The Express. — London, England, 1847-07-15 00:00:00

Mr. BERNAL said he had joined in promoting this mea sure from a belief that it would be generally beneficial, but he would not consent to the fifth and sixth clauses ; and this be had stated to his hon. friend the member for Finsbury. One good point en the bill was the supervision proposed to be vested in the Secretary of State ; and he did not think it was any objection to say that his supervision would not be im mediate, because he could avail himself of the knowledge of others. He thought it right to provide, as far as human foresight mull provide, against such frightful accidents as had lately occurred in the mining districts. Although he ap proved of a great part of the bill, he did not think that any advantage could be gained by pressing the bill at the present late period of the session, but the subject must force itself on the attention of parliament next session. After a few words front Mr. Limiest, Mr. HINDLEY said he was prepared to support the bill. As to the inspection of the Secretary of State and the right of inquiry into the causes of accidents in collieries, he believed that the owners of collieries were most anxious that inquiry should be made into the causes of them accidents. The most frequent cause was the want of ventilation. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FERRAND said that the speech of the hon. gentle man was the best he had beard in favour of the bill, because one of its objects was to require proper ventilation, and for this purpose it proposed to punish men as well as masters. He deprecated the leaving a state of thiags which was dis graceful to the country to be dealt with in the next session. He believed that the consequence would be that the colliers would meet in tens of thousands on this subject, for the pur pose of obtaining redress. There was always a party in that house which was opposed to the rights of the working classes. Mr. R. YORKE thought that the principle of the bill was irresistible, and ought not tote resisted. He would, however , after what had been said by the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State, recommend the withdrawal of the bill, which, however. if peeved to a division, he would vote for. Mr. NEWDEOATE seas anxious that protection should be given to the colliers, but the provisions of this bill were altogether of too stringent a character. He was in favour of inspection, and he hoped that the Secretary of State would exercise rigorously that power of inspection which he al ready ;moused. He thought the imputations cast on the coal-owners were most unfair and undeserved. Mr. F. MAULE said there seemed to be little difference of opinion with respect to the object which his hon. friend had in view by this bill. The only question was, as to the time when each a measure might be moat advantageously introduced. It was the duty of the government to watch over the lives of the people, but they ought to take care how they interfered w ith the capital invested in working the coal mines, on which the greatness of this country so much de• paneled. He thought that a bill of this kind ought to ema nate from the responsible government of the country. He admitted that the Secretary of State had the power of in spection to a certain extent, but he also thought that be should have the power of enforcing precautionary measures. (Hear, hear.) Ho deprecated the conduct of the hon. mem ber for Knaresborough in holding up that house as a body as hostile to the working classes of the country. He hoped his hon. friend would not press the bill to a division. After a few words from Mr. FERRAND in explanation, Mr. FORSTER denoneced the bill as the most unjust and unfair that was ever laid on the table of that house. The fact was that the bill was the bill of Mr. Roberta who was going about the country exciting the colliers on this subject for his own purposes. He (Mr. Forster) knew that the coal owners were most anxious for inspection. Mr. TRELAWNY would oppose the present bill on the same grounds that he opposed other measures of a similar nature—namely, that he was opposed to all interference between masters and men. Mr. 130UVERIE said that he would support the second reading of the bill if the hon. gentleman pressed it to a divi sion, because, after the late accidents which had occurred, he thought that some legislation was absolutely necessary, although he did not think that any interference would alto. gether prevent their occurrence. He thought that coal owners should be made responsible in the courts of law for the injuries which the men received in their works, as was the case in France. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DUNCOMBE said that he proposed the bill only for a short period, till the government were able to introduce a perr.anent measure on the subject in the next session of parliament. lie agreed that the government ought to be the parties to introduce such a bill ; but it was not his fault that they had not done so. He complained of the attack that had been made on Mr. Roberts, who was not present to defend himself. He denied that the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State possessed the power of sending down in spectors to investigate the causes of accidents, because the right hon. gentleman himself declared that he had no such power when he (Mr. Duncomhe) asked him to send down persons to investigate the facto in the Kirkless colliery ease. The principle of the coal-owners was, " Perish the colliers, save our coal." (" No, no ") He maintained that that wasthe principle acted on by the owners of the Kirklem colliery. He should like to know how half aolezen hon. gentlemen would feel if they were shut up in that room with a fire burning, and it was said , Oh, they must be burned by this time." (Laughter.) Whatever was considered objectionable in the details of the bill he was prepared to alter, but he would press the second reading to a division, and thro .7 upon the government the responsibility of the loss of life which would occur in the next six months. (Hear, hear.) Lord IL VANE expressed his astonishment that the hon. member for Kendal and other members should rate for the second reading of a bill the details of which they objected to. The right hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Home De partment having given a pledge that a measure would be brought forward on the subject next year, he hoped hon. gentlemen would not seek to legislate hastily on the subject now. Mr. ESCOTT hoped the hon. member for Finsbury would not press his motion to a division. The house divided—For the second reading 23 Against it FARLTA.MENTARY ELECTORS BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Sir D. L. EVANS said the object of the bill was to pre vent electors from being disfranchised from accident or fraud. He thought the payment of rates in towns should be regu lated by the same principle as in counties. This bill did not interfere with the Reform Bill. It was in itself the most moderate measure of reform that could be proposed on the subject, and he was sure that those hon. gentlemen who might oppose it would support the old horoughmongering system, if it were again sought to be imposed en the country. Mr. NEWDEGATE objected to proceeding with a bill of this character at so late a period of the session. He should obstruct the hill in every stage. Sir W. CLAY said the bill only consisted of one clause of about 15 lines, and therefore the period of the session was no objection to the introduction of the bill, if it was a good one, which he believed it to be. It did not do all that he wished, but it was a step in the right direction, and he should there fore vote for it, Mr. WAKLEY thought it was most unjust to make dis tinctions between the payment of rates in boroughs and counties. He considered the payment of rates and taxes ought to be abolished altogether. The bill before the house would, however, afford a small amount of relief, and he should, therefore, vote for it. Wealthy men were often disfranchised, on account of the non-payment of rates, as well at poor men; and the Governor of the Bank of England bad himself been disfranchised from such a cause. (Hear.) Blr. CRIPPS opposed the bill, and moved that it be read a second time that day six months. Sir B. HALL supported the bill. Mr. HENLEY opposed the bill. A liberal and reform ing party in parliament, having the stick in their own hands, had settled the question many years since. One great objection to the bill was the temptation which it would hold out to the poor man to run into arrears with respect to rates—a temptation which would operate very injuriously towards the poor. Under any circumstances, it was quite impossible that it could pass during the present session; and should it over pass, its benefits, if any, would be almost confined to the metropolis. Capt. PECH ELL denied that the payment of rates would be at all delayed by the passing of the bill. For election purposes payment was now deferred ; for parochial purposes the parish officers would always take care that there was no greateccumulation of arrears. Sr D. L. EVANS said that all that he could hope for at that period of the session was to obtain the assent of the house to the principle of the bill ; but, ander the cis , cumstances, that assent was extremely important. The house divided—For the amendment Against it 54 The numbers being equal, a loud shout of laughter fol lowed the announcement of the result. The SPEAKER gave his casting vote against the amend mend. The house again divided on the question that the bill be now read a second time. For the motion 62 Agaimurt it BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL. _ mittee, which sat upon the cue of Mr. Whittle Harvey on 1 the other side. In that state of things he should refrain from giving . an opinion, seeing that, by asserting ineligi bility, he might prejudice those who had been selected for the office, while, on the other hand, if he said that the judges were qualified to sit, he might practically disfranchise those who should be led to vote for an ineligible candidate. (Hear, bear.) Under those circumstances, he thought it best to abstain from giving any answer to the question. Sir J. GRAHAM felt that the bon. and learned gentle ' man bad put forward most excellent reasons for declining to I answer his question ; but, as the law was admitted to be very doubtful, he (Sir J. Graham) should persevere in his intention to move, on the third reading, a clause disqualify ing the judges of the county courts for sitting in that house. Sir 0 GREY said he had stated last year, in committee on the bill, that it was the opinion of the Lord Chancellor that the duties to be performed would be incompatible with the bolding of a seat in that house. Mr. Hamilton's clause was then withdrawn and the report received. DESTITUTE PERSONS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Sir G. ORE Y stated, in reply to Mr. Hamilton, that the total amount of subscriptions received under the Queen's letter for destitute persons in Ireland was 171,5331. 16,. 2d. Of this sum 170,0001. had been paid over to the committee of the British Association. The committee had collected 254,7541., making the total which had passed through their hands 424,7541. The bill was then read a third time. COPYRIGHT (COLONIES) BILL. Viscount MAHON thought the bill had been brought in at a very late period of the session, and complained of the scanty information which had been given in order to justify it. He would not, however, oppose the third reading. After a few words from Mr. M. GIIISON, . . The bill was read a third time and passed. MILITARY KNIGHTS OF WINDSOR. Sir G. GREY said that the hon. member for St. Albans, who had a motion on this subject, had promised him certain additional documents which had been discovered, which should go before the law officers of the crown, but which had not yet been received. He thought the question was one which would be better settled in a court of law. Mr. B. CABBELL said he had the opinion of Lord Camp. bell that if a certain deed were in existence, which he now had in his possession, the right of the military knights of Windsor to some property which was in question was undoubted. Col. REID suggested that the motion should be withdrawn. The motion was then withdrawn. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. In answer to a question from Sir J. GIIAHANI, Sir G. GREY said the house would meet at three o'clock to-morrow (this day); public business would commence at half-past three, when tho committee on the Consolidated Fund Bill would be taken ; after which, be proposed to take such third readings as were unopposed, in order that the bills might go up to the House of Lords, and then the Bishopric of Manchester Bill would be brought on. The house adjourned at twenty minutes af.er four o'clock. BISHOPRIC OF MANCHESTER, &c., BILL. Drzisoni in favour of second reading of this bill.—Ayee, 124; noes, 11. AYES. Acland, Sir T. D. Disraeli, B. Jermyn, Earl Parker, J. Acland, T. D. Douglas, J. D. 8. Jervis, Sir J. Patten, J. W. Allis, J. P. DuelsworthAir J.Johnstone, Sir J. Perfect, P.. Austen, Col. Dimino, Admiral Jollide, Sir W. o.l.ltilipps, Sir R. Baring, T. F. Dundee, Sir D. lows, Capt. Pinney, W. Baring, T. East, Sir J. B. Nnightley, Sir C. Plumrldgc, Capt. Barringtoss,Vist. Ebrington, Via Lao:ellen, 11n. W.Pollington,Visc. Bennet, P. Egerton, W. T. Lefroy, A. Prime, It. Bentinck, 14.0. Entwine, W. Le Mainhant, D. Reid, Cot. Bentinck, Id.lf. Evans, W. Liddell, Hon. H. Rendleaham, TAL Berkeley, Hn. C. Ferguson, Sir R. Lindsay. Col. Russell, Lord!. Blackburne,J. L Permed, W. B. T.ygon, lbs. Gen. Rutherfuni, A. Bodkin, 3. J. Fitzroy, Hon. H. Macaulay, T. B. Sondon, Visc, &Afield, B. Forester, nom o.2leGeochy, F. A. Somerville,BirW, Bowles, Mm. Faller, A. E. Manners, lALC.B, Stanley, Hon. W. Buck, L. W. Gore, M. Manners, Lord J. Tollemacke,lGLF Buller, C. Gore, lion. R. Motile, RL lln.l o .Tollernache, J. Byes, 0. 8. Goulburn, 11. Mildmay, H. Verner, Sir W. Cisrew, W. H. P. Greene, T. Miles, P. W. 8. Vceey, Han. T. Chaplin, W. J. Grey, Sir G. Miles, W. rams, Viso. Christie, W.D. Oroevenor, Ld.B.Monahan, J. IL Vyee, H. Christopher,R.A.Homilton, 0. A. Morpeth, Vise. Wadilington,ll.S. Clive, Vile. Hamilton, LcrdC.Morris, IL Walker, R. Clive, Hon. R.H. Hatton, Capt. V. Mundy, E. H. Ward, 11. 0. Ondrinoton.BirW Heathcote, iiirW.Neeld, J. Wood, Sir C. Corry, Itt.Lin. 11.1Iculey, J. W. Newilegute, C. Worcester, Marq. Courteuay, Lord Flildyorti, T.B.T. O'Brien, A. S. Wortley, lie, J.S. Cowper, W. F. Hubhouse, Sir J. Ogle, 8. C. IL Wynn, C. W. W. Craig, W. G. Hope, O. W. Parke, C. W. Crime, W. Ilomby, J. Palmer, R. Tr . Denison. J. E. Inevetre, Vise. Palmer, 0, Mr. Tufnell. Denison, E. B. Inglis, Sir R. H. Palmenton,Viec. Mr. Rich. NOES'. Aglionbr.M. A.Dmptn, G. -- Mole/morn'. W. rrT ill& Alrlam, W. Evans, Mr D. L. Thornely, T. Mr. Hume. Bourene, An. E. Emetic, A. Trr llll . ll Y. J. S. 31r.T. Duncombe, Brothcrton, J. Ilindley, C. Wakley, T. Colktt, J. 11011.101, E. W. fit Preoo. MAILS - . - - 7 - The West India mails, excluding those for Mexico, Tlnntloraii, and the Ilayannah, will be made up on the morning of the 17th July. The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar will be made up on the morning of the 17th July. The mails fur British North America, Bermuda, and the United States, will be made up on the evening of the 19th July. The overlarel mails file Gibraltar, Aldta,Orecos, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, along-Hong, and Chinn, via Southampton, will he made up on the morning of the 20th July. The overland closed malls, ries Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Cent, Aden, Ceylon, India, 'long Kong, Re., will be made up on the evening of the 25th July. The mails for New South Wales, Van Dlemen's Land, and New Zeeland will be made op on the evening of the 31st July. The mails for the Brasil% the River Plate, Monte Video, rectum. bow, Bahia, Madeira , and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the evening of the 4th August. TO CORRESPONDENTS. ••• Robertlyenb Istowied by Tar E emirs, London eveslng yybyy at H Oily. by Two o'clock se tb• 4sy of pubtleatios. HIGH WATER AT teOI3I3O3I.IIIRIDOC. Tm• 1344-1114.135, 47 ula. peat 3; Mumma, 6 ode. Put 4. To-llossow—Marales, 77 alt. P..M 4 , 1/4441500n, 47 ma. No 4. LONDO_V, THURSDAY, JULY 15. AT the morning sitting of the House of Commons yesterday, Lord MORPETII, in answer to Mr. It. YoasE, said he could not afford any sanguine expec tation that the new House of Commons would be ready for occupation at the commencement of the en suing session, expressing, however, a hope that the desired event might be looked for shortly after that period.—Mr. T. DCNCOMEE moved the second read ing of a bill for the Prevention of Accidents in Mines and Collieries, Sir GEonnE GREY stating that his reason for opposing it, and moving that it be read a second time that day three months, was that the subject was under the serious consideration of the government, with the view of framing a measure which would not be liable to the very serious objections which existed against the present bill. After some discussion, the second reading was negatived by a majority of 56 to 23.—Sir DE LACY EVANS moved the second reading of the Parliamentary Electors Bill, the object of the measure being to enact that the payment of rates up to the sth of October of the previous year, instead of the sth of April of the current, should entitle electors to the right of voting for members of parliament. Mr. CRIPPS moved that tho bill be read a second time that day three mouths. On a division the num bers were found to be equal, 54 to 54, when the SPEAKER, in accordance with precedent, gave his deciding vote against the amendment, which was consequently lost. —The house then proceeded to divide on the original question of tho second reading, when the bill itself was doomed to a similar fate, it being rejected by a majority of one, the numbers being 52 to 53. —On the report on the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill, Mr. HAMILTON moved that the terms " barris ter " and " attorney" should imply members of those professions both of England and Ireland; but, the pro position being objected to, the hon. member withdrew it—Sir I. GR kIIAM gave notice that on the third reading of the bill, ho should move a clause to render certain that which appeared at present doubtful, namely, that a judge of the new small debts or county courts should be ineligible to sit in the Commons House of Parliament —On the third reading of the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill, Sir G. GREY stated that the amount raised under the Queen's letter for the relief of distress in Ireland was 171,533!. 16s. 2d., of which sum 170,000/. had been handed over to the committee of the British Association ; the committee also having received other subscriptions to the amount of 254,754/., the whole sum which had passed through their hands was 421,7541. Onii;iiringing up of the report, Mr. HAMILTON moved the introduction of the follow ing clause:—" And be it enacted and declared, that in the construction of this act, and the several acts herein re !erred to, the expression barrister-at-law, or barrister, shall I mean a barrister at.law called to the bar either in England or Ireland; and the expression attorney-at-law shall mean as attorney-at-law either for England or Ireland, except where it is otherwise provided." The ATTORNEY-GENERAL opposed the clause. Mr. ST I:ART advised the mover of the clause to withdraw it for the present. Mr. 800 VERIE was sorry to see the Attorney-General in favour of keeping up the monopoly of English lawyers, Mr. HENLEY opposed the clause as a piecemeal affair. Sir J. GRAHAM wished to put a question to the Attorney- General. lie had heard that one of the judges appointed to a county court was a candidate for a seat in that house in the next session. Certainly, in any concern which he had had in the preparation of the County Courts Bill, he by no means contemplated any such eligibility on the pert of the judges. The bill then about to be passed imposed upon the judges fresh duties, and there could be no doubt that, with their attendance on circuit, their time would now be fully occupied. The office was, he believed, a new one under the statute of Anne ; and he would ask the Attorney-Genera] whether in his opinion, as the law then stood, the judges of the county courts were not disqualified from holding seats in that house ? If the Attorney-General should ho of opinion that they were not disqualified at present, he (Sir J. Gra ham) would, on the third reading, bring up a clause abso lutely disqualifying them. (Hear, hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he had directed his attention to the matter, and he would state to the house the view which he entertained as to the propriety or impropriety of answering the question. The act of parliament did not give to the crown the power of ap pointing the judges of the county courts ; but said that it would be lawful for the Lord Chancellor to appoint them. The question for consideration would be, whether the office , 1 in question was or was not an office of place or profit under 1 the crown ? Precedents might be cited on both sides. The precedents adduced from the election committees in favour at one Tiew might be met by the precedent of the select com- THE Mexican war is evidently drawing to a close. The two parties which have shown all the ferocity of hatred, without any of its energy, towards the Americans, have been deposed from influenc3 and power. They are the military and the ultra-demo cratic parties. These are the part;es which, blending together and exciting each other, undertook the defence of France against the united and overwhelm ' iog force of the rest of Europe in 1789. Soldiers and de mocrat/in Mexico have by uniting but rendered defeat more overwhelming, and their own wcakneFs more conspicuous. SANTA ANNA and 0031E2 F inIAS have each and both had fair trial, and been found wanting. The quiet and timid civilian party re-appear, with ilmtnen t, no doubt to make peace, and, no doubt, on very disadvantageous terms. And yet we see enough in the American bulletins to feel that Mexico might have been defended. Gen. SCOTT'S communications with Vera Cruz and his own depUts have been completely cut off by guerillas. All that is wanting is to multiply these, and for the towns to show the same hatred, and to make the same sacrifices, that the Spaniards did in the peninaular war, in order to render the advance of the THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 1847. American army impossible. To burn the towns, destroy or remove provisions, give the Americans welcome nowhere, bat harass them front and rear, and cut off communication—this would evidently make an end of General SCOTT, and force the United States to much greater efforts, or much more lenient terms. But it is quite evident that the Mexicans are pre pared to do no such thing. The clergy fraternise with t he Yankees, the farmers give them provisions in return for promissory notes, and the Americans are quite at home at Puebla as at Vera Cruz. All this is the fault of the villainous governments of free Mexico, its corrupt and selfish statesmen, its miserable com manders. Despotism is a bad thing, but despotism itself had not the effect of so completely crushing every spirit of nationality as the system which called itself a republic, and which was more base and is more cowardly than any nation under any regime. The contemplation of such a state, of such men and such events, prompts one to turn attention alto gether from Mexico itself, and consider merely the ruinous effect that so great a conquest must have on the future conduct and fortunes of the great western republic. Internal influences, too, are at work, which will more immediately, and not less powerfully, contribute to shape its course. Of the leading questions upon which parties in the United States have divided few are more vital than that which relates to the action of the central government in respect of internal improvements. The waste lands of all the territory of the Union arc by the constitution vested in the Congressional government. Many of the best statesmen of the country have earnestly 1 urged the application of the proceeds of the sales of these lands to the opening of great trunk roads and 1 canals, and the effecting of such improvements as by developing the national resources would enrich and strengthen the whole republic. The jealousies of the party, which, in its fear of central power, maintains a view of state independence almost leading to anarchy, has hitherto thwarted the advocates of this policy. A great move is on the eve of being made in the cause of internal improvements. A con vention has been summoned to meet at Chicago, on Lake Erie, to deliberate on the beat mode of com pleting the water communications between the sea board and the Western states. New York has ap pointed deputies to take part in the proceedings of this convention. So has Philadelphia. And, what is scarcely less important, Mr. BENTON, and other leading members of the party hitherto opposed to the feeling of internal improvements, have either pro mised to attend, or expressed their regret at their inability to be present, and their syinpahy with the objects of the meeting. The circumstance that such a convention may be able to unseat the present government, and change its internal policy, is, perhaps, its least important fea ture. The improvements contemplated by those who have been instrumental in bringing about the conven tion would accelerate the development of the immense mineral region which has yet been only scratched at Pittsburgh and Wheeling ; and the additional power which the management of these improvements would vest in the authorities at Wash ington would go far to impart greater reality to the Congressional government. Since the breaking up of the National Bank, the Supreme Court of the United States is the only felt national institution in the Union. The material power of an internal improve ment commission would confirm the authority of this eminent and high-minded court. The powers of the central government would be increased without one real liberty of the Stites being encroached upon. And therepetition ()fetich lamentable examples of weakness as were exhibited when the frontier Hunters' lodges of the state of New York set at defiance the autho rity of the government at Washington would in time be rendered impossible of recurrence. IT would be a great mistake to suppose that the return of Dr. POWER, for the county of Cork, ought to be received as anything like a fair indication of the probable results of the next general election in the'! Irish counties generally, or even in the county of Cork itself. When less than a fourth of the constitu ency could be brought to the poll, the contest must have been merely nominal, and the victory a matter of little interest either to the electors or the candi dates. A seat which could only be retained for afew days was no very tempting prize, particularly when it was generally understood that the result of this preliminary contest would have no influence whatever on the issue of the more serious battle, necessary to be fought at no very distant date. The great parties between whom a severe struggle is imminent nevcr appeared in the field; as in the thirty years' war it was customary before any pitched battle to have a preliminary skirmish between the undisciplined light troops on each side, for the purpose of making the rival commanders acquainted with the nature of the ground, so the repeal lagers under Dr. POWER, and the Brunswick Croats under Mr. LEADER, were thrown out from the snain armies on both sides, while the commanders of bath great parties watched with greater interest the nature of the skirmish than they felt in ita issue. Mr. LEADER fought under decided disadvantages ; one of his family contested the county some thirty years ago as an avowed radical, and his name there fore rendered him an object of suspicion to the old conservatives—a body of which it may be said, at least in the county of Cork, as it was of the Bourbons, that " they have forgotten nothing and learned no thing in the course of a generation." They look for the return of the days of Protestant ascendancy with the same desperate faith that the Britons ex pected the re-appearance of King ARTHUR, and the Portuguese the restoration of Don SEBAS TIAN. They remember that in their youthful days they achieved a decided triumph over PONSONBY and LEADER, by returning Lord BERNAr.D and the Hon. RICHARD MARE ; subsequent defeats they ascribe to the " spells, conjurations, and mighty magic" of O'CONNELL ; now that the wizard has been removed they deem that the charms by which their strength was suspended for more than a quintet of a century are broken, and that political affairs will re- I sums what they deem their natural course, that is to say the renewed reignof the LONGFIELDi, the BOYLES, and the BERNARDS. The name of LEADER which had in old times been found at the head of a revolt against this dynastic oligarchy filled their minds with horror; it seemed to them as unnatural as that a COBDEN should come out as a candidate chief for protectionists, or a HUME seek to be elected on the strength of a high church party. The younger conservative party to which Mr. LEA DER belongs, and on the strength of which he came forward, is as vet in a chaotic state ; its strati fication has been sadly disturbed, so that its faults and dislocations are full of perplexities to the students of political geology. Tho source of all its anomalies is want of faith: it does not believe the traditions by which it professes to be guided, and yet contends for purity of creed with greater earnest ness than was manifested when every one of its dogmas was a living principle. There is a supera bundance of assertion in rhetorical phrases, hut not a particle of earnestness of conviction manifested in action. They will dilate by the hoar on the disgrace of having the Yorkshire of Ireland represented by a person whose only claims are that his opinions are diametrically opposite to those of the aristocracy, and indeed almost the entire reseectability of the county, but they will make no exertion in purse or person to redeem the constituency, unless they see an immediate prospect of pecuniary reward. Mr. LEADER'', com mittee could tell strange stories of the demands made for posting and other travelling charges by the Brunswick squires and country gen tlemen who were the loudest in urging him to come forward and rescue the county from the repealer. Had he consented to comply with such exorbitant demands, he would now bo the sitting member. It is said that ho menaces an exposure of I the shabbiness of these most patriotic gentlemen, and, should ho fulfil the threat, we may hope to be amused by one of the most edifying illustrations of Irish political life which has appeared since the days of Sir JONAH BARRINGTON. . . -.- The strongest party in the county of Cork is one that, for nearly thirty years, has been all but apa thetic: it is the old liberal party, which, without being exactly whip, may be regarded as the natural ally of the whigs in England. Among the landed proprietors, more or less identified with this party, are the Duke of DevoNstitae, the Earls of SIIiiNNON, KINGSTON, CORK, and LBTOWEL, the remnant of the old catholic aristocracy, and several English pur chasers of Irish properties, such as the TIFRNETS, the ARERCROMIITS, and others. Were it possible to effect any arrangement between this party and the moderate conservatives, so that liberals having local claims could be brought forward as candidates, there would not be a chance for the repeaters on one side, er for the orangemen on the other. The late contest ex hibited and tested the strength of these two extremes, and proved that their united forces did not amount to one-fourth of the constituency. The difficulties of this party in the county of Cork arise, not from want of candidates, but from a diffi culty of selecting out of a number of candidates, none of whom have any very striking pretensions. If family connexions should be allowed to have sway, it would perplex the best of Spanish geneal,gista to adjust the jarring claims of the KINGs, the Boy the HARES, the LONOFIELDS, and the BERNARDS—if popu larity justly earned as landlords should decide, the noble families we have named severally possess strong claims, but certainly not stronger than those of the Duke of DEVONSHIRE, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, Sir MATTEIEW TIERNEY and Mr. ADERCROXIBY;—if popularity with the constituency should have sway, it will be found that there is no such thing as a general public opinion in the county. The east riding of Cork knows less of the west riding than Caithness does of Cornwall, and the name of a proprietor adored in Middleton would be utterly unknown in Skib bereen. . We are anxious that so great a constituency as the county of Cork should be adequately represented in parliament. We know that O'CONNELL regarded it as one of the greatest errors of his political life that ho thrust Mr. FEAROUS O'CONNOR upon it as a mem ber. The excitement ander which this act of folly was perpetrated no longer continues: Cork during the late election was as tranquil as if no political contest was in progress. Never was there a better opportunity for the great liberal interest of protes tant and catholic landlords—an interest stronger inthe county of Cork than in any other part of Ireland—to retrieve the political character of the county, and send to parliament gentlemen whose talent, rank, and social position, would command the attention of the legislature. 13ut in order that this desirable object should be ' effected, the liberal aristocracy must avoid their be setting sin—inattention to the wishes of the people. It will not do for the Duke of DEVONSHIRE to nomi nate a CAVENDISH or a PONSONBY utterly unknown to the mass of the constituency; neither will it be quite prudent to set forward the scion of some noble house whose chief merit is his title. High connec tions will count for much in Cork, but they will not count for everything. The tradition of repeal remains yet to be overcome, and it cannot be subdued by anything still more visionary and unsubstantial. It is said that candidates very likely to command suc cess are deterred from coming forward through fear of encountering the hostility of the Irish catholic priesthood ; not so much because they fear to be de fea•ed by sacerdotal influence as because they are unwilling to incur the hazard of being unjustly stig matised as enemies to the catholic religion and the Irish people. Ever since the defeat of VESEY Flu- GERALD at the Clare election, this not unreasonable dread has haunted the minds of the liberal pro testants of Ireland, and has kept secluded from political life the 131GNELL9 and HETCHINSONS of Tipperary, the LAMBERTS of Wexford, the DEREERTS of Kerry, the O'BarEss of Clare, and the TALBOTS of Dublin. We have reason to believe that the day of this danger is passed. The new catholic Bishop of Cork, in conjunc tion with the majority of his episcopal brethren, disapproves of ministers of religion becoming tribunes of the people. Ile dreads the consequence of seeing such anomalous agitation continued, when all the circumstances by which it could be justified have dis appeared. There is, consequently, a fair field for the exertions of liberals in the southern counties of Ire land, and nothing but negligence and apathy can pre vent the representation of these great constituencies from being placed on a basis honourable to Ireland and beneficial to the empire. WE return, as we promised, to the case of POWELL against the proprietors of the Daily News ; because it is of the utmost importance to the integrity of the press that the verdict shall not stand, at least in pub lic opinion—and to ourselves—that we should not be legally contradicted in our demand that the character of our servants be above suspicion. It is not many days since a well known journal informed the public how large a portion of its expenses was the price paid for the honesty of its own establishment; and if juries thus recognise the services that arc ren dered in opposition to the rule of impartiality which a journal has sought to establish, we can easily con ceive of a final state of things in which newspaper proprietors will have no resource but that of bribing above the bribery from without. It must be remembered that there are other bribes than the money one—less mean, it may be, but not less dis honest as compared against abstract truth. The bribe of the passions, or prejudices, or predilections, though lest morally guilt in the man, wrongs tir:: ideal of Truth as much as the influence that has a baser aspect: not to speak of the sure moral conse quence, that the public reporter who leaves the safe ground of strict and honourable impartiality at any bidding has forfeited the safety,—and may probably find himself in the end at the beck of worse spirits. There port in the Daily News which is the subject matter of our complaint against Mr. POWELL was of proceedings in the Bristol Court of Bank ruptcy in the case of a party named SMITH. It is needless to say that the reports of the provincial courts, like the other ordinary business of provincial societies, cannot usually find place in the London journals—overcrowded as they are with their own subjects of metropolitan and national inte rest. It requires some peculiarity of importance or interest—or a worse motive—to take a country case out of the rule ; and that SMITH'S case had nothing of the former two is suggested by the fact that the Daily News was the only one of all the London morning journals which had gone out of its course to report it. Even at this stage of the facts, therefore, the reader would be apt to look for some reason of the latter kind—particularly when it is remembered that the paper thus exceptionally giving up its spm to what its rivals deemed worthless is the one of which economy is the direct principle especially distinguishing it from their own. The case reported involved no point of law or fact which it imported the readers of the Daily News to know : and when the proprietors, awakened to inquiry, found that it was a personal one in which the ill-will of one of their own establishment was concerned—when they saw it charged that the party who was the detaining creditor in the proceedings in question had been allowed to threaten his alleged debtor with the Daily News, and to carry that threat into execution by occupying the paper with a report whose sole motive was an exposure painful to the feelings of his individual opponent—they dismissed the sub-editor who had allowed the paper to be so used. This the jury --who, had the matter taken that character and come before them in that form, would assuredly have punished the proprietors for libel—say they shall not do; but shall remunerate Mr. Powell. for that destructive dealing with their property. That is, taking the extreme consequence, that the proprietors might have in some ease of the kind at once to pay heavy damages for a written libel and to pay the editor a large sum for having written it! If there were a tradesman or a merchant on the jury, it is strange and disheartening that he could not be made to see that—waiving the moral question altogether— the principle here adulterated was an essential and most important part of the property on which the commercial success of the newspaper depended ; and that the sub-editor who had so tampered with that, had done us the same wrong as they would suffer from the servant who should replace their own honest wares by counterfeits or introduce into them some element of deterioration. Let us sec, then, what case the proprietors found, on inquiry, against Mr. Powm.L.—On the morning on which the publication appeared in the Daily News, a letter had been addressed to those gentlemen by a 3lr.Weaat NG, employed ()lithe paper as Mr. Po w cm.'s assistant—stating in substance that he believed a person named SMITH would endeavour to damage him in their opinion, and requesting that the anticipated statements might not have credit. Our readers know—or will observe later in this narrative—that those statements were already in the office, addressed to the proprietors; and, so far as they were concerned, had been sup ' pressed. But Mr. WEARING, fearful that he might not have it all his own way, and that the perseverance 1 of Mr. SMITH might bring him before the proprietors in some form, had, it would seem, resolved to be before hand with the possibility. His calculations as to Sat an were justified by the event —Of Mr. Wesaino's letter the proprietors, of coarse, took no notice. While that person discharged his duty to the paper, with a mere personal quarrel they had nothing to do. The letter was handed by them to the gentleman who had the control and management of the paper ; and he, like themselves, did not consider it necessary to trouble Mr. WEARING for an explanation of threatened and nameless charges from a party to him or them un known. But when next day's poet brought a letter—which reached the director's hands—from Mr. SMITH, indicating some startling conclusions and throwing a new and sinister light on the dis regarded letter itself, that, too, became a docu ment of interest. The letter in question, re ferring to a former one,—withheld from the pro prietors though addressed to them and bringing against one member of their establishment the serious charge of wielding the powers of the paper in the interests (of passion or fortune) of another—made inquiry absolutely necessary. "He has boasted," says the writer, " that, as editor [which WEARING was not] of the Daily News, he will publish in extenso the account of my pecuniary difficulties not only in the Daily News but in other London papers with which ho has influence. I feel confident that yon will not, by your permission, assist a pri- I vat° and vindictive object, by unusually and un necessarily giving publicity to proceedings which took place in a district court of bankruptcy, and which, involving no point of public interest or justice, can have no other effect than that of adding additional pain and additional injury to a man who has long suffered from the unfortunate po sition in which persecution and unavoidable circum stances have placed him." The inquiry took place : and the following facts were elicited.—Mr. WEARING was, as we have said, SMITII'S detaining creditor—in a state of . great hos tility to him—and bad kept him in prison more than a year for a disputed debt. Mr. PowELL, by his own admission, was well acquainted with WE 'MING'S I hostility; and yet he—to whose hands, by his posi tion of sub-editor, the honour and character of the paper and of all parties concerned in it were confided, and at whose mercy, by virtue of that confidence, they absolutely were—consented to serve it. He wrote to the Bristol correspondent of the Daily Yews for this unnecessary report (which without such ex press demand that correspondent would never have dreamed of furnishing),—because, as he said, it involves "certain proceedings in which a gentleman in our establishment is interested." So much in earnest were the parties, that this unusual application was, at a later date, repeated :—and the report, when at length received, was handed over to WEARING himself, by Mr. POWELL, to be prepared for publication. By WEARING it was so prepared, and I published ; "garbled,"as we contend, by the erasure of every part which mentioned WEARINGS own name— whether this species of editorship touched the essen tial points in the cause or not. With reference to our right to dismiss, this case cannot be looked at alone. It must be regarded with a view to the animus which pervaded it, and to the far greater wrong to others, and injury to ourselves, which the same animus might do, working with a different series of facts. The matter was quite as alarming to us as if it had dealt with larger interests. As a minor proof of this animus, it may be mentioned that —whereas to every paper so edited fur press it is the duty of the sub-editor dealing with it to put his initials, as the printer's warrant for its insertion —the signature of Mr. WEARING was here withheld. The letter of complaint from Swim, addressed to " The Proprietors," which followed on the same day, Mr. POWELL TINT also to WEARING ; and allowed him to withdraw it from the office—from which, it is a rule, and may be of the utmost import ance that, no (locum( nt, however seemingly trivial, shall be removed. These facts were, as we have said, proved :—and thereupon the proprietors dismissed both POWELL and WEARING. Now, what else could the proprietors do than dismiss this plaintiff from their service? And what would have been their own position before the public had they accepted this reproach upon the paper for them selves? At any cost it became necessary, for the journal's sake, that they who have its ultimate control should separate themselves from the suspicion of employing a great public influence for personal and petty purposes—and the desire to stand clear before the public, who have an interest in our purity, ought not to cost so much. A question like this could not fairly be tried by the mere dry morality of the Ac. count-book. Again we say, that the amount of harm actually done in this particular case is not the true measure of the mischief ;—and that, even commercially, the jury should have seen that we could feel no safety in each hands. Since we have cleared ourselves in this matter only at so great cost, what might have been the future consequences of retaining on our esta blishment a spirit that had thus proclaimed itself? If sub-editors receive the formal sanction of juries to deal with us and our property thus, for what penal ties, on another and contradictory ground, as we have said, may we not hereafter be liable before the same juries ? When we come into court charged with I libels which we could not prevent, we shall be told that we are answerable for the conduct of our servants by those who to-day strip us of the control over them. We shall be taunted with the non-necessity of keep ing sub-editors whom we cannot trust, by the very authority that now forbids us to dismiss them The verdict involves a tissue of absurdities:—and assuredly wants correcting. Every way we turn it, presents a new aspect of its danger and injustice :—but the few points that should have settled it lie in the narrowest compass. Does any single one of these jurors believe that this report found its way into the Daily News on public, and not on personal, grounds— that it is there at all but because of a pri vate resentment? If not, can they think that we could have been morally justified in retain ing those who inserted it? The conditional con tract with Mr. POWELL is not denied :—we stand only on our right to dismiss him when he endangered our character and our property. In the moral aspect of that right the public have the greater inter est : the commercial one is our own —and the law of it was made perfectly clear by the Lord Chief Justice.—" An agreement between the employer and the employed is always upon the implied condition that the party to be employed will conduct himself in a manner conformable to the spirit of the agree ment into which he has entered, and so as to make his services available and beneficial to his employer. That is a condition engrafted by the law upon every agree ment of this kind ; and the breach of that condition on the part of the person employed will warrant the other side in determining the agreement. Where a person is to pay a certain remuneration for certain services, unless those services are rendered so as to be available and beneficial to the employer, the agreement would be a mere one-sided benefit."—Well, then:— services continued to be rendered by Mr. PoweLL in the spirit of the particular one now in question would have ruined us—as they ought—in the end : and we dismissed him for present justification and for future security. As the matter at present stands, the worst that can be said of the proprietors of the Daily News is, that their sense of duty, honour, and responsibility was too refined for the apprehension of the jury:—and the public that would ratify the verdict of the latter should find its appropriate punishment in being left to the tender mercies of irresponsible sub-editors. A portion of the following appeared in a second edition of this paper last evening : Paris journals of Tuesday, together with our usual letters, have been received. The meat strange investigation in progress before the French court of peers proceeds, and each day is marked by the development of events more and more extraordinary. It is impossible to convey an adequate notion of the intense interest with which the pro- ceedings are regarded, or of the painful curiosity which is manifested as the accused are conducted to their places. Every eye on Monday looked for M. Pel lapra, whose return had been rumoured the preceding day, and whose presence at the bar of the chlmber was confidently expected. The letters of Mad.Pellapra and its enclosures, the letter of her husband to her on his departure from Paris, together with the several notes of M. Tests, were listened to in profound silence. As the evidence gradually brought the truth to light, and as the guilt seemed by every fresh testimony to come closer and closer to M. Teete, that person evinced the utmost coolness and the most unflinching self-posses sloe, examining and cross-examining the witnesses with all the dispassionate adroitness of a counsel acting as the fee'd advocate of a third party. At the rising of the court at six o'clock M. Tests, against whom such a mass of unexpected evidence had been brought, appeared to be the least affected individual in that crowded hall. The bewildering doubts in which the report of the proceedings and the air of confident innocence of the accused left the public were soon destined to be dis pelled, and this curious drama was to receive an un foreseen djimement. At half-past eight o'clock in the evening of Monday the report of fire-arms was heard to issue from the apartments in the Luze rn . bong, occupied by the prisoners. The per son , in charge and the guards instantly rushed to the rooms and found that M. Te s t o h ad attempted suicide with pistols, but without sums/. It appears that he first placed a pistol in his mouth and snapped it, but it missed fire. Provided with a second, he placed the mouth of the barrel close against his breast and discharged it. The ball under these circumstances seems not to have acquired force enough to enter the body. It fell to the ground, merely leaving a black mark on the waistcoat and the skin, but without producing any contusion, a s was incorrectly stated in some of the published accounts. The Chancellor, the grand refcrendary, a n d the members of the committee of the chamber ap. pointed to conduct the trial, were immediately su m . mooed, and the commissary of police of the distri c t, as well as the prefect of the police, attended. The pro. eareur-genc , ral and the police authorities made a proet's verbal of the transaction. M. Teste was ordered to be kept an stereo, with proper precautions again s t any repetition of the attempt at self-destruc tion. The only person who visited M. Testa after his retirement to his apartment yester day was his son, who is a member of the Cham ber of Deputies. This circumstance has giv en rise to the report that the loaded pistols were thus supplied to him. A report is mentioned i n Galignam's paper, that as he was leaving the court on Monday evening, he was heard to exclaim : " Je suss un homme perdu!" We give elsewhere a el:snnti of the pro. ceedings of the court on Tuesday, which were of course cut short by the events of the preceding night. On being summoned to attend the court, M. Tests declined acknowledging the unanswerable nature of the proof against him, and, in substance, confessing that he accepted the wages of corruption. The act of corruption by Pellagra, and the complicity of General Cubii2res and M. Parmentier were not denied by their respective advocates, and they merely appealed to the clemency of the court. At the time our correspondent closed his despatches the sentence of the court had not been declared. elle King and Queen of the Belgians, with their son, the Duke of Brabant, are at Neuilly. The Kiag and Queen of the French and Madame Adelaide, with the Duchess of Orleans and her children, arc at Drees, attending the religious solemnities which mark the anniversary of the death of the Duke of Orleans, which took place on July 13. The weather continues to ba highly favourable. The late rains have been succeeded by an unclouded fir mament and high temperature. At six in ele morn ing on Monday, the thermometer in the shade stood at 701 deg., at noon it rose to 86 deg., and at two o'clock it attained 881 deg., an unusual temperature in these latitudes. MADRID, Juts 8. In the absence of all news of any higher interest, I take (coin the Correo the following account of the Queen', dinner to M. Brunelli, which came off on Tuesday evening. The number of covers amounted to 34 ; and the table wu laid out in the great saloon hung with crimson velvet. which faces the Plaza del Oriente, and which was brilliantly lighted. The Queen sat nt the head of the table, having on her right the Legate of his Holiness, end on her left the Presider of the Council. In front of her Majesty sat the Infant DUI Francisco. Between, in order, came the diplomatic body, the ministers, and the high officers of the household. The Queen wore a dress of rose colour, with a diadem of brilliants on her forehead, In the term of a royal crown of the middle ages. The dinner was choice and light, and lasted for only three-quarters of an hour. Then the guests passed into the saloon of minors to take coffee, which was served in a ter. vice of gold. T he Queen went about talking a little to ell in turn, with her natural grace and amiability. The coma rany was dismi , sed a little after eleven. During dinner the Nuncio maintained an animated conversation with the Queen, with whose affability and talent he went away quite charmed. Preparations are making at La Ginnie, which in the months of July and August bears away the paint from ell the other royal residences for coolness and amenity, to receive the Queen's visit. The defeat of the rebels on the left bank of the Tagus has been followed up by their attack and sion on the right. Don Pedro Panda fell upon them at Tresnedoro, and took six of their horses. The riders escaped. The Progresistas are forming a junta in the capital to superintend the elections of the provincial deputies. TIONTREAL, ince N. The provincial ministry have maintained their ground with small but increasing majorities. Having brae with a majority of but one on the first test division between themselves and the opposition, theynegatived Mr. Baldwia amendments on the address by a majority of two, and haw since counted four upon a vote of want of confidence, in the shape of an address to the governor to form a stems ministry. There seems to be no disposition on the part of the opposition to obstruct the public business of the sesoke, which, with their large minority, they coald easily do. The want of confidence motion did not originate with the leaden of the party, but was left in the hands of one of the eubordi. note followers, Mr. Scott, who is in no respect a prominent politician, and disqualified, in the opinion of some, for inch a task by his connexion with the troubles of 1837, when he was a fugitive from the country. The subject of the ministerial negotiations bas been only incidentally discussed in the assembly. In the leeidative council, Mr. Caron made a permed statement of his ekes in the correspondence he had carried on with Mr. Cayley. He imputed ins i ncerity to the government, with whom ho professed to think no real desire for a union with the French party existed. It would be difficult to imagine any rational motive for the overtures made both by Lord Elgin and the prevent ministry, if they did not orisrinate in a sincere desire for the success of the overtures, which I am thoroughly cop Tinted they did. earle.blanehe was given to Mr. Caroused his friends to enter the executive council upon the term they had themselves formerly proposed, selecting the hut viduals of their party in whom they most confided, and tee tering upon the duties of their office unfettered by pledges. Mr. Sullivan, the leader of the opposition in the hearties council, remarked with some severity upon the eradiating the Lower Canadian allies of the reformers of the apple province to desert them, and take office with the cuemia if their party and principles, as disclosed in the two negotiants' that had taken place between Mr. Caron and the proem ministry. Mr. Caron, in defending himself from the seer cation, adverted to the disappointment caused to the Freed Canadian party be , the small return of reformers at the be general election, not more than one.third of the number pro. Inland by the ceders of the party to whom the Frank Canadians had listened. He moreover expressed doubts • to the justice of making the interests of the whole body sf the French Canadians subordinate to the interests of the reformers of Upper Canada, adding, however, that had they abandoned the alliance, and entered the executive cowl as proposed in the negotiations alluded to, it would has been with the hope and intention of introducing them as share in the government afterwards. I see no reasons to alter the opinion I gave in a former letter, that, notwithstanding the failure of the negotiation that have been hod, the desire for a union of parties eta subsisting in potential quarters, that union will yet someday be effected—not, I apprehend, this session, but prior to the next, when, a general election having shown the strength d parties, the negotiation may be honourably renewed. hlr. Caelev has made his financial statement for the yes 1846, and submitted his project for 1847. They give general satisfaction, and demonstrate the steadily.inereasing pro perity of the country. The following, from the Manfred Herald, gives an accurate and intelligent amount of the pro posed financial alterations : A ac d h il e to rn e e d im 2 i.. Pec ll rd e Wr propormi: e diff n : a Lto t h :ta i other duties now levied upon revel.. coming from see to ?doleful Is d Fie ut l e en esT at t 2 : l ; e ed off u: thetl :e ' vi r ral iatish tonnage hillc.""flaisill ea l and Quebec., laving the charges which the produce Is applies* * le upon the conAilidated fund; to extend the facilities now grante d . importers of ell kinds of goods to pass them through one alas w to which en th, t iya:ntobe brought, moo r iten oin ti t y li .j e can a ls aap, to oper tlie re lo g rgi: revenue. of tae province. It is proposed, in addition to three referee to reduce all duties on raw materials to the union rate of Ips root, at reforms; and though this was not mentioned he 1$ -general, we are informed tot measures are to be take' , Z; e f ekw rocate the intereolonial trade, free of all duties , . which Ow " I ' tutors of Nom Scotia, by a recent act, has proposed to the siert re. 'users. There are two drawbacks to the excellence of this mhos. which in other respects is full, approved of iby all intelligat i1 1 '.., These are the maintenance of the present duty of 38. per quarter, ir the proporal to adopt the suggestion of the British reenuneo;.•• inmate a duty of 25 per cent. on reprints of copyright 1 ••• "'" excluded by the Copyright Act. To the first tonne they are peolohlf compelled, by the well known tenacity with which the 'farmers art to this phantom of a protection, which they at first inipacedi on IS .T ,.., their own good, but that of the English landlord., To the To A are in souse meaeure urged by a desire to get rid of the 0091.•• Act upon whatever terms. The British government, how ever, to see the absurdity of desiring to enforce such a duty i the don keeps out no repents, but those required by the P reader. The 25 per cent., in like manner, must evidently he 'd worthier*, so a protection to the British publisher; but it will be • tax upon the improvement of the people. an rn Yi addition dition to the above, Mr. Cayley has stated that , 11 . ,• the intention of the government to urge upon the intloT government, the propriety of making Montreal a free M ei with the ultimate view of obtaining the free tuitio 6 . _! 1 ,.... the St. Lawrence for all eeuele. Already several sums', flags have come to Montreal, the first since the taiga • Canada to the British crown. The condition of the emigrants who arrive this pee alarming and distreming, and the two houses have • 04 • 1 4: address to the Queen on the subject. The immignii ll year will amount to 100,000 at the least. At the ground, below Quebec, the evils of destitution andlieieet,J. fearfully aggravated by the numbers that crowd the lit space at their disposal. Outside the city of X_7. an army of from 5,000 to 8,000 emigrants are 100n1 . L•74 encamped, their haggard leoka and wasted for ms to the sympathy of their fellow creatures in the mcelinr! ii , manner. Everything that can be done to relieve Inw,l coon is done; but there are always 1,200 sick , a nd tI WM are from 20 to 35 in a day. The exertions of the oe' w of Grey Nuns, who devote themselves day and ailill", i sick and dying under the aggravated discourageoll,y these crowded haunts of pauperism, exhibit the Wog= qualities of the individuals and the order, in a mansw i r no language can adequately peurtray. A' yet We .: healthy ; but with the thermometer at 90 deg. in lo i rr i ,g and so much typhus in the emigrant sheds, we are Bo x. confident upon the subject of contagion. PC? 271 dot the sop Nab awe 4411 1 ,te