candidate reputations and the incumbency effect abstract a major shortcoming of the classical median voter model is that its central prediction convergence of platforms to the median voter s ideal is seldom observed one reason is that the classical model neglects the importance of voter expectations as a determinant of votes here we associate voters expectations about candidates with past as well as current candidate pronouncements and assume that incumbents whose actions are consistent with their reputations are perceived as less risky than challengers in equilibrium candidates choose distinct platforms typically neither adopts the median voter s ideal point either candidate may win depending on how well the incumbent s reputation reflects current voter tastes and how relatively risky the electorate perceives the challenger to be

explaining party ideological stances we apply the iterative algorithm by merrill and adams political analysis 9 347 361 2001 to compute the optimal positions of vote maximizing parties along a one dimensional space for a large number of elections this allows us to systematically evaluate factors that push parties toward more centrifugal locations in equilibrium our findings largely corroborate expectations suggested by the theoretical literature albeit with one notable exception the relative size of a partisan constituency reduces rather than enhances the likelihood of a party having an extreme optimal position we then compare derived equilibrium positions with actual party positions with the aim of understanding the nature of electoral incentives and offering insights about party system competition in particular we show that the age of a party the party family to which it belongs post election expectations and internal rules for candidate and leader selection are all factors that increase the probability of a party approaching the position predicted by pure vote maximizing considerations

political competition between differentiated candidates abstract we introduce a framework of electoral competition in which voters have general preferences over candidates immutable characteristics such as gender race or previously committed policy positions as well as their policy positions which are flexible candidates are uncertain about the distribution of voter preferences and choose policy positions to maximize their winning probability we characterize a property of voter utility functions uniform candidate ranking ucr that captures a form of separability between fixed characteristics and policy when voters have ucr preferences candidates equilibrium policies converge in any strict equilibrium in contrast notions like competence or complementarity lead to non ucr preferences and policy divergence in particular we introduce a new class of models that contains the probabilistic voting model as a special case and in which there is a unique equilibrium that generically features policy divergence

spatial equilibrium with entry this paper examines spatial equilibrium in political competition when established parties choose their platforms competitively while rationally anticipating entry of a vote maximizing third party the resulting equilibrium is substantially different from the hotelling median equilibrium established parties are spatially separated and third parties will generally lose the election this provides one theoretical explanation for the stability of two party systems namely that non cooperative behavior between established parties can effectively prevent third parties from winning

micro targeting and polarization abstract this paper connects the rise in polarization to changes in media technology which allow for higher precision in the advertising strategy of candidates candidates place ads in media outlets whose audiences differ in ideology and size we develop the concept of media centrality which takes into account differences in the media network and in ideology media centrality leads to a simple characterization of both the optimal targeting strategy and policy we show that generally a more fragmented media landscape leads to an increase in polarization

a spatial theory of positive and negative campaigning abstract in order to explore the content of electoral campaigns this paper makes two modifications to hotelling s model of spatial competition first we assume that agents inherit initial locations and engage in costly relocation second an agent s relocation is affected by her rival s actions we investigate how a candidate allocates resources between positive campaigning which influences voters perceptions of her own ideology and negative campaigning which influences her opponent s perceived ideology our theory predicts that the candidate who is perceived as having less attractive personal attributes runs a relatively more negative campaign the theory s implications are illustrated for the 1988 presidential election journal of economic literature classification numbers c7 h0

valence politics and equilibrium in spatial election models spatial models of two party or two candidatecompetition almost never have pure strategy nashequilibria when the issue space has more than onedimension this paper shows that the introduction ofvalence issues can create conditions where equilibriaexist even in a multidimensional setting we derivesufficient conditions for the existence of equilibria and characterize the spatial locations of twocompeting parties or candidates when such equilibriaexist the party with the advantage on the valencedimension will generally take a moderate position onthe positional issues we consider the implications ofthese results for public perceptions of the parties incumbency advantages and realigning elections

campaign contributions as valence i study how the possibility of voters contributing to candidates in response to the candidates policy proposals affects the equilibrium policy in winner take all political competition more specifically i allow each partisan voter to contribute to her preferred candidate where the amount contributed depends on the relative positions of the two candidates candidates then use the donations to build valence through campaigning which in turn affects the voting decision of impressionable voters since candidates are concerned with raising money as well as picking a policy position preferred by the median voter i show that campaign contributions may lead to divergent equilibria in winner take all elections when politicians are policy motivated albeit only under stylized utility functions and donor densities further under symmetric voter and donor densities if either the donor density is single peaked or the voter utility is concave a unique equilibrium exists in which both candidates propose the ideal policy of the median voter

tax limits and local elections this paper exploits variation in tax limits across over 7000 italian municipalities during the 2000s to investigate their impact on voter turnout and local election outcomes the empirical analysis is based on a panel data estimator on about 14 000 municipal elections during the 2001 2010 decade and on a quasi experimental approach focusing on the fiscal limitation treatment of municipalities local income surcharge freeze in the years 2001 and 2006 where the trajectory of local turnout in the concurrent general elections is used as the counterfactual the evidence suggests that tax limits provoke a a modest fall in voter turnout in mayoral elections b a mild decrease in the number of mayoral candidates c a sizeable widening of elected mayors win margins and some improvement in mayors valence proxies the evidence is compatible with the hypothesis that the imposition of tax limits lowers the ideological stakes of local elections favors party line crossing and promotes vote convergence based on the valence of candidates

income taxation and the diversity of consumer goods a political economy approach after tax income inequality has risen since the mid 1990s as increases in market income inequality have not been offset by greater fiscal redistribution we argue that the substantial increase in the diversity of consumer goods has mitigated mounting political pressures for redistribution within a probabilistic voting framework we demonstrate that if the share of diversified goods in the consumption bundle increases sufficiently with income then an increase in goods diversity can reduce the political equilibrium tax rate focusing on oecd countries we find empirical support for both the model s micro political foundations and the implied relation between goods diversity and fiscal policy outcomes

policy specific information and informal agenda power in gilligan and krehbiel s models of procedural choice in legislatures a committee exerts costly effort to acquire private information about an unknown state of the world subsequent work on expertise delegation and lobbying has largely followed this approach in contrast we develop a model of information as policy valence we use our model to analyze a procedural choice game focusing on the effect of transferability i e the extent to which information acquired to implement one policy option can be used to implement a different policy option we find that when information is transferable as in gilligan and krehbiel s models closed rules can induce committee specialization however when information is policy specific open rules are actually superior for inducing specialization the reason for this surprising result is that a committee lacking formal agenda power has a greater incentive to exercise informal agenda power by exerting costly effort to generate high valence legislation

majority voting with single crossing preferences we clarify and extend a number of sufficient conditions for the existence of a majority voting equilibrium on one dimensional choice domains these conditions variously stated in the previous literature all impose order restrictions on voter preferences for instance monotone marginal rates of substitution which we show to imply or be equivalent to a general ordinal version of the single crossing condition this simple property is economically intuitive and easily checked in applications this ease of application is demonstrated through an examination of voting models of redistributive income taxation and trade union bargaining behaviour

information and strategic political polarisation we develop a model of electoral competition in which two opportunistic candidates select their policy position and invest in quality policy positions are observed and during the campaign the press reveals some information about quality we demonstrate that when information is imperfect the blackdowns median voter theorem fails to hold for intermediate information levels the unique equilibrium is such that candidates propose policies different from the median voter s bliss point by contrast convergence to the median occurs when quality is almost always or almost never revealed we also show that a profit maximising press may collect more information than socially optimal during the 1995 electoral campaign in belgium the vld a traditionally right wing

the binary policy model abstract we introduce a model of electoral competition with office motivated candidates who are exogenously committed to particular positions on some issues while they choose positions for the remaining issues a position is majority efficient if a candidate cannot make a majority of the electorate better off given his fixed positions we characterize existence conditions for majority efficient positions the candidates fixed positions in our framework imply that only some voters are swing voters and we analyze how the distribution of swing voters determines whether candidates choose majority efficient positions we also analyze plurality and runoff elections with multiple candidates in our framework

incumbent challenger and open seat elections in a spatial model of political competition in groseclose am j political sci 45 862 886 2001 candidates with asymmetric valence scores and varying degrees of policy motivation simultaneously choose divergent policies i take a version of the groseclose model with policy motivated candidates and extend it to allow for sequential policy announcements this may be a suitable approach for incumbent challenger elections because the incumbent s policy is typically known before the challenger s i show that policy divergence is greater when candidates announce policies sequentially as opposed to simultaneously i also show that policy motivated incumbents benefit from a first mover advantage

does terrorism work this paper examines whether terrorism is an effective tool for achieving political goals by exploiting geographic variation in terror attacks in israel from 1988 to 2006 we show that local terror attacks cause israelis to be more willing to grant territorial concessions to the palestinians these effects are stronger for demographic groups that are traditionally right wing in their political views however terror attacks beyond a certain threshold cause israelis to adopt a less accommodating position in addition terror induces israelis to vote increasingly for right wing parties as the right wing parties move to the left in response to terror hence terrorism appears to be an effective strategy in terms of shifting the entire political landscape to the left although we do not assess whether it is more effective than non violent means

war politics an economic rational voter framework the frequency of foreign conflict initiations in the united states is found to be significantly greater following the onset of recessions during a president s first term than in other periods the authors develop an economic theory of the political use of wars which links the election cycle war decisions and economic performance consistent with the observed relationships among these events an incumbent leader with an unfavorable economic performance record may initiate a war to force the learning of his war leadership abilities and thus salvage with some probability his reelection this obtains despite voter rationality and informational symmetry copyright 1995 by american economic association

three candidate spatial competition when candidates have valence stochastic voting we study the effects of stochastic probabilistic voting on equilibrium locations equilibrium vote shares and comparative statics in a setup with three heterogeneous candidates and a single dimensional issue space comparing the equilibria with and without stochastic voting we find that under an appropriate level of uncertainty about voter behavior the model has a pure strategy nash equilibrium psne that is free from several non plausible features of the psne under deterministic voting this result is robust to extensions to asymmetric density and plurality maximization

a theory of voting in large elections this paper provides a game theoretic model of probabilistic voting and then examines the incentives faced by candidates in a spatial model of elections in our model voters strategies form a quantal response equilibrium qre which merges strategic voting and probabilistic behavior we first show that a qre in the voting game exists for all elections with a finite number of candidates and then proceed to show that with enough voters and the addition of a regularity condition on voters utilities a nash equilibrium profile of platforms exists when candidates seek to maximize their expected margin of victory this equilibrium 1 consists of all candidates converging to the policy that maximizes the expected sum of voters utilities 2 exists even when voters can abstain and 3 is unique when there are only 2 candidates

foreign direct investment co2 emissions nexus in middle east and north african countries importance of biomass energy consumption abstract this study examines the association between foreign direct investment fdi and carbon emissions for the middle east and north african mena region in 1990 2015 including biomass energy consumption as an additional determinant of carbon emissions we apply the generalized method of moments gmm to validate the existence of the pollution haven hypothesis phh the n shaped association is also validated between fdi and carbon emissions the link between economic growth and carbon emissions is inverted u and n shaped that is it satisfies the environmental kuznets curve ekc hypotheses biomass energy use lowers carbon emissions and the causality analysis reveals that fdi causes co2 emissions clearly the results confirm the existence of a feedback effect between economic growth and carbon emissions the connection between biomass energy use and co2 emissions is also bidirectional the empirical findings suggest policy makers to design comprehensive trade and energy policies by targeting the cleaner production practices for not only to ensure environmental sustainability but also to fulfil the objectives of sustainable development goals

challenger entry and voter learning we develop a model of strategic interaction between voters and potential electoral challengers to sitting incumbents in which the very fact of a costly challenge conveys relevant information to voters given incumbent failure in office challenger entry is more likely but the threat of entry by inferior challengers creates an incentive for citizens to become more politically informed at the same time challenges to incumbents who perform well can neutralize a voter s positive assessment of incumbent qualifications how a voter becomes politically informed can in turn deter challengers of different levels of competence from running depending on the electoral environment the model permits us to sharpen our understanding of retrospective voting the incumbency advantage and the relationship between electoral competition and voter welfare while pointing to new interpretations of and future avenues for empirical research on elections

a model of candidate location when one candidate has a valence advantage that under some fairly weak assumptions for all levels of the valence advantage the advantaged candidate chooses a more moderate position than the disadvantaged candidate empirical studies of congressional elections by fiorina 1973 and ansolabehere snyder and stewart 2001 support this result d owns 1957 seminal work presents a puzzle for scholars of u s elections why do candidates not converge to the median voter one of the best explanations is that the candidates themselves have ideological preferences as calvert 1985 and wittman 1977 1983 have shown when candidates have such preferences and they are sufficiently uncertain about the preferences of the median voter then they do not converge although they may moderate their positions from their ideal point the basic version of the calvert wittman model however does not account for another basic fact of u s elections often one of the candidates has an advantage due to a nonpolicy factor such as incumbency greater campaign funds better name recognition superior charisma superior intelligence and so on stokes has dubbed such factors valence factors and he has noted their importance in u s elections stokes 1963 1992 1 in this article i extend the basic calvert wittman model by giving one candidate a valence advantage over the other i show that if the valence characteristics of the candidates are approximately equal then when a candidate s valence advantage increases this causes her to move toward the

model unvertainty political learning and institutions a broader view on mancur olson s theory of institutional sclerosis in his rise and decline of nations mancur olson argues that politically stable countries suffer from declining growth rates caused by the growing influence of distributional coalitions that accumulate over time the empirical literature supports the notion of a negative relationship between a country s duration of political stability and its growth rates but finds only weak support for a negative influence of distributional coalitions on growth this paper sketches a simple model of party competition under model uncertainty which may explain this mixed empirical picture it shows that politically stable democracies are less well equipped to adjust to shifts in their economic environment than democracies with a shorter history of political stability in a further step the paper relates the major theme of this theory and olson s theory to the more recent literature on institutions and growth directions for further research are discussed

principle vs pragmatism policy shifts and political competition this article investigates the electoral effect of party policy shifts i argue that whether party policy shifts are damaging or rewarding depends on whether the shift occurs in the pragmatic or principled issue domain on pragmatic issues voters value getting things done policy shifts in this domain signal responsiveness to the changing environment and are likely to be rewarded principled issues however concern core beliefs and values any policy shift in this domain is a sign of inconsistency and lack of credibility which is likely to lead to voter withdrawal these arguments are supported by evidence from 23 advanced democracies over a period of 40 years

policy divergence in multicandidate probabilistic spatial voting existing models of multicandidate spatial competition with probabilistic voting typically predict a high degree of policy convergence yet in actual elections candidates advocate quite divergent sets of policies what accounts for this disparity between theory and empirical observation i introduce two variations on the basic probabilistic vote model which may account for candidate policy divergence 1 a model which incorporates candidate specific variables so that candidates may enjoy nonpolicy related electoral advantages or disadvantages 2 a model which allows nonzero correlations between the random terms associated with voters candidate utilities thereby capturing situations where voters view two or more candidates as similar on nonpolicy grounds i report candidate equilibrium analyses for each model which show far greater policy divergence than exists under the standard probabilistic vote model i then analyze the strategic logic which underlies these results

candidate valence evidence from consecutive presidential elections this article develops and estimates a dynamic spatial model of voting the distribution of voters policy positions and candidates valence are recovered using individual level data on voting decisions in two consecutive presidential elections the estimated model is used to provide an equilibrium interpretation of observed individual voting profiles and aggregate electoral outcomes as well as to conduct counterfactual experiments that assess the impact of candidates policy positions valence and voters information on electoral outcomes

voters private valuation of candidates quality abstract different voters might have different valuations of candidates qualitative features we argue that this intuitive fact acts as a strong stabilizing force in electoral competition dynamics when candidates are office motivated pure strategy equilibria may exist unlike when all voters favor the same candidate perhaps more importantly it affects candidates platform moderation incentives in a rather intriguing manner when voters are evenly split in terms of their candidates quality valuations then both candidates have incentives to locate sufficiently near but not necessarily exactly at the center of the policy space however as the number of voters who favor the same candidate rises maximum equilibrium differentiation follows a non trivial u shaped pattern it is first decreasing and then increasing in the fraction of voters who prefer the more popular candidate

electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization despite common perception existing theoretical literature lacks a complete for mal argument regarding the relationship between the electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization in this paper we build a model that incorporates the disproportionality of the electoral system in a standard downsian electoral competition setup with mainly but not necessarily purely policy motivated parties we first show that in equilibrium platform polarization is decreasing in the level of the electoral rule disproportionality we then argue that the number of parties has a positive effect on platform polarization when polarization is measured by the distance between the two most distant platforms this effect does not hold when polarization is measured by the widely used dalton index constructing a dataset covering more than 300 elections our main theoretical findings are empirically supported pointing towards the electoral rule disproportionality as a major determinant of polarization

informational limits to democratic public policy the jury theorem yardstick competition and ignorance condorcet s jury theorem provides a possible explanation for the success of democracies relative to other forms of government in its modern form the jury theorem predicts that majority decisions are well informed because they are based upon far more information than possessed by any single individual on the other hand it is evident that democratic politicians and policies are not always as good as the jury theorem implies they should be

signaling character in electoral competition we study a one dimensional hotelling downs model of electoral competition with the following innovation a fraction of candidates have character and are exogenously committed to a campaign platform this is unobservable to voters character is desirable and a voter s utility is a convex combination of standard policy preferences and her assessment of a candidate s character this structure induces a signaling game between strategic candidates and voters since a policy platform affects voters utilities not only directly but also indirectly through inferences about a candidate s character the model generates a number of predictions starting with a failure of the median voter theorem jel d72 d82

spatial electoral competition with a probabilistically favored candidate abstract this paper studies unidimensional electoral competition between two office motivated candidates where one of them enjoys a probabilistic and non policy advantage over the other we consider a finite number of voters who have single peaked preferences and whose ideal policies are not known to the candidates unlike the deterministic advantage models we find that the downsian pure strategy equilibrium is in this environment the unique nash equilibrium of the game when the electorate is sufficiently large

a reform dilemma in polarized democracies abstract we study the feasibility and efficiency of policy reforms in democracies we develop a simple election model where i reforms are costly for voters and politicians and these costs increase with the extent of policy change and ii politicians differ in their ability to carry out reforms efficiently we identify a so called reform dilemma which manifests itself in two variants from a static perspective low reform ability politicians are elected when political parties are polarized who then impose high costs on citizens for each reform step this property of elections arises as low reform ability is a substitute for policy commitment from a dynamic perspective incumbents may choose socially undesirable policies to align the social need for reform with their own reform ability and are thus re elected regardless of their reform ability

valence characteristics costly policy and the median crossing property a diagrammatic exposition voters value valence characteristics such as honesty and competence in this paper we consider the situation where candidates may have more than one valence characteristic of importance to the voters at the same time we introduce a new concept the median crossing property which differs from single peakedness and is less restrictive than the single crossing property if indifference curves satisfy the median crossing property then voting is transitive and the majority s preference rankings coincide with those of the median voter if the indifference curves violate the median crossing property then intransitivity may arise the framework also allows us to consider elections with costly policy

incumbency electoral safety and turnover in the house of representatives 1952 76 two hypotheses have received a great deal of attention from students of congressional elections first many analysts have concluded that an increase in the electoral value attached to incumbency accounts for the rise in incumbents victory margins observed since the mid sixties second many scholars have attributed the decline in electoral turnover to the percentage increase in victory margins analyzing the electoral histories of 13 house cohorts 1952 76 this study reexamines these two hypotheses within theframework of a quasi experimental design the results presented here in contrast to those of previous studies cast doubt on the increased incumbency effect moreover little relationship is found between an increase in electoral safety as reflected by increased victory margins and a decline in electoral turnover

candidate strategies in primaries and general elections with candidates of heterogeneous quality abstract i consider a model in which candidates of differing quality must win a primary election to compete in the general election i show that there is an equilibrium in which democrats choose liberal policies and republicans choose conservative policies but higher quality candidates choose more moderate policies than lower quality candidates in this equilibrium higher quality candidates choose more moderate policies if they have a larger quality advantage or there is less uncertainty about the median voter s ideal point in the general election and the candidates in a given primary choose closer policies to one another when there is a smaller quality difference between the candidates in a primary i further show that if the candidates have policy motivations then a low quality candidate may strategically choose to enter a primary even if running for office is costly and the candidate will lose the primary election with certainty in equilibrium

the effects of alternative power sharing arrangements do moderating institutions moderate party strategies and government policy outputs advocates of consensual political institutions i e institutions that promote compromise and powersharing among political parties claim that these institutions promote moderation in government policy outputs to date however there exists little research either theoretical or empirical that evaluates whether consensual institutions promote moderation in parties policy declarations we develop a multiparty spatial model with policy seeking parties operating under proportional representation in which we vary the extent to which government policies reflect power sharing among all parties as opposed to being determined by a single party we determine parties optimal nash equilibrium policy positions and conclude that power sharing does not typically motivate parties to moderate their policy declarations in fact policy positioning under power sharing appears to be similar to or more extreme than under single party dominance consistent with previous research however we find that power sharing does promote moderation in government policy outputs our results have implications for parties election strategies for the design of political institutions and for representative government

asymmetric information and the electoral momentum of public opinion polls this paper demonstrates that the existence of public opinion polls amplifies the effects of shifts in the distribution of the public s preferences over the issue space on the election s results voters evaluate candidates by their positions on the issue space and by a valence or general ability dimension some individual s the informed have more precise information about the relative abilities of candidates than others the uninformed since public opinion polls reflect the information of the informed high approval for a candidate at the polls signals to the uninformed that he is more likely to be abler however high approval may also reflect changes in the distribution of the public on the issue space as a result the uninformed partly confuse the two effects and public opinion polls tend to reinforce the effects of shifts in the public s ideological preferences on election results a shift to the right that shows up as more support for the right wing candidate at the polls is partly interpreted as a higher efficiency of this candidate as a result he wins with a higher margin than the margin he would have won with in the absence of polls or under perfect information

political competition and mirrleesian income taxation a first pass we study downsian competition in a mirrleesian model of income taxation the competing politicians may dier in competence if politicians engage in vote share maximization the less competent politician s policy proposals are attractive to the minority of rich agents whereas those of the competent politician are attractive to the majority of poor agents the less competent politician wins with positive probability which gives rise to a political failure in the sense of besley and coate 1998 political failures are avoided if politicians maximize winning probabilities nevertheless the two equilibria cannot be pareto ranked the minority may be better o under vote share maximization

private polling in elections and voter welfare we study elections in which two candidates poll voters about their preferred policies before taking policy positions in the essentially unique equilibrium candidates who receive moderate signals adopt more extreme platforms than their information suggests but candidates with more extreme signals may moderate their platforms policy convergence does not maximize voters welfare although candidates platforms diverge in equilibrium they do not do so as much as voters would like we find that the electorate always prefers less correlation in candidate signals and thus private over public polling some noise in the polling technology raises voters welfare

service induced campaign contributions and the electoral equilibrium candidates for office are modeled as promising services such as support for legislation and intervention in the bureaucracy to interest groups in exchange for campaign contributions an electoral equilibrium is characterized in which candidates choose service contribution offers and interest groups choose whether to contribute the model provides several explanations of congressional incumbents success in over 90 percent of their reelection contests a recognition advantage a high personal valuation of the office a lower cost of providing services and policy alignment with high demand interest groups the model yields predictions that are consistent with empirical findings on the relation between campaign contributions and election outcomes