The Express. — London, England, 1851-10-21 00:00:00

Zile ersirtso. rit 4..lttnE•st..Ntlgm rts. A~ .4! ! to.on •f .• Ow I *week egrobr.ll4 4 4WD 114•44411r4 , ▪ •••tc Nt.h..l I. (wed" ea 1141wy l• Um, (• 0. c• notorw.lr.l 'en 4 . The E•proow." I MAWS V,...tee por.f. IM.'. .4.&, 14 , 4vvr••••strevi.. o'cle. 4en lt.• a.▪ ..4 1...`,..watt0n. 1114i61 WATI:11, AT LONDON URIIXIX To.* Pat Yor.tos lib. Ye. A11e1e...106 MI Kl. t.. -1111...‘ ilsa. L►►ND►►►J, 7T EsDAY. O('TuRA•R 21. THE Suffolk farmers have at hut come to their vetoes. Lord IteNtil.tinllSl and Mr. I. thew representatives. notwithstanding. They haw firmed a relief aiwociati ~, of their own; they hate pydnde,l the equines, and kept out the parsons; they have sunk party politics. and abjured the aid of itinerant orators; they have resolved to think, and act. and ',peak for themselves; 'and very rationally and sensibly they do think, and net, and speak. There is hope mid heart, and life and prosperity, about such men se. met for the twerind time at Bury St. Edmunds on Wednesday to take counsel of each other, to rely on theinselves • for safety, and to con duct their own cause. Whilst Mr. Hisao:Yr was indulging his Ruckus daps with a new •• Itevolutiunary Epic, these plain men were devising a very common sense aelienie of tactics; whilst he was proposing to reduce all classes to the state u,! the motikies in the Zoologiealtiardens, Mine of whom are content with their own dish, but all of alum insist on toting out of each other's pans, they were taking a calm, plain, practical and preen cabpr survey of accessible remedies ; whilst he was broaching his new theory of labour creating land, and thereby destroying the old theory of u hat farmers would very gladly dispense with, nut, the Sulthlk farmers were far more use fully, if not so grandiloquently, discussing the malt tax. tithes. the peer laws, county rates, and how to manage their ow n affairs. What faith tan such men as these base in the fanciful fustian of Mr. I/Naas:hi ; how can they be said to be represented by the dense dulness of Mr. Pilule Ilessur ? Whilst Mr. Ma u till is pirouetting in the clouds, they are investi gating the ' re causes of their distress here on the earth. I Whilst Mr. ISENNUf is quaking about mortgages and mortgagees, they arc thinking how to reduce taxation. 1: first to last there was no nonsense uttered at Bury St. Edmunds on Wednesday. Protection was move mentioned; high prices were never spoken of ; confidence in tory leaders was never expressed; such balderdash as Mr. G. F. Youxti indulges in was never resorted to. How to produce cheaply ? That was the question in hand. The first element in the cost of production is, of course, labour. But, as the more labour the more produce, these farmers kept clear of the folly of complaining of its cost. We had no allegations that the price of labour was eating up capital, that la bourers were too numerous, that the poor rates were an unjust burthen. They went at once to what was practical in the cost of production. The taxes are too high; tithes are too high; county expenditure is too high; the game laws are a pecuniary burthen on us ; the law of distress acts prijudieumaly on our interests—these were the points they bore down on, with as much visaeity and plain speaking as if they had been reared in radicalism from their youth upwards. Manchester could not have treated the subject better, nor Liverpool analysed it more successfully in one of its financial tracts. These men know what they are about; they are finding their feet; all that they want is a little organisation, and much better representation. Every speuker amongst theta is worth a wilderness of such incites now sit for counties in parliament. And organisation is easy enough. This Relief Association has only been three months in existence; yet already it has held two public meetings; there is no lack, said the Secretary, of subscriptions; and, I better still, they can count on 4110 county votes in support of their principles. Let them only go on in the same way; and with a new Reform Bill the farmers of Suffolk will, at the next election, have the squires at their feet. Whilst with an Si., or even a 121. county franchise, halt' the counties in England will send farmers to the House of Com mons. The South Notts election has not been un profitable. What thisassoeiation ought to do,isto examine and fix clearly the nature of their grievances and their demands, and then see whether those who represent the industrious classes in trade might not come to an untkratunding with the industrious classes who live by cultivating the land. If the property of the country could be induced to take a fair share of the taxation, such as it ought especially in a country where the last generation bequeathed to the present a swinging debt, the local as well as ge neral burdens might be lightened to the farmer and the tradesman. The free traders arc desirous that land—that is, rent—should pay a fair propor tion to the state of that wealth which Heaven, not its own exertions, annually gives it. But free traders have no desire and no interest to make the farmer's I life a hard one, or his burdens greater than is con sistent with his prosperity. One of the tint steps is to reduce expenditure, of which there is no chance in a parliament elected under the present law of suffrage. The key to the campaign that must hereafter be fought on taxation is a greatly enlarged constituency, and what is nearly as important, a properly distributed consti tuency. Now these points are so paramount, that no reliance can or ought to he placed on an ailininis tr,ition which defends the present excessive expen diture, which rigidly excludes from the councils of ' the Ores::4 the popular element and popular men, and which, whilst avowedly preparing a new reform bill, summons to its aid a brace of lordlings. On such a cabinet no reformer can rely ; and we rejoice to see that, amongst reformers, there is no intention of relying on it. A conference of reformers on the question has to be held at Manchester. Thither, then, let the Suf folk farmers send representatives. They will be welcomed, and, what is much more, they will, after a little explanation, be surprised to find - how identi cal with their wishes are the plans of those whom it has been the policy of their parliamentary leaders to keep them separated from. Between Sir. BRIGHT and Mr. Jortssrox, the chairman of the Bury St. Fahnunds meeting, there are no essential and - very few minor differences of opinion, judging from the latter gentleman's excellent speech; and not a word fel on `Wednesday from Mr. 110e6ftros which Mr. MILNER GIBsON might not have delivered. What, then, should separate men whose objects and feelings, whose wants and wishes, are so nearly identical? Who is foremost in demanding for farmers the repeal of the game laws, but Mr. BRAGIIT ? Who labours to give the farmers power over county expenditure but Mr. MILNER GIBSON ? What, then, should keep Suffolk and Manchester at a distance from each other ? Suffolk can have no hope of accomplishing a reduction of taxation, of abolishing church rates, of revising the poor law, of procuring a tenant right, of getting rid of the law of distress, of accomplishing church reform, except by the more titan cordial assistance—except by means of Manchester and the other great towns. I'oliti eally the true interests of the farmers are as insepa rably connected with the seats of our great manufac tures as they are commercially and economically. Now, then, is the time to acknowledge and displa this connexion—to unite in procuring a thorough reform in the representation; for that secured, all the Suffolk farmers want will follow. Mr. JOHNSTON boasted of the disposition of ba t ern it y that animated the Suffolk farmers. were ready to co-operate and work with men 3 1 2 or any opinions who had the same object. Be it so. He has now an opportunity of putting his boast into practice. He and his friends have only to go to Manchester to the conference, and there a union may be formed that will prove irresistible alike to whig and tory cabinets. tose. a t „..i the !fake of WEl.l.tricyow deelart.d that England could not have a little war. Time has snide good this oracular declaration to an extent that ha. probably sirprisal the v, term chief him self. 11w latest new. from the Cape prove that even with an inVOlV•ii,h - r.tble tribe of savages England can not have a little war. The Kattir tribes with whom Sir ti tans Stunt contrived by his mountebank ms-ro of the undo dramatic tactics of Sir (ii S amen to involve us in hostilities. ate u bree and naturally SagaVIOUS rare. a n d 11111.1bli a remarkably •t rug isaintry. I Still they have made but trifling progress , civilisation. They are at this moment in the ; condition in which barlerous tribes are weakest ; having learned enough from civilised nun to I.4yome symical as to the truth of their inherited supersti tions. and tie value of their inherit's! military train ing. without having hem brought to comprehend more enlightemal religion and morals. or to master the tactics and allies of their more advance' neigh- Nair". Again. their country. though strong. is of limited extent. In our last quarrel with the Kattirs everything was in favour of the British (.4.m -m:oilier. 'three previous wars, and the spread of missionary efforts anumg them. had rendered a know'. dge 4.f their m enliarities and immediate movenwnts easily attainable. Unequivocal symp toms of their discontent had been mani fested for a considerable time, and the CMS- of that discontent was palixible. Yet Sir MARY Mimi contrived to allow himself to be taken by surprise. Ile nest allowed his adversaries to compel him to give them what in chess would be called fonl's mate." It is now closely bordering on a year since hostilities commenced, and according to the latest slice's the war has been carried not always unsure...fully /CPAS the colonial frontier; disturla ante. are spreading beyond the original theatre of war to the west and to the north ; the colonists are becoming discontented; the wild tribes of the interior are rousing themselves to plunder; con fusion is growing worse confounded. For six months after hi. narrow escape from being captured or killed by the Kaffir forces at the first out break of the war, Sir HARRY Muni was cooped up in King William's Town, and at the end of that period, seeing Imatilitits unabated and extending their range, he writer home fur a reinforcement of 10,1•10 men. Let no man deceive himself as to the extent of the danger which threatens us in South Africa. We are menaced with the alternative of the lons of our settlements there', or Or a protracted, expensive, ex terminating war against the native tribes, and, it may be, the emigrant boos. The state of alfuiro there is like, and yet most unlike, to that of the thirteen North American provinces in 17G4i. In South Africa now, a. in Anwniea then, the (silo nists have been irritate' by attempts at despotic government by the agents id' the mother country ; disgusted by supercilious disregard of their f ee lings and undervaluing of their abilitiesor common sense; and bought to distneet the ability. of the autho rities to protect them by repeated displays of official ; incapacity. SO far the parallel holds good. But in America these thoughts and feelings, which led to the PellUrlt Or the American colonies from the parent state, were not hrought into full play until the destruction of the French power on that condi- tient had fused the whole population of European -origin of the. British provinces into one homogow num muss, and until the plantations had made such progress in population, in the development of their natural resources, and in social organisation, as enabled them to bid • defame to the utmost efforts of the aborigines. In South Africa, on the contrary, except within the ('ape colony, the European's are a few scattered units among a numerous and yet unbroken aborigines; the emigrants outside of thew regions within which British sovereignty has been proclaimed are avow edly hostile to Whisk domination, rand they are in timately commie! by birth and intermarriage with a large proportion of the residents within the colony. Disaffection has spread widely too among those native halts which have adopted European civi lisation, and which have hitherto been upproved a loyal and efficient police within the colony, and a reliable auxiliary force fur frontier defence. Matters have, therefore, been brought to this pass is South Africa. Nothing short of an entire change of policy, and of the tone and temper habitually in dulged in while dealing with that country can pre serve its connexion with England. Even with this change the re-establishment of peace and order, and mutual confidence and attachment, seems unattain able but by protracted ediwts and no inconsiderable expenditure. While on the other hand the re linquishment of the settlements by Great Britain would not leave, as iu the case of America, a powerful, organised, and disciplined com munity, fully adequate to the task of preserving its own internal order and repelling aggression from without, but (except in the districts immediately ad joining Cope Town), struggling settlements, yet in their infancy, surrounded by hostile and marauding hordes. and liable at any moment to see the scarce kindled sparks of civilisation quenched in blood. Nor may it he forgotten that during the century which has elapsed since. the American troubles began • an immense revolution has been effmted in the F'en timents and sotial political relations of the mother country. At the commencement of the Ame rican war of independence a boroughmongering aristocracy were iu secure and undisturbed possession of irresponsible administrative power. The virtually disfranchised people, too, were animated by the pre judices of that aristocracy. The war against the Americans was popular in this country, until repeated defeats rendered it disgraceful, and its expense be come intolerable. Now, however, there is a popular power, before which, defective though our repre sentative institutions are, the holders of office have been habitually taught to quail. The body which exercises this controlling power sympathises with the aspirations of the colonists after constitu tional government ; it is discontented with the existing load and pressure of taxation, and consequently disinclined to incur any addition to it; and it has shown a strong inclination to listen to popular teachers who inculcate the sin of all war fare, and cast doubts on the value of colonial posses sions. The ministers of GEORGE 111. had (at the outset) only to hurl against the Americans the might of England, placed mplicitly at their disposal; the minister, of VICTORIA must, before they can pro mod to deal with South Africa, win the confidence mail adhesion of a democracy nut much disposed to plan inelionce on them. Tat to relinquish South Africa to a premature in eponiimer' with all its attendant train of evils— ainoreity end desultory inveterate wars between and African, Hottentot and Kaffir, Dutch cad ish—would be attended with great loss and ' immeakable disgrace to England. flow such an Inffnifiating cousummation is to be avoided cannot be emplainned in one article, nor, indeed, without more precise and extensive information of the actual state of affairs at the southern extremity of the African continent, than has yet reached this country. Two things are however sufficiently obvious. la the first place the restoration of tranquillity to Ilea& Africa, cannot be looked for at the hands d the governor, who is unfortunate enough to sentasse, in his own person, the characters and of the Governor lit. - rcuissom and the Bassos[, of that region. In the second piass, the feelings and public opinion of the colony sad the younger settlements must no longer be set at dame and wantonly irritated by the home autho rities as they were in the first unadvised despatch ei salvias to the Cape, and the peevish tune of all all impatelms subsequent to that blunder; or as they hew boss cad still are in the cold and superci lious treatment which the colonial delegates —Sir Mums Srommsratiu and Mr. Faaseits—have supstieuesd in this country. TIIE LETIAITIAN 110 &FLAMER OF THE PENTN SCIAIt AND ORIENTAL Comeattu.—The keel of the first of these enormous veletas was lakl • few slays since in Messrs. Mare and Co.'s Wan yard at B/sekwall, and is perhaps the longest and lialrint bar of iron ever forged, being about 320 feet so laftstN and weighs upwards of a hundredweight to the fort. TM massive iron framework is in a forward state, and will 111111 a he put up, when the outline of the vessel will be &sum She will be something over 3,000 tons builders' isemsruntent. The engines will be direct acting, with fear cecillatiag eyliadees, each 83 .1 inches in diameter with • stroke of 1 feet, placed at an angle, so that each pair of cylinders mill be attached to each paddk.whcel, the whole basis, an aggregate of 1,200-horse power. Her customised speed is Li) knots (equal So 18 statute miles) per hear, at which rate she would steam from Southampton to Alexandria (3,000 miles) in eight days and two hours. Her cost, when com pleted for service, is estimated at not len than 130.0001. STEAM NATIOATION.—After the 31st of March neat no steam vessel is to proceed to sea, or to steam upon the rivers of the United Kingdom, without having a safety. valve upon each boiler free from the care of the engineer, and out of his control and interference, and such safety valve is to be deemed to be a necessary part of the ma chinery, upon which the engineer surveyor is to report to the Board of Trade. This new regulation is ordered by the 21st section of the act 14 and Viet, cap. 79. BRADFORD ELECTION.—This elofltion has now been axed to take place this dm (Tuesday). Robert Milligan, Esq., is still the only candidate in the field, :sad there is no prospect whatever of an opposition to his return. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 21, 1851. FRANCE. By the latest accounts from Paris there is a pro batility of a Bißaulk ministry being funned. . Our correspondent writes: PARIS, Morose EVENIMO. I must request you to put no faith in what the newspapien say to-day as to the definitive rupture of the negotiations with M. Ili!fault for the formation of a cabinet. 1 am assured, on the best authority, that be went to St. Cloud to-day at two, and had a fresh conference with the President; and that the result of this is such as to lead to the hope of M. Billault's acceptance of the mission proposed to him, and undertaking the formation of a cabinet. The Mon deur do Soir gives the following as a probable list :—M. Billault, Foreign Affairs; General Bourjollv, War; M. Pcauger, Interior; Renoit Fould, Pinancee : Paul S;2guin, l'ublic Works; La vallie, Commerce; ltoyer, Justice; Admiral Pane cal, Marine; and M. Gimud,l'ublic Instruction. Yesterday in the Committee of Permanence Gen. Bedew' read some police reports, from which it ap peared that the 6th Regiment of the line arrived from Metz in Paris the same morning,under the com mand of the Colonel, Garderens de Boisse ' who has distinguished himself lately by a bomba stic Bona partist order of the day, and was received by a mob of Decembrists with cheers of " Vice le colonel !" ::;/ive lc sixieme do ligne!" at the barrier and at the Ecole Militairc. But this attempt to provoke a demonstration found no echo in the population. The committee, after several members freshly arrived from the country had described the feeling of dis couragement produced among the sound part of the population, adjourned. Neither M. Berrycr nor M. Lupin were present Matters look very serious to-day. Yesterday I announced to you that the party of order seemed on the point of giving way. In fact, it seemed to be agreed on all hands that as there was no chance of the law of May being respected by the disfranchised electors,or of obedience to its provisions being enforced by the executive power, to resist the abrogation of the law would be fruitless for all practical purposes, and provoke a conflict in which the socialists might triumph. The opinion which I expressed as to the weakness of this policy, which only put off the direct collision with the President, to meet him later at a disadvantage, seems to have been entertained by some of the leading members of the Committee of Permanence, and in particular by General Changar nicr himself. It is said also that M. Thiers takes this view, a circumstance the more probable as the organ expressing his views, the Ordre, contains an article of the most decided cast in this sense. The great importance of the attitude taken by parties on this subject induces me to quote the principal pas sages, which are as follows : CANADA. Our correspondent writes as follows: TORONTO, OCT. 4. The resignations of the Canadian ministry were not sent in en moue, but Mr. !hocks, the inspeetor-generul, and Mr. Morris, the po:tmaster general, scot their resigna tions; and this mode such a rupture of the ministry, at to make the resignation of the whole a matter of necessity. The object of these resignations, or at least that of Mr. Menlo, is to cause on early appeal to the people for the purpose of earring out some cumhiaations with the " clear grits," or old ',hints party. Differences of opinion of a vital nature have long existed betw,en Mr. plinks and Mr. Lafontaine, the leader of the French Canadians. The chief point of division is the clergy reserves. Mr. Hineks is in favour of the secularisation of these, while Mr. If we had to give an opinion, we should recommend to the majoritylto reject in the first place, by a unanimous vote, the audacious summons made to it, in the name of M. Louis Bonaparte, to abolish the law which it passed in concert with the President himself, and immediately after his re fusal to vote a proposition to amend nal strengthen that law, but not to destroy it. We are well aware that the socialist democrats are all ready to exclaim that the law of May 31, even when profoundly modified, cannot be carried into execution from the moment when the l'resident of the Republic, whatever impulse he has obeyed, declar,d himself its uncompromising adversary. We will reply.that when the imperfections or the anomalies which have raised the loudest objections shall have disippeartsl; when the Assembly shall thus bare given a proof of its conciliatory j spitit, it will de- pond on its being in the plenitude of its right to secure the execution of the electoral law. To do that it will be only necessary to act with vigour and with unanimity. Even should it not, according to the predictions of M. - Emile de' Girardin, have to reckon on the active co-operation of the l'resident of the Republic, it would still have the power of making its decrees respected, for it will only find in face of it factions and divided enemies. Lafontaine hold. the converse creed. The Grand Provincial Agricultural Exhibition has just been held in Brockville. About 12,000 visitors from dif ferent parts of the province and the United States were pre sent. The show of cattle and horses was not quite so large as usual, but the grains were very superior, and have never been surpassed. Much beer specimens of wheat were shown than those scut to London at the Industrial Exhibition. Our wheat crops were never finer. The show of butter and cheese was very good ; as was also that of agricultural implements. These, I was informed by an English gentleman and a member of several agricultural societies in England, tar exceeded those in use in the mother country. There is a general fecliug throughout the province of good-will towards the people of Boston for the late fete given to Canadians. 1 his is certainly much better than the little feuds that formerly existed. And certainly a not greater change, but still a great one, is the favourable re ception of Lord Elgin by the people of Montreal. This shows a more healthy state of feeling. In commercial transactions there is not much to report, further than that the price of wheat is low. It may be quoted fur 3s. to 3s. lid. After noticing the disagreements between the Presse and the National, the Sieele and Pays, and the discord in the camp of the socialists, the Ordre concludes: These symptoms, in our opinion, do not announce that the enemies of the law of May 31 will march to the accom plishment of their designs with a fOrmidable union. The Assembly can only wish for what is just in itself and u,clul fur the people ; but right, if it he firmly decided on defend ing it, will not perish iu its hands. At this time of day the determination of the As sembly to pass any modifications of the law of 31st May which will restrict the exercise of universal suffrage, so as to exclude an important fraction of the ten millions of electors inscribed on the lists of March, 1849, would certainly lead to the most serious results. It would be the boldest defiance, I might add, the most vigorous counter-stroke to the new policy of Louis Napoleon. It cannot be disputed that such a course would be the most dignified and manly; but it requires more than courage to be successful; it requires a union which has never been seen in the Assembly except against the socialists single-handed, who are notoriously a weak party in the country, still more than in the Chamber. It required no great courage to pass the law of May 31. It was known before the law was passed that there would be no enicate. It was known that in the capital an i'inerite would be instantaneously crushed. Many think that to repeat in November what was done in May would be equally safe. I confess I can not at all partake this opinion; and I feel the con viction that, to maintain restricted suffrage will now ' be a course attended with extreme danger. It will in the first place force Louis Napoleon, for mere self preservation, into the democratic camp. It is hardly possible for hint to have made the declaration of the 14th of October with the mental reservation of merely changing the restrictive law of May for another restrictive law in November. His honour is pledged to total abrogation, no less than his in- Wrest. A few technical changes, a few slight modi fications in the law which he has repudiated, wili neither keep his promise to the nation, nor enable them to renew his powers. He cannot, therefore, swept anything less than a return to universal suf frage. If the Assembly pass an amended edition of, the law of the 31st of May, they are by the constitu don empowered to promulgate such a law, whether the President ratify it or not. He can only challenge a second deliberation. A law once promulated by the Assembly without the President's asswitiou, war is at once declared between the powers. The constitution provides the Assembly with all the legal means necessary for levying civil war against the President. At such a moment will it be passible for the President to repudiate the alli ance of the socialists. No longer would the parlia sent have to cope with either Bonapartism or BO eiliarn single-handed. The majority must make up its mind for a serious campaign against both leagued. ' Ia such a struggle they count perhaps upon foreign aid, upon Prussian and Russian bayonets. Austria will have quite enough to do at home. But the very fact of their counting upon such aid tells with a vast majority of true Frenchmen against their cause. No passage of the speech of Michel de Bourges upon revision was more applauded than that in which he stigmatised the allusion of M. de Falloux to the displeasure of Itusais against the republic. This is not a mere surmise to say that the party of order count on Russia. Their organs avow it. The Asocial& Nationale points to the arming of the northern powers against the French republic. The Orilre registers the King of Prussia's nod to the lambs...he to hold themselves in readiness to bo up in arms. Civil war—a civil war attended with foreign intervention—civil war throughout Europe, would in all probability be the upshot of the Assem bly passing a second law of restrictive suffrage in November. For this reason I doubt very much if many will have the hardihood and resolution to look such fearful eventualities in the face. Besides, the majority are too divided. Oranier de Cassavas assures the public to-day, too, truly that no party of order exists. In fact it was time that that old ay, which had become a mere hollow echo, and a pre tence far combining to persecute, should die out, and that the nation should no longer be duped into the notion that society must be gagged and hand-cuffed for the sake of ceder. The Bourse was stationary. The accounts of the health of the King of Hanover are very unfavourable. The Duke of Cambridge had been summoned to visit his Majesty. The Hano verian journals express great fears for the result of the King's illness. Tne BANDON RAILWAY.—A short time since we announced that the dispute between the directors of this line and the contractors was in a fair way of being ami cably arranged. We are happy now to be able to state that all bas been settled, and that men are now at work on the line, which will be delivered to the company in a f o rt n i g ht of three weeks.—Cork Reporter. il, IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE BRAZILIAN LEGISLATURE. (From the No de Janeiro Jorool do Bump ertio of Sept, 6, 1851.) TILE SENATE. SITTINO OF SEITEMBER 3. On the discussion of the question as to placing' the Imperial flag under the protection of another nation, Sr. Itonsticirgs Tonnt:s (Minister of Finance) spoke as follows understand, Mr. President, and the cabinet likewise understands, that the diplomatic means fur the set tlement of the questions to which the honourable member has alluded, are not exhausted. Indeed, I feel confident that reason and justice will ultimately triumph over wrong and iniquity, and that the government of so enlightened and powerful a nation as England will finally acknowledge that it is at least inglorious to commit aggressions on, and to outrage the rights, sovereignty, and independence of another country, which has been guilty of no offence to her. But is the adoption of the article now in discussion indispensable or not Gentlemen, in one of the sittings of last month, when I was present at the debate on the budget, in the Chamber of Deputies, one of the members thought tit to censure the government for not providing means for protecting the national flag and Brazilian property against the violence of the British cruisers. In reply to that censure, I said that the government had done all on its part to protect the interests of Brazil; that it had reclaimed, and continues to remonstrate with all the energy derived from a consciousness of duty against those outrages, and that it entertained hopes that the British government would put a stop to these acts of violence ; but that in the unhappy event of its not so doing, and as a last resource (should it be found that there remain nu other means of protecting the property of Brazilian citizens in its transmission from one province to another of the empire) the government is firmly resolved to allow the coasting trite to be placed under the protection of some nation whose flag could preserve that oroperty from the illegal seizure and destruction by fire to which it is exposed. Let it not be understood that the • government con,idere that the object intended by Article 41 is to compel the British government to stay the acts of violence committed by its cruisers ; its aim is to afford more.secu rity and protection to the property of Brazilian subjects exposed to those aggres.ions, when such security is unobtainable by any other means, and when we find that the government of Great Britain cannot be brought to acknowledge and put an end to the unjust proceedings it has carried on towards Brazil. I conceive, therefore, that the provisions of the article ought to be approved of by the Senate, and the amendments in opposition thereto re jected. The discussion was resumed on the 7th of September, when Sr. PACLINO, Minister for Foreign Affairs, spoke— Mr. President, I am about to say a few words on the sub ject now in disucussion. The circumstance of my voting for this article, of my giving my assent to it, is a sufficient proof that I do not regard it in the light of a threat, neither do I discover in it any obstacle whatever to negotiations ' tending to extricate our relations with the British govern ment from the disagreeable position in which they have been, and still are, placed. No one is more convinced than myself, that an amicable solution of these questions is the only expedient, not to say the only possible course. The noble senator for Bahia, however, impugns the article chiefly on two grounds—firstly, he views it as a threat; and secondly, he thinks it will prevent the two governments from deciding similar questions by common consent. The noble senator tried to prove that this article contained a threat. Sr. MONTEZCM.% placed it in doubt. Sr. I'm:win—Well, the noble senator doubt; but if be is in doubt it is b ecause he thinks the article can present obstacles—that it contains a threat. As a proof, the' noble senator referred tinily to au cx implc, which was that of the protest of 22nd October, Isla, entered against Lord Aberleen's hill. This protest made by one of our noble colleagues, Sr. Limpo de Abreu, is proof of the con trary. If the noble senator had consulted that protest, he would find that it concludes by declaring that, notwith standing the existence of the bill, the imperial government was always ready to regulate the measures for putting an end to the slave trade, in accordance with arrangements and conventions. Moreover, Mr. President, there is not the slightest analogy between the hill of ISO and the article in question. For what was the effect of the hill F. It rendered the property of Brazilians subject to English law, and to the judgments of a foreign tribunal ; consequently, it conta;ned a manifest violation of our rights. liar the Article 41 now in di-cussion a like tendency ? No ; we do not attack the rights of third parties. The right of pursuing the coasting trade exclusively belongs to Brazilian citizens, and were we to invite the subjects of another country to participate in that trade, it would not consti tute an offence towards those we had not invited. It is one of our rights, and we can dispose of the same as best suits us. Let the noble senator suppose, that apart from the actual circumstances, we thought fit to concede the right of carrying on the coasting trade to the citi• tens of the United States, for instance, or to any other nation, could others consider themselves offended thereby, or could ' they deem it an obstacle to any treaties we might be in clined to conclude with them? Can it be understood as a threat? No one would say to. But the noble senator asserted, moreover, that this article contains a threat. Gen tlemen, to threaten, I think, means to cause fear by the in timation of a chastisement, injury, or future danger. This is the strict signification and extent of the word threat. No body will believe that it can be the intention and within the scope of the article to intimate chastisement, injury, or future danger for the purpose of terrifying England. The article would be ridiculous. It inflicts no injury as she is in no way concerned in our coasting trade. The noble senator for Minas observes that the article neither ex cludes nor indicates any nation in particular. Then, if we are not creating mischief by this article, if we indict no chastisement, if we do not violate the rights of third parties, how can the article be regarded as a threat? Have we not a right to dispose of what belongs to us? The article has had an importance given to it which it does not really ponces. It refers to Article 309 of the customs regulations of the 22nd June, 1836. I call the attention of the senate to the manner in which it is framed. "In case a foreign war should ! intercept or endanger the coasting trade, the supreme government can grant the same to foreign vessels as well for home as for foreign merchandise; also, incase of a foreign war, when no other means are left for the protection oiproperty." Then, article 41 being an amplifi cation of this one, and of the ancient rule of right, that where the same reason is given, the same application is given, it is evident that the article 44 must have effect when the coasting trade becomes intercepted, when it would be endangered, and when property would not be easily saved by any other means. I think that the opinion opposed to the article may be interpreted thus : Even though the coasting trade be intercepted, even though it be hazarded, even though property could not well be pro tected by other means—even then must we suffer all, even then we must not have recourse to means for protect. ing the property of our citizens. This is the construction I put on the opposition to the article. In opposing the article the noble senator remarked moreover that no na tion could be found that would take our coasting trade. Assuredly, Mr. President, we cannot find a nation inclined to undertake It, bat we can certainly find subjects of mari time powers invited by the advantages that navigation holds out. The noble senator knows perfectly well that the transport of almost all our produce is carried on in foreign vessels on account of the gain afforded by freight. We may likewise believe that the same desire of gain will in duce them to carry on our coasting trade. I will fur ther remark that the government has not relaxed, nor will it relax, in the measures it deems necessary for the total extinction of the slave trade. I will even 'ay that the imperial government acknowledges that it is most expedient to act in conjunction with the British government in this sup) cession. It is ready to come to an understanding for that purpose. It requires, nevertheless, that the independence of our territories be respected, and that no foreign nation come and exercise a jurisdiction in the ports and rivers of the empire and on her seas. (Ap plause.) The moment the British government admits this basis we are ready to unite with it in the sup pression of the slave trade. I have stated this many times to her Britannic Majesty's Minister." CAD REFORM—A correspondent Bays Cab re form is at last to be carried out. A public company is forming for that purpose, on • principle entirely different from the present system, and completely putting an end to all extortion and imposition, now •o loudly and justly com plained of. The fare will be reduced to 4d. per mile, live ries are intended to be supplied by the company, and the driverwill be under as strict regulations as the Metropolitan Mice force." AND LOUIS NAPOLEON. !HUNGARIAN AFFAIRS AND THE "TIMES! WASH] Loot kre opm this ecture, and on this. Wuhington, after a life spent in the performance of great deeds, and those of unparalleled benefit to his country, was at length called upon to decide for himself this question: "Shall I for a third Limo accept the post of prisident of the republic which to me owes its very exist ' ence ?" Washington discussed this question in a perfectly unselfish spirit. " Will it be for the advantage of my ennntry ?" was the inquiry which he instituted. His own wishes, his own feelings, were as less than dust in the balance; and he decided, that if the United States were to continue, in fact as well as in name, a republic, he must cease to be president. The personal anibi- Non of this great man was already satisfied : he had founded a great state—he had, by worthy deeds, earned the undying love of his countrymen. lie had no vulgar lust fur power ; and although he might legally have been is third time re-elected, believing that his continued occupation of the chief executive authority of the state would militate against the republican character of the constitution, he firmly refused to be nominated ; laid down I the power which he had exercised only fur his country's welfare ; left his parting address of advice, as a legacy to I his country ; and cheerfully, nay eagerly, became again a private citizen. In this illustrious example there are many points worthy of consideration. The first of these is, that Washington might legally have been re-elected—by the letter of the law he was not excluded. In the next place, he would have been reelected almost without opposition—not only would the law not have been broken—the peace of the com munity even would not hare been in the least degree dis• turbed. Ile would not have been compelled to force him self into the seat of the president, either by force or by fraud. No law was to be infringed, none to be changed to gratify his personal ambition—no anger was to be braved— no fiercer spirit of opposition or rivalry would he have had to encounter. The very case and alacrity with which he would have been chosen was the chief reason for his de clining to be again a candidate. The government of which Washington had been twice elected the chief was a great experiment; and he well knew that if he set the example of acting in op position to the spirit of the constitution, its sta bility could not be expected or maintained. He desired, before all things, that his countrymen should be obedient to the law, and therefore himself be gan by proving himself so scrupulous as to he unwilling even to appear to oppose its spirit while adhering to the letter. The example which lie thus gave has been steadily followed. No person has offered himself a third time as a candidate far the presidency. This striking and pregnant lesson given by a great man to all future time is at the present moment peculiarly sig nificant. The people of France, when the present republican go vernment was established, chose, by what is called univer sal suffrage, a constituent assembly, to which was confided the task of framing a constitution for the republic thus lately called into existence. This assembly fulfilled the duty imposed on it. A constitution woo framed, proclaimed, and sworn to, A president and a legislative body were • chosen according to the forma and by the powers prescribed and conferred by this constitution. By the strict letter of the law the president thus elected is not re•eligible for the next succeeding presidential term. It the law remains unaltered, and is obeyed, the existing president must become a private citizen at the end of his term of office., and rein.lin so for the next succeeding four years; the law thus imposing on the presidents of the French republic that disability which, by the scruples of Washington, has become the custom, and thereby in fact the law, of the American republic. This scruple of Washing ton hail doubtless great weight with the framers of the French constitution, and probably led them to adopt this s ringent republican cn r o While, h u nf o l of e w re . r e r co. conferred i:t ticking hge t re h ni i ,m s precaution aetnut;hteh c framerspot w op r r preserve revision the eo n itutimi e under certain resteictiuns. This restricted power of revi sion has been much cavilled at. But if we bear in mind that instability has been the curse of every constitution that has existed in France since 1789, and the oar great ne cessity of the French people is the habit of obedience to the law, we shall not he inclined to quarrel with a provi sion which attempts to throw some impediments in the way of precipitate change. Change has already been proposed. The proposal has been legally negatived—and now we find that men of all parties arc preparing themselves for a coup d t —in other words, to put aside by force what by law and legal forms they arc unable to change. And now comes the application of the historical lesson of which we have spoken above. Let us take the President himself, and for him inquire what is the course which he, seeking only the welfare of France, in this hour of trial, ought to pursue. The ques tion, then, we have to answer is this—" Which of the two modes of conduct now within the power of the Presi dent is most nicely to he injurious to France :" We en tirely put aside all consideration of the personal interests of the President himself. If Washington, to whom his country owed a debt which could never he paid, thought he was bound to cast his own personal aims, views, wishes, interests, out of his thoughts, surely Prince Louis Na poleon Bonaparte cannot complain if he be re quired to make also this s writiee of self. Ile • roust ask what the welfare of France demands, and nut what is agreeable or convenient to himself. If that welfare requires that he should become again a private man, without a murmur, without and• symptom of hesi tation, he ought to lay down his power, however trying or painful may be the sacrifice he is called upon to make. Ile has sworn to obey the law by which he has been exalted. Let him not " lay perjury upon [his . ] soul, Nu, nut for p cancer Suppose, then, that the revision of the constitution is steadily refused by the legislature. What iv then the course which the President ought to pursue ? This inquiry, let it be observed, does not at all touch upon the question, whe ther it is wise in the President and his friends to attempt, by legal means, to obtain the revision. We, for the pre sent, postpone that point, desiring to keep it completely dis tinct front the investigation we have now before us: and we are the more anxious to adopt this course, because we have little expectation that the legislature, or rather the various party men in it, will voluntarily abdicate the power which the present arrangements confer on them. If they adhere to the present state of things, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte cannot become a candidate with out a grievous breach of the law. While yet the chief of the state, he will have committed treason against it, if he be proposed fur re-election. And for what supposed good, what expected benefit, is this certain evil to be encountered ? We hear on all sides that the one great necessity of France is repose. That re nose is impossible so long as the various political parties habitually set the law at defiance, so soon as it disagreeably interferes with their wishes, and therefore the present rally ing cry of the politicians opposed to the wild socialists and red republicans is the word " order." Now order means obe dience to 'arr. But this obedience isnot merely what one party or one man ma)• like, butis a strict adherence and obedience to the written letter of the constitutional as well as of the civil and criminal codes. So that if any attempt be made to violate the constitutional code either by one party or another, they are just as much guilty of disobedience as the wildest socialist who asserts that property is a theft, and thereupon proceeds to extract his neighbour's pocket-hand kerchief. But we are told by same that if the present President be not re-elected, order is impossible. But we are not told why this should be so. Can it be that in a constitu tional hovensment one man can entirely act aside the law? Suppose, fur example, in monarchical England, by some miserable calamity, the worst possible spe cimen of the king kind were at once placed upon the throne now occupied by Quern Victoria, does any one believe, that law in England would be abrogated, or that disorder would come in the train of a foolish and mischievous sovereign ? No, the law of England is strong, because the people live according to the law. The King would be powerless if opposed to it. And can we believe that in France any one man, however great may be the re flected name he bean, is necessary to the preservation of mace, order, and security Unfortunately the French I know not what law is. They govern always by force, and every party—the fiercest reFublirans and the most trueu lent supporters of despotism alike—appeal to downright brute force so soon as they are opposed, if in power. But if the President wishes to be deemed the friend of order, let him obey the law. Ile has done nothing to justify an 18th of Brumaire, which even the mighty genius of his immortal uncle could hardly justify. He, indeed, had preceded that revolution by his wondrous campaigns in Ital. Ile had saved France and almost conquered It a l y . l ie gave promise of a greatness which his alter aehien meats more than fulfilled—still even in his case, violation of law was a crime which his genius, his marvellous powers, and still more marvellous fortune, did not justify. Shall the pale reflection of his name offer that name so a justification of a still greater error ? And is the world base and foolish enough to accept such a flimsy excuse for so foul a deed ? SHOCKING ACCIDENT AT CARNARVON.--On Mon day last a must melancholy event occurred in this town. In a cottage built under the town wall, at the bottom of Greengate-street, there was an aged woman, the wife of John Jones, a blacksmith, working in Mr. Smith's quarry, sad seven of her children, including a married daughter, the wild of Kees Nanny , of Conway, mari ner , an d also their child, who had come to visit their parents. In a mo ment a portion of the scraping at the summit of the wall, measuring about ten yards lo ng an d th ree f eet d eep, an d , weighing about eight tons, fell on the roof, and crushed it in at a stroke. One of the children who was on the threshold was throws at a distance from the house. The old woman and the other children, with the exception of the married daughter and her child, were speedily rescued from their perilous situation with a few bruises. The others remained, however, under the rubbish until about five o'clock, notwithstanding all the exertions made to le i cover them, and when found sh e was b ent d own i n a s i tt i ng posture with the child in her lap, and the lives of both ex tinct. The rain, it is supposed, by moistening theearth and destroying the adhesive power of the mortar, caused the . stones to unloose. While the husband, R. Kenney, was i engaged in the attempt to extricate his ill-fated wife, a stone, fell down upon his head and almost killed him.—Norrk 1 Wales Chnonick. MONMOUTH AND GLAMORGAN JOINT STOCK Compront.—lt is undentood thatu soon u term com mences an application will be made to the Court of Chan cery under the act of parliament to wind up the affairs of this company. (From the Unity News.) THE Times has the fairness, tho good taste, and the good judgment to declare itself infallible in its facts and its views respecting Hungary. No other paper, it declares, knows or knew anything upon the subject. lt, alone, employed Englishmen to visit Hungary, to collect and furnish information, whilst the Daily Noes derived its intelligence only from Hungarian refugees. Such is the plea set up by the Times, in °mkr to give plausibility and weight to its calumnies upon KOSiCTII, and upon the Hans garian cause. Now the fact is that, during the fits,t campaign in Hungary, no journal of any kind had correspondents in that country. The Times, as anyone may see or may remember, depended exclusively for its intellis gence on its Vienna correspondent, Mr. II -- a qu on d am writing-master in the family of METTERNICH, a man who wore a slouched hat and largo feather during ' the triumphant days of the revolution, amidst which be valiantly swaggered, but who showed quite another feather when WINDISCHGRATZ appeared. And it was evidently this same revolutionary feather that be converted into a pen afterwards to malign the re volution itself and the Hun,gariam. This gentleman wrote to the Vows from Vienna such intelligence about Hungary as he could glean from General WEL. nex's bulletins at first, and police reports afterwards. It was in his letters that appeared the defence of the flogging of Madame MADEnsimen, and the calumnies upon Kossurn's private life in exile, as before exile. These slanders were contradicted in the columns of the Daily News by an Englishman who chanced to be with the Hun garian emigrants at the tims, and who very plainly told the Vienna correspondent of the Times what lux stories were, and what credit they deserved. In the first months of 1819 WINDISCIIGRATZ en tered Hungary; and the Times went on for three months lauding his triumphs and recording his ex ploits. Even so late as the 13th of March the Times congratulated tho young Austrian Emperor on having reduced two great kingdoms in rebellion, Lombardy and Hungary. (hi the 2;th of February, three weeks before, the Daily _News had told that SMACK'S corps was destroyed, WINDISCHGRATX repulsed, and the Hungarians in the full tide of suc cess. This intelligence, derived by us from corre spondents in the Hungarian camp, proved completely correct. And yet its truth did not even dawn upon the Times for a full month after the circutustancea had been published in our columns. The truth of the success of the Hungarian arms became manifest in good time even to the eyes of the Times, and caused it very materially to alter its tone. Thus, on the sth of May, ND, it wakes 4 new discovery, and says: " Within certain bounds it is impossible to con test the justice of the Hungarian cause, and a nation in arms for constitutional independence, which dates from the 12th century, is not to be confounded with a mob of rebels." Admirable Times ! on the 31st of the same month of May, the Times, very far from prixiaiming its past judgment to have been infallible, as it does in October, 1851, laments, on the contrary, that the intelligence from Ilunoary was of "so ineompleto and unsatisfactory a narure, that the actual state of the two armies was not known even in Vienna. It must, therefore," it continues, "remain an unsettled point between some of our contemporaries and our selves whether the Magyar insurrection is a great national movement for tine defence of the constitu tional rights of the kingdom, or whether the mut% rection be not deeply tainted by the subversive doc trines of the red republican party." The Times closes their article with the hope that "a negotiation might be opened to resture Hungary her constitu tional rights:' The Russians, soon after, marched with 170,000 men into Hungary. And the noes, giving up all idea of negotiation, merely laboured to support Austria and Russia. And that journal gave as its "solemn opinion, always confidently expressed, that both tho Austrian and Russian monarchs had engaged with perfect good faith in the arduous duties of constitu tional monarchy, and that int restoring order by mili tary power, they were animated by no blind spirit of reaction." Such were the opinions, inn those days, of our infal lible contemporary. Now, as to the charge which the Times makes against us, of receiving our intelligence solely from I tungarian agents in this country, whilst it employed Englishmen, we can say that, during 1819, wo employed two English gentlemen, well acquainted with the country and its language, one to penetrato Hungary from Austria, the other to come up the Danube from Constantinople. We received fre quent communications front both. One of these gentlemen was at I'esth, and in over ac tion that was fought, down to that of lemes war. And we know of no account of these actions (the Austrian bulletins being mere fables) save those which appeared in the holly News. The Timis had also engaged a correspondent to proceed into Hungary, but lie was lk% lee sent back from the outposts to N ienna. And his letters descriptive of Hungary were merely sketches of the country after tho war, not during the struggle. Throughout the entire of the evcntS'of the 11.u"tirpriun revOlution it was impossible fur a public journal to hare been worse informed than the rums, or to have had such scanty and tardy and warbled intelligence. We have taken this retrospect, and indulged in this comparison, with very great reluctance and much regret, being forced to them by the audacious assertions of our contemporary, which are at (axe so contrary to fact and unjust to ourselves. It is impossible for a paper to have taken more pains, or gone to more expense than the Daily News, to bo well informed on Hungarian aftiiirs, from the very great interest which they inspirml, and frame our conviction that the struggle was not a subversive but a constitutional one, and that on the result of that struggle depended the freedom or enslavement not merely of the east of Europe, but the continu ance or extinction of constitutional government is the west. The full of KOSSUTH was, in fact, the signal of reaction everywhere. The German princes was subjected to Russian and Austrian dictation in consequence. Austria moved her troops to the very Baltic, and stabled her dragoon steeds in the Protestant churches of the north. This was the result of Kosserd's fall, a result that the notes gloried in, telling the English public that the victorious sovereigns medi tated no readjust. Oh no! The innocent lambs were for restoring constitutional chambers no doubt, and establishing the rights of the people. We may here conclude by wishing the Times of its friends, of the veracity of the promises it for them, and of the hilidlibility of its opinions and its narrations. A TELEGRAPHIC CONGRESS assembled at Vienna a few day* ago to draw up measures for facilitating tole graphic communications between different countries. It proposes to establish a union between different states ; to have translators employed, so as to transmit all despatches without delay; to have a uniform tariff; to pay their re ceipts into a common fund, and to divide them afterwards between the states, in proportion to the length of their telegraphic lines, dec. The new arrangements, are, it is said, to come in.° operation on the Is: of January next; and, if France shall accede to them, it will he possible to send a despatch in a very few minutes from Trieste to Calais or Ostend. BEGGING LETTERS.—Last week, the Mayor of Southampton received a communication from % iscount Galway, asking him to investigate the genuineness of state ments contained in a petition that had been sent to him by a Rev. Mr Butler, of l'riory Lodge, Southampton. These statements were that a surgeon named Mason had died near Lyndhurst, in the New Forest, through benevolent and professional exertions, leaving a widow and family utter°. vided for, and the petition of course prayed for pecuniary contributions for the afflicted family. Among the subscri bers' names appended to the petition were those of Lord Scarborough, the Earl of Guildford, and the Attorney-Ge neral. Mr. Borrett, an active Southampton magistrate, took the matter in hand, and quickly ascertained that one of the signatures was • forgery. The question now was how to catch the rascal. Application was made to the Post-office as to what was done with letters for Priory Lodge, when it was ascertained that they were re-address to an obscure coffee shop in Lambeth. Just about this time • letter was received at the post-office, written in a most clerical band, purporting to conic from the Rev. Mr. Butler, and enclosing a bf. money order, payable at South- I ampton, from the Countess of Shaftesbury, and requesting that the amount should ho sent to the Lambeth post.office. The Southampton police immediately wrote to the London Mendicity Society, and on Saturday one of the society's officers attended at the Lambeth poet-office, and there re cognised, in the rev. gentleman who hail come to have the order cashed, his old familiar friend, " Iliad Johnny," one of the most notorious begging-letter impostors in the country. Johnny was immediately taken into custody, and before the sitting magistrate at Lambeth, and after an exa mination was remanded until Thursday next. L v.! liar mot 11-1 roy