openiiires employed, ant he was got ptlperyd tq assent to say limitation. diraM or tiidirict:i4sha the wegee of la b l (Hear, hear.) If they ones aornmearact laying down se . a priautple, swims's, ha almalst.lika.la_ knew were they atop? What- Was aho trade or nenntion which dm most het reculota he beware o to be consistent? He 'warned them thus ware of rep thay were about to take. It ▪ gifili war only a way hMn *sage, but her his Ow% eat be sint the house to maitre mai Illas (Cheers.) In the me ea melt strenuous advocate bil that theregulatious and 41 millig. predsind a prejudicial re. Amy ewe pettiared to recommend tht Timillili lo► baronet, the member for distinctly admitted the bet could doubt those le his peMime imalla moral and intellectual • Simultaneously with i am wasillielide, and an extension I W boom • great increase in tit dlselies. trell the reports of the OM massambering wealth had gr AbilrbMills.., therefore, was in favour of puma we (Hear, hear.) The real m = l . lB =l l twing taken upon itself to young persons. and chil erdi filt labour , t had now i lit C lir. —Only children in facto. lb 0, —The . hen, gentleman elder te ha wmaisteist, they must extent lapis mil (Hear, hear.) Where is were in factories, colle t carry out the principle AIM in the ease of childr all that was necessary in pr p . miThr be employed for six hoc the remaining port;on oft hew No. mew of education. A great aileiedd was attributable to the co-epet am ner , . rte of the inspectors eshil .a , 1; in astral instances „ h „,,,.. the entire means in their factories. (I - .. .. 1 . eiple of this bill, he hr tween the employers wire indeed closely o le iC is impute to the masters w Nat had shy want of proper symp 4 an an duc: of pt t i h on e . greater um hewever, had not fulfil .I„ attrmbetwee i n I.lr ages afte owfoel N. period, age ° suddenly no me b eC "WI not a extended fisel th:t er the *lad suggest that there al of childhood, using that • pas em loyed in the act, and t i s? ri drts of education should t II adult , though there II ill Mei lel proposed, be fully adm a - t e hi e : s o tth s he afl l l:dli the i lloall t eu th venlaecla iii h es,: th( t k e n g retwa o (Hear, hear.) Now he =r ill nettgree with the hon. member which he said had been occs th ßa se g % i m i to stem. That hon. =ant WWI the quarterly ret Clof bittlas, marriages, and deaths false from it great mortal mapleret taketory labour, as compel gird be 1/11mr kinds of labour, at 71711 . gp5......rwmn5r THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1847. a mill in Manelmeter 111 t • and being seh op rids beak genrismont, if he was . oonviaced that the pnizisle inked why the doom nen sot opened ? The If of the measure was sag. s o p to it .. y , the temperalureLrens limo, the cotton wcridd Olt. so and call upon his subordinates to go with him. well. (Helahlseae.) . Another ream whirl. lig ebsW add If the noble lord supported it ha should make it was, that theyeeng girls required to hae a imbdi tritons a cabinet question, and let the government of the country on their skins to enalAe them to handle theineedlentbreads. take upon Itself the responsibility of this enormous change. (Load ales of ,! H a in., hear.") Knowing these hat, and If, however, the noble lord was not prepared to take the tu be thought it s " b - __ sPonillillity in the change; if he w._ dangerous ex periment, the whole weight of the _government should be given to the opposition of the bill. But believing as he did that the proration was a dangerous one, anti otinirary to every recognized principle of sound legislation • believing that it wan a delusion practised on the working classes, rd. vacated by those who had no knowledge of the internal ar rangements and economy of our manufactories, he should op pose it. (Hear, hear.) Sir A. L. HAY moved the adjournment of the debate. Lord J. RUSSELL: I rise merely to say a few words, in consequence of the attack which has been made upon me by the hon. member for Uniiiam, at a few minutes before aix o'clock. (Cheers.) If the hon. member intended to make such an attack, he bad much better have done so at five o'clock, when I might have had an opportunity of replying to it. But the hon. gentleman has allowed his zeal on behalf of the cotton manufacturers, of those on whose part he has spoken, to blind him to that which fairness and candour demand. (Hear.) Now Ido nut happen to agree with him, that this is so great a question of principle ashe impress. I do not conceive that the difference between 12 hours and 11 boon, or 11 hours and 10 hours' labour in the day, is a ques tion of principle. (Hear, hear.) The question of limiting the hours of labour for persons betweeen the ages of 13 and 18 is not a new principle. It is one that has been affirmed by the house—if I remember rightly, on the proposition of Lord Althorp and is sanctioned by the statutes of the realm. (Cheers.) There is, then, no new principle, nor any change of principle, sought to be introduced by this law. (Hear, hear.) Neither is it any change according to the old laws of the realm; for under those old laws apprentices were protected from being overworked during the period of their apprenticeship. The question, then, is, if the legislature chooses to throw its shield over persons of early age, to what extent should it be given ? Whether the limit should be 13, 12, 11, or 10 hours a day—and that I call a question of detail on which the several member, of a government may fairly differ, without at the same time differing in . principle. (Hear, hear.) We have already affirmed the principle of interference • and if the hon. gentleman differs from it, and thinks the legisla ture wrong in interfering, his course should be to propose the repeal of the existing law, and to leave for the future per sona of that tender age to make their own bargains as to their hours of work. (Hear.) I know net whether I can now enter further into the question of principle I have stated what I consider the general prin ciple is on the subject, and if the debate be adjourned— (No, no )—I shall be ready at a future time to state, in a very few words, my opinions more particularly as to the matter. (Cries of "Go on.") I consider, then, that this being not a principle but a degree, the period during which young persona now labour in factories being twelve hours, or in all thirteen or fourteen hours a day, is, I conceive, too much for their bodily frame, which is not matured, but in progress of development, and too much also for that moral and mental improvement which, during that pried of life, ought to be attained. (Hear, hear.) Believing, then, that a shorter period than twelve hours would be a preferable limit, am I to be deterred from adopting it by that which the hon. gentleman has put forward as a very formidable objection—the fear of foreign com petition? That is a question undoubtedly of great im portance ; but in regard to it, I feel greatly comforted by the fact, that though the same fears of distress and ruin to our manufacturers have been repeatedly urged against every change that has been made—urged in 1831, urged in 1833, and urged again in 1836—those fears have never been realised —(cheers)—but that on the contrary, notwithstanding those changes our manufacturers have continued to flourish, while these young persons, on whose behalf parliament has interfered, have been benefited. (Hear, hear.) And with regard to America, the hon. gentleraaß must remember that young persons employed in manufactures there, arc ' allowed, I believe, from three to four months in the year for recreation and improvement; whereas, if 11 hours were now fixed ea the limit here, the leisure thus given would not be more than 25 days in the year. (Hear.) The question of adjournment was then put and carried, the debate being understood to stand adjourned till Wed nesday next. Six o'clock having arrived the Speaker leR the chair. =tooth with which he would not tree....e the louse, he sire a conscientious vote in favour of the bill. Kr. BRIGHT, as one who had lived all his lifetime the population for whom they were legislating, who was laegety connected with this particular trade, and who had not • farthing in the world beyond what was in vested in it, considered that he bad as good a right to speak se is the wishes and feelings, and also as to the true hiMente of the operatives engaged in it, as the hen. member who had just sat down. But in his opposition to the bill ha was aetnated by no belief that it would injure his pro party or praports. because it was clear to him that if the ameaure wee really calculated to advance the interests of the 1,200,00 persons more or less dependent for their Nippon wpm cotton-spinning and other textile em. hie Interests also would be cousulted by it. hi flavour of • ten hours' bill was founded on the essesiny of the hon. members for Birmingham, Mk and and of the late Mr. Sadler, on those principles of "NNW entoomy which the house last session declared memied sad rotten, and which, if persevered in, would in- Wieesigreat interests of the country, and destr the manu and commercial supremacy of the kin gd om. (Hear, boar.) hen it wee first commenced, it pro clued to have only the labour of children in view, and a bill passed limiting the labour of children under 13 years of age to six hours a day ; but, not satisfied with that, those who professed them selves the friends of the workers, now asked the house to in terfere to prevent young persons from 13 to IS, and women of all ages, from working more than ten hours a day ; but their object really was not that only, but to interfere by law with the working hours of all persons (of what ever age or sex) engaged in manufacturing labour, and to extend to those dames a mearure of legislative protec tion which, while it should diminish their labour, should se cure to them the existing rate of wages, and thus, on the monopoly principle, give to their labour a higher rate of re muneration than in the free market of the country it could command. (Hear, hear.) That such was the object there could be no doubt, for the noble lord, the member for Lynn, had, in a speech of his, said that if the result of such a met ier, should be to bring about a fairer division of profits be tween the master and the workmen, be thought there would be but little reason to regret it, when they saw a quarter of a million subscribed out of the surplus profits of the cotton iiisnufacturen to promote, the repeal of the corn-laws. (Cheers from the Opposition.) If it were proposed to , take the surplus profits of the landlords and agriculturists and hand them over to the agricultural labourer, he ' (Mr. Bright) should denounce it as strongly as he should do easureMo interfering with the interests of the manufacturer. great mortality among the factory operatives had been spoken of. But was the mortality ter in this than in ' ether branches of industry ? In , which was a great manufacturing town, he found the mortality was lower than in Bristol, and in Manchester it was lower than in Liver poo ,1 . and with regard to general health, he quoted Dr. Phillips and other medical authorities to show that the fac tory operatives were, at least, as healthy as those engaged in other trades, aa shoemakers tailors, masons, ftc. Then it was said the labour was !mid and of long oontinuanee. and unfit for women and young persona ; but the fact that women were engaged in it proved that it was not hard. (Oh, oh!) Women always reported to employment in which they were sheltered from the weather, and the labour was light. 1 The experience not only of this country, but of France and America, proved that actory labour was not injurious to health, though in the latter country the hours of labour far exceeded those in this country in the same kind of employ meat. He was not advocating a twelve hours' labour bil l: he was only defending himself, and arguing against the state ments put forward in behalf of the present bill. And let hon. members recollect that children up to thirteen years of age were exempt from theaystem now complained of. He him self never went to school alter he was fifteen years of age— (" Hear," and laughter)—and he held himself to be a proof that some kind of information might be obtained up to dar t= of age. Under the old system, the period of ap ip began at 14 years of age. He could mere the rene7 "— that the education of the factory operatives was not lam that of the working classes generally; and their par chases of books and newspapers were certainly not lea. (E•ar.) The Rev. Mr. Clay, the chaplain of the Preston Hoene of Correction, in comparing the state of crimi malty of all classes in Lancashire, and classing the various 1 warm twenty numbers, the greatest amount of edge No. 1, and the lowest No. 20, I placed domestic servants under No. 19, female factory operatives under No 20, and grooms and coachmen—a class who came much more ' immediately under the observation of members of parlia ment than persons engaged in factories—under No. 1. (Hear, hear.) He now came to the question of wages, which after all was the real object with the work-people. He should be the last person to say that their reasonable wishes should not receive due attention ; and in this respect he would go further than the hon. member for Detectable', for he was prepared to give them votes, by which they would be enabled to send men to that house to represent their feel leas and wishes. (Hear, hear.) All other classes bad the privilege of providing for themselves and their families by their labour, without any interference of parliament as to how many hours a day they should work. And with regard to the factory operatives, parliament would violate a privi. lege and a right which was as deer to them as to any other class, if, by so interfering, their power of earning wages was diminished. (Hear, hear, hear.) But it had been argued that these people were willing to accept less wages if they worked fewer hours. He denied that the question had ever been put to them in that shape, and he denied fur ther that they had any idea that the result of the interference would be a diminution of wages. And if it were a fact that reduced wages would follow a reduction in the hours of labour, of which he was convinced—and if the house, be lieving such would be the result, passed the treasure, he could conceive no guilt more dreadful than that which would then attach to them, nor any delusion more serious or dan gerous than would be then practised by the legislature on the working classes. (Hear.) The people were taught to believe, by Mr. Ostler, sod others who were favourable to this mea sure, and by " The Short-Time Advocate," or " The Ten Hours Advocate,' that the consequence of limiting the hours of labour would—as in the case of other articles—by lowan the supply, enhance the value—(" hear, hear,' from Kr. Ferrand)—and the hon. member for Knaresborough o♦ peered to be of the same opinion. (Hear.) But it was • hat that you could not reduce the hours of labour by five shades a day, without reducing in the same proportion the prods.- tion of the mill. But it was said the wages of children under 13, whose hours of labour had been reduced, first to eight, sad then to six, had not been reduced but increased. (Hear.) The child of 12 years and 11 months old, working in a fac tory, might be reasonably expected to earn nearly the same wages as the one 13 years and a month old : but thedifferenoe in the wages was as nearly as possible equal to the difference in the number of the working hours. There was another point he would touch upon—foreign competition. On this, however, he did not appeal to the hon. members for Oldham sad Birmingham, for he believed they were not capable of understanding it. (" Hear," and a laugh.") The point, however, was an important one for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The amount of raw material consumed in the cotton, woollen and worsted, flax and silk trades, was 1,067 millions of pounds annually. Divide this by six, and the diminution in our manufacturing productions consequent upon an equal reduction in the hours of labour would be 176,000,0001. How was it possible that a measure which should thus cut off one sixth of the great manufactures of this country could be passed without occasioning the great est confusion and disaster? Our exports of cotton goods were, in 1844, in value 26,000,0004 ; of woollen, 9,000,0001.; of linen, 4,000,0001. ; and of silk three quarters of a mil lion. Divide the total by six, and they would find 6,600,0001. of the trade of the country at once cut off by this measure. And if the exports were thus affected, the imports would suffer in the same proportion ; and let him ask how would it be possible for any Chan- , cellos of the Exchequer to carry on the financial l affairs of this country with a diminution of between six and seven millions a year, which, taking imports and exports, it would amount to. He would also call the attention of the hon. member for Dorsetshire to the fact that of the wool used in our manufacturer., a very large proportion was grown in this country, and if the consumption of that ar t were reduced by 12 or 15,00011 m. a week, and other ar tistes in the same proportion, it would be impossible to cal salute the distras and raisery whith must fall upon the farmers and all the subsidiary trades which depended upon the great manufacturing establishments. Then, if the working classes were encouraged to come to par- lismost and ask for enactments against the capi tal*, a very different feeling would be engen dered on the part of the latter to those who were em ployed by them than at present existed. Some of his own w pock pie had petitioned in favour of this measure, and he wee of it, for it showed their independence . • and at the at Rochdale it WU -hewn that the workpeople were entirely uncontrolled by their masters. In his own esta blishment, and most of the best factories, schools and libra ries were established, and every effort made by the masters for the benefit and comfort of their workmen ; but if the latter were to be armed against the capitalists by laws which should fix the hours of labour, regu late wages, and interfere with the established cut toms of the country, • it would be impossible that the good feeling which hail hitherto obtained could continue, and the manufacturer would, in self-defence, be compelled to take the steps necessary to ward off the ruin which must inevitably come upon them if such a course of legislation was persevered in. (Hear.) The hon. member for Bir mingham had charged him with getting up a petition in favour of limiting the hours of labour. That was one of the follies of his boyhood—(a laugh)--and he regretted to see that those weaknesses and follies of his youth seemed to attach themselves to the honourable member for Birmingham in hie mature years. (" Oh," and a laugh.) The proposition to compromise the matter by an eleven hours bill he was equally opposed to; the working claim wererightor wrong in their demand, and the house was either right or wrong in interfering ; any compromise would be but a cowardly shirking of the question. (Hear.) If they pawed an eleven hours bill in this parliament, the workman would say the house had sanctioned the principle, and the ohject he had in view : and he would come, with redoubled force, to the next parliament for a ten hours bill,which those who voted for the eleven hours could hardly resist. (Hear.) Hs was astonished at the conduct of the ministry on this question. Was this • subjectto be left as an open garters government ? For his part, he looked upon it se a net inferior in importance to that which had been settled by Sir R. Peel last yaw. (Hear.) That was • question to raise rents by raging the price of food, and this was • measure to ruse wages at the expense of the capitalist. In both CANS it was Ks same principle that was invekrad. (Hear.) Could tho laare, having mealy last year—ohm generations of ernies—denonneed W i t peimelple, wow at it w Ole toy et do sags keg at tike Mad 01% part he must candidly avow that he disliked these nibbles at legialati in more than he disliked a bold and straightforward measure. (Cheers.) In order that he might not be misun derstood, he begged Man to add that he had not the slightest perermal ia pou =stt omies ithis question ; that he regarded it as question, and as an attempt to for I nge', against which he should always raise his S. l" With regard to previous measures that they had pealed, regulating factories, he had aot the smallest obj..etion to them. There were sordid mill-owuers, as well as sordid men of every other class, end in the case of such persons sapsniona sad inspection were desirable. But this was a measure of a very different character. He believed it would Led to nothing but difficulties and mischief, and therefore he should vote against it. Lord 3. MANNERS said that no menthe of that house had less cause than the hon. member for Maeoheeter to give any assurance of being astostad by di fieristed mode" At the same time he most gin gain woffit for the owe parity of intention ; and owe* see Bald lay skim 611 more pure, honest, and deemed Whigs than flea who had struggled for the rlNAlliell of this came. Whatever changes took place m thst boome—whethir Yr. Bader, Sir John Hobhouse Lord Ashby, or Mr. Male were their leader—still they find the boas* and lathed's" people of the north sedgy poweihe this sese ols lwarit& unflagging elegy, sad istherbio pmesmsonse. 8o long, indeed, as there wan messodele gym to weep end souls to pray,—so long as es he hese to Oath sod hands to raise—so long would this Nee be osstred. the whet arguments had been bre& Reshot this ateserei ? Tim right hon. baronet, the HMO llsiniary, had ere hoi the bey enough as " the old argermate," butter Odor owe the aid arguments, there was onelty in the more eerie application. Year after year, 'stew rugamies wee re-advanced, their efficiency became mere and more impathe That which was sound in 1843, carried no mayiethe is 1845 ; that which was important in 1846, bemuse of me east is 1847. (Hear, hear.) Did they recollect how Mr. Gee lied been met upon this question by the arguments dew fete the existence of a corn law ? Lord Ashley, wen the effect of those arguments, had nutributed as moth as an individual could contribute, to effect the raped of that law by, resigning his place in the legislature, and dig the weight of his high character Ind same to the orders-law cause. Nevertheless, that sremiest bad bee sopeduced. The right hon. baronet, the member for Therhooler, like the old soldier in the song, o Who taught on his stamps when his legs were at Of," Weirdit even after the corn law was repealed. require an argument to show that that =, was now exploded ? The Terialli Dade reported that in all deems Meek* was wormaalating in the warehouses; yet the aadprodaten exhibited no relaxation in their the eenseressoes of which, at no distant day, woul he a drotal mem Under the restrictions which had bean a h ead,, imposed in this respect, our manufacturing industry had per wee so mach that, according to Mr. Maculloch's taWm, the cosameree of or exports—of cotton goods, for instance-Iml ineremeed from seventeen millions in 1832 to twenty minim in 1842. If the premises of the Manchester school of pealed economy as to the niched= is the price of food and the In tension of foreign trade were menet, then the operatives of the manufacturing districts wire entitled more especially to the jetties which they had so i med g eri The opinion of the established deem of the ski try, of the medical men throughout the dierkes—all ef them most competent and imeetiewitomess—arellelostly that a diminution of the hours oilstone use osmaile to the spiritual and physical health of the operativadatbeesillthiste. It was to little purpose that parliament they vided the with parks and places of recreation, ifdid ail at same time give them hours of leisure in which to eel them , selves of these advantages, as well as Rd tamed ealture. AU put legislation in this direction had been pathotivs of good effect : let no time be lost in onagieft the great work. He rejoiced infinitely that Edinburgh sad its elo quent member, and its blue and buff Review, that powerful organ of a learned philosophy, were wholly with the des. cotes of the limitation of boors of labour. But, whatever the fate of this measure, it would be his gratifying radioed's that he and the Tory gentlemen of England had maintained their historical maiden—(' laugh)—hod ec = the good fight of the poor against the rich—of the week against the strong; and, to the best of their ability, had wielded the power vested in them to protect and defend the working classes of this country. (Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that when the noble lord talked of the Tories being historically the peculiar friends and protectors of the poor, he was taking up a position for them as to which then we a good deal to be said on the other side of the queued's. (Hear hear.) On the subject hews the house, be (the Cheek:. of the Exchequer) retained the same opinion, adverse to the proposition, which he hid expos as Maw moil= ; and he felt bound to declare this on the present ammion, in order that the proposition might se go kirk with the weight of government authority, but simplyas one with reference to which each member of the government acted upon I his own individual opinion. In adhering to his opposition to this measure, he considered that he best showed his friendship and goodwill to the work ing population. The point was, could you benefit the opera tive by diminishing his hours of labour to the extent pro. posed That, as to young children, good bad been done by I banning their hours of labour, he did not mean to deny, but here the object was to dimin ish the hours of labour of adult persons. This, though it did notappear in the preamble, was the simple object of the bill, and this was the avowed object with ail the deputations from the manufacturing da -1 trios which he had seen on the subject. Now, what would be the practical effect of each a measure on the earaiao of the poor ? Nothing leas than in full proportion to them those earnings. Nothing would more gratify hint than that circumstances should en ab le the labouring population to have ample time for recreation in the public parks referred to by the noble lord; but as matters stood, he was of opinion that it was much more important not to de prive them of one-sixth part of their means of sub sistence, which would be the result of this measure. (Hear.) If the same quantity of goods was to be produce 1, vou must increase the amount of fixed capital employed in the produc tion, and either the price of the article must be raised to pro vide for the difference, or the additional con must fall on the profits of the manufac turer, or on the wages of the operative, or be Mated between them. That price. to the purchaser Is every part of the world could be raised was impracticable the profit of th e manufacturer at the present moment did not exceed that which was necessary to induce capitalists to engage in this branch of industry. True, large fortunes were made; but, also, many men were ruined in this pursuit, and the constantly increming competition, in itself, tended to re duce even the existing rate of profits. The loss would, there fore, fall upon wages; there might, and doubting would, be a long struggle between the employers and the employed on this point; brit in the end, there was every rea son to believe, that the employed mast succumb. An arrangement was made by the masters in one district to work short hours, if the operatives wished it, making a pro portionate reduction in wagex. Of the operatives in that district, in four mills not one would ultimately avail himself of the reduction. By their own act and deed the workmen preferred long hours and high wages, and he believed that if , they now sought short time, it was under the belief that wages might be sustained at their present amount. They, then, who believed that reduction of wages must be the non sequence of short time, were not to be taunted with hostility to the workmen it they opposed the motion of the hen. member for Oldham. (Hear, bear.) The Marquis of GRANBY supported the hal. He did not see that reduction of wages must neesserily Mow re striction in time; but even if it did, the *parody's Is several large districts had declared their rearm to submit to such reduction, if the redo:dos in the hours of labour were granted. In his opinion this declass tion on the part of the operatives took away_ grounds of argument from the opponents of the bill. ( He mhotaage4 Dr. BOWRING felt it to be his duty to oppose dis progress of the bill. He believed that the retie of the operatives who supported the short-time minden mem acting under a delusion. Their advisers told them that if the hours of labour were reduced less goods would be sir neutered, the demand would be greater, and consequently that wages must be sustained. Not one of them, he be lieved, expected to give up any portion of his wire is, the boon. (Hear, hear.) The loss to be sustained by the =l redaction in the hours of labour had been esthete es millions siding. Now, there were three parties among Whom this lam Mast be divided—first, the general consumer might berme ; but they eddied, desiiM that he was to buy is thodospost and sill lathe dowse minket ; and Made comffille of oar toilsories booth he foreign market to which sore of ersr thiladen could math Then it might be said that de milselM 'held be 'applied from the geed coffers of the morriesecesA belie manufat tuns were capitalise, se weed withdraw their capitol if its employee woo mossweed by undue nerieless and WI to their rode Mr. Osugg had stated to the bows that on twenty roof emelopmem of a large , melte he had realised only two sad slier per cent. The less, then, must and would fall wholly and inevitably on the working clamed themselves, who would too late find the change of interfering with the regular connexion of supply and demi (Hear, hear.) Under all the circumstances, sad aerated by strong convictions of the dangers of the tonne proposed, he should give his strenuous opposition to the motion of the hon. member for Oldham. Mr. P. HOWARD supported the bill. Last year the landed interest had made a splendid sacrifice on the altar of their country's interest, and he thought that now the manu facturers were called on to show equal generosity by giving their ready assent to this bill. Mr. MUNTZ said that all the changes which had latterly taken place in the manufacturing districts bad been for the advantage of the master and to the injury of the operative. The number of spindles under the can of each young girl was increased, and amuse the labour and anxiety m proportion. It might be mid that the labour was light ; but if it was no- thing, the mere fact of remainin twelve hours in a room heated to 90 deg., was quite enou gh to injure the health. ft was dreadful to walk through the factories of Manchester, and abaci ve the ghaatly appern_ ace of the young women ' and children. (Hear, ) em.) There was not among the whole of them to be seen ode personable or health y - looking pang woman. (Mr. Bright liear, hear.") The hon. seabw. hr Durham cheered ; botdfd he think that no one maid judge of a healthy or permeable young woman's ap but a Msnchestnemonfactimer ? (Much laughter.) ifr:a hon. member himself billed a short-time rid in 1813 got up a petition on the select at his own ex pense. ',ebeerey The thibthasteren objected to a esehauts bar, but they had never avuiyed tin hours a nth day in workingilisir mills. Sometimes they made too m goods, but at other times they stood Idle, so so never to the talk th ab e , 2,l t me no w objected to. • Be attached ad no value to ✓triwg; it th=hin g .." iaitaetia. the afinTel Y se a re : Vellum in an 'omnibus ; we had restricted the growth of topeoto;• • add in many other matters had we interfered much to the advantage of tug labouring Masses. He thought that interference was loudly - railed for in the wrangereats ol McCoy labour. Ile had lately gone through TO CORRESPONDENTS. We cannot sada, inanywryTany ooenm --- e - uTliatioh that is seen to we ;Rat those whochoose to address ua in con fi dence will Iti v = l 2ol.oswirent . ewl. NEITEMCANWE . UNDERTAKE Ta MUNN ANY iBCRIPTS WiIATEVER. Advartlenesesta handed for The Ewes', London evening papa, sent beet the Mee by Two o'ekck on the day of publication. HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE. Tam Dee —Monks& 47 lola. pest 9; Albumen, 25 min. pest 10. Tuddoesow—Mornlng, 8 aka. post 11; Alterman, 49 mkt. past 11. LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 11. ON the first day of the session Mr. CanttrriE gave notice of a motion respecting: the admission of the centers to the Universities ; but it seems by the notice, which now stands for Thursday, that he has extended his plan, so as to involve a general inquiry into the university system. We doubt whether he has acted wisely. The injury to the country, to the Dissenters, and to the universities themselves, from the exaction of tests as a condition to matriculation, or to obtain ing degrees, is so considerable, so unnecessary, and so flagrantly unjust, that we believe a vigorous exertion might secure the abolition of the obnoxious practice. It depends principally on the inclinations of the go verument, whether an inquiry shall be granted or not : and it would, after all, be uncertain whether it would lead to any practical result. There can, how ever, be no doubt that the roposal to admit Dissenters will form a main part of Mr. elfilltaleS motion, and as we believe the real merits of the question are little understood, especially by members of parliament, we shall endeavour to explain both what the existing . re strictions are, and what arc the reasons urged against the removal of them. . . Oxford, as is well known, is consistent and com plete in its exclusiveness. By requiring a subscrip tion to the Thirty-nine Articles at the commencement of the academical career, it effectually excludes all Dissenters, whether they are willing to conform to university regulations or not. At Cambridge no re ligious test is required, except as a condition for the degree of Bachelor or Master of Arts. Every kind of college and university honour up to that point is freely and impa.tially distributed not merely to Pro testant Nonconformists, but to Catholics, Jews, Turks, Hindoos, or Buddhists. A few years ago a Jew was second wrangler ; somewhat later, a Quaker was fourth wrangler. All the sons, we believe, of the present Duke of Notteottt, though strict Catho lics, were educated at Trinity College ; and one of the most bitter enemies of Franke and Giaours now to be found in the service of Metreurr Att, was a few years ago a fellow-commoner of Trinity Hall. Many of thesersons, and of others similarly situated, belo nged to the most respectable and value bM class of stu dents. In private society, as in public competitions, their respective creeds were never taken into consideration; their want of orthodoxy in no way interfered with the spirit and practice of Cam bridge education. It is only when all the mischief is done, when the minds of the innocent majority have been corrupted by intercourse with dissent, when goats and sheep, churchmen and non-churchmen, are about to separate, and to mix in a world where , alas, there are now no religious tests, that the state has imposed upon the university the obligation to inquire into their belief, or rather into their religious , ',Fillies. We say religious politics, for it is a curious circumstance that Sootch Presbyterians seldom or never refuse the test, while their co-religionists in England consider themselves excluded by it, evidently on the ground that it is political dissent and not reli gious disagreement, against which the test is directed. It is true that this anomaly results from an accident. When the test was imposed, the degree of Bachelor of Arts was to many students rather an era in their university career than the conclusion of it ; and it also was far more important both in general cedar"- tion and the civil privileges which it conferred, than at the present day. But our argument is not affected by the change of circumstances. If the university can now allow students of all persuasions to complete their academical course without injury to itself, or violation of its principles, it lose, all plea for objecting to the grant of a degree, which is practically little more than a certificate that they have passed the examinations to which they are in fact freely admitted. The value of the degree has on all sides been exaggerated by the defenders of University exclu siveness. In addition to the certificate which it involves, it gives an inchoate right to form one of the governing body of the University ; but a single vote in the senate, deprived as that body has been of its initiative and administrative power, involves little advantage to its holder, or risk to thee; who may be affected by it. The real object of eon l i - tention among those who understand the point of dis pute is mach less the degree itself, than the claim which would subsequently be advanced to an equal share in the college endowments, and in the authority which the possession of them confers, We are fully pre pared to show that this claim also would be just ; but to the meantime neither the Universities nor parliament have a right to refuse the abolition of the test for matriculation and graduation, because it might lead to a further demand. The separate education of the Dissenters is a grievous injury to those who are immediately affected by it., and a chief cause of the unpopularity of the Universities. With all their de fects, those institutions stand alone in Great Britain as cultivators of sound and thorough knowledge, which is not merely professional. From their peculiar position they cannot compete as medical schools with those institutions, which have the hospitals of great cities at their command. Their deficiencies in meta physical philosophy and in scientific theology are connected with the repugnance of the national opinion to these pursuits : and English law is too crude and heterogeneous a mass to be learnt but in the chambers of a practitioner. It is enough to say, that no where else in Great Britain is any branch of study so completely and thoroughly mastered as are the peculiar studies of the Universities within their walls. There is no each intellectual discipline to be obtained by those who are excluded from them; and one of the many disadvantages which has arisen from the exclusion is the tendency which it hae pro duced in popular opinion to connect the notion of bigotry with the University system. The Universities are misunderstood, and they encourage the rr : aiderstanding. Accused of a narrow theology, afraid to ••• the truth that the real cha- they are a.. avow tn, racterietic of their education is not theological at all. They affect obnoxious religious objects, and conceal their intellectual influence. Performing in practice a far nobler task, they pretend to be mere schools of Church of England orthodoxy---mere plates for re ceiving and reproducing impressions of the catechism. We proposed to state the objections which are offered to the admission of lhasentere—but here, after many yearn' reading of many pamphlets and hearing of much idle talk, we confess ourselves at a loss for some plausible and tangible reason. For the con ventionalities which are pat forward in place of arguments we refer our readers to the speeches which the University members will make on Mr. CRRISTIE'S motion ; but genuine objections to the degree itself, considered without reference to ulterior c ha nges, it is not easy to suggest. We hope that in speaking of Cambridge we may be con sidered as having disposed of Oxford. If heresy, se dition, and all wickedness are no farther encouraged by intercourse with non-conformists than has hitherto been the case at Cambridge, we do not think that the country at large will encourage the prudery of Ox ford in protecting itself from the same risk of contami nation. And what can Cambridge object to, the granting of degrees? Dissenters will no &relit come in greater numbers wkn tlae stimps, from the degree is remoiect; b6t the - system which admits one will be applicable to all. There is really no sectarianism in the Cambridge system. It is only to conciliate public opinion that it is from time to time assumed. Here and there may be a theological lecture, which is, we believe, never compulsory. Of course Dissenters could absent themselves. There is morning and evening service in the college chapels. Why not give Dis senters a dispensation? It is probably said, that at present they hold by sufferance the advantages which they would then claim u a right : but, in fact, they have the right already. Up to the time of the degree, a Mahometan, who chooses to contOrm to the usual regulations, is as fully entitled to all the advantages of the university as the son of a bishop. If the univer sity contrives to tolerate him now, it would require no further contrivance. We hope Mr. CHRISTIE, who is well acquainted with Cambridge, will insist on the undoubted fact that educe tion there is, as it ought to be, secular. In 1834, when the question was agitated before ' innumemble statements were made of the amount of theological instruction given in various colleges. It has, we believe, since been increased, and no doubt assumes a formidable look upon paper. The only answer to those state ments was the unaffected surprise of those who had recently completed their career, at finding that they had all the time been employed in learning theology. Some remembered to have occasionally heard lec tures on the Greek Testament ; all were aware that they had passed an easy examination in Paley's Evi denote; but that the most thin-skinned of Noncon- ..en; but Mat Lile _ foinnists could have been the worse or the better for all the theological instruction inflicted, it never oc curred to any one of them to suspect All this we have thought it necessary to write in support of an opinion expressed by the House of Commons in 1772, embodied by that house in a bill sent up to the Lords in 1834, in maintenance of the proposition that a declaration of conformity not re quired by the church of its communicants should not be enforced by the lay corporation of the university on its members or graduates—that a test which it is not thought necessary to impose on a lawyer, or a phy sician, or a judge, or a peer, or a member of parlia ment, may be dispensed with in a young man of twenty-one, who aspires to the dignity of a Bachelor of Arts. AMONGST the measures of last session, by which a prospective free trade in corn was attempted to be made palatable to the landed interest, was the Drainage Act (9 and 10 Viet., c. 101). This act was avowedly a sop to the landed proprietors, and has, we think, scarcely received from the press that attention which the importance of the principle involved in it deserves. The object of the act was to authorise the government to make advances to owners of land in Great Britain and Ireland of money, to be expended in draining, which is to be carried out under the superintendence of the Inclosure Commisaioners. We have, from time to time, reprinted from the Ga zette the lists of applications for loans under the act, from which it will have been evident how few proprietors are availing themselves to any considerable extent of the benefits offered by the act. Hitherto the Scotch proprietors have been the most, and the Irish the least ready, to apply for such loans. In some instances the amounts are large; thus, we find in Scotland, that Mr. JAMES MATHESON, in Roes-shire, has applied for no less than 56,0001. ; the Earl of STAIR for 70,960!.; Mr. ALEXANDER MATHESON for 26,4201., while several others require fifteen, eleven, and ten thousand pounds. And the sums applied for ranging from five thousand to five hundred pounds arc very numerous. In England, the largest sums applied for are 16,9171., by Sir E. M. VAVASOUR, to Yorkshire; 15,3041., by Mr. JOHN BOWER, in Durham; 31,4081., by Mr. ROWLAND ERRINGTON, in Northumberland and Cheshire; 12,8161., by Mrs. ANNE CORSET, in Shropshire ; 18,0001. and 20,0001., by the Duke of SETHERLAND, in Staffordshire and Salop ; 30,0601., by the Earl of LONSDALE, in Westmorland and Cum berland; 47,1331., by the Earl of CARLItLE, in Cum berland, Northumberland, and Yorkshire; and 20,000!. by the Earl of ELLESMERE, in Lancashire. The minor sums applied for in England are less in amount and fewer in number than in Scotland. In Ireland the sums applied for have been insignificant. As an isolated measure passed to appease the once dominant landocracy, the operation of which would of necessity be limited, the Drainage Act might have been allowed to run its course without any marked attention. But when we see the extent to which the landlords, especially those of Ireland, seem to rely upon public aid for escape from difficulties mainly of their own creation, and that an extension of the system of loans to landlords for improving their own estates is advocated as desirable in Great Britain, it becomes necessary to examine the principle of this measure. We have now before us a pamphlet on the Drainage Act, published apparently with a view to collect and create opinions in favour of an extension of the act. It consists of five somewhat rambling letters originally printed in the Globe newspaper, at the beginning of the present year, the writer of which— probably a landowner—while advocating the exten sion of the measure, unconsciously shows to what an indefinite extent compliance with his suggestions would call upon the public to subsidise the British landowners. Now let us not be mistaken we do not undervalue land draining; on the contrary, we deem it the most important improvement required over a large portion of the soil of these ialands; and, moreover, that it is a necessary preliminary to all other improvements. The writer we have referred to says his purpose is " to suggest a measure now fortunately recognised by the legislature," and with that view he makes three propositions ; "first, that occupiers should be admitted to the benefit of the act ; secondly, that the measure should be extended in amount and made permanent; thirdly, that it will be better administered by private companies than by a government board." And he after wards suggests that government should lend to public companies at 3 per cent. " sums equal in amount to those which such companies may each constitute and raise of private capital." Here then the public funds are still proposed to be applied to an inde finite extent in enabling the owners of land to improve their property; and sundry allusions to expedients for increasing " British grown food " seem to smack of the language of the now almost extinct Protectionists. Why is it that our landed interests cannot imitate the self-reliance of other interests 0 When we recollect the sources from whichour public revenue is raised, and the burthen imposed by taxa tion on our national industry, the " statesman " who would coolly propose the application of the public funds to enhance rents, will not, when the present pressure of scarcity has passed away, be regarded with much favour. If any such measure were to become permanent there is no doubt that it should be extended to tenants, who as the writer says, when " Under-leases are certainly the most economical and judicious, the most extensive and efficient improvers." But it does not, therefore, follow that the state is to supply the tenants with the required capi tal. Nor is it necessary. There would be no lack of capital ready to be embarked in farming and improve ment of land, if the land was offered upon terms which afforded security to the tenant, and to the capitalists, who might afford him accommodation. To some extent the assistance of the legislature is required to effect this completely, but far more may be done by a clear perception of their • own interests on the part of the landowners. The actual possessor of an estate ought to be enabled to grant lessee of at least 21 years dura tion, reserving fair rents, though even on settled estates that can commonly be done now. The true obstacle to improvement by tenants is an unwilling ness on the part of proprietors to part with that do minion over their land which cannot co-exist with the proper security of the tenant. That the owners of settled estates should be enabled, by means of simple registered deeds, to charge their property with terminable annuities, for payment of improvement, is so obvious an adeantago, so as the present absurd system of entail per m' to continue, that it only need be ma be assented to. But the advance of loans for that per pose by the state is quite a different thing. If krai owners be desirous of themselves und improvements, and can sell annuities either vidwals or companies, let them have every facility it so doing. But the real improvers ever have been stia.— . ' will be tenant-farmers ; and the more complain is the possession Accorded to the tenant, ' P' more egilet l, l l 4.4 l he,iinprove his farm. We _ . moreover the preeent.no,extended, in the opining inimsito some, to .the rechamatian of wild land, as ( 9, Altritkolg, na w legl all the processes which • • have hitherto n undertaken by pi ivate entea‘ is rse.Now 011 Oen "'llia has fie," and it is abandoned prate all such methods of the landed int into the market requires that the public Weal imp no longer rely on A FATAL aasau luxuries, of the London or Mi& A es „ manage d. court sentences to indulge them* Quack advertise! despatch." We have been the present semi that wife-murder to letter-stealing, constables, as oar to seven. The q vourably for w women. An nag taken for a will assaultcr, is pun] labour for a year on a wife, w( which produces incarceration. lightest offences, which the Centre The circumstanc Perhaps we ma: Is it that a Br which counsel " as men, as E are supposed to vating habits feeling is consu so petty a seater the traditional vt propriety interdii be the cause of tl recognised by In framing I will assign a ble and imcnias called. Mr. STAI justifiable, loci& seems to have n' Latin word may clearly , not murd entered the brain court. How aho of the formalities concealment of tl in wait for darkness, the pi pervading remora rally done in cro light, with the I hand, amidst the once, and the a seldom any of t love of gain, the the desperate meant for robber is the victim. A beating his will Tired of beating is the result. from his Sund layed for half-a ready for him a omitted to leave be begins to asst dragging about fortunate helprn ing groans and partition of tl neighbour more c the husband stool Bittres than a formed a stern bu rous, brutal, and every day's news sentation. Did I hanged for such it from numerom feu ourselves ut Is it by the aim not be the dirt death as the reel beating, but thi consequence, whl dicates as depmv committing the ever proved at N Is it by the rel guards and sand may be more elm of bloodshed, an effectually guard gestions of whic quent than those killing a wife odious to r ight j a traveller ' s bra cutting a thrust I not contemplate hideous of these pears to us the most cow the most cow by human be to protect itself severely visited of murder), ins which degrade i or picking a pa Our criminal sion. We since in the emendee which, as it vii should have, aggravated pun The social r from which for . has been force hitherto taken merely super& untouched. Ou been addressed beyond the la. stronger than hitherto existe, had long been e attempt its rem, Opposed, on th. plan, by his own all the great at first attempt ; I succeeded. Th B e. ni h a s Ottoman 1 ‘ nta i d on oNr w hich ,e a 2 ehv ad d ressing iu i e rn s l ir , n M mar k e ts. takenefp hisr into the human Palmerston, an, ship on this sul Porte to Bader] money, and wi , congratulating done the tau s infidel Nestorn envoy of the p, reception whirl imn Bey. H delight, ' to h, considers as and as one of t words of Nark unfortunate Ch whilst Bederia Sword g i ve , 1 triumph to wii is the old trick worn threadbe with susses, b succ ee d so v i ]story letter fr as fatal in ate 't Medicia wake.a and diamo,dB, NAVIGATION LAWS. Divisor. are Qrromos—. That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the operation and policy of the Sanitation Laws." Ayes, 133 ; Noes, 61. AYES. Acheson, Inset. Duncan, Vim. Jaw., Sir W. Rice, E. R. Arland, T. D. Doman, G. lemur, Sir J. Rich, H. A Atl .w ko . l7 l, H. A. Dundee., Admiral Kelly, J. R0c t :114,.J . . i. P. Dundee, D. Labouchere, H. Rome Lord J. I Brine, W. Earehope, Sir J. Lamers; J. H. En A. Bannerman, A. Egerton, Sir P. boodles, W. S. Random Viol. Barkly, H. EDice, Hon. E. Linoain, Earl of Seymour, Lord Baring, S. T. Hit., W. Lindsay, Capt. Sheridan, R. B. Barnard, E.G. Ewalt, B. Loth, J. Smith, R. V. Barron, Sir H.W.Rononde, Mr T. Locktiert, A. E. Somers, J. P. Bell, J. Evans, Sir D. L. Marmulay, T. B. SomerseLLord G. Berkeley, Hon. C.Ewart, W. M'Carthy, A. rksnerville,SirW. Berkeley, Capt. Pitrwilliam, G. filTagprt, Sir J.Stuart, W. V. Bloke, M. J. Forster, M. Maitland, T. Strait, RLHn. E. Bodkin, W. H. Pox, C. R. Mesterman, J. Sutton, yin. H.M. Bouverie,lion.E. Preach, F. Mule, Rt. Hn.P.Tencred, H. W. Bowles, Admiral Giboon, T. M. Micelle, IL Thoruely, T. Doming, Dr. ooulburn, H. Mitchell, T. A. Tutneil, H. Bright, 3. Graham Mr J. Woad'W, G. Take, lI. M. Brotherton, J. Granger, T. C. Harped', VIM. Tuner, E. Brown, W. Grattan, IL Morris, D. Veery, 1f,... T. Boner, C. Grey, Sir 13. Worm Hon. E. Villiers, Hon. C. Byng, Hon. O. S. °monitor, Lord Napier, Mr C. Walker, R. Callaghan, D. Oroevenor, Earl Newry, Visa. Warburton, H. Cardwell, E. Guest, Sir J. O'Brien, C. Ward, H. G. Carew, V/. H. P. ELB, Sir B. O'Brien, J. Watson, W. H. =1.7. J. Harcourt, G. G. O'Brien, W. S. Wawa, J. T. , Sir J.Mures, B. O'Conneß,D., tun.Welty,Lord C. Clemente, Vim Hay, Mr A. L. 0' *m.ll, J. Williams, W. Clerk, Sir G. Hayes, Sir E. O'Conor Don Wurnington,SUT Colebrooke, T. E. Heathcote, J. oYerralk It. M. Wood, Sir C. Collett,J. Herbert, Hon.& Ogle, S. W Col. T. Copeland, Aid. Hill, Lord M. Oswald, A. H. W ood, ortley, Het J. S Corry, Horn. H. Holsboare, Sir J. Oswald, J.I Wyse, T. Cowper, W. P. Hope, girl. Puget, Lord A. Torte, 11. R. Crawford, W. S. Hope, A. P P arker, J. Mabee, L. B. Howard, Hon.H.eel, Sir R. TILLW. i Desnialonn i ,. Hnoubery, Aid. Philips, H. Home, Mr. D .H. Hutts, W. Posey, P. ,W. Phyoridge, Ciptßiesnin, M. N u=, BirJ..luse ARM, J. P. Clifton, J. T. "— Henley, J. W. Pipet, Sir R. Arta/debt, O. Cold Hod H. Hodgson, R. Replan, O.W. J. Austen, Col. Conoliy, CoL Hotliana, Lord Boti taa, Col. Bailey, 3., Jon. Disraeli, B. Hooldaworth, T. Round, J. Ranked, O. Dinurlaa, Mr H. Hudson, G. Emhart, Capt. Raring, T. Ferrand, W. B. lost* Sir R. IL Shaw, Rt. Hn. P. Raakertille, T. B.Flneli, O. Lygon, Hon.°. Siblitorp, Col. Batman, T. Forbes, W. Mackenaie, W.F.lldurt, J. Bennet, P. Frewet C. H. Mennen% Lord J.Tyrali, Mr J. T. Bentinek,Lordo. Maxwell, HnJ.P.Verner, Mx W. Bereeford, Mitior& ° an n ity, Marg. Willies, W. Werldlngton,lL& BLackatone, W. B.olrintaditch, T. Morgan, 0. Walpole, B. H. Blake:oat, R. °ragas, E. Newdegata, C. N.Walmh, ilir J. B. Broodier.* H. Hall, Col. O'Brien, A. B. lemmata. Brooke, Lord HarnOM, 0. A. Parts, C. W. Liddell, Mr. Rork, LW. Herds, an. Capt. Palmer, IL Thompson, Ald. PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. ACCOUNT OF TEE AMOUNT OF BALANCES of sums issued for the payment of dividends due and not demanded, and for the payment of lottery prizes or benefits not claimed.—On April 5,1846, 1,108,1181, 19s. 6d.; July 5,1,093,5561.05. bd. ; Oct. 10, 1,017,9801. 13s. Bd. ; Jan. 5,1847, 1.068,8191. es 6d. In compliance with the acts of parliament, 3,802,6131. 55.10 d. out of the above amounts was advanced to government. The papers are dated Jan. 25, 1847. DRAINAGE OP LAND.—A sessional paper with this title has been issued with the votes. It contains a return of all the applications for the advance of public money under the Act 9 & 10 Vic., c. 101, as regards England and Scotland. In England from Sept. 28, 1846, to Feb. 1, 1847 (inchunve), 49 applications had been made, and the n agreLte d of the sums se E ple Bl43 f° , to r w F i eb 2 . l l l,B , 4 zi o(Tne. 31,;iveI), 168° applicatio m ns had been made, and the aggregate of the sums applied for was 803,8041. 13s. 4d. In some of the applications from Scot land, the expenses of fencing and trenching the land pro posed to he drained are included in the amount applied for. On the Ist of February, the sanction of the Commissioners of the Treasury had not been applied for in any case. How TO READ THE DEBATES.—As it is really a day's labour to read the debates—and it is a luxury which only gentlemen possessing 1,0001. a year can afford—we ad vise persons who wish to acquire some knowle * of the legislature of their country, and yet have their business or pleasure to attend to, merely to glance over the " bears" and the " cheers," which are interspersed, like so many glow-worms, along the dark, interminable lanes of type. The " laughs" also are worth stopping in one's dreary journey to listen to ; and an "order from the Speaker" may also justify a momentary stoppage ; but when there is nothing but a gloomy expanse of level.= broken , barren-looking pri ut before the reader, we recommend him to run over it as fast as he can, not to make a single stop but to jump over each mem ber's style in the most expedit ious manner. The spots we have marked are the only placed worth halting at—the few oases in the grand parliamentary desert—all the rest is dust, dust, dust, nothing but dust, which would blind in time the strongest pair of eyes, and lay up the most indefatigable reader. By pursuing this line of march the bold traveller who intends running through the Arabia Petrsra of debates, will get to the end of his day's journey in the early part of the morning, and will herein the afternoon for resting him self. With a feeling of the truest benevolence we wish him a happy journey.— A. A BEACON TO VOTE By.—Lord Sidineatli used occasionally to amuse his friends with stories of a well known humorist, Mr. Ferguson of Pitfour, who held a seat lin the house when his lordship was Speaker. That gentle man used to insist tha, the government ought always to select a tall man to fill the office of Lord Advocate. ' We Scotch members," he said, " always vote with the Lord Ad vocate, and we require therefore to see him in a division. Now, I can see Mr. Pitt, and I can see Mr. Addington; but I cannot see the Lord Advocate.—Life of Lord Sidrnoldh. THE GERMAN FLEET.—BERLIN, FEBRUARY 2. The maim of a German fleet, which was lately discussed with such great interest by the whole of Germany, is by no means abandoned, but is again brought forward since the reveaues of the Zollvereia have increased to nearly double what they were before. Now, though no person will fancy that Germany ran in any way compete with the marl. time powers,. yet it is for the interest of the Zollverein to protect by suitable measures the commerce of Germany in the distant regions of America and the South Sea, and therefore a million„pr even half a million, which m ght be annually taken from the revenue of the Zollverein, and applied to the building of the fleet, might be very well spent, as appears from the wishes of our conies in Mexico, Brasil, &v. —Hamburg Paper. WAGHORN'S SECOND PAMPHLET on STEAM to AUSTRALIA, 'Stressed to the Right Mom FArl Grey, f' Seat= Price One Shilling. IL Elder, end Company. TEE ADVERTISING OFFICES of the " DAILY NEWS" bare been REMOVED from 90, FLEET-STREET, to No. 10. IBOUVERIE-STREET, FLEET-STREET, contiguous to the Printing cud Publishing Mau hit 't%%• MAILS. The maila for Vigo, 0=1: 6 31011, Madeira, Cadis, and Gibraltar, will be made up on the of th e Ilth February. The West India mails, tat those for Medea, Honduras, and the flavannah, will be made op on the morning of the I;th February. The omrlan4 for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Ilong-Kong, and China, via Southampton, wiD be made up on th e morning of the ion of Fehroary. The Demisted closed mai* Ma Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Fgypt, Ades, Ceylon, India, Moog Kong, Be., will be made up on the evening of the 4th Februare. The math for New South Wake, Van Diesnen's Land, and New Zeeland will be made up oe the evening of the let March. The malls for Brithit North America, Bermuda, and the United Mates, will be made up on the evening of the 3rd March. The math for the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Ferment. Q. lr flabia, Madeira, and Swum Ayres, will be made op on the dile 4th 31 arch.