Music notation or musical notation is a way of writing down music so that anyone can play it. Many systems have been used in the past to write music. Today most musicians in the Western world write musical notes on a stave: five parallel lines with four spaces in between them. However, there are many others, some of which are in use today in different cultures.

Writing music down makes it possible for a composer who makes up (composes) a piece of music to let other people know how the music is supposed to sound. That music can then be played or sung by anybody who can "read music". If music is not written down, then people can only learn other people's music by listening to it and trying to copy it. This is how folk music was traditionally learned.

Some early ways of writing music

Cuneiform
The earliest kind of notation was written on tablets using a way of writing called cuneiform. Music from Nippur from about 2000 B.C. has been found which seems to give an approximate idea of how the music should be played. A tablet from 1250 B.C. has musical notation which shows the names of the strings of a lyre. They are the earliest records we have of written music.

Ancient Greece

Musical notation from Ancient Greece showed the notes in more detail than the earlier cuneiform. It shows the pitch (how high or low the note is) and how long it lasts. It sometimes give an idea of the harmony. It was used from at least the 6th century BC until about the 4th century AD.

Early European musical notation

When music started to be written down in Europe it was music for the Roman Catholic church. The monks who wrote it down used a system of dots and strokes called neumes. They gave an idea of how high or low the notes were, but did not show the length of the notes. They may have been used by people who knew the music already and just needed a reminder of when to go up and down.

People gradually realized that it was necessary to find a system which showed the exact pitch of the note. The first stave was just one single horizontal line. Gradually this increased to four lines. Guido d'Arezzo, an Italian Benedictine monk who lived in the 11th century developed this system which soon led to the way of writing music that we know. By the 16th century everybody was using the 5 line stave. A system of bars (measures) was used everywhere by the end of the 17th century. At first the bar lines where there to show which notes should be played or sung together. Gradually the system we know today was developed in which each bar lasted the same length of time, and has a particular number of beats (counts) for each bar. By the end of the 17th century this was used by most musicians in European classical music.

The modern system of musical notation

Today we use a five-line staff. The pitch (highness or lowness of a note) is shown by where the note is put on the staff. There may also be sharps or flats in front of some of the notes. The note value (amount of time for a note) in shown by how the note looks. The music is read from left to right.

A staff of written music usually has a clef in front. This shows exactly which notes are to be played. Notes which are very high or low can be put on extra lines called ledger lines above or below the stave.

After the clef there is usually a key signature which shows the key of the piece: it shows which sharps or flats are to be used regularly.

After the key signature is the time signature. Bars (measures) divide the piece into regular groupings of beats, and the time signatures show these groupings.

Above the music there is usually a word, or words, to show the tempo (speed) At various places in the music there will be dynamic marks to show how loud or soft to play.

For vocal music, words are written underneath the notes.

When music is played by a large group of instruments such as an orchestra the music is written in a "score". This shows the music played by all the instruments, so there are many staves written underneath one another. The conductor will need to have a score, but the players will play from a "part" which has just the notes that they play. All the parts needed for a piece of music is called a "set of parts".

Some other systems
Instruments such as guitars often play from a chord chart or just the names of the chords (C7, Em etc.) written underneath the music or under the words of a song.

A system called solfege has been used by musicians ever since the Renaissance.  This shows the names of the notes of a scale (do, re, mi etc.).

Lute music in the Renaissance and Baroque periods used to be written in a system called tabulature. Some 20th century composers have also used tabulature.

Some modern composers such as John Cage have written music by making drawings called graphic notation.

Music can also be written in Braille for blind musicians.

Today computers are often used for making music. This has led to other forms of music notation which are used in different systems of software. The MIDI file format, stores information about the pitch, duration, speed, volume etc. of notes and can be used to control a MIDI instrument.

There are other systems in use today for some non-Western music.

Related pages
 Sheet music
 Stave (music)
 Clef (music)
 Guido d'Arezzo
 Tablature

Musical notation

Musical notation


Country music (sometimes called Country & Western) is a form of music that has been enjoyed by people all over the United States for decades. Famous singers from this genre include Johnny Cash, Patsy Cline, The Judds, Alan Jackson, Rascal Flatts, Dolly Parton, Glen Campbell, George Jones and Tammy Wynette, George Strait, Kenny Rogers, Loretta Lynn, Randy Travis, Tanya Tucker, Willie Nelson, Reba McEntire, Garth Brooks, Toby Keith and Hank 3.

Country music's strongest appeal is with American rural and small-town populations, but many American cities have a large audience. The music also has listeners in Canada, in England, and worldwide. The popularity of Country comes and goes with each decade. Sometimes a new movie (like Midnight Cowboy or Urban Cowboy), hit record (like "She Believes In Me" by Kenny Rogers), or new performer (like Randy Travis in the 1980s) raises new interest.

History
Country music has its roots and beginnings in folk music. The old cowboy and pioneer songs of the American frontier were popular in the early twentieth century, and so were arrangements of pop music songs by rural (or rural-sounding) performers. Country musicians also adapted new musical instruments, like the Hawaiian steel guitar.

Modern-day Country music started in the years after World War II. The Sons of the Pioneers and The Carter Family performed old and new songs, in a way that reminded people of singalongs and jamborees of the past. Hank Williams is often called the first songwriter of country music. His songs were easy to learn and remember, and their lyrics said things felt by many people. His music is still performed today. Some of the early rock and roll musicians, like Buddy Holly, Jerry Lee Lewis, and Elvis Presley, began their career as country performers.

Nashville, Tennessee became the center of Country music, much like New Orleans became the center of Jazz. The Grand Ole Opry broadcast performances by The Carter Family and others, and became an important breaking ground in Country music. A television series, Hee-Haw, was a long-running showcase for Country performers, and was hosted by musicians Buck Owens and Roy Clark. When cable television became popular in the United States, The Nashville Network (TNN) and Country Music Television (CMT) brought Country music videos and related programming to nationwide audiences. (In later years, as interests changed, TNN changed its programming. It also changed names, first to "The National Network", then to Spike TV, which is its name today.) Country music began in the Southern United States at 1920. And Bob Wills had developed the Western Swing.

Country comedy
Country-styled comedy is also popular, with writers and performers like Jeff Foxworthy, Bill Engvall, Larry the Cable Guy, and others. Many comedians have appeared with Country acts, including Andy Griffith, Ray Stevens, and George Lindsey. Lindsey, Lulu Roman and Junior Samples were cast members of Hee-Haw, and so were Grandpa Jones and Minnie Pearl. Homer and Jethro and Pinkard & Bowden were duos of musicians who made parodies of Country and pop songs.

The Beverly Hillbillies, a CBS television series, included music by Flatt and Scruggs. Members of the cast appeared in character at Country concerts, and on other television shows, to entertain audiences.

Other websites

 Roughstock - country music resource; also has a history of the genre
 CMT (Country Music Television)
 Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum
 The Country Music Association (America)
 Country Weekly magazine
 Grand Ole Opry website

 Countryfied Soul

Country music


Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury  (; 3 February 183022 August 1903) was a British statesman and Conservative politician who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom three times for a total of over thirteen years. He was also Foreign Secretary before and during most of his tenure. He avoided alignments or alliances, maintaining the policy of "splendid isolation".

Lord Robert Cecil, also known as Lord Salisbury, was first elected to the House of Commons in 1854 and served as Secretary of State for India in Lord Derby's Conservative government 1866–1867. In 1874, under Disraeli, Salisbury returned as Secretary of State for India, and, in 1878, was appointed foreign secretary, and played a leading part in the Congress of Berlin. After Disraeli's death in 1881, Salisbury emerged as the Conservative leader in the House of Lords, with Sir Stafford Northcote leading the party in the Commons. He succeeded William Ewart Gladstone as prime minister in June 1885, and held the office until January 1886.

When Gladstone came out in favour of Home Rule for Ireland, Salisbury opposed him and formed an alliance with the breakaway Liberal Unionists, winning the subsequent general election. His biggest achievement in this term was obtaining the majority of the new territory in Africa during the Scramble for Africa, avoiding a war or serious confrontation with the other powers. He remained as prime minister until Gladstone's Liberals formed a government with the support of the Irish nationalists at the 1892 general election. The Liberals, however, lost the 1895 general election, and Salisbury for the third and last time became prime minister. He led Britain to victory in a bitter, controversial war against the Boers, and led the Unionists to another electoral victory in 1900. He relinquished the premiership to his nephew Arthur Balfour in 1902 and died in 1903. He was the last prime minister to serve from the House of Lords.

Historians agree that Salisbury was a strong and effective leader in foreign affairs, with a wide grasp of the issues. Paul Smith characterises his personality as "deeply neurotic, depressive, agitated, introverted, fearful of change and loss of control, and self-effacing but capable of extraordinary competitiveness." A representative of the landed aristocracy, he held the reactionary credo, "Whatever happens will be for the worse, and therefore it is in our interest that as little should happen as possible." Searle says that instead of seeing his party's victory in 1886 as a harbinger of a new and more popular Conservatism, he longed to return to the stability of the past, when his party's main function was to restrain demagogic liberalism and democratic excess. He is generally ranked in the upper tier of British prime ministers.

Early life: 1830–1852
Lord Robert Cecil was born at Hatfield House, the third son of the 2nd Marquess of Salisbury and Frances Mary, née Gascoyne. He was a patrilineal descendant of Lord Burghley and the 1st Earl of Salisbury, chief ministers of Elizabeth I. The family owned vast rural estates in Hertfordshire and Dorset. This wealth increased sharply in 1821, when his father married his mother, Frances Mary Gascoyne, heiress of a wealthy merchant and Member of Parliament who had bought large estates in Essex and Lancashire.

Robert had a miserable childhood, with few friends, and filled his time with reading. He was bullied unmercifully at the schools he attended. In 1840, he went to Eton College, where he did well in French, German, Classics, and Theology, but left in 1845 because of intense bullying. His unhappy schooling shaped his pessimistic outlook on life and his negative views on democracy. He decided that most people were cowardly and cruel, and that the mob would run roughshod over sensitive individuals.

In December 1847, he went to Christ Church, Oxford, where he received an honorary fourth class in Mathematics, conferred by nobleman's privilege due to ill health. Whilst at Oxford, he found the Oxford movement or "Tractarianism" to be an intoxicating force, and had an intense religious experience that shaped his life. He was involved in the Oxford Union, serving as its secretary and treasurer. In 1853, he was elected a prize fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

In April 1850, he joined Lincoln's Inn, but did not enjoy law. His doctor advised him to travel for his health, and so, from July 1851 to May 1853, Cecil travelled through Cape Colony, Australia, including Tasmania, and New Zealand. He disliked the Boers and wrote that free institutions and self-government could not be granted to the Cape Colony because the Boers outnumbered the British three-to-one, and "it will simply be delivering us over bound hand and foot into the power of the Dutch, who hate us as much as a conquered people can hate their conquerors". He found the Native South Africans "a fine set of men – whose language bears traces of a very high former civilisation", similar to Italian. They were "an intellectual race, with great firmness and fixedness of will" but "horribly immoral" because they lacked theism.

At the Bendigo goldfields in Australia, he claimed that "there is not half as much crime or insubordination as there would be in an English town of the same wealth and population". Ten thousand miners were policed by four men armed with carbines and, at Mount Alexander, 30,000 people were protected by 200 policemen, with over  of gold mined per week. He believed that there was "generally far more civility than I should be likely to find in the good town of Hatfield" and claimed that was due to "the government was that of the Queen, not of the mob; from above, not from below. Holding from a supposed right (whether real or not, no matter)" and from "the People the source of all legitimate power," Cecil said of the Māori of New Zealand: "The natives seem when they have converted to make much better Christians than the white man". A Maori chief offered Cecil  near Auckland, which he declined.

Member of Parliament: 1853–1866

Cecil entered the House of Commons as a Conservative on 22 August 1853, as MP for Stamford in Lincolnshire. He retained this seat until he succeeded to his father's peerages in 1868 and it was not contested during his time as its representative. In his election address he opposed secular education and "ultramontane" interference with the Church of England which was "at variance with the fundamental principles of our constitution". He would oppose "any such tampering with our representative system as shall disturb the reciprocal powers on which the stability of our constitution rests". In 1867, after his brother Eustace complained of being addressed by constituents in a hotel, Cecil responded: "A hotel infested by influential constituents is worse than one infested by bugs. It's a pity you can't carry around a powder insecticide to get rid of vermin of that kind".

In December 1856 Cecil began publishing articles for the Saturday Review, to which he contributed anonymously for the next nine years. From 1861 to 1864 he published 422 articles in it; in total the weekly published 608 of his articles. The Quarterly Review was the foremost intellectual journal of the age and of the twenty-six issues published between spring 1860 and summer 1866, Cecil had anonymous articles in all but three of them. He also wrote lead articles for the Tory daily newspaper the Standard. In 1859 Cecil was a founding co-editor of Bentley's Quarterly Review, with John Douglas Cook and Rev. William Scott; but it closed after four issues.

Salisbury criticised the foreign policy of Lord John Russell, claiming he was "always being willing to sacrifice anything for peace... colleagues, principles, pledges... a portentous mixture of bounce and baseness... dauntless to the weak, timid and cringing to the strong". The lessons to be learnt from Russell's foreign policy, Salisbury believed, were that he should not listen to the opposition or the press otherwise "we are to be governed... by a set of weathercocks, delicately poised, warranted to indicate with unnerving accuracy every variation in public feeling". Secondly: "No one dreams of conducting national affairs with the principles which are prescribed to individuals. The meek and poor-spirited among nations are not to be blessed, and the common sense of Christendom has always prescribed for national policy principles diametrically opposed to those that are laid down in the Sermon on the Mount". Thirdly: "The assemblies that meet in Westminster have no jurisdiction over the affairs of other nations. Neither they nor the Executive, except in plain defiance of international law, can interfere [in the internal affairs of other countries]... It is not a dignified position for a Great Power to occupy, to be pointed out as the busybody of Christendom". Finally, Britain should not threaten other countries unless prepared to back this up by force: "A willingness to fight is the point d'appui of diplomacy, just as much as a readiness to go to court is the starting point of a lawyer's letter. It is merely courting dishonour, and inviting humiliation for the men of peace to use the habitual language of the men of war".

Secretary of State for India: 1866–1867
In 1866 Lord Robert, now Viscount Cranborne after the death of his older brother, entered the third government of Lord Derby as Secretary of State for India. When in 1867 John Stuart Mill proposed a type of proportional representation, Cranborne argued that: "It was not of our atmosphere—it was not in accordance with our habits; it did not belong to us. They all knew that it could not pass. Whether that was creditable to the House or not was a question into which he would not inquire; but every Member of the House the moment he saw the scheme upon the Paper saw that it belonged to the class of impracticable things".

On 2 August when the Commons debated the Orissa famine in India, Cranborne spoke out against experts, political economy, and the government of Bengal. Utilising the Blue Books, Cranborne criticised officials for "walking in a dream... in superb unconsciousness, believing that what had been must be, and that as long as they did nothing absolutely wrong, and they did not displease their immediate superiors, they had fulfilled all the duties of their station". These officials worshipped political economy "as a sort of 'fetish'... [they] seemed to have forgotten utterly that human life was short, and that man did not subsist without food beyond a few days". Three-quarters of a million people had died because officials had chosen "to run the risk of losing the lives than to run the risk of wasting the money". Cranborne's speech was received with "an enthusiastic, hearty cheer from both sides of the House" and Mill crossed the floor of the Commons to congratulate him on it. The famine left Cranborne with a lifelong suspicion of experts and in the photograph albums at his home covering the years 1866–67 there are two images of skeletal Indian children amongst the family pictures.

Reform Act 1867

When parliamentary reform came to prominence again in the mid-1860s, Cranborne worked hard to master electoral statistics until he became an expert. When the Liberal Reform Bill was being debated in 1866, Cranborne studied the census returns to see how each clause in the Bill would affect the electoral prospects in each seat. Cranborne did not expect Disraeli's conversion to reform, however. When the Cabinet met on 16 February 1867, Disraeli voiced his support for some extension of the suffrage, providing statistics amassed by Robert Dudley Baxter, showing that 330,000 people would be given the vote and all except 60,000 would be granted extra votes. Cranborne studied Baxter's statistics and on 21 February he met Lord Carnarvon, who wrote in his diary: "He is firmly convinced now that Disraeli has played us false, that he is attempting to hustle us into his measure, that Lord Derby is in his hands and that the present form which the question has now assumed has been long planned by him". They agreed to "a sort of offensive and defensive alliance on this question in the Cabinet" to "prevent the Cabinet adopting any very fatal course". Disraeli had "separate and confidential conversations...carried on with each member of the Cabinet from whom he anticipated opposition [which] had divided them and lulled their suspicions". That same night Cranborne spent three hours studying Baxter's statistics and wrote to Carnarvon the day after that although Baxter was right overall in claiming that 30% of £10 ratepayers who qualified for the vote would not register, it would be untrue in relation to the smaller boroughs where the register is kept up to date. Cranborne also wrote to Derby arguing that he should adopt 10 shillings rather than Disraeli's 20 shillings for the qualification of the payers of direct taxation: "Now above 10 shillings you won't get in the large mass of the £20 householders. At 20 shillings I fear you won't get more than 150,000 double voters, instead of the 270,000 on which we counted. And I fear this will tell horribly on the small and middle-sized boroughs".

On 23 February Cranborne protested in Cabinet and the next day analysed Baxter's figures using census returns and other statistics to determine how Disraeli's planned extension of the franchise would affect subsequent elections. Cranborne found that Baxter had not taken into account the different types of boroughs in the totals of new voters. In small boroughs under 20,000 the "fancy franchises" for direct taxpayers and dual voters would be less than the new working-class voters in each seat. The same day he met Carnarvon and they both studied the figures, coming to the same result each time: "A complete revolution would be effected in the boroughs" due to the new majority of the working-class electorate. Cranborne wanted to send his resignation to Derby along with the statistics but Cranborne agreed to Carnarvon's suggestion that as a Cabinet member he had a right to call a Cabinet meeting. It was planned for the next day, 25 February. Cranborne wrote to Derby that he had discovered that Disraeli's plan would "throw the small boroughs almost, and many of them entirely, into the hands of the voter whose qualification is less than £10. I do not think that such a proceeding is for the interest of the country. I am sure that it is not in accordance with the hopes which those of us who took an active part in resisting Mr Gladstone's Bill last year in those whom we induced to vote for us". The Conservative boroughs with populations less than 25,000 (a majority of the boroughs in Parliament) would be very much worse off under Disraeli's scheme than the Liberal Reform Bill of the previous year: "But if I assented to this scheme, now that I know what its effect will be, I could not look in the face those whom last year I urged to resist Mr Gladstone. I am convinced that it will, if passed, be the ruin of the Conservative party".

When Cranborne entered the Cabinet meeting on 25 February "with reams of paper in his hands" he began by reading statistics but was interrupted to be told of the proposal by Lord Stanley that they should agree to a £6 borough rating franchise instead of the full household suffrage, and a £20 county franchise rather than £50. The Cabinet agreed to Stanley's proposal. The meeting was so contentious that a minister who was late initially thought they were debating the suspension of habeas corpus. The next day another Cabinet meeting took place, with Cranborne saying little and the Cabinet adopting Disraeli's proposal to bring in a Bill in a week's time. On 28 February a meeting of the Carlton Club took place, with a majority of the 150 Conservative MPs present supporting Derby and Disraeli. At the Cabinet meeting on 2 March, Cranborne, Carnarvon and General Peel were pleaded with for two hours not to resign, but when Cranborne "announced his intention of resigning...Peel and Carnarvon, with evident reluctance, followed his example". Lord John Manners observed that Cranborne "remained unmoveable". Derby closed his red box with a sigh and stood up, saying "The Party is ruined!" Cranborne got up at the same time, with Peel remarking: "Lord Cranborne, do you hear what Lord Derby says?" Cranborne ignored this and the three resigning ministers left the room. Cranborne's resignation speech was met with loud cheers and Carnarvon observed that it was "moderate and in good taste – a sufficient justification for us who seceded and yet no disclosure of the frequent changes in policy in the Cabinet".

Disraeli introduced his Bill on 18 March and it would extend the suffrage to all rate-paying householders of two years' residence, dual voting for graduates or those of a learned profession, or those with £50 in governments funds or in the Bank of England or a savings bank. These "fancy franchises", as Cranborne had foreseen, did not survive the Bill's course through Parliament; dual voting was dropped in March, the compound householder vote in April; and the residential qualification was reduced in May. In the end the county franchise was granted to householders rated at £12 annually. On 15 July the third reading of the Bill took place and Cranborne spoke first, in a speech which his biographer Andrew Roberts has called "possibly the greatest oration of a career full of powerful parliamentary speeches". Cranborne observed how the Bill "bristled with precautions, guarantees and securities" had been stripped of these. He attacked Disraeli by pointing out how he had campaigned against the Liberal Bill in 1866 yet the next year introduced a Bill more extensive than the one rejected. In the peroration Cranborne said:

In his article for the October Quarterly Review, entitled 'The Conservative Surrender', Cranborne criticised Derby because he had "obtained the votes which placed him in office on the faith of opinions which, to keep office, he immediately repudiated...He made up his mind to desert these opinions at the very moment he was being raised to power as their champion". Also, the annals of modern parliamentary history could find no parallel for Disraeli's betrayal; historians would have to look "to the days when Sunderland directed the Council, and accepted the favours of James when he was negotiating the invasion of William". Disraeli responded in a speech that Cranborne was "a very clever man who has made a very great mistake".

In opposition: 1868–1874
In 1868, on the death of his father, he inherited the Marquessate of Salisbury, thereby becoming a member of the House of Lords. In 1869 he was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford and elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Between 1868 and 1871, he was chairman of the Great Eastern Railway, which was then experiencing losses. During his tenure, the company was taken out of Chancery, and paid out a small dividend on its ordinary shares.

[[File:Robert Cecil, Vanity Fair, 1869-07-10.jpg|thumb|The Marquess of Salisbury caricatured by "Ape" (Carlo Pellegrini) in Vanity Fair''', 1869]]

From 1868 he was Honorary Colonel of the Hertfordshire Militia, which became the 4th (Militia) Battalion, Bedfordshire Regiment, in 1881, and which was commanded in South Africa during the Second Boer War by his eldest son.Army List.

Secretary of State for India: 1874–1878
Salisbury returned to government in 1874, serving once again as Secretary of State for India in the government of Benjamin Disraeli, and Britain's Ambassador Plenipotentiary at the 1876 Constantinople Conference. Salisbury gradually developed a good relationship with Disraeli, whom he had previously disliked and mistrusted.

During a Cabinet meeting on 7 March 1878, a discussion arose over whether to occupy Mytilene. Lord Derby recorded in his diary that "[o]f all present Salisbury by far the most eager for action: he talked of our sliding into a position of contempt: of our being humiliated etc." At the Cabinet meeting the next day, Derby recorded that Lord John Manners objected to occupying the city "on the ground of right. Salisbury treated scruples of this kind with marked contempt, saying, truly enough, that if our ancestors had cared for the rights of other people, the British empire would not have been made. He was more vehement than any one for going on. In the end the project was dropped..."

Foreign Secretary: 1878–1880
In 1878, Salisbury became foreign secretary in time to help lead Britain to "peace with honour" at the Congress of Berlin. For this he was rewarded with the Order of the Garter along with Disraeli.

Leader of the Opposition: 1881–1885
Following Disraeli's death in 1881, the Conservatives entered a period of turmoil. The party's previous leaders had all been appointed as Prime Minister by the reigning monarch on advice from their retiring predecessor, and no process was in place to deal with leadership succession in case either the leadership became vacant while the party was in opposition, or the outgoing leader died without designating a successor, situations which both arose from the death of Disraeli (a formal leadership election system would not be adopted by the party until 1964, shortly after the government of Alec Douglas-Home fell). Salisbury became the leader of the Conservative members of the House of Lords, though the overall leadership of the party was not formally allocated. So he struggled with the Commons leader Sir Stafford Northcote, a struggle in which Salisbury eventually emerged as the leading figure. Historian Richard Shannon argues that while Salisbury presided over one of the longest periods of Tory dominance, he misinterpreted and mishandled his election successes. Salisbury's blindness to the middle class and reliance on the aristocracy prevented the Conservatives from becoming a majority party.

Reform Act 1884

In 1884 Gladstone introduced a Reform Bill which would extend the suffrage to two million rural workers. Salisbury and Northcote agreed that any Reform Bill would be supported only if a parallel redistributionary measure was introduced as well. In a speech in the Lords, Salisbury claimed: "Now that the people have in no real sense been consulted, when they had, at the last General Election, no notion of what was coming upon them, I feel that we are bound, as guardians of their interests, to call upon the government to appeal to the people, and by the result of that appeal we will abide". The Lords rejected the Bill and Parliament was prorogued for ten weeks. Writing to Canon Malcolm MacColl, Salisbury believed that Gladstone's proposals for reform without redistribution would mean "the absolute effacement of the Conservative Party. It would not have reappeared as a political force for thirty years. This conviction...greatly simplified for me the computation of risks". At a meeting of the Carlton Club on 15 July, Salisbury announced his plan for making the government introduce a Seats (or Redistribution) Bill in the Commons whilst at the same time delaying a Franchise Bill in the Lords. The unspoken implication being that Salisbury would relinquish the party leadership if his plan was not supported. Although there was some dissent, Salisbury carried the party with him.

Salisbury wrote to Lady John Manners on 14 June that he did not regard female suffrage as a question of high importance "but when I am told that my ploughmen are capable citizens, it seems to me ridiculous to say that educated women are not just as capable. A good deal of the political battle of the future will be a conflict between religion and unbelief: & the women will in that controversy be on the right side".

On 21 July, a large meeting for reform was held at Hyde Park. Salisbury said in The Times that "the employment of mobs as an instrument of public policy is likely to prove a sinister precedent". On 23 July at Sheffield, Salisbury said that the government "imagine that thirty thousand Radicals going to amuse themselves in London on a given day expresses the public opinion of the day...they appeal to the streets, they attempt legislation by picnic". Salisbury further claimed that Gladstone adopted reform as a "cry" to deflect attention from his foreign and economic policies at the next election. He claimed that the House of Lords was protecting the British constitution: "I do not care whether it is an hereditary chamber or any other – to see that the representative chamber does not alter the tenure of its own power so as to give a perpetual lease of that power to the party in predominance at the moment".

On 25 July at a reform meeting in Leicester consisting of 40,000 people, Salisbury was burnt in effigy and a banner quoted Shakespeare's Henry VI: "Old Salisbury – shame to thy silver hair, Thou mad misleader". On 9 August in Manchester, over 100,000 came to hear Salisbury speak. On 30 September at Glasgow, he said: "We wish that the franchise should pass but that before you make new voters you should determine the constitution in which they are to vote". Salisbury published an article in the National Review for October, titled 'The Value of Redistribution: A Note on Electoral Statistics'. He claimed that the Conservatives "have no cause, for Party reasons, to dread enfranchisement coupled with a fair redistribution". Judging by the 1880 results, Salisbury asserted that the overall loss to the Conservatives of enfranchisement without redistribution would be 47 seats. Salisbury spoke throughout Scotland and claimed that the government had no mandate for reform when it had not appealed to the people.

Gladstone offered wavering Conservatives a compromise a little short of enfranchisement and redistribution, and after the Queen unsuccessfully attempted to persuade Salisbury to compromise, he wrote to Rev. James Baker on 30 October: "Politics stand alone among human pursuits in this characteristic, that no one is conscious of liking them – and no one is able to leave them. But whatever affection they may have had they are rapidly losing. The difference between now and thirty years ago when I entered the House of Commons is inconceivable".

On 11 November, the Franchise Bill received its third reading in the Commons and it was due to get a second reading in the Lords. The day after at a meeting of Conservative leaders, Salisbury was outnumbered in his opposition to compromise. On 13 February, Salisbury rejected MacColl's idea that he should meet Gladstone, as he believed the meeting would be found out and that Gladstone had no genuine desire to negotiate. On 17 November, it was reported in the newspapers that if the Conservatives gave "adequate assurance" that the Franchise Bill would pass the Lords before Christmas the government would ensure that a parallel Seats Bill would receive its second reading in the Commons as the Franchise Bill went into committee stage in the Lords. Salisbury responded by agreeing only if the Franchise Bill came second. The Carlton Club met to discuss the situation, with Salisbury's daughter writing:

Despite the controversy which had raged, the meetings of leading Liberals and Conservatives on reform at Downing Street were amicable. Salisbury and the Liberal Sir Charles Dilke dominated discussions as they had both closely studied in detail the effects of reform on the constituencies. After one of the last meetings on 26 November, Gladstone told his secretary that "Lord Salisbury, who seems to monopolise all the say on his side, has no respect for tradition. As compared with him, Mr Gladstone declares he is himself quite a Conservative. They got rid of the boundary question, minority representation, grouping and the Irish difficulty. The question was reduced to... for or against single member constituencies". The Reform Bill laid down that the majority of the 670 constituencies were to be roughly equal size and return one member; those between 50,000 and 165,000 kept the two-member representation and those over 165,000 and all the counties were split up into single-member constituencies. This franchise existed until 1918.

Prime minister: 1885-1892
 First term: 1885-1886
 Appointment

Salisbury became prime minister of a minority administration from 1885 to 1886.
In the November 1883 issue of National Review Salisbury wrote an article titled "Labourers' and Artisans' Dwellings" in which he argued that the poor conditions of working class housing were injurious to morality and health. Salisbury said "Laissez-faire is an admirable doctrine but it must be applied on both sides", as Parliament had enacted new building projects (such as the Thames Embankment) which had displaced working-class people and was responsible for "packing the people tighter": "...thousands of families have only a single room to dwell in, where they sleep and eat, multiply, and die... It is difficult to exaggerate the misery which such conditions of life must cause, or the impulse they must give to vice. The depression of body and mind which they create is an almost insuperable obstacle to the action of any elevating or refining agencies". The Pall Mall Gazette argued that Salisbury had sailed into "the turbid waters of State Socialism"; the Manchester Guardian said his article was "State socialism pure and simple" and The Times claimed Salisbury was "in favour of state socialism".

 Early reforms and parliamentary majority
In July 1885 the Housing of the Working Classes Bill was introduced by the Home Secretary, R. A. Cross in the Commons and Salisbury in the Lords. When Lord Wemyss criticised the Bill as "strangling the spirit of independence and the self-reliance of the people, and destroying the moral fibre of our race in the anaconda coils of state socialism", Salisbury responded: "Do not imagine that by merely affixing to it the reproach of Socialism you can seriously affect the progress of any great legislative movement, or destroy those high arguments which are derived from the noblest principles of philanthropy and religion". The Bill ultimately passed and came into effect on 14 August 1885.

Although unable to accomplish much due to his lack of a parliamentary majority, the split of the Liberals over Irish Home Rule in 1886 enabled him to return to power with a majority, and, excepting a Liberal minority government (1892–95), to serve as prime minister from 1886 to 1902.

Second term: 1886-1892

Salisbury was back in office, although without a conservative majority; he depended on the Liberal Unionists, led by Lord Hartington. Maintaining the alliance forced Salisbury to make concessions in support of progressive legislation regarding Irish land purchases, education, and county councils. His nephew Arthur Balfour acquired a strong reputation for resolute coercion in Ireland, and was promoted to leadership in the Commons in 1891. The Prime Minister proved adept at his handling of the press, as Sir Edward Walter Hamilton noted in his diary in 1887 he was: "the prime minister most accessible to the press. He is not prone to give information: but when he does, he gives it freely, & his information can always be relied on."

Foreign policy
Salisbury once again kept the foreign office (from January 1887), and his diplomacy continued to display a high level of skill, avoiding the extremes of Gladstone on the left and Disraeli on the right. His policy rejected entangling alliances–which at the time and ever since has been called "splendid isolation". He was successful in negotiating differences over colonial claims with France and others.  The major problems were in the Mediterranean, where British interest had been involved for a century. It was now especially important to protect the Suez Canal and the sea lanes to India and Asia. He ended Britain's isolation through the Mediterranean Agreements (March and December 1887) with Italy and Austria-Hungary. He saw the need for maintaining control of the seas and passed the Naval Defence Act 1889, which facilitated the spending of an extra £20 million on the Royal Navy over the following four years. This was the biggest ever expansion of the navy in peacetime: ten new battleships, thirty-eight new cruisers, eighteen new torpedo boats and four new fast gunboats. Traditionally (since the Battle of Trafalgar) Britain had possessed a navy one-third larger than their nearest naval rival but now the Royal Navy was set to the two-power standard; that it would be maintained "to a standard of strength equivalent to that of the combined forces of the next two biggest navies in the world". This was aimed at France and Russia.

Salisbury was offered a dukedom by Queen Victoria in 1886 and 1892, but declined both offers, citing the prohibitive cost of the lifestyle dukes were expected to maintain and stating that he would rather have an ancient marquessate than a modern dukedom.

1890 Ultimatum on Portugal

Trouble arose with Portugal, which had overextended itself in building a colonial empire in Africa it could ill afford. There was a clash of colonial visions between Portugal (the "Pink Map", produced by the Lisbon Geographic Society after Alexandre de Serpa Pinto's, Hermenegildo Capelo's and Roberto Ivens's expeditions to Africa) and the British Empire  (Cecil Rhodes's "Cape to Cairo Railway") came after years of diplomatic conflict about several African territories with Portugal and other powers. Portugal, financially hard-pressed, had to abandon several territories corresponding to today's Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe in favour of the Empire.

Controversies
In 1889 Salisbury set up the London County Council and then in 1890 allowed it to build houses. However, he came to regret this, saying in November 1894 that the LCC, "is the place where collectivist and socialistic experiments are tried. It is the place where a new revolutionary spirit finds its instruments and collects its arms".

Salisbury caused controversy in 1888 after Gainsford Bruce had won the Holborn by-election for the Unionists, beating the Liberal Lord Compton. Bruce had won the seat with a smaller majority than Francis Duncan had for the Unionists in 1885. Salisbury explained this by saying in a speech in Edinburgh on 30 November: "But then Colonel Duncan was opposed to a black man, and, however great the progress of mankind has been, and however far we have advanced in overcoming prejudices, I doubt if we have yet got to the point where a British constituency will elect a black man to represent them.... I am speaking roughly and using language in its colloquial sense, because I imagine the colour is not exactly black, but at all events, he was a man of another race".

The "black man" was Dadabhai Naoroji, an Indian Parsi. Salisbury's comments were criticised by the Queen and by Liberals who believed that Salisbury had suggested that only white Britons could represent a British constituency. Three weeks later, Salisbury delivered a speech at Scarborough, where he denied that "the word "black" necessarily implies any contemptuous denunciation: "Such a doctrine seems to be a scathing insult to a very large proportion of the human race... The people whom we have been fighting at Suakin, and whom we have happily conquered, are among the finest tribes in the world, and many of them are as black as my hat". Furthermore, "such candidatures are incongruous and unwise. The British House of Commons, with its traditions... is a machine too peculiar and too delicate to be managed by any but those who have been born within these isles". Naoroji was elected for Finsbury in 1892 and Salisbury invited him to become a Governor of the Imperial Institute, which he accepted. In 1888, the New York Times published an article that was extremely critical of Lord Salisbury's remark. It included the following quotation, "Of course the parsees are not black men, but the purest Aryan type in existence, with an average complexion fairer than Lord Salisbury's; but even if they were ebony hued it would be grotesque and foolish for a Prime Minister of England to insult them in such a wanton fashion as this."

Documents in the Foreign Office archives revealed that Salisbury was made aware of a rape in 1891 and other atrocities carried out against women and children in the Niger Delta by Consul George Annesley and his soldiers but took no action against Annesley, who was "quietly pensioned off."

Leader of the Opposition: 1892–1895
In the aftermath of the general election of 1892, Balfour and Chamberlain wished to pursue a programme of social reform, which Salisbury believed would alienate "a good many people who have always been with us" and that "these social questions are destined to break up our party". When the Liberals and Irish Nationalists (which were a majority in the new Parliament) successfully voted against the government, Salisbury resigned the premiership on 12 August. His private secretary at the Foreign Office wrote that Salisbury "shewed indecent joy at his release".

Salisbury—in an article in November for the National Review entitled 'Constitutional revision'—said that the new government, lacking a majority in England and Scotland, had no mandate for Home Rule and argued that because there was no referendum only the House of Lords could provide the necessary consultation with the nation on policies for organic change. The Lords defeated the second Home Rule Bill by 419 to 41 in September 1893, but Salisbury stopped them from opposing the Liberal Chancellor's death duties in 1894. In 1894 Salisbury also became president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, presenting a notable inaugural address on 4 August of that year.Jed Z. Buchwald, Robert Fox, The Oxford Handbook of the History of Physics (2013) p. 757, footnote 62. The general election of 1895 returned a large Unionist majority.

Prime minister: 1895–1902

Salisbury's expertise was in foreign affairs. For most of his time as prime minister he served not as First Lord of the Treasury, the traditional position held by the prime minister, but as foreign secretary. In that capacity, he managed Britain's foreign affairs, but he was being sarcastic about a policy of "Splendid isolation"—such was not his goal.

Foreign policy

In the foreign affairs Salisbury was challenged worldwide, The long-standing policy of "Splendid isolation" had left Britain with no allies and few friends. In Europe, Germany was worrisome regarding its growing industrial and naval power, Kaiser Wilhelm's erratic foreign policy, and the instability caused by the decline of the Ottoman Empire. France was threatening British control of Sudan. In the Americas, for domestic political reasons, U.S. President Cleveland manufactured a quarrel over Venezuela's border with British Guiana. In South Africa conflict was threatening with the two Boer republics. In the Great Game in Central Asia, the line that separated Russia and British India in 1800 was narrowing.  In China the British economic dominance was threatened by other powers that wanted to control slices of China.

The tension with Germany had subsided in 1890 after a deal exchanged German holdings in East Africa for an island off the German coast. However, with peace-minded Bismarck retired by an aggressive new Kaiser, tensions rose and negotiations faltered.  France retreated in Africa after the British dominated in the Fashoda Incident. The Venezuela crisis was settled amicably and London and Washington became friendly after Salisbury gave Washington what it wanted in the Alaska boundary dispute. The Open Door Policy and a 1902 treaty with Japan resolved the China crisis. However, in South Africa a nasty Boer war broke out in 1899 and for a few months it seemed the Boers were winning.

Venezuela crisis with the United States
In 1895 the Venezuelan crisis with the United States erupted. A border dispute between the colony of British Guiana and Venezuela caused a major Anglo-American crisis when the United States intervened to take Venezuela's side. Propaganda sponsored by Venezuela convinced American public opinion that the British were infringing on Venezuelan territory. The United States demanded an explanation and Salisbury refused. The crisis escalated when President Grover Cleveland, citing the Monroe Doctrine, issued an ultimatum in late 1895. Salisbury's cabinet convinced him he had to go to arbitration. Both sides calmed down and the issue was quickly resolved through arbitration which largely upheld the British position on the legal boundary line. Salisbury remained angry but a consensus was reached in London, led by Lord Landsdowne, to seek much friendlier relations with the United States.R.A. Humphreys, "Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela Crisis of 1895" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1967) 17: 131–164 in JSTOR By standing with a Latin American nation against the encroachment of the British, the US improved relations with the Latin Americans, and the cordial manner of the procedure improved American diplomatic relations with Britain. Despite the popularity of the Boers in American public opinion, official Washington supported London in the Second Boer War.

 Africa
An Anglo-German agreement (1890) resolved conflicting claims in East Africa; Great Britain received large territories in Zanzibar and Uganda in exchange for the small island of Helgoland in the North Sea. Negotiations with Germany on broader issues failed. In January 1896 the reckless German Kaiser Wilhelm II escalated tensions in South Africa with his Kruger telegram congratulating Boer President Paul Kruger of the Transvaal for beating off the British Jameson Raid. German officials in Berlin had managed to stop the Kaiser from proposing a German protectorate over the Transvaal. The telegram backfired, as the British began to see Germany as a major threat. The British moved their forces from Egypt south into Sudan in 1898, securing complete control of that troublesome region. However, a strong British force unexpectedly confronted a small French military expedition at Fashoda. Salisbury quickly resolved the tensions, and systematically moved toward friendlier relations with France.E. R. Turton, "Lord Salisbury and the Macdonald expedition." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 5.1 (1976): 35-52.

Second Boer War

After gold was discovered in the South African Republic (called Transvaal) in the 1880s, thousands of British men flocked to the gold mines. Transvaal and its sister republic the Orange Free State were small, rural, independent nations founded by Afrikaners, who descended from Dutch immigrants to the area before 1800. The newly arrived miners were needed for their labour and business operations but were distrusted by the Afrikaners, who called them "uitlanders". The uitlanders heavily outnumbered the Boers in cities and mining districts; they had to pay heavy taxes, and had limited civil rights and no right to vote. The British, jealous of the gold and diamond mines and highly protective of its people, demanded reforms, which were rejected. A small-scale private British effort to overthrow Transvaal's President Paul Kruger, the Jameson Raid of 1895, was a fiasco and presaged full-scale conflict as all diplomatic efforts failed.

War started on 11 October 1899 and ended on 31 May 1902 as Great Britain faced the two small far-away Boer nations. The Prime Minister let his extremely energetic colonial minister Joseph Chamberlain take charge of the war. British efforts were based from its Cape Colony and the Colony of Natal. There were some native African allies, but generally both sides avoided using black soldiers. The British war effort was further supported by volunteers from across the Empire. All other nations were neutral, but public opinion in them was largely hostile to Britain. Inside Britain and its Empire there also was a significant opposition to the Second Boer War because of the atrocities and military failures.Langer, The Diplomacy of Imperialism (1950), pp 605–28, 651–76

The British were overconfident and underprepared. Chamberlain and other top London officials ignored the repeated warnings of military advisors that the Boers were well prepared, well armed, and fighting for their homes in a very difficult terrain. The Boers with about 33,000 soldiers, against 13,000 front-line British troops, struck first, besieging Ladysmith, Kimberly, and Mafeking, and winning important battles at Colenso, Magersfontein and Stormberg in late 1899. Staggered, the British fought back, relieved its besieged cities, and prepared to invade first the Orange Free State, and then Transvaal in late 1900. The Boers refused to surrender or negotiate, and reverted to guerrilla warfare. After two years of hard fighting, Britain, using over 400,000 soldiers systematically destroyed the resistance, raising worldwide complaints about brutality. The Boers were fighting for their homes and families, who provided them with food and hiding places. The British solution was to forcefully relocate all the Boer civilians into heavily guarded concentration camps, where 28,000 died of disease. Then it systematically blocked off and tracked down the highly mobile Boer combat units. The battles were small operations; most of the 22,000 British dead were victims of disease. The war cost £217 million and demonstrated the Army urgently needed reforms but it ended in victory for the British and the Conservatives won the Khaki election of 1900. The Boers were given generous terms, and both former republics were incorporated into the Union of South Africa in 1910.Judd and Surridge, The Boer War: A History (2013) pp 55–302.

The war had many vehement critics, predominantly in the Liberal party. However, on the whole, the war was well received by the British public, which staged numerous public demonstrations and parades of support. Soon there were memorials built across Britain. Strong public demand for news coverage meant that the war was well covered by journalists – including young Winston Churchill – and photographers, as well as letter-writers and poets. General Sir Redvers Buller imposed strict censorship and had no friends in the media, who wrote him up as a blundering buffoon. In dramatic contrast, Field Marshal Frederick Roberts pampered the press, which responded by making him a national hero.

German naval issues
In 1897 Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz became German Naval Secretary of State and began the transformation of the Imperial German Navy from a small, coastal defence force to a fleet meant to challenge British naval power. Tirpitz called for a Risikoflotte or "risk fleet" that would make it too risky for Britain to take on Germany as part of wider bid to alter the international balance of power decisively in Germany's favour. At the same time German foreign minister Bernhard von Bülow called for Weltpolitik (world politics). It was the new policy of Germany to assert its claim to be a global power. Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's policy of Realpolitik (realistic politics) was abandoned as Germany was intent on challenging and upsetting international order. The long-run result was the inability of Britain and Germany to be friends or to form an alliance.

Britain reacted to Germany's accelerated naval arms race by major innovations, especially those developed by Admiral Fisher. The most important development was unveiled – after Salisbury's death – the entry of  into service in 1906, which rendered all the world's battleships obsolete and set back German plans.

Historians agree that Salisbury was a strong and effective leader in foreign affairs. He had a superb grasp of the issues, and was never a "splendid isolationist" but rather, says Nancy W. Ellenberger, was:

Domestic policy
At home he sought to "kill Home Rule with kindness" by launching a land reform programme which helped hundreds of thousands of Irish peasants gain land ownership and largely ended complaints against English landlords. The Elementary School Teachers (Superannuation) Act of 1898 enabled teachers to secure an annuity via the payment of voluntary contributions. The Elementary Education (Defective and Epileptic Children) Act of 1899 permitted school boards to provide for the education of mentally and physically defective and epileptic children.

Honours and retirement

In 1895 and 1900 he was honoured with appointments as Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and High Steward of the City and Liberty of Westminster, which he held for life.

On 11 July 1902, in failing health and broken hearted over the death of his wife, Salisbury resigned. He was succeeded by his nephew, Arthur Balfour. King Edward VII conferred upon him the Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (GCVO), with the order star set in brilliants, during his resignation audience.

Last year: 1902–1903
Due to breathing difficulties caused by his great weight, Salisbury took to sleeping in a chair at Hatfield House. He also experienced a heart condition and later blood poisoning caused by an ulcerated leg. His death in August 1903 followed a fall from that chair.

Salisbury was buried at St Etheldreda's Church, Hatfield, where his predecessor as prime minister, Lord Melbourne, is also interred.  Salisbury is commemorated with a monumental cenotaph near the west door of Westminster Abbey.

When Salisbury died his estate was valued at £310,336, (equivalent to £ in ).

Legacy

Many historians portray Salisbury as a principled statesman of traditional, aristocratic conservatism: a prime minister who promoted cautious imperialism and resisted sweeping parliamentary and franchise reforms. Robert Blake considers Salisbury "a great foreign minister, [but] essentially negative, indeed reactionary in home affairs". Professor P.T. Marsh's estimate is more favourable than Blake's; he portrays Salisbury as a leader who "held back the popular tide for twenty years." Professor Paul Smith argues that, "into the 'progressive' strain of modern Conservatism he simply will not fit." H.C.G. Matthew points to "the narrow cynicism of Salisbury." One admirer, conservative historian Maurice Cowling, largely agrees with the critics and says Salisbury found the democracy born of the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts as "perhaps less objectionable than he had expected—succeeding, through his public persona, in mitigating some part of its nastiness."  Historian Peter T. Marsh states: "In the field of foreign affairs, where he was happiest and most successful, he kept his own counsel and eschewed broad principles of conduct, preferring close-eyed realism and reliability of conduct."

Considerable attention has been devoted to his writings and ideas. The Conservative historian Robert Blake considered Salisbury "the most formidable intellectual figure that the Conservative party has ever produced". In 1977 the Salisbury Group was founded, chaired by Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 6th Marquess of Salisbury and named after the 3rd Marquess. It published pamphlets advocating conservative policies. The academic quarterly The Salisbury Review was named in his honour (by Michael Oakeshott) upon its founding in 1982. Cowling claimed that "The giant of conservative doctrine is Salisbury". It was on Cowling's suggestion that Paul Smith edited a collection of Salisbury's articles from the Quarterly Review. Andrew Jones and Michael Bentley wrote in 1978 that "historical inattention" to Salisbury "involves wilful dismissal of a Conservative tradition which recognizes that threat to humanity when ruling authorities engage in democratic flattery and the threat to liberty in a competitive rush of legislation".

In 1967, Clement Attlee (Labour Party prime minister, 1945–51) was asked who he thought was the best prime minister of his lifetime. Attlee immediately replied: "Salisbury".

The 6th Marquess of Salisbury commissioned Andrew Roberts to write Salisbury's authorised biography, which was published in 1999.

After the Bering Sea Arbitration, Canadian Prime Minister Sir John Sparrow David Thompson said of Lord Salisbury's acceptance of the Arbitration Treaty that it was "one of the worst acts of what I regard as a very stupid and worthless life".

The British phrase 'Bob's your uncle' is thought to have derived from Robert Cecil's appointment of his nephew, Arthur Balfour, as Chief Secretary for Ireland.

Fort Salisbury (now Harare) was named in honour of him when it was founded in September 1890. Subsequently, simply known as Salisbury, the city became the capital of Southern Rhodesia, from 1890, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland from 1953 to 1963, Rhodesia from 1963 to 1979, Zimbabwe Rhodesia, in 1979, and finally Zimbabwe, from 1980. The name was changed to Harare in April 1982, on the second anniversary of Zimbabwe's independence. Cecil Square, near to Parliament, was also named after him and not, as is erroneously but popularly thought, after Cecil Rhodes. Other Rhodesian/Zimbabwean connections include the suburbs of Hatfield, Cranborne and New Sarum.

To date he is the only British prime minister to sport a full beard. At  tall, he was also the tallest prime minister.

Family and personal life
Lord Salisbury was the third son of James Gascoyne-Cecil, 2nd Marquess of Salisbury, a minor Conservative politician. In 1857, he defied his father, who wanted him to marry a rich heiress to protect the family's lands. He instead married Georgina Alderson, the daughter of Sir Edward Alderson, a moderately notable judge and of lower social standing than the Cecils. The marriage proved a happy one. Robert and Georgina had eight children, all but one of whom survived infancy. He was an indulgent father and made sure his children had a much better childhood than the one through which he suffered. Cut off from his family money, Robert supported his family through journalism and was later reconciled with his father.

Lady Beatrix Maud Cecil (11 April 185827 April 1950); she married William Palmer, 2nd Earl of Selborne on 27 October 1883. They had four children.
Lady Gwendolen Cecil (28 July 186028 September 1945), author, and biographer of her father; she never married. , launched in 1899 on Lake Nyasa, was named after her.
James Edward Hubert Gascoyne-Cecil, 4th Marquess of Salisbury (23 October 18614 April 1947); he married Lady Cicely Gore on 17 May 1887. They had seven children.
Lord Rupert Ernest William Cecil, Lord Bishop of Exeter (9 March 186323 June 1936); he married Lady Florence Bootle-Wilbraham on 16 August 1887.
Lord Edgar Algernon Robert Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood (14 September 186424 November 1958); he married Lady Eleanor Lambton on 22 January 1889.
 Hon. Fanny Georgina Mildred Cecil (186524 April 1867)
Lord Edward Herbert Cecil (12 July 186713 December 1918); he married Violet Maxse on 18 June 1894. They had two children.
Lord Hugh Richard Heathcote Cecil, 1st Baron Quickswood (14 October 186910 December 1956)

Salisbury had prosopagnosia, a cognitive disorder which makes it difficult to recognize familiar faces.

Cabinets of Lord Salisbury

1885–1886

1886–1892

1895–1902

See also
 Victorian era
 Historiography of the British Empire
 International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)
 Splendid isolation
 Timeline of British diplomatic history

References

Further reading
Adonis, A. Making Aristocracy Work: The Peerage and the Political System in Britain, 1884–1914 (1993).
 Benians, E.A. et al. eds.  The Cambridge History of the British Empire Vol. iii:  The Empire - Commonwealth 1870–1919' (1959) p. 915 and passim; coverage of Salisbury's foreign and imperial policies; online
 Bentley, Michael. Lord Salisbury's World: Conservative Environments in Late-Victorian Britain (2001). online edition
 Lord Blake and H. Cecil (eds.), Salisbury: The Man and His Policies (1987).
 Bright, J. Franck. A History of England: Period V. Imperial Reaction Victoria 1880–1901 (vol 5, 1904); detailed political narrative; 295pp; online; also   another copy
  Brumpton, Paul R. Security and Progress: Lord Salisbury at the India Office (Greenwood Press, 2002) online edition
 Cecil, Algernon. British Foreign Secretaries 1807-1916 (1927) pp 277–314. online
 Cecil, C. Life of Robert, Marquis of Salisbury (4 volumes, 1921–32). online
  This is a long biography, written in the context of 1911, with a Conservative point of view.
 Cooke, A.B. and J. Vincent, The Governing Passion: Cabinet Government and Party Politics in Britain, 1885–86 (1974).
Grenville, J. A. S., Lord Salisbury and Foreign Policy: The Close of the Nineteenth Century (1964).
 Jones, A.The Politics of Reform, 1884 (1972).
 Kennedy, A. L. Salisbury 1830–1903: Portrait of a Statesman (1953).
 Gibb, Paul. "Unmasterly Inactivity? Sir Julian Pauncefote, Lord Salisbury, and the Venezuela Boundary Dispute." Diplomacy and Statecraft 16#1 (2005): 23–55.
 Gillard, D.R."Salisbury's African Policy and the Heligoland Offer of 1890," The English Historical Review, Vol. LXXV, 1960.
Thomas P. Hughes, "Lord Salisbury's Afghan Policy," The Arena, Vol. VI, 1892.
Jones, Andrew, and Michael Bentley, 'Salisbury and Baldwin', in Maurice Cowling. ed., Conservative Essays (Cassell, 1978), pp. 25–40.
 Langer, William L. The Diplomacy of Imperialism: 1890–1902 (2nd ed. 1950), a standard diplomatic history of Europe
 Lowe, C. J.Salisbury and the Mediterranean, 1886–1896 (1965).
 Marsh, P. The Discipline of Popular Government: Lord Salisbury's Domestic Statecraft, 1881–1902 (1978).
 Millman, R. Britain and the Eastern question, 1875–1878 (1979).
 Otte, T. G. "A question of leadership: Lord Salisbury, the unionist cabinet and foreign policy making, 1895–1900." Contemporary British History 14#4 (2000): 1–26.
 Otte, T. G. "'Floating Downstream'? Lord Salisbury and British Foreign Policy, 1878–1902", in Otte (ed.), The Makers of British Foreign Policy: From Pitt to Thatcher (Palgrave, 2002), pp. 98–127.
 Paul, Herbert. A History of Modern England (vol 5, 1906), covers 1885–1895. online
 Penson, Lillian M. "The Principles and Methods of Lord Salisbury's Foreign Policy." Cambridge Historical Journal 5#1 (1935): 87-106. online.
Roberts, Andrew. Salisbury: Victorian Titan (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1999), a standard scholarly biography; 940pp
 Ryan, A. P. "The Marquis of Salisbury' History Today (April 1951) 1#4 pp 30-36; online.

 Shannon, Richard The Age of Disraeli, 1868–1881: The Rise of Tory Democracy (1992).
 Shannon, Richard The Age of Salisbury, 1881–1902: Unionism and Empire (1996). 569pp.
 Seton-Watson, R. W. Britain in Europe, 1789–1914. (1938); comprehensive history online
 Smith, Paul. 'Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-, third marquess of Salisbury (1830–1903)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, October 2009, accessed 8 May 2010.
Steele, David. Lord Salisbury: A Political biography (1999). online edition
 Steele, David. "Three British Prime Ministers and the Survival of the Ottoman Empire, 1855–1902." Middle Eastern Studies 50.1 (2014): 43–60.
 Wang, Shih-tsung. Lord Salisbury and Nationality in the East: Viewing Imperialism in Its Proper Perspective (Routledge, 2019).
 Warren, Allen. "Lord Salisbury and Ireland, 1859–87: Principles, Ambitions and Strategies." Parliamentary history 26.2 (2007): 203–224.
 Weston, C. C. The House of Lords and Ideological Politics: Lord Salisbury's Referendal Theory and the Conservative Party, 1846–1922 (1995).

Historiography
 Ellenberger, Nancy W. "Salisbury" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:1153–55
 Goodlad, Graham, "Salisbury as Premier: Graham Goodlad Asks Whether Lord Salisbury Deserves His Reputation as One of the Great Victorian Prime Ministers," History Review #49. 2004. pp 3+. online
 Lowry, Donal. The South African War Reappraised (Manchester UP, 2000).
 Roberts, Andrew. "Salisbury," History Today, (Oct 1999), Vol. 49 Issue 10, p45-51

Primary sources
Paul Smith (ed.), Lord Salisbury on Politics. A Selection from His Articles in the Quarterly Review, 1860–83 (Cambridge University Press, 1972).
John Vincent (ed.), A Selection from the Diaries of Edward Henry Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby (1826–93) between September 1869 and March 1878 (London: The Royal Historical Society, 1994).
R. H. Williams (ed.), Salisbury–Balfour Correspondence: Letters Exchanged between the Third Marquess of Salisbury and his nephew Arthur James Balfour, 1869–1892 (1988).
 Harold Temperley, and Lillian M. Penson, eds; Foundations of British Foreign Policy from Pitt (1792) to Salisbury (1902); Or, Documents, Old and New (1938) online edition
  Robert Cecil Salisbury. Essays by the Late Marquess of Salisbury (1905) online
 Temperley, Harold and L.M. Penson, eds. Foundations of British Foreign Policy: From Pitt (1792) to Salisbury (1902)'' (1938), primary sources pp 365 ff online

External links

Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury on the Downing street website.
 Salisbury, The Empire Builder Who Never Was – article by Andrew Roberts; historytoday.com

Ancestors of Lord Salisbury

1830 births
1903 deaths
19th-century prime ministers of the United Kingdom
20th-century prime ministers of the United Kingdom
Alumni of Christ Church, Oxford
British Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs
British Secretaries of State
Burials in Hertfordshire
Robert, Salisbury 3
Chancellors of the University of Oxford
Conservative Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
Conservative Party prime ministers of the United Kingdom
Deputy Lieutenants of Kent
English Anglicans
Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford
Fellows of the Royal Society
Knights Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order
Knights of the Garter
Leaders of the Conservative Party (UK)
Leaders of the House of Lords
Lords Privy Seal
Lords Warden of the Cinque Ports
Salisbury3
Robert
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
People educated at Eton College
People of the Victorian era
Presidents of the Oxford Union
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
British royalty and nobility with disabilities
Secretaries of State for India
UK MPs 1852–1857
UK MPs 1857–1859
UK MPs 1859–1865
UK MPs 1865–1868
Salisbury, M3
Accidental deaths from falls
British politicians with disabilities


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Art - Sometimes artists create erotic works of art such as drawings, paintings and sculpture. They might do this because they want to make a record of a person or a relationship that is special to them. But more often, artists make erotic art for people who would like to buy it.
Books - Many books have been written that tell erotic stories, or which give advice about how to make love in an erotic way.
Movies - Many people enjoy watching erotic movies.
Magazines - Many magazines have lots of photos of people naked or in sexy clothing, and with erotic expressions and gestures (actions).
Avertising - Erotic photos are often used for advertising. For example, a beautiful young woman with an erotic expression on her face might be used to advertise hair products, clothes, chocolates, cars, and all sorts of other things.
Clothing - Some clothing is designed to look erotic. Some underwear, in particular, is especially designed to look erotic.
Food - Some food is said to make people feel erotic. Food can also be used as an erotic sign or be eaten in an erotic way.
Perfume - Many perfumes have substances in them that effect the human brain in a way that makes a person feel erotic.

Eroticism and pornography

Most people believe there is a difference between erotica and pornography, but some people have argued that all erotica is "pornographic". (In other words, some people believe that all pictures, movies or writing which are sexually exciting are rude and wrong, and should not be made.)

People who have studied this subject say that erotica is not harmful to anyone, and may be helpful with people's loving relationships. The same writers say that pornography, which generally shows a person being treated without respect or love, is not helpful with people's loving relationships.

Related pages
 Sex
 Pornography
 Romance (love)
 Ecchi
 Sexual attraction
 Physical attractiveness

References

Human sexuality

Eroticism


Alzheimer's Disease (AD)  is a brain disease that slowly destroys brain cells. As of now, there is no cure for Alzheimer's disease. With time, the different symptoms of  the disease become more marked. Many people die because of Alzheimer's disease. The disease affects different parts of the brain but has its worst effects on the areas of the brain that control memory, language, and thinking skills. Alzheimer's Disease is the most common form of senile dementia accounting for up to 70% of cases.

The clinical symptoms of AD usually occurs after age 65, but changes in the brain which do not cause symptoms and are caused by Alzheimer's, may begin years or in some cases decades before. Although the symptoms of AD begin in older people it is not a normal part of aging.

At this time there is no cure for Alzheimer's, but there are treatments that can help some patients with the signs and symptoms so they do not affect them as badly. There are also treatments which slow down the disease so the damage to the brain does not happen as quickly. There are also certain personal habits that people can learn which may help to delay the onset of the disease.

While it is not yet known exactly what causes Alzheimer's disease, there are a number of risk factors which may make a person more likely to get it. Some of these risk factors are genetic; changes to four different genes have been found which increase the risk.

The current lifetime risk for a 65-year-old person to get Alzheimer's disease is estimated to be at 10.5%. It is the sixth leading cause of death in the United States causing about 83,500 deaths a year. In 2007, there were more than 26.6 million people throughout the world who were affected by AD.

Alzheimer's disease was named after Alois Alzheimer, a German psychiatrist and neuropathologist who first described the disease after studying the case of a middle-aged woman, Auguste Deter, who was a patient at a hospital in Frankfurt, Germany in 1906. The disease was named Alzheimer's disease in 1910 by Dr. Emil Kraepilin a co-worker of Alzheimer.

Tangles and plaques

Two of the main features found in the brains of people with of Alzheimer's disease, are neurobrillary tangles ('tangles' for short), which are made up of a protein called tau, and senile plaques (which are made mostly from another protein called beta-amyloid, they are also sometimes called beta-amyloid bundles or 'bundles' for short). The tau proteins that form the tangles previously held together a structure inside the neurons called a microtubule which is an important part of the neuron; it forms part of the cytoskeleton (cell skeleton) which is what maintains a cell's shape, and microtubules plays a part in cell communication.

Both tangles and plaques may be caused by other diseases, such as Herpes simplex virus Type 1 which is being investigated as a possible cause or contributor in developing Alzheimer's. It is not known for sure if tangles and plaques are part of what causes Alzheimer's, or if they are the results.

Microtubules

Microtubules are made of a protein called tubulin. The tubulin is polymerized, which is when molecules form the same shapes over and over again that are linked together in groups, and these groups are linked together. They can form long chains or other shapes; in this case the polymerized tubulin forms microtubules. The microtubules are rigid tubes like microscopic straws which are hollow inside. Microtubules help keep the shape of the neuron, and are inolved in passing signals through the neuron.

Tau

Tau is a protein that is found mostly in the neurons of the central nervous system. They help hold together the microtubules within the neurons.  and when changes happen in the way the tau proteins are supposed to work the microtubules break apart. The tau proteins which are no longer holding the microtubules together form strands called fibrils, which then clump together inside the neuron to make what are called neurofibrillary tangles . These clumps, also known as 'tau tangles', are all that remain after a neuron has died.

Beta-amyloid

Beta-amyloid(Aβ) (also called 'amyloid beta') plaques start with a protein called amyloid precursor protein (APP). APP is one of the proteins that make up a cell's membrane or outer covering, that protects the cell. In this case a neuron.. As it is made inside the cell, APP sticks out through the membrane of the cell.

In different parts of the of cell including the outermost part of the cell membrane, chemicals called enzymes snip the APP into small pieces.  These enzymes that do the snipping are alpha-secretase, beta-secretase, and gamma-secretase.  Depending on which enzyme is doing the snipping and what parts of the APP are snipped, two different things can happen. One that is helpful and one that causes the formation of beta-amyloid plaques.

The plaques are formed when beta-secretase snips the APP molecule at one end of the beta-amyloid peptide, releasing sAPPβ from the cell. Gamma-secretase then cuts the pieces of APP that is left and, still sticking out of the neuron's membrane, at the other end of the beta-amyloid peptide. After this snipping the beta-amyloid peptide is released into the space outside the neuron and begins to stick to other beta-amyloid peptides. These pieces stick together to form oligomers. Different oligomers of various sizes are now floating around in the spaces between the neurons, which may be responsible for reacting with receptors on neighboring cells and synapses, affecting their ability to function.

Some of these oligomers are cleared from the brain. Those that are not cleared out clump together with more pieces of beta-amyloid. As more pieces clump togther the oligomers get bigger larger, and the next size up are called protofibrils and the next size after that are called fibrils. After a while, these fibrils clump together with other protein molecules, neurons and non-nerve cells floating around in the space between the cells and form what are called plaques.

Cerebral amyloid angiopathy (CAA)

Deposits of beta-amyloid also form in the walls (in the tunica media, the middle layer, and  tunica adventitia or tunica externa, the outer layer) of small and mid-sized arteries (and sometimes veins) in the cerebral cortex and the leptomeninges (the leptomeninges are the two inner layers - pia mater and arachnoid - of the meninges, a protective 3-layer membrane covering the brain.)

CAA is found in 30% of people over the age of 60 years who do not have any dementia but is found in 90%-96% of people with Alzheimer disease and is severe in one third to two thirds of these cases.

Stages
The first area of the brain to be affected by Alzheimer's is the "transentorhinal region" which is part of the medial temporal lobe located deep within the brain.  Neurons start dying in this area first. It then spreads into the adjacent entorhinal cortex (EC) which acts as a central hub, for a widespread network that handles signals for memory and movement(like a main train station with train tracks going to different areas).

The EC is the main area for communication between the hippocampus, and the neocortex - which is the outer portion of the brain responsible for higher functioning such as how the brain perceives information from the five senses; (smell, sight, taste, touch and hearing; Ex. seeing a person's face and recognizing them,) generating motor commands (Ex, moving and arm or leg, walking, running) spatial reasoning, conscious thought and language.

The disease then spreads into the hippocampus which is part of the limbic system. The hippocampus is the part of the brain that is involved in forming new memories, organizing them, and storing them for later recall. It is also where emotions and senses, such as smell and sound are attached to specific memories. Example 1.: A memory might make you happy or sad. Example 2.: A smell might bring up a certain memory.

The hippocampus then sends memories to the different parts of the cerebral hemisphere where they are placed in long-term storage and it helps retrieve them when necessary. Example: An adult trying to remember the name of a classmate from kindergarten.

In addition to handling memory the hippocampus is also involved in emotional responses, navigation (getting around) and spatial orientation (knowing your sense of place as you move around Example: Knowing your way around your bedroom even with the lights off).

There are actually two parts of the hippocampus which is shaped like a horseshoe with one in the left part of the brain and the other in the right part of the brain.

Diagnosis

Preclinical
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Blue Orange Purple Green Red Purple Green Red Blue Orange

The Stroop Color–Word Test
This is a short example of the test. The test is used to measure different cognitive functions such as selective attention.

Naming the colors of the first set of words is easier and quicker than the second, because in the first set, the colors match the words, in the second set they do not. So a person has to pay more attention.

People having problems with attention as may happen in early-stage Alzheimer's tend to do poorly on this test.Cognitive Neuropsychology Of Alzheimer's Disease. Eds. Robin G. Morris, James T. Becker. Oxford University Press, USA; 2 edition (2005) pp-109-110

With current research using advances in neuroimaging such as FDG-PET and PIB-PET scans, and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) assays, it is now possible to detect the beginning processes of Alzheimer's disease that occur before symptoms begin. The research suggests that clinically normal older people (no symptoms at all) have biomarker evidence of amyloid beta (Aβ) build-up in the brain. This amyloid beta (Aβ) is linked to changes in the structure of the brain and how it works that is the similar to what is seen in people with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) - which may lead to Alzheimer's - and people with Alzheimer's.

These small preclinical changes (no symptoms) in the brain may occur many years, to even a few decades before a person is diagnosed with Alzheimer's. With a stage where there is some memory loss, or mild cognitive impairment. These changes put a person at risk of developing the clinical symptoms of full-blown  Alzheimer's but not everyone who has these changes will get the disease. Even though there is no cure for Alzheimer's, there are new treatments which are being developed which would work better in the very first stages of the disease.

At this time exactly what makes up the preclinical phase of Alzheimer's is still being researched, such as why some people with go on to develop Alzheimer's and others do not. So the term preclinical phase is being used for research only. There is a worldwide effort in various countries doing research in this area known as the World Wide Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (WW-ADNI) which is the umbrella organization for neuroimaging studies being carried out through the North American ADNI, European ADNI (E-ADNI), Japan ADNI, Australian ADNI (AIBL), Taiwan ADNI, Korea ADNI, China ADNI and Argentina ADNI.

Beginning stages

"Misdiagnosis in very early stages of Alzheimer's is a significant problem, as there are more than 100 conditions that can mimic the disease. In people with mild memory complaints, our accuracy is barely better than chance," according to study researcher P. Murali Doraiswamy, MBBS, professor of psychiatry and medicine at Duke Medicine, "Given that the definitive gold standard for diagnosing Alzheimer's is autopsy, we need a better way to look into the brain."

History

In 1901, a 51-year-old woman named Auguste Deter, was committed to the City Asylum for the Insane and Epileptic, (Städtischen Anstalt für Irre und Epileptische) in Frankfurt am Main, Germany which had the nickname  "Irrenschloss" (Castle of the Insane). She was married and had a normal life until eight months prior to her commitment, when she started having psychological and neurological problems, such as problems with memory and language, paranoia, becoming disorientated and having hallucinations.

She was studied by a doctor on staff named Alois Alzheimer (1864–1915).  Alzheimer became interested in her case because of her age; while the effects of senile dementia were known at the time, they usually did not start until a person was in their early to mid-sixties. Her case was also notable because of the rapid onset of dementia, only eight months, from the first reported symptoms, until she was committed.

While conducting one of his examinations of Ms. Deter, he asked her to perform a series of simple writing tasks. Unable to do what was asked such as write her name, she said "I have lost myself, so to speak" ("Ich habe mich sozusagen selbst verloren").

Alzheimer left the hospital in Franfkurt in 1902 to begin working with Emil Kraepelin at the Psychiatric University Hospital in Heidelberg-Bergheim, and in 1903 both he and Kraepelin began working at Ludwig Maximilian University in Munich.

When Ms. Deter died of septicemia on 8 April 1906, Alzheimer was informed and her brain was sent to Munich for him to study. Studying samples of her brain under a microscope he noticed neurofibriallry tangles and bundles made up of beta-amyloid plaque, which are two of the main features of the disease.  On 3 November 1906, Alzheimer presented the results of his findings in Auguste's case at the Conference of South-West German Psychiatrists in Tübingen, and he published his findings in the case in 1907.

In 1910, Emil Kraepelin named the disease 'Alzheimer's disease'. Alzheimer's disease usually beigins affecting people between ages 60–65, in Ms. Deter's case - who was 55-years-old when she died - she had a form of what is now known as Early-onset Alzhiemer's disease.

Famous cases

Anyone can get Alzheimer's disease, rich people or poor famous people and unfamous people. Some of the famous people who have gotten Alzheimer's disease are former United States President Ronald Reagan and Irish writer Iris Murdoch, both of whom were the subjects of scientific articles examining how their cognitive capacities got worse with the disease.

Other cases include the retired footballer Ferenc Puskás, the former Prime Ministers Harold Wilson (United Kingdom) and Adolfo Suárez (Spain), the actress Rita Hayworth, the Nobel Prize-winner Raymond Davis, Jr., the actors Charlton Heston and Gene Wilder, the novelist Terry Pratchett, politician and activist Sargent Shriver, the Blues musician B.B. King, director Jacques Rivette, Indian politician George Fernandes,
and the 2009 Nobel Prize in Physics recipient Charles K. Kao. In 2012, Nobel Prize writer Gabriel García Márquez was diagnosed with the disease. Former Finnish President Mauno Koivisto died of the disease in May 2017. Country singer Glen Campbell died of the disease in August 2017.

References

Other websites
  video

Dementia

Alzheimer's disease


"Love's Philosophy" is a poem written by Percy Bysshe Shelley in 1820.

Original text

The fountains mingle with the river
And the rivers with the Ocean,
The winds of Heaven mix for ever
With a sweet emotion;
Nothing in the world is single;
All things by a law divine
in one spirit meet and mingle.
Why not I with thine?--

See the mountains kiss high Heaven
And the waves clasp one another;
No sister-flower would be forgiven
If it disdained its brother;
And the sunlight clasps the earth
And the moonbeams kiss the sea:
What is all this sweet work worth
If thou kiss not me?

19th-century British poems
1820s works

Love's Philosophy


A prediction is a statement that someone makes about what they think is going to happen. It is often very helpful to know what is going to happen to help prepare for these future events. Predictions are based on the idea that two beginning positions that are like each other will have similar results. By watching something happen, it is possible to predict what will happen if something similar happens. Predictions are given by science or fortune tellers or horoscopes.

The most common example of a prediction is the weather forecast. Studying how weather happens lets people predict what the weather will be by looking at what is currently happening. This is helpful because by knowing that it is going to rain, a person can wear the right clothes for it.

Nostradamus has made many predictions about the future.

Related pages
Forecasting
Hypothesis

Future events

Prediction


Reactivity is a measure of how much a substance tends to react with other things. Some substances are more reactive, and others are less reactive. Reactivity is set by several factors:
 the range of circumstances (conditions that include temperature, pressure, or presence of catalysts) in which the substance reacts,
 the range of substances that will react with it,
 the equilibrium point of the reaction (that is, the extent to which all of it reacts), or
 the speed of the reaction.

Reactivity involves both the thermodynamics and kinetics of the particular chemical reaction. A reaction will be more reactive if the total energy of the products is less than the total energy of the reactants. A reaction will be more reactive if the energy of its transition is low.

Lithium reacts with water and air. Gold does not react with water or air. Gold is unreactive, thus low on the reactivity series. Lithium is reactive. There are several ways to measure reactivity. Some are reducing agents, and others can be oxidizing agents. Some absorb water easily. Some break down easily.

References

Chemistry

Reactivity (chemistry)


The knee is the joint that links 4 of the upper and lower bones of the leg, which are called the femur, tibia, fibula and the patella. The knee joint is the largest joint in the body and is an extensive network of ligaments and muscles. Basically, it is a hinge which allows movement of the lower leg in only one direction. The lower leg (tibia+fibula+foot) can swing back from the knee, and that is all.

The knee is held together by ligaments which connect the bones and produces fluid which lubricates the movement at the joint. The meniscus is a cartilage
that lies on the inner and outer edges of the upper surface of the tibia. These are the shock
absorbers of the knee and supply proper weight distribution.

Basic English 850 words
Joints

Knee


The trachea, or windpipe, is the bony tube that connects the nose and mouth to the lungs, and is an important part of the vertebrate respiratory system. In mammals, the trachea begins at the lower part of the larynx and continues to the lungs, where it branches into the right and left bronchi. Inflammation of the trachea can lead to other conditions, such as tracheitis, which is the inflammation of the linings of the trachea.

Invertebrate trachea

The invertebrate trachea refers to the open respiratory system of terrestrial arthropods. It consists of spiracles, tracheae, and tracheoles that take metabolic gases to and from tissues.  The distribution of spiracles varies, but in general each segment of the body has only one pair of spiracles, each of which connects to an atrium and has a relatively large tracheal tube behind it.

The smallest tubes, tracheoles, penetrate cells and diffuse water, oxygen, and carbon dioxide. Gas may be moved actively or by passive diffusion. Unlike vertebrates, insects do not generally carry oxygen in their haemolymph.
This is one of the factors that may limit their size.

A tracheal tube may contain ridge-like circumferential rings of taenidia in various geometries such as loops or helices. In the head, thorax, or abdomen, tracheae may also be connected to air sacs. Many insects, such as grasshoppers and bees, which actively pump the air sacs in their abdomen, are able to control the flow of air through their body. In some aquatic insects, the tracheae exchange gas through the body wall directly, in the form of a gill, or function as normal, via a plastron. Despite being internal, the tracheae of arthropods are shed during moulting (ecdysis).

References

Animal anatomy

Trachea