The Express. — London, England, 1848-03-01 00:00:00

T IMPERIAL PARL lAMEN 1. - - 110 USE OF LORDS.—TURBDAY, FILBAUARY 29. The LoaD Canacaugta took kis seat at 5 o'clock. PUBLIC 111/BINUM PICTITIONS.—Lard Sasvitoirr, from a lodge of, odd fellows:Prof lag that the/ might be included within the operabon of the Bonen, thesistase BW.--Illahop of Osman, from several places, against the adealtalcs of Jews to peal lament. MOND ItIiADIMINew Zealand Gmerenseat THE CLERK ASSISTAN The LORD CHANCELLOR proposed • resolution ex pressing the thanks of th eir lontships to J. W. L. Birch, Seq., on the oei mien of his resigoation, for the frithful and able manner in which he had performed the duties of the once of clerk luaistant for the hat 40 y e ars. —Agreed to. The Duke of RICH MOND heartily concurred in the ex prersion of thanks to Mr. Hach, at,d hoped he would lire long to enjoy hi s retiring pension. The LORD CHANCELLOR then proposed that Mr. Birch be allowed to retire on a pension tf 2,0001. a year.— Agreed to. WRECK OF TILE AVENGER, &c. In answer to • question from the Boil of MALILIABVICT, The Earl of AUCKLAND said that tokens of approbation and rewsz.ls had been given to the Bey of Tunis, the captain and crew of the French ship, and every one concerned in saving a portion of the crew of the Avenger. The noble earl had also r. ferred to a family on the west coast of Ireland, who, during the winter, had shared their scanty store of food with six survivors of an American crew, whose vessel had been wrecked on the ceast, and he bed asked whether the government would not reward them for their noble and de voted conduct. He was sorry that he could not answer the question in consequence of having heel no previous notice o m f it; but he believed it was in contemplation to give the some mark of approbation for their praiseworthy conduct. I RUSIOURED DES tRUCTION OF THE INDIAN MAIL IN PARIS. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to ask the noble marquis opposite whether he had received any information which ha could communicate to the house on the subject of the ru moured destruction of the Indian mail in Paris ? The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he bad good au thority foe believing that the report was false. The Indian mail left this country on the 25th inst., and reached Paris on the '27th, sod after some delay in that capitol, for which neither the postal authorities nor the provisional government of France were responsible, it was duly forwarded. M. Etienne -erase (now at the head of the petal department in France), who had aommuoittated these facts to him, also added that every effort would be made by hi s department to ensure the speedy and safe transit and delivery of letters. NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL. Earl GREY, in moving the second reading of this bill, was for some time inaudible in th e gallery. The noble earl bore testimony to the conduct of Cept. Grey, the governor of the colony. The change of affairs upon his arrival was no less graphic than gratifying. The public revenue had dwindled almost to nothing—the natives entertained con tempt for the government—the British settlers themselves were desponding and discouraged. But in tee course of five or six weeks the whole face of 'Gin was changed, and the rebellion was soon put an end to, and from that time to this, uniform success hal attended the measures of the govern ment. The natives felt the greet et confidence in the gover nor; public works had been carried oo to • great extent — the state of finances had improved, and trade was sow in • most flourishing condition. He mentioned these matters not so much, to praise Governor Grey— who, however, deserved all commendation—as to show the importance of attending to the suggestion of • person so wall acquainted with the colony and the mode of governing it successfully. (Hear, hear.) Accordingly, the measure which he seas about to propose was founded almost entirely upon the recommendations of Governer Grey. (Hear, hear.) It was thought desirable iii the year 1315, that the settlers should have more control over their affairs, nod the governor less. When her Majesty's present advis,rs came into office, there did not appear to him any reason for alterino that opinion, which ha, in common with others, had entertained. It seemed to him that without some popular form of govern ment in the colony, then was little hope of reviving the spirit of enterprise there, and again directing tne stream of emigration towards it. And great as the diffienlties appeared to be, it did seem desirable that some effort should be made with a view of farthering that object. A measure was, in consequence, proposed and sanctioned by parlia ment, which he now pun osed partially to suspend. The object of that measure was to found a system of repre sentation, and to form municipal bodies in the colony to per form duties which would otherwise devolve on the central government. Thera was great difficulty attending the adoption of a system of representation in New Zealand, principally from the wide distance apart from each other of the towns of that colony, Auckland and Wellington being 400 miles distant from each other. It bad, therefore, been suggested that there should ba • legislature in each ; this plan, however, was attended with many difficulties, besides the objection of having two independent legislatures in the same colony. To meet than difficulties it was suggested that there should: be a joint deputation from each to agree on the amount of import duties ant other important measurer. In proposing such an arrangement the government hail also felt that it would not be easy to impose such a local government on the natives, and to meet that difficulty it was p r oposed that the power of the municipal authorities anould only extend to those districts wher e the settlers principally resided. If it were prudent to establish popular government at once in New Zealand the governor did not deader: to uprose it ; but he had certainly shown that, at the present moment, it was impracticable. The main objection he urged was. that the natives, although not sufficiently advanced in intelliezllCe to take part in such municipal councils, wera sufficiently acute to view with great jtalouey and dissatisfaction the appro priation of a revenue raised on imports partly collected from themselves, 61241 in the distribution of which they had no voice. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, thought desirable to suspend for a time the measure which proposed to confer legislative power on New Zealand; and, as long as the colony did not p a y her own expon-es, h did not think the settlers bad as much cause of eomplaint fur not having a representative govern ment as they otherwise would have. He, therefore, proposed to su-pend the constitution of the colony for five years, after which, bo hoped it would be in a fit suite to re ceive a popular government. At the same time, it was de sirable to extend the elements of representation which now existed, but the amount of representation to be conceded it was not easy to determine ; and, in feet, 0 .verrior Grey strongly recommended that this suhjict should be settled on the spot. The bill on their lordships' table authorised the governor to increase the legislative council which previously existed, and give them the power of making ordinances to create subordinate legislatures when it might be thought de sirable. These appointments would, of course, be subject to the approval of her Majesty. Then as to the municipal in stitutions, he saw no reason for suspending them. The act of 1846 provided that no one should be eligible for muni- Opal offices unless they could read and write English. The government had however stated, that whilst many na tives could read and write their own language, and speak English, they could neither read nor write the English lan guage._ He thought it most desirable to encourage the With language in all our colonies, as he believed it to be the strongest bond of union that could exist between the natives and settlers. (Hear, hear.) lie considered it was • great error fur the missionaries to have reduced the barba rous native dialect of New Zealand into a written immune, suitable to the purposes of civilised man. Ile th..ught after a reasonable period the rule requiring reading and writing in English should be enforced so a qualification for any muni cipal or political office; but at present it was desirable to suspend this rule, and the bill therefore contained a clause to that effect. The period, however, of suspension, would beleft to the decision of the governor and the legislative council. He had purposely abstained from introducing any topics not immediately connected with the actual question before their lordships ; but he was quite prepared to a nswer any rem r arks which might be made by any noble - lord upon any othe topic connected with the colony of New Zealand The noble earl then moved that the bill be read a second time. Lord STANLEY must cones that with e very dispositien to support, when p esible, c the measures proposed by his noble friend, he felt some difficulty in the present case • for be did not see , e ven u p on the statement of hi s sable friend, any necessity , for this bill. Had he been present on the occasion ho should have sanc tioned the measure of August, 1846, on the principle that the less the executive government at home interferes with the colonial governor, and with the colonial minister, the better—his principle being, further, that the less the colonial minister interfered with the colonial governor the better. Still he regarded the measure of 1848 as a hasty and prema ture proposition, not fully adapted to the particular cir cumstances of a colony, where the application of special pri vileges to a special class of the community was matter of con siderable difficulty . and very considerable risk, and conse quently involving in the greatest imbarrasament an officer whose chief business it was to act as mediator between two muter and origin, and with a tendency .es as dissimilar also in interests, (Hear.) concurred in the high eu!o_ium which the d upon Governor Or v—a culegium pe himself as corroborating the opinion him to select Captain Grey for the it office he filled ; hut he must, at the regret that the noble earl should have fully acknowledged merits of Captain nvidious contrast between him and his bear.) He must be permitted to say not at all timea approved of the mea- Captain Fitzroy—theugh he thought he us acted with considerable imprudence — found it necessary ultimately to recall a that no public officer had ever been his conduct liy a high principle of ast devotion to his country's service, than been—(hear), who, in undertaking the a.had made a very considerable pecuniary r.) It must not be forgotten that . at the diepcsal of Capt. o:ey, for the er and the protection of the subject, far than Capt. Fitzroy had ever enjoyed. hen the colony was first estanlislicil the in the distinct priu , iple that it was to be sorting colony, which o ould re mire no aid, money, from the mother country ; yet in a . found necessary to assign to it. on the country, an annual aid of 36.0001., an to 2,500 soldiers, and one or two ships to us that any new settlement—pur on its own resources is merely a new every new establishment of our court inevitably the occasion of an increase ' military and general expenditure. ' to Capt. Grey, however, Capt. Fit — coy of, a circumstar.ce which should never considering Capt. Fitzroy's administration.• se great mistake with reference to New ) underrating the power, the means, and native population ; a mistake, however, HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TWISDAT, FEB. 29. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PUBLIC BUSINESS. NOTICES OF MOTlON.—Pansurawr or F.WART on the 14th of Mach, to move foe leave to bring in a bid for the abo lition of the punishment of death. TAXATION.- Mr. ewairr,on the 9th of March, to Our the term. of his motion on the subject of indirect taxation. EtCLEPIASTICAI. COritrm.-111r. BOUVILIiIL, on the 14th Of MOrel, to bring the subject of these courts before the house. LANCASTER ELECTION PETITION. Mr. DEEDES brought up the report of the select com mittee appointed to try the merits of the petition against the 'taunt of Samuel °region, Esq., for the borough of Lancas ter. The c tmmittee reported that the said Samuel Gregron, Esq., was not duly elected for Lancaster, and 'hat the elec tion was void; that Mr. Gregson, by the acts of himsi If and his agents, had been guilty of treating, and that it bad been proved that briees had been received by several voters, but not with the Is owiedge or consent of Mr. Gregson.—The report was agreed to. CARLISLE ELECTION COMMITTEE. The followiug members were called to the table, and sworn in as the select committee appointed to try the merits of the petition presented agai nst the return of John Di x .in, Esq., for the borough of ..arlisle Mr. Divett, Viscount Barrington, Mr. Adderley, Mr. Fellowes, and Mr. Clements. FRANCE AND THE EUROPEAN POWERS. Mr. M. MILNES begged to wile the noble lord the Secre tary for Foreign Affairs whether the provisional govern ment of France had made any communication to the ambas sadors of the European powers resident at Paris? Viscount PALMERSTON said he had that morning re ceived from the Marquis of Nonnanby a copy of a communi cation addressed by H. de Lamartine, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, to all the foreign ambassadors at Paris, announcing the appointmeat of a provisional government. which, however, would effect no alteration in the petition of France towards her European allies; and that the govern ment of Farce entertained a loyal and sincere there to maintain amicable relations with all those powers who, like Franee, were determined to respect the right& of nations. (Loud cheers.) POOR LAWS IRELAND. Col. DUNNE, in bringing forward the motion of which he had given notice, observed, Ireland would never be able to pay her share of the national taxes until in all respects she had been placed on a level with the other portions of the United Kingdom. Every one in Ireland was aware that the poor law hod failed in Ireland. It bad been called an experiment ; but he could hardly approve of the policy that would try experiments on eight miffions of peoplo. hear.) 'The hon. and gallant member concluded by moving for a committee to inquire into the working &M. efficiency of the po. r-law in Ireland. Mr. O'FLAIiERTY seconded the motion. We under stood the hon. member to say that in the west of Ireland the poor law hail proved a complete failure. Mr. DRUMMOND complained of the difficulty there existed of coming to an accurate knowledge of any facts connected with the other side of the water. (A laugh.) In the report of the Devon commission he found 340 distinct contradictions in matters of fact sworn to before that cons. mittee. (Hear, hear.) Here was a motion for a committee to inquire whether the poor law was adapted to Ireland. (No, no, from the Irish members.) If not, what was it ? He did not see why it should not be adapted to that country, as it cost much less there than in England. Sir G. GREY said that although he was far from affirm ing that the Irish poor-law was perfect in all its details, or that local errors of administration had not occurred, yet he gnat still agree with his hon. friend who had last spoken that the appointment of a committee would be mischievous, and likely to prevent the full and fair operation of the poor law. He confessed that having listened with all attention to the speech of the hon. and gallant member for Portarlington could not discover what p urpose or object he proposed to gain by the appointment proposed committee. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and gallant sesaber's feeling seemed to be, that the poor in Ireland wad tot be supported without continuous grants from the I deter country. (" Hear, hear," and dissent from the Irish members.) The hon. and gallant member urged the lessen ing of the area of taxation, on the ground that under the present arrangement those landlords who employed their poor were equally rated with those that did nothing. He (Sir G. Grty) feared that the effect of such sit alteration would be to withdraw ail relief from those districts which were unable to support themselves. lie admitted that the poor law, as it had been administered in tome parts of Ireland, had failed, and that deaths had occurred as stated; but it had so failed, not fur want of funds to relieve the destitution of those districts, but rather for want of due and efficient administration of those funds ; and many of the deaths complained of had, be be lieved, resulted from the gross neglect of the boards of guardians. As the hon. gentleman who had just sat down bad stated, no board of guardians had been dissolved by the commissioners in which it had not been aboolutely necessary for the p ro tection of the poet to take that course. The Cavan union was a case in point. The elected guardians declared that no rate could be collected, end government must step in to provide for the poor by other means. The board was dissolved, and paid guardians appointed, and though when these entered on their.duties the union was bankrupt, not having a shilling in hand, arid though these paid guardians had to obtain a loan of 3001. with which to comeaence operations, in six weeks after they had coll. cted poor rates to the amount of 12,0001.., and after prov i d i n g for a large number of poor within Vie w and giving out-door relief to betwen 5,000 and 6,000, they had, besides repaying the loan, about 5,0001. in hand. (Hear, hear.) He wished it to be under stood that, so far from these paid guardians entailing any extra charge on the rate-payers, in most cases they had saved money to the union , while they had administered relief to the poor in a more liberal manner than the elected guardians. He did not mean to say that in every union sufficient fonds could be raised by the guardians, if left un aided, to meet the destitution. There were undoubtedly many unions in Ireland in which the guardians and ell par ties had cooperated actively and zealously in carrying out the law. Those unions might, he believed, in regard to the condition of the poor, vie with any in England—(hear) — and contained no destitution which could not be relieved through the medium of the poor law. With regard to the area of taxation, the only guide he had as to the intention of hon. gentlemen in this respect, was a notice of a bill for substituting town lands for electoral dirricts, given by the honourable member fin Longford, but which had not been brought on it the time for which it stood, and which he had since understood was withdrawn, Now, with regard to the town-land division the house should understand how the question stood. There were 130 unions in Ireland, and there were 2,049 electoral divisions, the average number being 15 to each union. Were the town land substituted for the electoral principle, there would be, instead of this average of 15, with so many separate sets of amounts, an average . of 467 divisions as forming the area of taxation, each returning a member to the general board of guardians, and each having to keep its noires accounts. Such a system it must be obvious would be so complited and inconvenient as to be impraCtiCable. (Hear.) H ca e be lieved, in fact, that the idea had been abandoned, but when they still proposed to reduce the area of taxation, house understand what was the extent proposed. Be had stated last year, and he now repeated it, that he was far from meeting that the unions were not in many cases too la be islifht add that that 'abject d ", mu, to , motif , " ur Urie coneideralon ; and that with ttia eoueurrenee vrhllL Ewa} irmstryd th e ,Islgmelisuanstsasnof government oornxissiou ,IwoinPtrdithetobonimndariutueste as ps rest enured that in any scheme of govern ment far New Zealand the native population must be fairly ellitallealtd. (Hear, hear.) That population was as alive to 1,1100,-.ezi wolengroamongreforrvzhanduathoLeulsewtoeyerainoodiVeollnise,neraith tha:l re=as any one of their lo ps to his own. No nation , a course of lemons in political economy to under- and removing the comequent anomalies in the adentet seeell the alliatil* politico of governor and governed— ( uar, tion oTiEiTaw. 'lle did sot, Miniver, wine It to gel hem) and the New Zealanders were very far, indeed, from that govemment.contemplated the adoption of the town-land bete mum this beast eivilised or intellectual of nations. Of division. He ofd) to lead prop aed idea eommittee, because that the law had the• may teethe , who had been effectively engaged in its appointment mig h t to the the mum of the Royal Engineer department in failed, and that it was to be repealed or modified, or that the the ahoy, none had boon found who could not read, rates were insufficient to rel eve the deetitution of Ireland. and but one who could not write, his native lan- Mr. A. STAFFORD concurred with the hon. member for gunge: deers was no drunkenness among them, and Portarlington in that l which_ :ras oul the animus of hie speech, they almost all put by a portion of their earnings, which that the property of reland h be made to support the many althorn invested in heifers, which they then put out poverty of tits country. That was the object for which the to pasture. (liver, hear.) The noble lord proceeded to present motion was made.. Tie, however, contendekthet by contend that the bill before them was altogether unneces adopting the electoral division as the area of taxation, vary, since the act of 1846 enabled her Majesty to alter, add the landlords who did their duty, improved their property, to, or repeal such portions of the instructions or orders and employed their tenants, were made to bear the burden lensed un&r it as should be found inexpedient. Why, then, of supporting the destitution occasioned by the neglect of me rape! instead of suspend that portion of the constitu- othen. Wit leblik the colonial governor condemned, and the noble Mr. It. M. FOX (Longford) said the right hon. gentle himmlf abandoned ? He concurred with his noble man (Sir G. Grey) was mistaken as to the object of the = r tn the prop:widen that, more eepecially in a settle- bill of which he bad given notice. It was not to provide foe meat like New Zealand, where the colonists lived in small the support of the poor of Ir e land by a town-land rating, bodies, separated from each other in many eases by four or but of the able-bodied poor only. The infirm poor he :pro fire hundred ini•CA, it was desirable to give each town the posed to provide for by a union rating. lie intended to have pewee of managing its own taxation and its own peculiar propoted the levying of a tax upon all property other than concern* ; but as to the firm-wrought scheme of the towns landed, in order to create a fuud to be placed in the bends electing their councillor', and those their aldermen, and of the poor-law commissioners, as rate in aid of that to these their mayor, and mayor, aldermen, and council their re- raised, where the other rate exceeded a certain amount b ut presentative, to serve in one of two assemblies, the as he saw no likelihood of his being able to carry out his two assemblies being under one general assembly, and views upon the subject, ho should nut bring forward his bill, the general assemb'y under two deputy governors, and hoping, however, that the committee now moved for would the two deputy-governors under a governor ; this elaborate be granted. system, to be applied to • population of just 16,000 persons,CONOLLY supported the motion. broken up into infinitely small bodies, separated by infinitely An HON. MEMBEO, who said he represented a place in large distances, seemed to him somewhat of a farce in : egg- the west of Ireland, declared that be was not individually lotion. (Hear, hear.) In point of fact there would be no opposed to a poor law in Ireland, neither was the constitu electors ,every man would be a person elected—an alderman, ency which he represented ; Y ea r, desired to see • better at the least. 'The people had dwelt upon the extreme ins- regulated prima establisbed hear) —by which they policy, the absolute danger, ot seeking to authorise a small would have more of the managemeitt of their own affairs• in minority of colonists, dwelling far apart from eaeh other, their own hands, and he hoped, therefgre, that the govern to impose taxes and highhanded sway upon the native mint would yield to the appeel of the hon. member for population. immensely superior in numbers, powerful, keenly Portarlington. sensitive of their rights, of proud and independent spirit. Mr. FRENCH denied, as was alleged by the bon. mem (Hear, hear.) While ready to dispose of the occupation of her for Surrey, that Ireland sea. taxed fur the poor al the their land, for a moderate consideration ti ed were same rate only as this country. It was, on the contrary, thotougly impressed, and justly so, with the knowlge that much mote heavily taxed ; for while Ireland was rated for the right to the soll wee theirs. (Hear, hear). As to the the poor to the eve et of 2,000,0001. on rental of 13.000,00 W. Bishop of New Zealand, he would say, that the error with England was only taxed to the exteret of 6,000,00 W. on a which that most excellent prelate had been charged was a rental of 66,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) most natural error. and certainly one icto which he himself Mr. HUME hoped the government would not refuse an had fallen. (Hear, hear.) He would only add that he re- opportunity to the I rich members of proving their case ; and garded the bill ea unnecemary ; yet, as the noble earl dwelt as some of them lauda b ly olitarved, of moveable their coon upon it as • step which required to be taken, and as it was, try from being uny longer a herde u to this. The govern. at all events, a step in the right direction, he would not op- mem would he acting monist their own principles if they pose ita progress. fused the committee now MOMMI for. The Earl of WALDEGRAVE supported the bill, and Capt. JONES opposed the appoitement or n committee es briefly assigned reasons for so doing; but his words were likely to interfere injuriously w iii, o p", s tem of the law. smrcely audible in the gallery The hon. member for Itoeconin ttttt • who aupperted the me. The Earl of ST. GERbIANS wee mtiefied of the sound- tion, was opposed to the law altegielter. and it was evidently non of the principle of " self-supporting colonies." with the view ot opposing it that he asked for a committee. With respect to the measure before them he had some Mr. FAGAN considered inquiry to be absolutely Deere doubts about is detail., and thought the course it prof/coed airy respecting the mode of administering relief, the Mgr to take was marcely the best that might have been pursued. minion of paupers from F,ng and, the charge upon the He had no intention, however, of opposing the measure. Earl GREY replied, and declared that between the pre- occup . ier o , which he considered to be too much, and upon sent governor of New Zealand and himself there was not sever lother minor matters, Sir J. WALSH joined in entreating the government a shadow of a shads of difference. to consent to the appointment of a committee on this mat' The bill was then read a seco nd time. important subject. Their lordships adjourned at seven o'clock. Mr. S. CRAWFORD contended that the returns made to parliament showed that an inquiry was impe ratively necessary. The evils of the present system demanded 4 that such should he ti e ease, and that some intermediate course should at least be adopted. Looking to the whole operation ot the law, and its results, he radially joined in the motion for the appointment of a committee of inquiry. Major BLACKALL also supported the motion, ob serving that the time had arrived when inquiry was not only Sting, hut absolutely necessary. Mr. ACILION BY implored ministers to consent to the ap pointment of this committee. Their opposition to it could only rest on information received from officials in Ireland ; and on that ground it was important that other evidence should he heard. An HON. MEMBER, whom we did not recognise, said that feeling the inconvenience which must guise from with drawing a number of officers from Ireland, to give evidence before the committee, he must °peon its appointment. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that the law was imperative as to the appeiumnent ot relieving officers by the commis sioners ,• and yet this had been made a serious ground of com plaint by the hon. and gallant member for Donegal (Col. Conolly). It was also imperative on relieving officers to give relief in sudden and urgent cues; and if this or any other of the requirements of the law were not complied with, the commesioners would naturally he blamed for not compelling the guardians to do their duty. The hon. and gallant mover teelonel Dunue) had laid much stress on the state of thine. in the union ot Bally shannon ; but this, it should be known, had been one of the most difficult unions in Ireland to manage. In the Donegal union, the salaries proposed by the guardians for school master, porter, an i other officers, had been so ridiculoasly small-8/. a year for the schoolmaster, and fd. for the porter —(hear, hesr)—that the commissioners were compelled to interfere, otherwise it would have been impossible to obtain proper officers The enrnmiasion , re had been blamed for dismissing certain boards of giantism'. Let the house read the papers on this subject, and they would be satisfied that the commissioners had endeavoured to perform their duty in the best possible manner. Ile had always thought that the Irish poor law would require con siderable modification before it was made to work un exceptionably , but as yet it was quite premature to propose any alteration—for the law had net been fully enforced. A committee of inquiry at the present mimetic would be abso lutely nugatory; for when the law was brought into fall operation, a further and fuller inquiry might become necessary. The area of taxation was not unalterably fixed; it might become the duty of the commissioners or the le gislature materially to reduce it, but not certainly to the ex tent of the town-land only. It was most important that the house should take care, in stimulating employment, not to decrease the stimulus to labour, nor to relieve the large landed proprietors from the duty of supporting the poor. (Hear, hear.) Let them beware of holding out induce ments to clearances. (Hear, hear.) On the estates of many proprietors there was not a single pauper, them estates being tilled and cultivated by labourers from couti goons districts ; and surely it was not intended to relieve such landowners from the support of the poor altogether. (No, no.) But such would be the effect if each towoland were made responsible for the support of its own poor. The reduction of the area of taxation was a most difficult ques tion, and would demand the most careful consideration The basis of a well-considered po ter law was most essential for the superstructure of tee welfare of Ireland ; and it be hoved the house to be most caretul lest they should take a wrong step in the matter by disturbing the existing law be fore they were in possession of sufficient informatioa as to how it had worked and how it was likely to operate. (Hear, bear.) Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN said the appointment of the committee was unanimously desired by Irish me mbei s ; and if it was denied by an English majority, it would convince the Irish people more strongly of the necessity of having • parliament to manage their own affairs. Mr. CLEMENTS had heard with deep regret that the government meant to refuse the committee. The unions in Ireland were, on an average, three times the size of those in this country; their extraordinary size utterly prevented the proper working of the law. He disapproved of the employ ment of the paid guardians, and hoped they would be gut rid of as soon as possible. In some of the unions there were as many u 12 relieving officers, while in no union in Eng. land ware there more than six relieving officers. In the north of Ireland, where the unions were only half the a ze of those in Connaught, the law was found to work much better. The necessary effect of too large unions was to diminish the stimulus for the employment of labour, and to increase the rate in consequence. (Hear.) Mr. LABOUCHERE expressed his regret that the government felt themselves obliged to oppose the motion for a committee, supported as it was by so large a majority of the Irish members. (Hear.) They did so because they be lieved that if the motion was carried it would have a ten dency to paralyse the exertions of those who were now endea vouring to carry out the working of the poor law. on which the subsistence of thousands was at that moment depending. The Earl of LINCOLN said he would support the govern meet on the present occasion, because he thought the grant ing of a committee would be likely to counteract the efficient operation of the poor law. He thought, however, that the members from Ireland had grounds of complaint against the government on this occasion, because every member of the government who had spoken had given a somewhat differentexplanation of the object of the commission. (Hear.) Mr. LABOUCHERE said that what he stated was that the COMIIIIMiOII was not to investigate with • view to change' the area of taxation as a general principle; but he did not deny that where the electoral districts were incon veniently large, especially in the west of Ireland, they would be diminished in extent, and increased in number. The Earl of LINCOLN resumed— Did the right hon. gentleman mean as a general rule to say that there was to be no re-opening of the question as to the area of taxation ? Because if that were the ease the government ought to speak out upon the subject and let their intentions be known. As to altering the Irish poor law, in respect to substituting townlands for electoral divisions, no real friend of Ireland could have proposed such a measure. If the commission which the government intended to appoint sou to be a work ing commission, then it would effect great good. But he hoped it was not proposed for the mere purpoee of passing the whole question by. First let the commission get into operation and show what it was likely to do, aced then Bit was unsatisfactory let the present motion be renewed. Sir G. GREY, in explanation, said that the hon. baronet the member for Clare was quite aware that he had received an urgent application from several members for Ireland, requesting him to nominate a commission to inquire into the In n prnt electoral divisions as regarded the administration of the A poor law, for the purpose of reduciog their ex tent. He had then told the hon. baronet that he had always been most willing and ready to appoint such a commission, hut that, having recently been in communication with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on the subject, he expected to re. e m the from that nobleman a plan already marked out for the ointenent of a commission and the nature of in inquiries. Two or three days ago he did receive that plan, and then he had informed the hon. baronet the member for Clare that a division of unions might be desirable, and that as he and others were not able to effect that object it might be done by means of a commission . But, at the same time, he stated Not the government objected to any proposal to diminish I the area of taxation, as that might lead to extravagant ex , Padatiolla which could not be realised. All the government could hope to effect:was, to divide large electoral districts where they were Mind to be too large ; but they could not EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1848. undertake to lay down rule* for the observance of the tom minion, and theiefore, though he would not pledge himself to such a step, he had no doubt but that the result of the ia quiry would he torecom mend a division of the electoral dis , 'Mr. WAILET said that the right hon. baronet had cot fined hit o:planation to the question of electoral divisions; and the noble lord who had recommended the motion to He be w i t hd ra wn had 'leo referred only to the same point. hoped, however, that on the present, as on recent oceasions, ministers would see the error of their ways, and relent so far es not to oppose the nomivation of • committee. After the statements that had been made that night there was a greater necereity than ever to nominate a select committee. When so striking a phenomenon we exhibited, u that of the Irish members all agreeing upon the motion, it was treating them with great disrespect nut to grant it. (Meer,' I hear.) The test applied to the Irish, as it had previously b e en done to the E,nglish, wor kh ou ses was to render them as uncomfortable iss possible. (Murmure.) Yes, he re peated his assertion. The real workhouse test is Ireland, as in England, was excessive discomfort ; ' and in order that the teat should be most fully applied, the guardians of the poor had, he was credibly informed, sought out the very worst species of food that hu man beings could .übsist on, in order to provide that for the workhouse inmates. (Cries of " Name, risme.") The gen tleman from whom he had this information was sitting in the how* and heard him make the statement, but not hav ' ing received his permission he could not name him. (The hon. member for Cork here spoke to Mr. Wakley.) He was authorised Vs Pay that his informant was the hon. mem ber for Cork. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FAGAN rose, and begged to be permitted to state that he had been informed by a board of guardians in Ire land, that as the English w o rkhouses had applied th eepat m of adopting the worst possible species of food for t poor, ID they thought the precedent was one which ought to be ob served in Ireland. The Earl of LINCOLN said that he had visited the work house at Cork, and he could bear witness that he wished to God every poor man out of the English workhouses had M good food to eat as the paupers at Cork got. The bread served out to them was as white and as good as that eaten at the table of any gentleman in that house. Mr. WAKLEY resumed. The Cork union was not the one referred to by him, nor could it be, so long as the board of guardians had amongst theist one se kind and so liberal beeigted as the hon. member for Cork. The question he Weald put upon the dietary point was, what was the propor tion of animal food served out is the workhouses in Ireland ? He could answer that question by averring that able-ho led labourers were for weeks in the workhouse without receiving ,an ounce of animal food. Wee that fit treatment for human being', whilst the cattle were all sent to England fur sale ? (Oh, oh.) It might be unpleasant to bear, but what he said ws asvertheless true. lie hoped the house would nut narrow the question down to the views expressed by tho right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey), but that they would look to it as affecting the welfare uf many thousands; and in his opinion the government, so far from opposing the motion, ought to seek to make the inquiry u searching as possible. Mr. C. BULLER said lie had hardly thought he should have had to interfere in the present debate for the purpose of defending the English poor law, and he did so merely to show how little dependance was to be placed on information had at second-hand. The hon. member fee Finsbury had deplored the intolerable abuses of the Irish poor law, be anies, as he stated, the unhappy peasantry were put on a tem description of food, worse than they bad been accus tomed to—the same, in fact, us had been given in the Eng lish workhouses. There were many gentlemen present who were convenient with the working of the English poor law, and they must be aware of the truth of the honour able member's illustration. (Hear bear.) m It had never been the policy of the Emilish commissioners to encourage the use of bad food, and when lie told the house that they were standing out at that moment for four meat dinners per week in the workhouse., he thought that very little dread would be felt on that score. But it was a great misfortune when gentlemen of quick imagination and eloquence picked up the facts they bad to state in the course of the speech they were making. (Laughter.) They had all heard the prompting which the hon. member for Fins bury had undergone, and how an Irish union had, in the course of his speech, swelled from 30 to till miles in length. (A laugh.) Before an honourable member some for ward in that house to complain of the dietary in the Irish workhouses, he should remember what the habitual food of the peasantry had twen—(hear, hear)—in how many cases the honest and in dustrious peasant had been unable to get as good. (Hear, hear.) he lion. member had taunted the government with !having " harked back" on other questions, and &eked them Itodoso on the Irish poor law. Ile (Mr. Buller) wished to ask the House of Commons whether it had 10 far seen the error of its wile in passing the Irish poor law, as to be ready hi hark back at the bidding of the hon. member ? (Hear, hear., Ile asked the question , becau se it was on that ground the committee was asked for—it was felt that its appoint. ment would be a heat y Lbw and discouragement to the p.m law. (" Hear, hear,' r " no, no," from the Irish m, m bees.) Oh, yes, the frith m?mbers of all religions and polities were unanimous on that point. The broad plain issue of this motion was not to inquire into any particular fact, or class of facts, connected with the poor law, it was to inquire into the working and efficiency of the poor low in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He said and maintained that it was deliberately putting the whole of the poor law again in issue, and its working would be completely paralysed during the sitting of the committee. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GROGAN supported the motion. Sir A. BROOKE could attest the lively interest felt in Ireland on this subject. Ile felt it his duty to support the motion. Col. DUNNE, in reply, said that he could not have made out • more complete case for his motion than that for which he was indebted to the hon. members who opposed it. No- body could deny that the poor rates of Ireland were rapidly absorbieg the property of the country. Mr. WALTER did not rise to detain the house by any observations on the Irish poor law, with which he was free to confess he was but imperfectly acquainted, but merely to congratulate the government on the fortunate appointment they had made in the selection of a gentleman as president of the poor law commission who had had the boldness to assert in that house that it was not the object of the new poor law to offer to the poor of this country a worse diet in the work house than they could obtain out of it. To sty nothing of the famous document which had been exhibited in the house, and which was thrown out as • feeler as to what lowest diet the poor could exist upon, had the righhon. gentleman forgotten to what cireumstaoee he owed his ap pointment?—had he forgotten that it was to the practice which was preyed to have prevailed in the Andover union, where, in consequence of the insu ffi cie nc y of the diet, the poor had had recourse to gnawing raw bones to satisfy their hunger ? (Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Walter) was glad to bear that the hon. and learned gentleman bad, since his accession to office, been engaged in an endeavour to improve the diet in the workhouses; but whatever might be the case now, that could not affect. the merits of the original object of the law, and he should have been want in g in the dut y he owed to his constituents, and the respect he owed to that indi vidual who, while he lived, was always the determined oppenent of that law, if he had not risen in his place to ex press his astonishment at the extraordinary statement of the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. C. Buller). (Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. WAKLEY, The house divided, and the numbers were— For the motion Against it 16.5-64 TENANT-RIGHT. Mr. NEWDEGATE moved for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the law and custom of diff e rent puts of the United Kingdom, u between out-go and hi-coming tenants, and also as between landlord cad tenant, in reference to uneeheusted improvements or dete rioration of land and premiers occupied for agricultural purposes. Mr. PUSEY seconded the motion. Col. SIBTIIORP opposed the motion, it being his opinion that these matters should be left to arrangemesel between the parties concerned. He moved that the question be adjourned till that day six months. The SPEAKER, however, having intimated that thlll amendment wee informal, Col. SIBTHORP moved that the debate be adjourned. Sir 0. GREY said that certainly if there was to be a de bate on the motion, it had better, at that hour of the night, be adjourned. Mr. PUSSY thought that inquiry on this subject would be useful. M r. CHRISTOPHER, on the contrary, was clearly of opinion that legislation upon the relations in question would be only leading the agricultural interest still deeper into the mire. Mr. W. MILES hoped the gallant member for Lincoln would withdraw his amendment. Mr. HEATEICOTE was as much against the suggested bill as any man, and be thought the clearest way to settle the question would be to appoint a committee. SIBTHORP withdrew his amendment, and the motion was then agreed to. EXPENDITURE COMMITTEES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER postponed the appointment of these committees until Friday. ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL. Mr. WALPOLE obtained leave to bring in thia bill. The house adjourned at half-past 12 o'cloek. ELECTION CO NIMITTEES.—YESTERDAY. BOLTON.—lvidence respecting the charge of treating heard during the entire day. LANCASTER. —DECISION.—Having heard Mr. Ser jeant Wrangham in reply for the titling member, the room was cleared, and the committee came to the follow* deci sion :—That Samuel Gngson, EA., was not duly elected as a burgess to serve in parliament for the borough of Lancaster. That the late election (in so far as it regards the return of the said Samuel Greron, Esq.) is a void election. That the said Samuel Gregso n, Esq., did by himself or agents com mit acts o f treating for the purpose of unduly in fluencing the electors. That it was proved to the com mittee that John Hartley had been bnbed by the payment of 21. 10s.; Richard Carson, with the payment of 31. 10s.; Thomas Wood, with 11.; James Dodson, 21. 10s.; Robert Ilad , eio, 21. 10s. ; but that it was not proved by evidence that the said acts of bribery were committed with the know ledge or consent of the said Samuel Gregson, Esq. LYME , REnte.—Mr. Serjeant Wrangham propeeed to conclude the petitioners' case by calling Sir F. Kelly to answer upon ostb the charges of bribery that had been made a gainst him.—Mr.Serjesat Kinglakc objected, on the ground that Sir F. Kelly was a party to the record.—The cornraittos decided that Sir F. Kelly could not be exaathied,—The committee Man adjourned to this day. 1 I faceTh " d . i - eXimilar in chstac to regard themselves u d He moat fully concurrec , • „ noble earl had pused up • - 4 ' , 11 culiarly gratifying to him .t t which had inductd him : onerous and important of . same time, express his re I I sought to enhance the ful Grey by a somewhat invi predecessor. (Hear, he: 1 ' i• that, though he had not i,sores introduced by Capt I had on some occasions se , and though be had Mum i •• , t him, yet he considered tl more wholly guild in , honour, integrity, and di , • • Capt. Fitzroy had been. a. office entrustedto him,he sacrifice. (Hear, hear.) . I there had bets placed at I ' a maintenance of order a T greater rtiourceli than (Hear, bear.) When I i t settlers went upon the wholly . a self-supporting ki I either in men or moos very short time it was t part of the mceher cot army of from 2,000 to 1 • f of war—another lesson 5 11 potting to rely solely or damption that every ~ I trymen abroad is inevi 1 ! ia our naval and 0 The aid thus extended t had not the advantage c I be lost sight of in consid , i new 'ealancl h l: r cl . 4., O n n te e g ; She drilisation of the na , 1 gil MAILS The West India Mai* including Bermuda, Name, Samna, Honduras, New Ma t°an. era erne Tampico, end Porto Bleo, ant eat:lading Uwe@ for air Jaernel, =Cm, ;Mate Marina, Mains, Panama, West Coast of Saab and St, jesn.de. Nicaragua, will be made up en the morning of the t ied Merck. reo overland mails Mr Gibraltar, Malta, ;Reese, the io6lllllbbildi, ig ny ,g, °Won, Rong-Kong, and China, i.e Peutbamptee, will - be made op on the moraine of the ird Mdreh. The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pe boon Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ares, will be made up on tho we of the 1U Muth. lin oarcland Mooed mails, via Moraines, tke m aderranesn, Fern, Aden, Ceylon , India, Hoag Kong, ne., will be ade up on the evening; of the' Mareb. The malls for Drank North America, Berm ads, and the United states. will be made up on tar evening; of the 10• It Match. NOTICE. Tan number of 8 VAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during the year 1847, was: From J. 1, to Dzc. 31 , 3,447,009 This, we believe, is within eight per eent. of the number issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, tad Morning Post, ALL PUT TOGETHER. In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS, Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edit ion, TILE EXPRESS, From Jam. 1, to Dza. 31 778,714 Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers. TO COREESPONDEICIII. ..• Lauri Worsts laweded for • The Ewww" Umiak wain - be WWII NW*, liwwwWwwW, e•Weet pOWILLWA. HUM WATS' AT LONDON 11111011. DAT—lieralm lo rale. NW 10, A/W.6m poot 10 T.M01.110•-•aLsrlan, oh. pat I k Afterrom. mi. Asa 6. ALBEIT unwilling to criticise severely any expres sions of ministers, at a time when they have so promptly withdrawn the most exceptionable part of their budget, in deference to public opinion, we feel that there are some things in Sir C. Wooo's speech of Monday evening that cannot be allowed to peas with out comment. " Even those honourable gentlemen," said the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, " who, on former occasions, had supported the change from indirect to direct taxation, had been amongst the loudest in denouncing the increase proposed by ministers." Where is the inconsistency ? When the income and property tax was first proposed it was ap proved of by many, as a means of guarantee ing a sufficient revenue even in the event of a falling off in the customs returns from the remis sion of customs duties. The three per cent. property land income tax was the price paid for the emancipa tion of commerce from excessive duties. But no re mission of duties exercising a prejudicial influence on I industry and commerce was offered in return for the additional two per cent. of property and income tax which ministers have asked, but have been compelled Ito forego. Because men were found willing to give three per cent, per annum out of their income in repayment of a great benefit, had Sir CHARLES WOOD any reasonable ground to expect that they would give two per cent. more without any prospect of deriving advantage in return ? So, with respect to the proposal to distinguish be tween professional incomes and incomes proceeding from realised property, the CHANCELLOR of the Ex citeutrea appears to deem it a conclusive argument against such an arrangement, that it was not asked when the income tax was first imposed. It was asked even then: that it was not more strenuously insisted upon was owing to the circumstance that men were too intent upon seeing the experiment of a partial substitution of direct for indirect taxation entered upon ; that they made up their minds to bear an unequal distribution of the former for three years rather than interpose delays. But now that the experiment has been made, and we believe in the opinion of a majority, made with success, they are anxious that the system, if it is to be persevered in, should be perfected ; and, therefore they insist upon having the tax fairly apportioned. They demand that an income, worth only a few years' purchase, shall be taxed at a lower rate than a permanent income of the same nominal amount. Again, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER de fended the increase of expenditure which has been unremittingly growing upon us since 1837, by the allegation that improvements in administrative go vernment have been the cause of the increased out lay. There is no doubt that the present immensely improved system of Post-office service necessarily costs more than the old inefficient one ; and that more being spent in working it, a less surplus remains to be paid into the treasury. There is no doubt that the attempts making to introduce a more humane and efficient system of prison discipline add temporarily to the national expenses. There is no doubt that even the inadequate grants made of late years for educational parpeses help to swell the amount of na tional expenditure. But the advocates of retrench ment maintain that these and even greater expenses of the useful class might have been incurred without any increase of the aggregate expenditure. They say that there still remain on the estimates many items of outlay entirely useless, many which were originally introduced, and are still kept there for purposes of political corruption. And they argue that if these superfluous and noxious charges were lopped off, there would be, without any increase of national burdens, a wide margin of income left to apply in carrying out these measures of public benefit to which it is sought to attribute the whole of our increased expenditure, and many more of a similar kind. Both the fallacy by which an increased and an un equal income tax is sought to be palliated, and thatby which an unduly large expenditure is sought to be cloaked, have their origin, not in erroneous opinion, but in an ill-regulated will. The statesmen who pro fess to attribute weight to them are bent upon per sisting in a system of compromise. They want annual estimates which will cover quite irreconcileable classes of expenditure. When power could be obtained and held in defiance of public opinion by the majority of voters in a parliament framed under " virtual representation," ministers had no motive to spend public money on efficient government, and a very strong motive to expend it in conciliating partisans. There was a limit for taxa tion by going beyond which discontent and mutiny might have been excited; but they kept themselves within this by pinching useful establishments to lavish the savings in corruption. Since the people obtained a real voice in the election of parliament, they have insisted upon some return for what they pay as taxes, in the form of good government. And, to do the statesmen of the present day justice, all of them—of all parties—evince a predisposition to gra tify so natural a desire. But, unfortunately, all of them are, at the same time, unable to emancipate themselves entirely from traditional maxims of statecraft. While they admit that a large portion of the national revenue ought to be laid out on objects of public utility, they at the same time conceive it necessary to ensure sta bility to their power by reserving a modicum to be spent in securing friends, after the fashion of the un just steward in the parable. Now moderate estimates might cover ample means of corruption, under the old system. And moderate estimates may cover a liberal expenditure for the public advantage under the new. But it is impossible to persist in both kinds of expenditure at once, and at the same time keep the estimates within any , reasonable bounds. Herein lies the mistake made by the CHAN CELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. lie imagines that he can provide the money required for educa tion, improved prison discipline, an efficient Post-office, &c.; he imagines that he can at the same time keep upon the estimates a number of boards, and special jobs, that may afford light (or no) employment and a comfortable income to political supporters and their friends ; and, lastly, he imagines that he can do all this, and keep the estimates at a figure that will be tolerated by the country. He is mistaken, as the events which have already taken place since the com mencement of the session may have led him to sur mise, and as those which must follow, if he perseveres in the course to which he apparently inclines, will con vince him. Henceforth statesmen in this country must be pre pared to deal with the public as with full-grown and intelligent men. Anything in reason—anything in doe proportion to their means—they will be found ready to pay towards the support of government ; but of a government that makes its usefulness felt. They will insist upon having money's worth for their looney. They will have every item of expenditure strictly canvassed, and its advantage or necessity made obvious. And they will insist with equal per tinacity upon having proof that the salaries attached to public duties are really worked for. No ministry lig* THE can now look to retain office, except upon the mew dition of keeping the national expenditure within reesoaable haute, of applying every penny of what is pieced at their disposal to good purpose, and of keeping their accounts so clearly and intelligihl 7 . teat they ran at any moment explain any vocal outlay, or the whole of their expenses, in a sad / , factory manner. HITHERTO the progress of the revolution in Fraaes has been satisfactory beyond what the most sae • and most prepossessed in favour of the French chat ranter could have anticipated. The improvised pros visional government appears to be deeidsdly gaming strength, and its proceedings have been marked with dignity, courage, and circumspection. But our main reliance is in the educated and pre. prietary class of France. In every csuntry p ose , ees d such a elate, under any form dr government, politi c a power necessarily resides in it. Education imparts the power of acting upon system, and with con sequence, yr , i perty enables its owners, by " biding their tiene . , 4 to starve their antagonists into compromise or surrender. 'The anti oubled arid uninterrupted exercise of the power possessed by the wealthy and intelligeng depends upon two conditions - justice and comes. towards less fortunate members of society courage and unionamoag themselves. As fares flush". telligence yet received goes, both conditions appear t o manifest themselves in a remarkable degree at pre. sent in France among this influential class. The wisdom displayed by the leaders of the Free. legislature in avoiding a collision with the popula ce while their blood was up, and the courage and doll with which they have availed themselves of retott ing calmness to re-establish order and hasten the re turn of society to its usual routire, is the theme of just encomium in all quarters. But the same spiels appears to have manifested itself in all parts of Frame, The promptitude with which the authorities of Roes accepted the new order of things, was equalledby the resolution with which, in the heat of popular... I citement, they caused the arrest of no less than fifty. two delinquents. The republican enthusiasm of Tours is as warm as that of Paris ; and yet, although bad blood existed between the French and Easesk railway labourers, the English in general hay= reason to be satisfied with the conduct there o towards them. And in justice to those classes who live as it were from hand to mouth—the development of whose minds has been less cared for—who have been the combatants on the late occasion—let it be 11. marked that their conduct may bear comparison even with their predecessors in 1830. The only windy disquieting manifestation during the revolution has been the partial destruction of railways. And this, a letter from Tours, which we publish to-day, as well as the statements in the journals of Roues, would lead us to believe has been in a great meant, occasioned by jealousies entertained by the French of the English workmen. We have seen on many of our own railways a spirit of mutual inveteracy be. tween Irish and English, or Scotch labourite, that entitles us to doubt whether, in a period of civil cont. motion, these parties might not have proceeded to , worse extremities. ' Even in the indirect self-flattery with which Englishmen are accustomed to speak patronisingly or llP"logetieally of French fickleness, we cannot coin. aide. The late dynasty had richly earned the die. missal it has received. And let us look back to oar own history. The great English revolution com menced in 1640, and the closing attempt to subvert a dynasty by arms in these islands was witnessed in 1743. fhe French revolution, commencing in 1784, may in justice be allowed to complete its century of dynastic mutations before Englishmen presume to my that Frenchmen are less apt to settle into habits of regtear government than themselves. The present aspect of affairs in France entitlm the nation to our respect, a respect which ought to show itself by a strict observance of international etiquette. The English ministers have, with a promptitude and frankness which does them honour, proclaimed their determination to respect the right of France to choose its own form of government. But this is not enough. The de facto government of any country for the time ie the only one that any other country is entitled to recognise. Although it is the proud boast of our country to afford an asylum to political exiles of every political creed indifferently - , it has not been customary to receive at court the expatriated rivals of an existing government. Under ordinary circumstances any infringement of this custom might have been a trifle unworthy of no. tice; but the recently deposed dynasty of France is indirectly connected with that of England by so many and so near ties, that any public recognition of it might pardonably give rise to misconceptions. It is one of those sacrifices which their high position entails upon princes that they must sometimes subject their most amiable private feelings to the stern requisitions of public duty. The present is one of those occasions; and such is the unhesitating confidence of our loyalty, that we feel assured no representation from the coancillora of the omen will be required to insure that the asylum provided for the late royal family of France shall be strictly private. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. We published in several editions yesterday lam maries of news up to Monday evening, when oar correspondent writing, says: The business week began to-day. Nothing in the external utast of Paris would indicate to an ordinary oteerver that things had undergone a change. The markets and the streets, the Bouleverds and the passages , the gardens and the promenades, present severally their customary appearances. All tumult Las ceased. The buzz of business is again heard. Ci!oyens and Citoyexnet interchange salutes, uttering their new appellaWa with a tone more of pleasantry than of seriousness. Certainly the unanimity in adopting the new order of things, as well as the unmistakeable satisfaction dif fused by it, are most remarkable. The last week has indeed been an eventful one. The spectacle we have witnessed is another vendee tion of the adage " That truth is sometimes mbre strange and incredible than fiction." The scenes which have passed before us more resemble an optical illusion than the reality of things. The last six days have been a series of dissolving views. Monday, we had in the morning the manifesto of the committee of the reform banquet, and the letter of the opposition deputies promising to attend it. In the evening we had the proclamations of the gavern mons prohibiting it. Tuesday, we had in the morning thousands of peaceful citizens collected in the princi poi places to witness processions of students and workmen. In the afternoon 30,000 troops dispersing them, and the chamber inaloeed in a ring of 40,000 armed men, receiving the impeachment of ministers from the members of the opposition. Wednesday, change of ministers, M. Mole succeeding M. Guirst Thursday morning MM. Thiers and Barrot replacing M. Mole. Thursday noon the abdication and flight of the king and his family. Friday the proclama tion of the provisional government and a republic. Saturday tranquillity re-established, the , barricades levelled, the shops opened, and Paris restored to its normal state. Those alone can appreciate this extraordinary court* of events that have witnessed them. The apprehensions even of a temporary scarcity in Paris, are dispelled by the official announcements Of the abundant stocks of provisions actually accumu lated in the capitaLindependently of the daily arrival& The place is stocked with flour for thirty days' con sumption at least. At the Halle and the Greiner d'Abondance, the stock consists of 25,000 quintal's — the three-fifths of the depot at the Grenicr are 18,000 quintaux, the depot de garantie 20,000, real reserve in the bands of the bakers 63,000—total, 128,000 qx. That is not aiL In the barrier of Paris, in the stations of the railways, and in the basins of La Villette, thousands of quintals of floor only await the com p lete -"..hment of the circulation in order to re-enter Paris. The prices of meat, vegetables, and other articles of subsistence have undergone no increase. Families continue to be supplied with butchers meat at the same rate as they have been throughout the season. Without exception the journals manifest a due sense of their mission as a moral power, in the absence of civil and military organization, for the maintenance f order, the respect of person and he the ob servance of the rights of national hospitality towards foreigners, and the preservation of the nation frost every act which can sully the splendour of the litieid change it hag achieved. We could ate \ OIL aft