This imperative underpins the concept of “sustainable development,” which has gradually gained acceptance since its introduction in the mid-1980’s.	这一紧迫任务便是“可持续发展”概念的基础。 自20世纪80年代中期引入以来，这一概念逐渐获得了接受。


But, even as countries have recognized the need for a more comprehensive understanding of development, they have largely retained GDP growth as their central objective.	但是，尽管各国已经认识到需要更全面地理解发展，但大体上它们仍将GDP增长作为核心目标。


This has to change.	这一点必须改变。


Even US-based Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets, the depression-era father of GDP, said in 1934 that, “the welfare of a nation can scarcely be inferred from a measure of national income.”	就连大萧条时期的GDP之父、美国诺贝尔奖获得者西蒙·库兹涅茨（Simon Kuznets）也曾在1934年说过“一国的福利很难从国民收入指标中推断。 ”


The good news is that a robust, simple, and effective framework for measuring sustainability already exists.	好消息是一个鲁棒、简单、有效的可持续性衡量框架已经存在了。


Developed by a group of leading economists, including the Nobel laureate Kenneth Arrow and Partha Dasgupta of the University of Cambridge, it assesses an economy’s income flows in the context of its stocks of assets, including human and natural capital.	由包括诺贝尔奖获得者肯尼斯·阿罗（Kenneth Arrow）和剑桥大学的帕莎·达斯古帕塔（Partha Dasgupta）在内的著名经济学家所开发的这一框架在一国的资产存量（包括人力和自然资本）背景下评估经济的收入流。


In other words, it accounts for the economy’s productive base, rather than just its monetary wealth.	换句话说，它计算经济的生产基础，而不仅仅是它的货币财富。


Based on this framework, United Nations University and the UN Environment Program unveiled the Inclusive Wealth Report (IWR) at the 2012 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro.	基于这一框架，联合国大学和联合国环境署在2012年里约热内卢地球峰会上发布了包容性财富报告（Inclusive Wealth Report）。


By providing a long-term comparison between GDP and “inclusive wealth” for 20 countries, the report aimed to motivate policymakers to take a more comprehensive, longer-term view of their economies’ development.	报告给出了20个国家的长期GDP和“包容性财富”对比，旨在鼓励决策者采取更全面、更长期的经济发展观。


This November, a second IWR will be released, with many more countries represented and a stronger focus on human capital in national-account indicators.	今年11月将发布第二份包容性财富报告，报告将增加很多国家的数据，并更关注国民账户指标中的人力资本。


To this end, collaborating experts will convene in Malaysia this month for a series of meetings, culminating in a public symposium entitled “Beyond Gross Domestic Product – Transitioning into Sustainability.”	在这方面，合作专家将于本月在马来西亚召开系列会议，并出版题为《超越国内生产总值——向可持续性转变》（Beyond Gross Domestic Product – Transitioning into Sustainability）的专题文集。


Transforming the world’s understanding of economic development requires a dynamic approach.	转变世界对经济发展的理解需要动态方法。


Experts in various fields – including economics, sociology, psychology, and the natural sciences – must work together to develop an integrated suite of indicators that provides a comprehensive picture of humanity’s productive base, on which people’s ability to pursue their interpretation of success depends.	各个领域的专家——包括经济学、社会学、心理学和自然科学——必须合作开发一系列指标，全面勾勒人类生产基础图景，作为人们解释成功的基础。


While final decisions should rest with policymakers and citizens, the process must be guided by the best available science, uncompromised by political demands or vested interests.	最终决定应取决于决策者和公民，但过程必须由最有效的科学指导，杜绝政治要求和既得利益的干扰。


Moreover, one fundamental truth must be recognized: the planet cannot accommodate high-income status for all seven billion of its inhabitants.	此外，一个根本事实必须得到承认：地球无法承受其七十亿居民全部进入高收入水平。


For every country to attain per capita GDP of $13,000 (which, according to the World Bank, delineates high-income status), global GDP would need to rise from roughly $72 trillion today to $91 trillion.	如果每个国家人均GDP都达到13,000美元（世界银行的高收入标准）的国家，全球GDP需要从今天的约72万亿美元增加到91万亿美元。


If, however, we already use the equivalent of 1.5 earths to provide the resources we consume and to absorb our waste, the planet can sustainably support a GDP of only $48-50 trillion.	但是，如果我们用了相当于1. 5个地球的资源来满足我们的消费、吸收我们的浪费，那么地球只能可持续地支持48—50万亿美元的GDP。


And if the planet already exceeds its sustainable carrying capacity, we should be reducing our demands on it – not adding new ones.	如果地球已经超出了其可持续运载的能力，我们就应该削减对它的要求——不再增加新要求。


Simply put, we can no longer depend on GDP growth, and the limitless wealth accumulation that it implies, to solve our social and economic problems.	简言之，我们不能再继续依赖GDP增长及其所隐含的无限财富积累来解决我们的社会和经济问题。


The world must align its value systems with this reality.	世界必须让其价值体系与这一现实协调。


We must learn to do more with less, decouple economic growth from resource consumption, and nurture the social and spiritual aspects of our existence.	我们必须学会用更少的资源做更多的事，让经济增长与资源消费脱钩，培养存在的社会和精神维度。


This shift will be impossible without fundamental changes to our education systems, political structures, and institutions.	如果没有教育体系、政治结构和制度的根本性变革，就不可能造成这一改变。


It is a tall order, but our future depends on fulfilling it.	任务是艰巨的，但我们的未来取决于能否完成这一任务。


The Injustices of Zika	寨卡的不公平


SOUTHAMPTON – Outbreaks of communicable diseases in the developing world are bad enough from a health perspective.	南安普顿—从卫生角度讲，发展中世界传染病爆发已经足够糟糕了。


But they also have serious implications for social justice, because they exacerbate longstanding human-rights crises, including by undermining already-weak public-services provision and deepening existing inequalities.	但它们还给社会公平带来了严重后果，因为它们加剧了存在已久的人道危机，包括恶化已经非常孱弱的公共服务供给和深化不平等性。


Like the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa, the Zika outbreak in Central and South America in 2015 hit vulnerable social groups – women and children, ethnic minorities, and the poor – the hardest.	和2014年西非埃博拉爆发一样，2015年寨卡在中南美洲的爆发，首当其冲的也是社会弱势群体——妇女和儿童、少数民族以及穷人。


Like yellow fever, dengue, and other diseases, Zika is transmitted by Aedes aegypti mosquitoes.	和黄热病、登革热和其他疾病一样，寨卡由埃及伊蚊传播。


But, unusually for a mosquito-borne virus, Zika can also be transmitted sexually.	但和通常的蚊子传播的病毒不同，寨卡病毒还能通过性途径传播。


Even more unusual, it is associated with neurological and developmental conditions affecting babies: microcephaly and Guillain-Barré syndrome.	更加反常的是，它还能影响婴儿的神经系统和发育状况，导致小头症和格林-巴利综合症。


Otherwise, its symptoms are often rather mild.	若非如此，寨卡所引起的症状通常没有什么大碍。


This means that, of the more than 1.5 million people stricken by Zika since the outbreak, the consequences were most worrying for women of child-bearing age, especially those who were already pregnant.	这意味着，在自寨卡爆发以来受其传染的150多万人中，育龄妇女的后果令人担心，特别是已经怀孕的妇女。


Between 2016 and 2017, a total of 11,059 Zika cases in pregnant women were confirmed, producing 10,867 cases of microcephaly and other congenital malformations of their babies’ central nervous systems.	2016—2017年间，共有11,059 例寨卡病例为孕妇，她们的婴儿因此出现了10,867例小头症和其他中枢神经系统先天畸形。


Fifty-six percent of those babies were born to poor women and women of color from northeast Brazil.	在这些婴儿中，有百分之六十五的母亲是穷人或有色人种，生活在巴西东北部。


Clearly,the Zika crisis is not gender-neutral.	显然，寨卡危机不是性别中性的。


In addressing its medium- to long-term consequences, a focus on women – especially poor women – is needed.	要解决它的中长期影响，就必须以妇女特别是贫穷妇女为焦点。


That does not mean more media coverage of the deformities associated with microcephaly or even of the difficulties faced by their mothers.	这并不意味着媒体更多地报道与小头症有关的畸形甚至这些婴儿的母亲面临的困难。


And it certainly does not mean more efforts to police women’s behavior.	这也绝非意味着采取更多措施监控妇女的行为。


To avoid infection, women have been advised to use mosquito repellent; remove standing water around their homes; wear long sleeves; and, if possible, use condoms or avoid sex.	为了避免传染，妇女们常常被建议驱蚊剂、移除住处周边的死水、穿长袖衣裤，以及，如有可能，尽量使用避孕套或避免性生活。


The US Center for Disease Control and Prevention advised pregnant women to refrain from traveling to affected countries.	美国疾病控制和预防中心建议孕妇不要去受影响国家旅行。


Most extreme, health officials in El Salvador and Colombia urged women not to get pregnant until 2018.	更极端地，萨尔瓦多和哥伦比亚卫生官员要求妇女在2018年前不要怀孕。


Such recommendations, however well intended they may be, are fundamentally flawed.	不管这些建议的初衷多么良好，都存在根本性错误。


For starters, they emphasize short-term-vector control and surveillance, while delinking the disease from the social and structural determinants of health, including public infrastructure such as running water, proper sanitation, and access to care.	首先，它们强调短期的控制和监控，而没有将这种疾病和决定健康的社会和结构性因素联系起来，包括自来水、卫生设施和全民医疗等公共基础设施。


They also place the responsibility for avoiding disease and pregnancy primarily on women, while failing to recognize the lack of control many women have over their bodies and pregnancies.	它们还把避免疾病和怀孕的主要责任推卸给妇女，而没有认识到许多妇女根本没有办法控制自己的怀孕和性生活。


Many of the areas affected by Zika have high rates of sexual violence and teen pregnancy, a lack of sex education, and inadequate access to contraceptives.	许多受寨卡疫情影响的地区，性暴力和少女怀孕比例很高，性教育和避孕手段也不充分。


For these reasons, more than 50% of pregnancies in Latin America are unintended.	出于这些原因，拉丁美洲50%以上的怀孕都属于以外情况。


Making matters worse, in most Latin American countries affected by Zika, abortion is illegal, or permitted only in exceptional situations.	更糟糕的是，在大部分受寨卡疫情影响的拉美国家，堕胎是非法行为，或只在特殊情况下才能允许。


For example, in El Salvador, where more than 7,000 cases of Zika were reported between December 2015 and January 2016, abortions are illegal under all circumstances.	比如，萨尔瓦多在2015年12月到2016年1月间报告了7,000多例寨卡病例，但堕胎在这个国家是绝对禁止的。


Miscarriages, if proven to be self-induced, can even lead to homicide convictions.	甚至因自身原因造成的早产也被视为杀人。


The position of the United States hasn’t helped, either.	美国的立场也起不到帮助。


Last year, US President Barack Obama’s administration asked Congress for $1.8 billion in emergency funding to help prepare for and respond to the Zika threat.	去年，美国总统奥巴马政府要求国会紧急拨款18亿美元用于帮助准备和响应寨卡威胁。


But abortion politics intervened, as Republican lawmakers, leading a congressional hearing on the Zika outbreak, made the funding conditional on anti-abortion policies in recipient countries.	但堕胎政治干预——共和党立法者领衔要求就寨卡疫情爆发进行国会听证——导致拨款需要以受助国有反堕胎政策为条件。


The problems with the dominant approach to containing the Zika virus – namely, that it saddles women with too much responsibility while giving them too little power – are not lost on everyone.	遏制寨卡病毒的主要方法的问题在于它们给了妇女太多的责任和太少的权力。 并不是所有人都对此无动于衷。


Last year, the United Nations Refugee Agency and the World Health Organization emphasized the need to put human rights at the center of the response to the Zika outbreak.	去年，联合国难民署和世界卫生组织强调，必须将人权放在应对寨卡疫情爆发措施的核心。


But, while high-level recognition of women’s sexual and reproductive rights is a positive step, it is far from sufficient.	但是，尽管高屋建瓴地承认妇女的性和生殖权利是一个积极的举措，但还远远不够。


And doing what is needed to protect those rights, particularly among poor and vulnerable women in developing countries, will require deep and sustained political commitment.	而要保护这些权利，特别是发展中国家的贫穷的弱势妇女的权利，我们需要深刻的重大政治承诺。


In particular, national legislation must be revised to ensure that all women – whether they are carrying a baby with microcephaly or not – have full reproductive autonomy.	特别是，国家立法必须进行修订，以保证所有妇女——不管她们的胎儿是否存在小头症——都获得充分的生殖自主权。


Women must be able to base their reproductive choices on their own physical and emotional needs and desires, not on the moral judgments of powerful agents or risk of criminal sanctions.	妇女必须能够以自身身体和精神需要和渴望为基础，而不是以权力机构的道德审判和刑事制裁的风险为基础，来做出她们的生殖选择。


Advocacy groups in Brazil, for example, are already pushing for such an outcome, submitting legal cases to the Supreme Court to secure greater reproductive rights for women, including the right to safe and legal abortion.	比如，巴西的游说团体已经在推动这一结果，向最高法院递交了诉状，要求保证妇女更大的生殖权利，包括安全合法地堕胎的权利。


Those cases tend to lean on the 1988 National Constitution, which guarantees the right to abortion in case of rape, danger to the mother’s life, or anencephaly, another birth defect involving the brain.	这些诉状倾向于1988年国家宪法，其中授予妇女在遭遇强奸、面临自身生命危险或无脑畸形（另外一种关于大脑有关的缺陷）等情况时有权利选择堕胎。


In pursuing these changes, campaigns should also recognize and address the links between women’s and disability rights.	在追求这些变革目标的过程中，支持者应该认清并解决妇女和残疾权利之间的联系。


Indeed, they should advance equality for all marginalized groups.	事实上，他们应该推动所有边缘群体获得平等权利。


Zika’s medium- and long-term consequences must be addressed with this in mind.	寨卡的中长期后果比依靠这样的思路来解决。


When a woman gives birth to a child with a congenital syndrome deriving from the Zika virus, the response should be grounded in the dignity, value, and rights of each individual.	当妇女生下因为寨卡病毒而存在先天性疾病的儿童时，其应对手段应该基于尊严、价值观和个体权利。


It should acknowledge the processes that keep certain individuals and groups in poverty and that deny them the basic rights of citizens.	应该认识到，现在的程序让一些个体和群体陷入了贫困，剥夺了他们的基本公民权利。


That is why campaigners must insist that the state be responsible for providing appropriate care and support services for each woman and child – services that both meet their needs and respect their rights.	因此，我的支持者必须坚持，国家要负责为每位妇女和儿童提供合适的医疗和支持服务——这些服务既要满足他们的需要，也要尊重他们的权利。