the impact of divided government on legislative production it seems obvious that divided governments should produce less legislation than unified governments yet studies have consistently failed to find such an effect because almost all existing studies focus on the experience of the u s national government the data have limited analysis to a consideration of executive legislative division and ignore the impact of division between bicameral chambers the state level data set employed in this study is not so limited the results show that divided legislatures decrease the production of laws by almost 30 nonetheless consistent with previous studies using national level data executive legislative divisions have no impact of legislative production the reason for this asymmetry is theoretically motivated additional hypotheses of interest are also tested including whether republican controlled legislative chambers are more conservative than democratic chambers in the sense of producing fewer laws than their democratic counterparts

three worlds of relief race immigration and public and private social welfare spending in american cities 1929 using a data set of public and private relief spending for 295 cities this article examines the racial and ethnic patterning of social welfare provision in the united states in 1929 on the eve of the depression cities with more blacks or mexicans spent the least on social assistance and relied more heavily on private money to fund their programs cities with more european immigrants spent the most on relief and relied more heavily on public funding distinct political systems labor market relations and racial ideologies about each group s proclivity to use relief best explain relief spending differences across cities

women as policy makers evidence from a randomized policy experiment in india this paper uses political reservations for women in india to study the impact of women s leadership on policy decisions since the mid 1990 s one third of village council head positions in india have been randomly reserved for a woman in these councils only women could be elected to the position of head village councils are responsible for the provision of many local public goods in rural areas using a dataset we collected on 265 village councils in west bengal and rajasthan we compare the type of public goods provided in reserved and unreserved village councils we show that the reservation of a council seat affects the types of public goods provided specifically leaders invest more in infrastructure that is directly relevant to the needs of their own genders

state lottery adoptions as policy innovations an event history analysis two types of explanations of state government innovation have been proposed internal determinants models which posit that the factors causing a state government to innovate are political economic and social characteristics of a state and regional diffusion models which point toward the role of policy adoptions by neighboring states in prompting a state to adopt we show that the two are conceptually compatible relying on mohr s theory of organizational innovation then we develop and test a unified explanation of state lottery adoptions reflecting both internal and regional influences the empirical results provide a great degree of support for mohr s theory for the empirical analysis we rely on event history analysis a form of pooled cross sectional time series analysis which we believe may be useful in a wide variety of subfields of political science event history analysis may be able to explain important forms of political behavior by individuals organizations or governments even if they occur only rarely

oil price shocks and the macroeconomy this paper examines the impact of oil price shocks and attempts to explain why the rise in oil prices up to 2008 had little impact on the world economy it makes three main arguments first that oil prices have never been as important as is popularly thought second that the most important route through which oil prices affect output is monetary policy when oil prices pass through to core inflation monetary authorities raise interest rates slowing growth based on the second argument the third argument is that high oil prices have not reduced growth in recent years because they no longer pass through to core inflation so the monetary tightening previously seen in response to high oil prices is absent it also argues that oil prices had little impact on the global recession of 20089

the hyperbolic consumption model calibration simulation and empirical evaluation ur preferences for the long run tend to conflict with our short run behavior when planning for the long run we intend to meet our deadlines exercise regularly and eat healthfully but in the short run we have little interest in revising manuscripts jogging on the stairmaster and skipping the chocolate souffleala mode delay of gratification is a nice long term goal but instant gratification is disconcertingly tempting this gap between long run intentions and short run actions is apparent across a wide range of behaviors including saving choices a 1997 survey found that 76 percent of respondents believe they should be saving more for retirement looking only at respondents who believed they were at an age where you should be seriously saving already the survey found that 55 percent reported being behind in their savings and only 6 percent reported being ahead farkas and johnson 1997 the report on the survey concluded t he gaps between people s atti tudes intentions and behavior are troubling and threaten increased insecurity and dissatisfaction for people when they retire americans are simply not doing what logic and their own reasoning suggests they should be doing a 1993 luntz webber merrill lynch survey found similar answers when baby boomers were asked what percentage of your annual household income do you think you should save for retirement and what percentage of your annual

how important is precautionary saving we estimate how much of the wealth of a sample of psid respondents is held because some households face more income uncertainty than others we begin by solving a theoretical model of saving which we use to develop appropriate measures of uncertainty we then regress measures of wealth on our measures of uncertainty and find evidence that households engage in precautionary saving finally we simulate the wealth distribution that our empirical results imply would prevail if all households had the same uncertainty as the lowest uncertainty group we find that between 39 and 46 percent of wealth in our sample is attributable to the extra uncertainty that some consumers face compared to the lowest uncertainty group

politics and the new american welfare states federal law allows states to create new welfare policies determining who can receive welfare what types of clients are exempted from new welfare work requirements and the value of cash benefits this project tests nine different theoretical explanations of welfare policy to explain why states have reacted differently to this new authority we test these explanations on temporary aid to needy families tanf policies promulgated between 1997 and 2000 our findings confirm the strong role of race in tanf politics that soss et al 2001 recently reported but we also find that other constituent characteristics and institutions paternalistic goals and state resources have a consistent influence on welfare policy these results indicate that different approaches to welfare are attributable to the unique and very potent combination of political characteristics in each state

divided we reform evidence from us welfare policies abstract divided government is often thought of as causing legislative deadlock i investigate the link between divided government and economic reforms using a novel data set on welfare reforms in us states between 1978 and 2010 panel data regressions show that under divided government a us state is around 25 more likely to adopt a welfare reform than under unified government several robustness checks confirm this counter intuitive finding case study evidence suggests an explanation based on policy competition between governor senate and house

liquidity profiles of poor mexican households summary buffer stock savings theories predict that more vulnerable households build up liquid savings in order to cope with income variability using data from 1801 marginalized mexican households this paper examines how household liquidity levels vary by income level and use of banking the paper finds strong evidence of buffer stock savings in poor and vulnerable households it also shows that membership in a financial cooperative is a determinant of higher household liquidity levels financial instruments are used more to confront idiosyncratic shocks than systemic shocks idiosyncratic shocks and remittances are important determinants of liquidity levels in unbanked households

state responses to fiscal crises the effects of budgetary institutions and politics this paper explores the dynamics of state taxes and spending during the late 1980s when regional economic downturns and increased expenditure demands led to substantial state budget deficits more restrictive state fiscal institutions such as no deficit carryover rules and tax and expenditure limitations are correlated with more rapid fiscal adjustment to unexpected deficits political factors are also important when a single party controls the state house and the governorship deficit adjustment is much faster than when party control is divided in gubernatorial election years tax increases and spending cuts are both significantly smaller than at other times

the role of energy in real business cycle models abstract this paper modifies hansen s 1985 analysis of a real business cycle mode with indivisible labor by explicitly including energy as a productive input and modelling the relative price of energy as an exogenous random process one goal is to determine the extent to which the introduction of energy price shocks reduces the reliance of the real business cycle model on unobserved technology shocks the other goal following christiano and eichenbaum 1991 is to compare the correlation between real wages and hours predicted by the energy inclusive model to that predicted by hansen s model

expanding the life cycle model precautionary saving and public policy one of the key puzzles in understanding saving behavior is not so much why people save the title of this session but why people don t save according to the familiar life cycle model households should accumulate wealth to provide for their retirement consumption the surprising result from the data is the sizable fraction of the population who have accumulated so little even among those nearing retirement given that earnings will almost surely decline when households retire such behavior can imply poor living standards for the elderly some might interpret the low wealth accumulation as being evidence of myopia irrationality or a failure of households to enforce mental accounting richard thaler 1994 while others might view the low level of wealth accumulation as evidence of high individual rates of time preference determining the underlying causes of low wealth is crucial for public policies that seek to alleviate low aggregate saving rates in the united states as well as policies that seek to buttress the adequacy of financial resources for the elderly in this paper we outline what we believe to be the causes of why many people do not save we conclude by speculating about government policies that may be most effective at encouraging saving much of the research examining levels of consumption saving and wealth as well as their responsiveness to policy has been done using a life cycle model with the simplifying assumption of perfect certainty alan auerbach and laurence kotlikoff 1987 for example developed a model with 55 overlapping generations of individual lifecycle households each with empirically plausible age earnings profiles and utility parameters and used the model to address tax policy and demographic issues in a regime in which all households are identical within a generation and all generations know future earnings and interest rates more recently a line of inquiry has examined the effects of uncertainty on saving generally in the context of highly stylized models this research has shown that in these models uninsured earnings uncertainty can alter optimal saving behavior in a variety of important ways for a partial review of this precautionary saving literature see hubbard et al 1994 in two recent papers hubbard et al 1993 1994 we have combined these two strands of the literature by examining the implications of a life cycle model of consumption saving and wealth accumulation subject to what we think are the three most important sources of uninsured idiosyncratic risk facing households uncertainty about earnings medical expenses and length of life our intent has been to create a realistic model in which families live for many periods working for part of their lives and retiring later in life to parameterize the uncertainty facing families we estimate tdiscussants christopher carroll federal reserve board john b shoven stanford university laurence kotlikoff boston university

migration and income redistribution responsibilities this study examines whether afdc benefits determine or discourage state to state migration flows in the united states a pooled cross section time series model is developed to estimate afdc benefits in a state and recipients and whether benefits in one state affect benefits in other states a second model using data from the 1980 census and the panel study of income dynamics estimates migration of afdc recipients and the level of benefits in in migration and out migration states both models indicate that small but statistically significant amounts of migration occur which may be quite important but only in the long run movers although small in number are much more likely to move to a state with higher benefits states perceive this migration as important indicating that states should have less control and the federal government more control over income redistribution

resistance to reform status quo bias in the presence of individual specific uncertainty comment why do governments so often fail to adopt policies which economists consider to be efficiency enhancing our answer to this question relies on uncertainty regarding the distribution of gains and losses from reform we show that there is a bias towards the status quo and hence against efficiency enhancing reforms whenever some of the individual gainers and losers from reform cannot be identified beforehand there are reforms which once adopted will receive adequate political support but would have failed to carry the day ex ante the argument does not rely on risk aversion irrationality or hysteresis due to sunk costs jel d72 f13 why do governments so often fail to adopt policies that economists consider to be efficiency enhancing this is one of the fundamental questions of political economy the answer usually relies on what may be

political institutions and sorting in a tiebout model we construct a computational model of tiebout competition and show that political institutions differ in their ability to sort citizens effectively in particular we find that certain types of institutions those that become more politically unstable as citizen heterogeneity increases perform relatively poorly given a single jurisdiction yet these same institutions perform relatively well when there are multiple jurisdictions we provide an explanation for this phenomenon which draws upon simulated annealing a discrete nonlinear search algorithm jel

evaluating welfare reform waivers under section 1115 beginning in 1962 section 1115 of the social security act allowed the u s secretary of health and human services to waive specific provisions of the act within individual states allowing them to implement welfare experiments or demonstration projects to reduce welfare recipiency ease transitions into the labor market for welfare clients or otherwise advance the objectives of the aid to families with dependent children afdc program the period between 1987 and 1996 was an especially active time for welfare reform waiver applications each section 1115 waiver application required a plan for evaluating the effects of the proposed changes in the afdc program this period of active welfare reform and experimentation accompanied by a rigorous evaluation component held the promise of an unparalleled opportunity to examine and document the effects of proposed welfare reform measures in this paper we review the section 1115 welfare reform and evaluation activity conducted by states during the bush and clinton administrations ending in august 1996 when the personal responsibility and work opportunity reconciliation act was passed by congress we base the review on publicly available data from the u s department of health and human services and on interviews we conducted with both state project managers and evaluators from each of the 44 states that had received section 1115 welfare reform waivers between 1992 and the passage of the 1996 welfare reform act

the stages of the policy process and the equal rights amendment 1972 1982 studies of how social movements impact policy outcomes typically treat policy change as a dichotomous phenomenon a governmental unit either adopts or does not adopt a particular policy in a particular time frame this simplistic view of the policy process runs the risk of masking how movements and other factors matter at various stages of the policy process each stage is characterized by different rules and different consequences thus movements and other factors ought to matter differently at each stage the authors examine three stages of policy development with regard to state ratification of the equal rights amendment results show that movements mattered more to legislative decisions in the earlier stages of the policy process but that their effects were eclipsed in later stages by public opinion

do oil price shocks matter evidence for some european countries this paper analyzes the oil price macroeconomy relationship by means of analyzing the impact of oil prices on inflation and industrial production indexes for many european countries using quarterly data for the period 1960 1999 first we test for cointegration allowing for structural breaks among the variables second and in order to account for the possible non linear relationships we use different transformation of oil price data the main results suggest that oil prices have permanent effects on inflation and short run but asymmetric effects on production growth rates furthermore significant differences are found among the responses of the countries to these shocks

precautionary saving under liquidity constraints evidence from rural pakistan this paper investigates precautionary saving under liquidity constraints in pakistan using household panel data in particular while we estimates kimball s 1990 prudence parameter we deviate from dynan s 1993 framework by explicitly considering liquidity constraints as in zeldes 1989 by doing so we attempt to differentiate the standard precautionary saving caused by uncertainty from the one due to liquidity constraints furthermore endogenous liquidity constraints are considered to resolve issues of selection biases in this study we document substantial evidence of the presence of precautionary saving in pakistan more specifically the estimated prudence is significantly higher for liquidity constrained households as compared with unconstrained ones the results support the emerging view that facilitating saving may often be more important than finding better ways of lending to the poor

oil and the macroeconomy since world war ii all but one of the u s recessions since world war ii have been preceded typically with a lag of around three fourths of a year by a dramatic increase in the price of crude petroleum this does not mean that oil shocks caused these recessions evidence is presented however that even over the period 1948 72 this correlation is statistically significant and nonspurious supporting the proposition that oil shocks were a contributing factor in at least some of the u s recessions prior to 1972 by extension energy price increases may account for much of post opec macroeconomic performance

how income transfer programs affect work savings and the income distribution a critical review for helpful comments on earlier drafts we thank without implicating moses abramovitz yves balcer john bishop alan blinder richard burkhauser michael darby irwin garfinkel alan gustman daniel hamermesh martin holmer george jakubson robert lampman paul menchik robert moffitt michael murray joseph quinn timothy smeeding eugene smolensky barbara wolfe and two anonymous referees

the impact of state economic differentials on household welfare and labor force behavior abstract this paper calculates state specific income expectations for low income households using a simultaneous model of household labor force and welfare participation decisions a variety of simulations indicate the interlocking effects of existing state differences in welfare wages and taxes on work welfare choices and income significant differences among similar households in different states occur equalization of welfare benefits eliminates some but not all of these differences but generates potentially serious policy problems for the states

the economic lives of the poor in what turned out to be a rhetorical master move the 1990 world development report from the world bank defined the extremely poor people of the world as those who are currently living on no more than 1 per day per person measured at the 1985 purchasing power parity ppp exchange rate in 1993 the poverty line was updated to 1 08 per person per day at the 1993 ppp exchange rate which is the line we use in this paper poverty lines have always existed indeed 1 per day was chosen in part because of its proximity to the poverty lines used by many poor countries 1 however the 1 a day poverty line has come to dominate the conversations about poverty to a remarkable extent

do political parties matter evidence from u s cities are cities as politically polarized as states and countries no is the answer from our regression discontinuity design analysis which shows that whether the mayor is a democrat or a republican does not affect the size of city government the allocation of local public spending or crime rates however there is a substantial incumbent effect for mayors we investigate three mechanisms that could account for the striking lack of partisan impact at the local level and find the most support for tiebout competition among localities within metropolitan areas

welfare generosity the importance of administrative efficiency community values and genuine benevolence using 1988 1991 state level data a public expenditure model is estimated for benefits paid through the aid to families with dependent children afdc programme the paper investigates whether differences in programme efficiency community attitudes perceptions of the effects of afdc on recipient behaviour and tastes for redistribution explain the variation in public support for welfare across states

performance federalism and local democracy theory and evidence from school tax referenda federal governments are increasingly employing empirical measures of lower level government performance to ensure that provincial and local jurisdictions pursue national policy goals we call this burgeoning phenomenon performance federalism and argue that it can distort democratic accountability in lower level elections we estimate the impact of a widely publicized federal indicator of local school district performance one that we show does not allow voters to draw valid inferences about the quality of local educational institutions on voter support for school tax levies in a u s state uniquely appropriate for this analysis the results indicate that a signal of poor district performance increases the probability of levy failure a substantively large and robust effect that disproportionately affects impoverished communities the analysis employs a number of identification strategies and tests for multiple behavioral mechanisms to support the causal interpretation of these findings

divided government fiscal institutions and budget deficits evidence from the states does partisan control of american state government have systematic effects on state spending and taxing levels does divided control affect the government s ability to make hard decisions do institutional rules like legal deficit carryover restrictions matter using a formal model of fiscal policy to guide empirical analysis of data covering the american states from 1968 to 1987 we conclude that 1 aggregate state budget totals are driven by different factors under democrats and republicans the net result being that democrats target spending and taxes to higher shares of state level personal income 2 divided government is less able to react to revenue shocks that lead to budget deficits particularly where different parties control each chamber of the legislature and 3 unified party governments with restricted ability to carry deficits into the next fiscal year outside the south have sharper reactions to negative revenue shocks than those without restrictions

imperfect competition and the effects of energy price increases on economic activity the authors show that modifying the standard neoclassical growth model by assuming that competition is imperfect makes it easier to explain the size of the declines in output and real wages that follow increases in the price of oil plausibly parameterized models of this type are able to mimic the response of output and real wages in the united states the responses are particularly consistent with a model of implicit collusion where markups depend positively on the ratio of the expected present value of future profits to the current level of output copyright 1996 by ohio state university press

a politico economic theory of income redistribution this study integrates models of income redistribution developed by economists who suggest that citizens voluntarily redistribute because of interdependent preferences and rely on the state for implementation owing to the public good nature of redistribution and political scientists who focus on conditions that lead to demands that the state intervene to assist the poor and on the development of institutions that facilitate such demands we propose a testable theory of redistribution and apply it to data from the american states the empirical analysis addresses determinants of the aid to families with dependent children guarantee adjusted for medicaid and food stamps to which a family receiving the guarantee would be entitled we posit significant links between the guarantee and both observable explanatory variables such as per capita income and latent constructs such as liberal party control we specify observable indicators for the latent constructs and use the lisrel method to estimate parameters for the indicators and structural coefficients the findings show that both political and economic variables significantly affect the level of the guarantee

the empirical evidence for citizen information and a local market for public goods in their 1993 article in this review paul teske mark schneider michael mintrom and samuel best sought to establish the microfoundations for a model of a competitive market for public 5 services between local governments in polycentric regions an important part of their model focused on subgroups of informed citizens especially recent movers theoretical analysis was supplemented by an empirical study of the factors shaping accuracy of long island homeowners information about relative expenditures and tax rates of their school districts david lowery w e lyons and ruth hoogland dehoog criticize the relevance of this empirical evidence suggesting the atypical nature of education as a service especially in this site and challenging the sufficiency of the demonstrated levels of information for generating a competitive market teske and his colleagues reply by pointing out the general importance of education throughout american local policymaking and by defending the relevance of their measures and conclusions for their market model

income smoothing and consumption smoothing one way that risk averse households protect consumption levels is to borrow and use insurance mechanisms another way common in low income economies is to diversify economic activities and make conservative production and employment choices households thus tend toward limiting exposure only to shocks that can be handled with available credit and insurance typically both types of mechanisms are studied independently but much more can be learned by studying them together first we obtain a more complete picture of risks costs and insurance possibilities second it opens the way to considering biases in standard tests of credit and insurance

assistance to the poor in a federal system abstract this paper explores the roles of different levels of government in assisting the poor using a model incorporating utility interdependence the paper first presents some theoretical results indicating how levels of poor relief vary with the extent of mobility of the poor under both centralized and decentralized systems of support it then provides a survey of the empirical work on migration of the poor along with a brief historical discussion of the experience under the english poor laws the concluding section turns to normative issues and contends that mobility of the poor is a basic source of inefficiency in wholly decentralized systems of support this inefficiency along with certain other equity considerations establishes a role for the central government in assistance to the poor

lower class mobilization and policy linkage in the u s states theory political participation by lower class voters should create pressures for government to respond with supportive policies hypotheses lower class voting is associated with more generous state welfare policies political forces and institutions structure this relationship methods a pooled time series analysis for the 50 u s states from 1978 to 1990 results we demonstrate an enduring relationship between the degree of mobilization of lower class voters and the generosity of welfare benefits provided by state governments this relationship can be vitiated by remarkable political and economic events such as the new federalism and the economic recession in the early 1980s finally the importance of lower class mobilization for redistributive policy is enhanced by the liberalism and competitiveness of state democratic parties

mobility and redistribution the ability of individuals to move freely from one jurisdiction to another is generally seen as a constraint on the amount of redistribution that each jurisdiction within a system of governments can undertake in this paper we look at this proposition by developing a positive analysis of income redistribution by local governments in a federal system we ask how much redistribution occurs when only local governments can have tax transfer instruments individuals can move freely among jurisdictions and voters in each jurisdiction are fully aware of the migration effects of redistributive policies local redistribution is shown to induce sorting of the population with the poorest households located in the communities that provide the most redistribution while the threat of out migration affects the potential for redistribution our results suggest that significant local redistribution is nonetheless feasible numerical computations indicate that the proportion of residents who are renters is a major factor affecting the local choice of level of redistribution

life cycle individual thrift and the wealth of nations this paper provides a review of the theory of the determinants of individual and national thrift that has come to be known as the life cycle hypothesis lch of saving applications to some current policy issues are also discussed part i deals with the state of the art on the eve of the formulation of the lch some 30 years ago part ii sets forth the theoretical foundations of the model in its original formulation and later amendment calling attention to various implications distinctive to it and sometimes counter intuitive it also includes a review of a number of crucial empirical tests both at the individual and the aggregate level part iii reviews some applications of lch to current policy issues though only in sketchy fashion as space constraints prevent fuller discussion this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

the economics of split ticket voting in representative democracies in u s elections voters often vote for candidates from different parties for president and congress voters also express dissatisfaction with the performance of congress as a whole and satisfaction with their own representative the authors develop a model of split ticket voting in which government spending is financed by uniform taxes the benefits from this spending are concentrated while the model generates split ticket voting overall spending is too high only if the president s powers are limited overall spending is too high in a parliamentary system the authors model can be used as the basis of an argument for term limits copyright 1997 by american economic association

school spirit legislator school ties and state funding for higher education abstract we explore a new mechanism to understand state funding for public colleges and universities by leveraging data on the educational experiences of state legislators specifically if and where they received postsecondary education using novel hand collected data from 2002 through 2014 we provide comprehensive documentation for the first time in the literature on the educational backgrounds of state legislators we find a statistically significant positive association between the share of legislators who attended their states public institutions and state funding for their entire public higher education system we also find a similar positive relationship between the share of state legislators who attended particular campuses of the state s public university system and funding for those campuses this relationship is more pronounced among publicly educated legislators who represent legislative districts close to their alma mater s district and becomes most consequential when the legislator s district contains his or her alma mater we discuss the implications of our findings for academic studies on how politics and legislators personal experiences influence support for higher education

political competition policy and growth theory and evidence from the us this paper develops a simple model to analyse how a lack of political competition may lead to policies that hinder economic growth we test the predictions of the model on panel data for the us states in these data we find robust evidence that lack of political competition in a state is associated with anti growth policies higher taxes lower capital spending and a reduced likelihood of using right to work laws we also document a strong link between low political competition and low income growth

gubernatorial midterm slumps this article studies gubernatorial midterm slumps in u s state legislative elections we employ a regression discontinuity design which allows us to rule out the hypothesis that the midterm slump simply reflects a type of reversion to the mean generated by simple partisan swings or the withdrawal of gubernatorial coattails or anticipatory balancing our results show that the party of the governor experiences an average seat share loss of about 3 5 percentage points we also find evidence suggesting that a large share of the variation in gubernatorial midterm slumps can be accounted for by 1 crude partisan balancing and 2 referendums on state economic performance with approximately equal weight given to each

a theory of divided government this paper extends the spatial theory of voting to an institutional structure in which policy choices depend upon not only the executive but also the composition of the legislature voters have incentives to be strategic since policy reflects the outcome of a simultaneous election of the legislature and the executive and since the legislature s impact on policy depends upon relative plurality to analyze equilibrium in this game between voters we apply coalition proof type refinements the model has several testable implications which are consistent with voting behavior in the united states for instance the model predicts a split tickets where some voters vote for one party for president and the other for congress b for some parameter values a divided government with different parties controlling the executive and the majority of the legislature and c the midterm electoral cycle with the party holding the presidency always losing votes in midterm congressional elections

how the financial market can dampen the effects of commodity price shocks abstract commodities have begun to function as an asset class during the past decade as trading in commodity derivatives has increased massively since the mid 2000s this paper studies the role of commodities as an asset class in accounting for the recently lessened impacts of commodity price shocks on the u s economy by constructing a model with a financial accelerator and with financial intermediaries that own two assets tied to commodities as well as to capital simulation results of the model show that financial intermediaries holdings of commodities as assets have contributed to the recent reduction in the effects of commodity price shocks

declining effects of oil price shocks in recent years output responses to oil price shocks have not only been weaker but have also reached their trough earlier this paper builds a model that incorporates a realistic structure of u s petroleum consumption and explores three possible explanations for the changes the possible factors considered are i deregulation in the transportation industry ii improved energy efficiency and iii a lower degree of persistence of oil price shocks under realistic parameter values the three factors play an important role quantitatively accounting for half of the reduction in the largest impact on output of an oil price shock over time

polarized platforms and moderate policies with checks and balances abstract in standard spatial models of elections parties with policy preferences take divergent positions their platform positions are less separated than are the parties ideal policies if policy is the result of an executive legislative compromise the policy preferences of the parties can be moderated by voter behavior divided government may result since parties anticipate the moderated outcomes they have an added incentive to choose separated platforms consequently divergence in platforms is greater than in the standard model especially when uncertainty is high and the legislature more powerful than the executive for some parameters parties may even posture by adopting platforms that are more extreme than their true ideal points

the design of reform packages under uncertainty the authors present a model of large scale economic reforms modeled on the transition process in eastern europe with aggregate and individual uncertainty concerning the outcome of reforms the government is assumed to choose the speed and sequencing of reforms the authors compare big bang strategies with gradualist reform packages they show that gradualist reform packages may be easier to get started optimal sequencing of reforms should aim at creating constituencies for further reforms and gradualism may generate a higher investment response because of a lower option value of waiting than would a big bang approach copyright 1995 by american economic association

abstention in elections with asymmetric information and diverse preferences we analyze a model of a two candidate election with costless voting in which voters have asymmetric information and diverse preferences we demonstrate that a strictly positive fraction of the electorate will abstain and that nevertheless elections effectively aggregate voters private information using examples we show that more informed voters are more likely to vote than their less informed counterparts increasing the fraction of the electorate that is informed however may lead to higher levels of abstention we conclude by showing that a biased distribution of information can lead to a biased voting population but does not lead to biased outcomes

simple banking profitability and the yield curve how does bank profitability vary with interest rates we present a model of a monopolistically competitive bank subject to repricing frictions and test the model s predictions using a unique panel data set on uk banks we find evidence that large banks retain a residual exposure to interest rates even after accounting for hedging activity operating through the trading book in the long run both level and slope of the yield curve contribute positively to profitability in the short run however increases in market rates compress interest margins consistent with the presence of nonnegligible loan pricing frictions

pathways of representation a causal analysis of public opinion policy linkages theory altemative theories of the linkage process between mass policy preferences and public policies are tested empirically hypotheses opinion policy linkage may arise because mass preferences drive the policy process elite preferences drive the process or because of a shared preferences reciprocal influence process policy linkage may also be facilitated by higher voter mobilization and party competition methods a multiple equation model of the opinion policy process in the united states is tested with two stage least squares regression results the state policy process is best explained by an opinion sharing reciprocal influence model shared partisanship party competition and voter mobilization enhance the linkage process in theoretically anticipated ways

welfare and the multifaceted decision to move are poor single mothers more likely to stay in or move to states with higher welfare benefits this question has important implications on at least two levels as a policy matter the answer will enlighten us about the effects of welfare on society and will assist efforts to understand whether states systematically lower benefits in order to avoid becoming welfare magnets peterson and rom 1989 rom peterson and scheve 1998 volden 2002 this answer will also help us anticipate how welfare policies may evolve in other areas of the world where it is or is becoming as easy to move across jurisdictional boundaries as in the united states as a theoretical matter understanding the relationship between welfare and migration can help us better understand how the increasing mobility of people firms and capital affects governmental capacities to provide welfare and other redistributive benefits if generous government benefits prompt people who receive them to flow in and the people who pay for them to flow out the benefits will become increasingly difficult to sustain this is true not only for a federal system such as the united states but also for the international system in which political social and economic barriers to migration have fallen dramatically in recent years finding that welfare induced migration occurs in the united states would enhance concern about governmental capacity for social services finding no such behavior on the other hand would make us less inclined to believe that migration constrains governments in other less likely contexts lately most scholars researching the question have found very little or no support for the idea that welfare affects migration in the united states allard and danziger 2000 levine and zimmerman 1999 schram nitz and krueger 1998 schram and soss 1999 they conclude that the evidence is at best mildly in favor of the idea that welfare affects migration brueckner

using weather variability to estimate the response of savings to transitory income in thailand this paper measures the extent to which farmers are able to use savings and dissavings to smooth consumption in response to unexpected shocks to income time series information on regional rainfall is used to construct estimates of transitory income due to rainfall shocks the relationship between these measures of transitory income and savings indicates that farm households save a significantly higher fraction of transitory income than nontransitory income jel d91 016 the incomes of farm households in developing countries are notorious for being both low and uncertain policies that increase the incomes of farmers may well be different

does political knowledge increase turnout evidence from the 1997 british general election a number of recent formal models predict a positive effect of political knowledge on turnout both information acquisition and turnout however are likely to be determined by a similar set of variables rendering hard the identification of a causal link in empirical investigations available empirical regularities should therefore be interpreted as mere correlations i address this problem by using an intrumental variables approach where the instruments are represented by various proxies of information supply on mass media using survey data from the 1997 british general election study i show that political knowledge has a sizeable influence on the probability of voting and that mass media play an important role in influencing political participation

does welfare policy affect residential choices an empirical investigation accounting for policy endogeneity abstract this paper studies how changes in welfare policy affect welfare recipients residential choices although several empirical studies have stressed that welfare policy may affect residential choices of welfare recipients few studies have simultaneously taken into account that residential choices of welfare recipients are also likely to affect welfare policy this paper utilizes a policy reform to address this policy endogeneity the results show that welfare policy exerts a substantial effect on residential choices of welfare recipients

american federalism welfare policy and residential choices the relationship between welfare benefit levels and the residential choices of the poor raises two issues for federalism in the united states do state benefit levels affect the residential choices of the poor do residential choices of the poor affect the level at which a state sets its benefit levels empirical studies have seldom studied the interconnection between these two issues this research estimates simultaneously the mutual effects of welfare benefits and poverty rates while controlling for other economic and political variables when benefit levels become high the size of the poverty population increases conversely when poverty rates become high benefit levels are cut the findings are consistent with the claim that state determined benefit levels distort policy and residential choices

the political economy of inaction abstract this paper develops a simple model of political inaction in a two party democracy i e it shows the conditions under which both parties will prefer to live with an unsatisfactory and inefficient status quo rather than to raise an issue the risk of raising the issue to either party is the fear of ending up with the other party s policy for example by losing the electron regarded as even worse than the status quo the model shows that the problem is likely to be particularly serious the more evenly matched is political competition the more risk averse the parties the less voters trust the parties the more divided is public opinion and the more important the issue the model is illustrated with a number of examples of real world inaction e g on fiscal deficits abortion the transition to socialism and the fall of the weimar republic in general the analysis also suggests that over a range more representation of political viewpoints implies a smaller likelihood of political action so that democracy implies a tradeoff between representation and the capacity for political action

energy price shocks and the macroeconomy the role of consumer durables so far the literature on dynamic stochastic general equilibrium models with energy price shocks uses energy on the production side only in these models energy shocks are responsible for only a negligible share of output fluctuations we study the robustness of this finding by explicitly modeling private consumption of energy at the household level in addition to energy use at the firm level to account for total energy use in the economy additionally we distinguish between investment in consumer durables and investment in capital goods the model economy is calibrated to match total energy use and durable goods consumption as observed in the u s data simulation results indicate that despite higher total energy use this economy has an even smaller proportion of output fluctuations attributable to energy price shocks productivity shocks continue to be the primary force behind business cycle fluctuations the driving force behind our results is that the household now has the flexibility to rebalance its investment portfolio specifically the energy price hike is absorbed by reducing durable goods investment more than investment in capital goods thereby cushioning the hit to future production at the expense of current consumption hence our model better matches the consumption volatility observed in the data jel classification e32 q43

the party of lincoln and the politics of state fair employment practices legislation in the north 1945 1964 from 1945 to 1964 more than a score of northern states passed laws mandating nondiscrimination in employment why did some states pass such fair employment practice fep laws much more slowly than other states this article presents archival and statistical evidence that partisan control of policy making institutions namely republican control of veto points in the legislative process is associated with a substantial reduction in the likelihood that a state would pass fep legislation even when controlling for potentially confounding variables this finding casts doubt on the leading account of the electoral realignment that began in the mid 1960s and culminated in the reagan bush years well before the advent of affirmative action key numbers of gop officeholders allied with organized business and motivated by a free market antiregulatory ideology worked successfully to block the adoption of color blind laws mandating formal racial equality

establishing the micro foundations of a macro theory information movers and the competitive local market for public goods e tiebout model of competition in the local market for public goods is an important and controversial theory the current debate revolves around the apparent disparity between macro 5 x empirical studies that show greater efficiency in the supply of public goods in polycentric regions compared to consolidated ones and micro evidence of widespread citizen consumer ignorance which has been used to argue that individual actions cannot plausibly lead to efficiency enhancing competition between local governments we argue that competitive markets can be driven by a subset of informed consumers who shop around between alternate suppliers and produce pressure for competitive outcomes from which all consumers benefit using data from a survey of overfive hundred households we analyze the role of these marginal citizen consumers and incorporate the costs of information gathering and the strategic interests of local governments into the competitive market model

migration the life cycle and state benefits how low is the bottom i show that among women likely to use welfare movers move to higher benefit states i also find that the probability likely welfare users will move at all is lower in higher benefit states this effect is concentrated early in the life cycle as theory predicts i construct a theoretical framework to measure the impact of welfare migration on optimal state benefits simulation results suggest little impact in higher benefit states but possibly a more substantial impact in other states finally evidence suggests little reason for concern due to welfare migration in using cross state variation in welfare generosity to identify incentive effects of the welfare system on other outcome variables

competitive storage and commodity price dynamics by buying cheap and selling dear risk neutral commodity speculators can smooth commodity prices and induce serial dependence in price even when none would exist under a simple process of supply and demand commodity prices are variable and strongly positively correlated from one year to the next the variability is often explained by supply factors and the autocorrelation by the activities of speculators we show that this explanation is not consistent with the evidence speculation can substantially increase autocorrelation for prices that are weakly autocorrelated in its absence but not to the high levels that are observed in the data

tax innovation in the states capitalizing on political opportunity this paper assesses the factors that prompt states to adopt taxes during the twentieth century we test five explanations of state tax innovation derived from the literature economic development fiscal health election cycle party control and regional diffusion using event history analysis a pooled cross sectional time series technique while little support is found for the economic development and party control explanations our empirical results are highly consistent with a political opportunity explanation of state tax adoptions 1 the presence of a long time until the next election 2 the existence of a fiscal crisis and 3 the presence of neighboring states that have previously adopted a tax all create opportunities for politicians to shield themselves from the political costs of supporting a tax increase and are all shown by empirical analysis to increase the probability of a tax adoption this empirical evidence is consistent across different tax instruments and different periods of analysis throughout the twentieth century

tying odysseus to the mast evidence from a commitment savings product in the philippines we designed a commitment savings product for a philippine bank and implemented it using a randomized control methodology the savings product was intended for individuals who want to commit now to restrict access to their savings and who were sophisticated enough to engage in such a mechanism we conducted a baseline survey on 1777 existing or former clients of a bank one month later we offered the commitment product to a randomly chosen subset of 710 clients 202 28 4 percent accepted the offer and opened the account in the baseline survey we asked hypothetical time discounting questions women who exhibited a lower discount rate for future relative to current trade offs and hence potentially have a preference for commitment were indeed significantly more likely to open the commitment savings account after twelve months average savings balances increased by 81 percentage points for those clients assigned to the treatment group relative to those assigned to the control group we conclude that the savings response represents a lasting change in savings and not merely a short term response to a new product

lower class mobilization and policy linkage in the u s states a correction hill leighley and hinton andersson 1995 report a series of empirical analyses intended to test four hypotheses about the association between lower class mobilization and public policies in the american states those hypotheses are 1 the higher the turnout of the lower class the more liberal is state welfare policy 2 the higher economic and fiscal stress the lower the association between lower class turnout and welfare policy 3 liberal party control of state government is the linkage mechanism that relates lower class mobilization to policy and 4 party competition is the linkage mechanism that relates lower class mobilization to policy in this note we explain how the incorrect handling of missing data in those original analyses led to an erroneous conclusion about the third hypothesis test an incorrect sign reported for one control variable in the first two hypothesis tests and small changes in the significance of a few other control variables we explain the cause of the errors report corrected analyses and close with brief observations about the theoretical and practical implications of the correct empirical results the error in the original analyses arose because missing data codes for three variables in a cross sectional data set originally created in spssx were interpreted as valid values when the data set was expanded into a pooled cross sectional time series design and analyzed with the microcrunch software package those three variables were for state party competition mass political liberalism and state party elite liberalism and the missing data affect four states thus the missing data values biased the coefficients reported for these variables in the original analyses the optimal procedures for handling such missing data problems are unsettled bartels and brady 1991 136 7 for the purposes of this note we report analyses that are conservative by some but not all criteriaanalysis of only those cases with complete data on the variables under study this procedure appears especially appropriate in light of the absence of a consensus on an alternative one and the small percentage of total cases eliminated from consideration by the procedure in the present instance

games the states don t play welfare benefits and the theory of fiscal federalism fiscal federalism theory predicts that states will behave strategically in welfare programs because voter demand for welfare is sensitive to tax price while the tax price itself changes because of welfare induced migration this paper tests these propositions on afdc in the united states for a panel from 1982 88 using new models for the determination of the recipiency ratio the tax price and composite neighbors the data do not support any substantial tax price elasticity of demand for welfare estimates of migration effects on tax price are found to be sensitive to specification copyright 1995 by mit press

electoral systems and legislators constituency effort the mediating effect of electoral vulnerability in so far as legislators value re election electoral institutions are said to shape their strategic behavior yet the empirical evidence linking legislators behavior to electoral institutions is weak at best previous studies we argue have either ignored or misspecified how legislators vulnerability to electoral defeat mediates the expected effect of electoral institutions to test this argument we develop and operationalize a new comparative measure of electoral vulnerability which we combine with new individual level data on legislators constituency effort in 14 mostly european countries our data demonstrate that the effect of electoral institutions on constituency effort is different dependent on legislators electoral precariousness in party centered systems district magnitude s negative effect grows weaker among those most vulnerable in candidate centered systems by contrast district magnitude s positive effect grows even stronger among those most vulnerable the results suggest the n

welfare reform and the race to the bottom theory and evidence economists have argued that welfare migration leads to a race to the bottom in the choice of welfare benefits although a system of federal matching grants can remedy this problem the recent welfare reform law replaced the existing matching grant structure with block grants a policy change that appears undesirable to judge whether this critique of welfare reform is justified this paper evaluates the evidence in favor of a race to the bottom after explaining the theoretical effects of welfare migration the paper surveys the empirical evidence on the occurrence of such migration concluding that the evidence is mixed the discussion also considers recent empirical tests for strategic interaction which show that benefit levels in nearby states affect a given state s benefit choice the most plausible source of such interaction is a concern about welfare migration which leads policymakers to look at benefits in neighboring states when making their own choices judging that the evidence appears consistent with the existence of a race to the bottom the paper concludes that the demise of matching grants may be undesirable from a policy perspective

employment status and the decision to migrate the purpose of this paper is to examine the demographic and socioeconomic determinants of migration for both the employed and unemployed hypotheses concerning the effects of age education and public services are developed and tested using data on interstate migration of the u s labor force from 1965 to 1970 for individuals at risk to either primary or repeat migration the age and education selectivity of migration were in general confirmed however for unemployed potential primary migrants education selectivity was not observed it was also found that the provision of welfare services have little or no impact on the migration decision of the unemployed however unemployment was shown to significantly affect the role played by educational quality and training accessibility within the migration decision excerpt