time consistent public policy in this paper we study how a benevolent government that cannot commit to future policy should trade off the costs and benefits of public expenditure we characterize and solve for markov perfect equilibria of the dynamic game between successive governments the characterization consists of an inter temporal first order condition a generalized euler equation for the government and we use it both to gain insight into the nature of the equilibrium and as a basis for computations for a calibrated economy we find that when the only tax base available to the government is capital income an inelastic source of funds at any point in time the government still refrains from taxing at confiscatory rates we also find that when the only tax base is labour income the markov equilibrium features less public expenditure and lower tax rates than the ramsey equilibrium

political instability corruption and policy formation the case of environmental policy abstract this paper develops a theory of environmental policy formation taking into consideration the degree of corruptibility and political turbulence the predictions that emerge are that the interaction between the two variables is important political instability has a negative effect on the stringency of environmental regulations if the level of corruption is low but a positive effect when the degree of corruption is high corruption reduces the stringency of environmental regulations but the effect disappears as political instability increases the empirical findings are fully consistent with the predictions of the model

equilibrium in auctions with entry the authors model entry incentives in auctions with risk neutral bidders and characterize a symmetric equilibrium in which the number of entrants is stochastic the presence of too many potential bidders raises coordination costs that detract from welfare the authors show that the seller and society can benefit from policies that reduce market thickness i e the relative abundance of buyers their analysis extends well known revenue equivalence and ranking theorems but also demonstrates that variations in the auction environment affect optimal policies e g reservation prices in ways not anticipated by models that ignore entry copyright 1994 by american economic association

optimal taxation and strategic budget deficit under political regime switching i develop a dynamic political economy theory of optimal taxation and budget distortions in a model with partisan politics under asymmetric information politics affects the distribution of utilities in the economy political regime switching introduces fluctuations of this distribution these fluctuations justify strategic budget distortions by governments currently holding office and willing to favour their redistributive concerns against future majority under quite general assumptions on preferences these distortions take the form of budget deficits resp surpluses with leftist rightist governments endogenizing the probabilities of getting elected may reverse this result this paper presents a dynamic political economy theory of taxation policy showing how partisan governments create strategic budget distortions under quite general assumptions on preferences for redistribution these distortions take the form of budget surpluses resp deficits when rightist resp leftist governments hold office being uncertain on whether it will remain in office in the future the current government chooses a level of deficit which will favour its redistributive concerns against those of future majorities it does so by constraining the redistributive policy of its successor through the budget constraint that the latter inherits a leftist resp rightist government is more resp less enclined to redistribute income by running some deficit today the leftist government ensures that society gets poorer tomorrow a future rightist government will redistribute more as society gets poorer the implemented tax policy will thus be close to what a leftist government would have chosen itself on the contrary by running a surplus today a rightest government relaxes the burden of taxation imposed by tomorrow s leftist government on high income agents this leftist government will be less eager to redistribute and will adopt the rightist party s behaviour under political regime switching strategic distortions of the state budget constraint become important tools for current governments willing to favour their own redistributive concerns against those of future majorities as a result of this dynamic game between partisan governments playing at different points in time with the state budget constraint future policies blend together the preferences for redistribution of current and past governments the commitment value of budget deficits has already been stressed by persson and

central bank independence and public debt policy the various proposals for the institutional design of the european monetary union have drawn fresh attention to the link between monetary and public debt policies this paper explores the strategic interaction between fiscal authorities setting public debt and the central bank controlling monetary policy in the absence of political distortions an optimally designed conservative independent central bank is sufficient to establish the second best in the presence of political distortions or with coordination of monetary and fiscal policy however also a debt target is needed

political business cycles 40 years after nordhaus the aim of this article is to survey the huge literature that has emerged in the last four decades following nordhaus s rev econ stud 42 2 169 190 1975 publication on political business cycles pbcs i first propose some developments in history of thought to examine the context in which this ground breaking contribution saw the light of the day i also present a simplified version of nordhaus s model to highlight his key results i detail some early critiques of this model and the fields of investigations to which they gave birth i then focus on the institutional context and examine its influence on pbcs the actual research agenda finally i derive some paths for future research

fiscal transparency political parties and debt in oecd countries abstract many believe and argue that fiscal or budgetary transparency has large positive effects on fiscal performance however the evidence linking transparency and fiscal policy outcomes is less compelling to analyze the effects of fiscal transparency on public debt accumulation we present a career concerns model with political parties this allows us to integrate as implications of a single model three hitherto separate results in the literature on deficit and debt accumulation that transparency decreases debt accumulation at least by reducing an electoral cycle in deficits that right wing governments at least for strategic reasons tend to have higher deficits than left wing governments and that increasing political polarization increases debt accumulation to test the predictions of the model we construct a replicable index of fiscal transparency on 19 country oecd data simultaneous estimates of debt and transparency strongly confirm that a higher degree of fiscal transparency is associated with lower public debt and deficits independent of controls for explanatory variables from other approaches

future rent seeking and current public savings abstract the conventional wisdom is that politicians rent seeking motives increase public debt and deficits this is because myopic politicians face political risk and prefer to extract political rents as early as possible in this paper we study the determination of government debt and deficits in a dynamic political economy model we show that this conventional wisdom relies on economic volatility being low relative to political uncertainty if economic volatility is high relative to political uncertainty then a rent seeking government actually over saves and over taxes along the equilibrium path relative to a benevolent government this result emerges because of the option value of rent seeking a rent seeking government over values future funds because of the possibility of using them for future rents instead of cutting taxes in the event of a future boom when marginal utility of private consumption is low this over saving bias is temporary since in the long run the rent seeking government over borrows relative to the benevolent government as it eventually squanders the funds it has accumulated we find that both the under saving and over saving bias of the government can be solved by a rule of capping deficits

inefficiency in legislative policymaking a dynamic analysis this paper develops an infinite horizon model of public spending and taxation in which policy decisions are determined by legislative bargaining the policy space incorporates both productive and distributive public spending and distortionary taxation the productive spending is investing in a public good that benefits all citizens e g national defense and the distributive spending is district specific transfers e g pork barrel spending investment in the public good creates a dynamic linkage across policymaking periods the analysis explores the dynamics of legislative policy choices focusing on the efficiency of the steady state level of

property rights and the political organization of agriculture we propose a general equilibrium model where the economic organization of agriculture and the political equilibrium determining the security of property rights are jointly determined in particular because the form of organization may affect the probability and distribution of benefits from future property challenges it may be shaped in anticipation of this impact property rights security may then be secured at the expense of economic efficiency the model provides a framework for understanding why in some contexts land is redistributed primarily via land sales and tenancy markets but via politics and conflict in others we test some implications of the theory using a five decade panel dataset that traces changes in the extent of tenancy and tenancy reform across 15 indian states

the politics of related lending we analyze the protability of government owned banks lending to their owners we nd evidence that such lending has been used to transfer bank prots to the governments but only in localities where the incumbent politicians face signicant competition for reelection in localities where the incumbent party has a high probability of reelection there is no such evidence this result establishes a causal link behind extant evidence that banks lending to controlling parties owners and directors can result in looting of the banks we nd evidence that such looting occurs when controlling parties are at risk of losing control

waiting line auctions if prizes are to be awarded simultaneously at a specified time on a first come first served basis then individuals who queue for them will choose different waiting times through their arrivals at the queue this choice of arrival time at a queue is similar to the choice of a sealed tender in an auction an equilibrium for this waiting line auction is obtained here using methods for analyzing sealed tender auctions when individuals are risk neutral it is shown that several alternative waiting line allocation procedures result in the same transactions cost associated with waiting in line

rent destruction and the political viability of free trade agreements this paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements ftas the key element of the analysis is the rent destruction that these arrangements induce by eliminating intrabloc trade barriers an fta lowers the incentives of import competing industries to lobby for higher external tariffs thereby inducing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process using a conventional competitive model i show that the prospect of rent destruction can critically undermine and in some cases rule out entirely the political viability of welfarereducing ftas this result contrasts sharply with findings from the earlier regionalism literature

a positive theory of fiscal deficits and government debt this paper considers an economy in which policymakers with different preferences alternate in office as a result of elections government debt is used strategically by each policymaker to influence the choices of his successors if different policymakers disagree about the desired composition of government spending between two public goods the economy exhibits a deficits bias that is debt accumulation is higher than it would be with a social planner the equilibrium level of debt is larger the larger is the degree of polarization between alternating governments and the less likely it is that the current government will be re elected

optimal fiscal and monetary policy in an economy without capital abstract this paper is concerned with the structure and time consistency of optimal fiscal and monetary policy in an economy without capital in a dynamic context optimal taxation means distributing tax distortions over time in a welfare maximizing way for a barter economy our main finding is that with debt commitments of sufficiently rich maturity structure an optimal policy if one exists is time consistent in a monetary economy the idea of optimal taxation must be broadened to include an inflation tax and we find that time consistency does not carry over an optimal inflation tax requires commitment by rules in a sense that has no counterpart in the dynamic theory of ordinary excise taxes the reason time consistency fails in a monetary economy is that nominal assets should from a welfare maximizing point of view always be taxed away via an immediate inflation in a kind of capital levy this emerges as a new possibility when money is introduced into an economy without capital

endogenous political turnover and fluctuations in sovereign default risk abstract a sovereign default model in which the sovereign derives private benefits from public office and contests elections to stay in power is developed the economy s growth process is modeled as a markov switching regime which is shown to be a better description of the data for our set of emerging economies in the model consistent with evidence the sovereign is less likely to be reelected if economic growth is weak in the low growth regime there is higher probability of loss of private benefits due to turnover which makes the sovereign behave more myopically this growth linked variation in effective discount factor is shown to be important in generating volatility in sovereign spreads

mechanisms for the control of fiscal deficits abstract this paper shows that a simple two stage voting mechanism may implement a constrained optimal state dependent decision about the size of the fiscal deficit i consider a setup with strategic fiscal deficits similar to alesina and tabellini 1990 three groups of voters are informed about the relative desirability of current public spending voters differ in their preferences for public goods and swing voters preferences may change over time the current government decides on the current spending mix and it has an incentive to strategically overspend a simple two stage mechanism under which a deficit requires the approval by a supermajority in parliament approximates a constrained optimal decision and under certain conditions increases social welfare relative to both a strict rule and a laissez faire constitution when the current majority is small political bargaining may further increase social welfare however when the current majority is large a supermajority mechanism with bargaining leads to a biased spending mix and it may reduce welfare whereas the laissez faire mechanism may yield the first best an appropriately adjusted majority threshold can avoid inefficient bargaining whenever necessary

shrouded costs of government the political economy of state and local public pensions abstract why do public sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the form of pensions and other benefits this paper presents a political economy model in which politicians compete for taxpayers and government employees votes by promising compensation packages but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promised compensation if pension packages are shrouded so that public sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers then compensation will be highly back loaded in equilibrium the welfare of public sector workers could be improved holding total public sector costs constant if they received higher wages and lower pensions centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity more state level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs and that reduces pension generosity but a larger share of public sector workers will vote within the jurisdiction which increases pension generosity a short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states california and pennsylvania and two centralized states massachusetts and ohio suggests that centralization appears to have modestly reduced pensions but as the model suggests this is unlikely to be universal

indivisibilities inferior goods and giffen goods the paper shows how the presence of an indivisible good can cause a divisible good to be inferior and possibly giffen indivisibility is shown to be central to a discussion by j r hicks on inferior goods

fiscal rules and discretion under persistent shocks this paper studies the optimal level of discretion in policymaking we consider a fiscal policy model where the government has time inconsistent preferences with a present bias toward public spending the government chooses a fiscal rule to trade off its desire to commit to not overspend against its desire to have flexibility to react to privately observed shocks to the value of spending we analyze the optimal fiscal rule when the shocks are persistent unlike under independent and identically distributed shocks we show that the ex ante optimal rule is not sequentially optimal as it provides dynamic incentives the ex ante optimal rule exhibits history dependence with high shocks leading to an erosion of future fiscal discipline compared to low shocks which lead to the reinstatement of discipline the implied policy distortions oscillate over time given a sequence of high shocks and can force the government to accumulate maximal debt and become immiserated in the long run

incentive contracts and elections for politicians with multi task problems abstract we consider a model with a politician facing a multi task problem while in office the reelection mechanism distorts the allocation of effort in favor of tasks whose outcomes can be measured more precisely than others we show that a combination of elections and incentive contracts can alleviate this inefficiency the incentive contract does not require direct information about the performance of the politician and is self financing across terms

a tale of two cities and a giffen good a scenario is provided in which a house in eden mills ontario is a giffen good the conditions derived in the example apply to other indivisible goods as well jel classification d11

what explains the success or failure of structural adjustment programs in the 1980s development assistance shifted largely from financing investments such as roads and dams to promoting policy reform this change came because of a growing awareness that developing countries were held back more by poor policies than by a lack of finance for investment after nearly 20 years experience with policy based or conditional lending there have now been many studies of adjustment lending most of which take a case study approach many conclude that policy based lending works if countries have decided on their own to reform the authors examine a database of 220 world bank supported reform programs to identify why adjustment programs succeed or fail they find that a few political economy variables can successfully predict the outcome of an adjustment loan 75 percent of the time variables under the world bank s control resources devoted to preparation and supervision or number of conditions have no relationship with an adjustment program s success or failure what development agencies must do then is select promising candidates for adjustment support when the candidates is a poor selection devoting more administrative resources or imposing more conditions will not increase the likelihood of successful reform to improve its success rate with adjustment lending the world bank must become more selective and do a better job of understanding which environments are promising for reform and which are not that is likely to lead to fewer adjustment loans unless there is a significant change in the number of promising reformers to become more effective at supporting policy reform the agency must be willing to accept that this may lead to smaller volumes of lending

the political economy of fiscal deficits a survey this paper surveys recent literature both theoretical and empirical regarding political explanations for fiscal deficits political economy suggests conflicts of interest may lie behind the emergence of deficits 1 opportunistic politicians generate deficits to win elections even in conflict with general welfare 2 conflicts of interests between politicians partisan preferences create incentives for at least some incumbents to run deficits and 3 conflicts of interest between different social groups or regions generate tensions in the allocation of government resources leading to overspending this paper reviews these different strands of the literature it also covers contributions that highlight the crucial role of budget institutions in determining the extent to which the political motivations to generate deficits are indeed translated into poor fiscal outcomes promising avenues for future research are highlighted

reaganomics and reputation revisited this paper considers a reformulation of backus and driffill s model of credibility following a change in regime following tabellini we alter their model to better fit macroeconomic policymaking as it is formulated in the u s where monetary and fiscal policies are made by independent policymakers by assuming that policymakers of divergent views have recently entered office and so have no track record the game s equilibrium corresponds to the u s experience during the first years of the reagan administration

the limits of political compromise debt ceilings and political turnover we study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political turnover in an economy where incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level due to rent seeking motives parties alternate in office and cannot commit to future policies but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same in contrast to the received literature we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political economy distortions by making a political compromise unsustainable this tends to happen when political turnover is limited conversely a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome if political turnover is vigorous our analysis thus suggests that to sustain good economic policies a society needs to restrict either the extent of political turnover or the ability of governments to issue debt but not both

the origins of state capacity property rights taxation and politics economists generally assume that the state has sufficient institutional capacity to support markets and levy taxes this paper develops a framework where policy choices in market regulation and taxation are constrained by past investments in legal and fiscal capacity it studies the economic and political determinants of such investments demonstrating that legal and fiscal capacity are typically complements the results show that among other things common interest public goods such as fighting external wars as well as political stability and inclusive political institutions are conducive to building state capacity some correlations in cross country data are consistent with the theory

time consistent public expenditures in this paper we study the optimal choice of public expenditures when there is no way of committing to future policy and reputational mechanisms are not operative this amounts to conflning our attention to markov equilibria the environment is a neoclassical growth model where consumers derive utility from a public good this environment gives rise to a dynamic game between successive governments and the private sector and this game is made interesting by the presence of a state variable the capital stock we characterize equilibria in terms of an intertemporal flrst order condition a generalized euler equation gee for the government and we use this condition both to gain insight into the nature of the equilibrium and as a basis for computation the gee reveals how the government optimally trades ofi tax wedges over time it also allows us to discuss in what sense a current government may be strategically in uencing future governments in their taxation decisions for a calibrated economy we flnd that when the tax base available to the government is capital income an inelastic source of funds at any moment in time the government still refrains from taxing at high rates in order to smooth distortions over time as a result the economy is far from the mix of public and private goods that would be optimal in a static context in return the savings distortion is not very severe and the capital stock is quite high

optimal taxation without state contingent debt in an economy studied by lucas and stokey tax rates inherit the serial correlation structure of government expenditures belying barro s earlier result that taxes should be a random walk for any stochastic process of government expenditures to recover a version of barro s random walk tax smoothing outcome we modify lucas and stokey s economy to permit only risk free debt having only risk free debt confronts the ramsey planner with additional constraints on equilibrium allocations beyond one imposed by lucas and stokey s assumption of complete markets the ramsey outcome blends features of barro s model with lucas and stokey s in our model the contemporaneous effects of exogenous government expenditures on the government deficit and taxes resemble those in lucas and stokey s model but incomplete markets put a near unit root component into government debt and taxes an outcome like barro s however we show that without ad hoc limits on the government s asset holdings outcomes can diverge in importa

loss of monetary discretion in a simple dynamic policy game abstract we analyze a simple policy game featuring monetary credibility problems and argue that loss of monetary discretion is not advantageous two elements form the basis of our analysis firstly we endogenize the source of credibility problems and secondly we consider a dynamic framework where credibility problems are not time invariant by doing this we are able to demonstrate that credibility problems are temporary and in steady state the government has removed these through sound policies a binding policy rule will only serve as an obstacle towards this steady state

static and dynamic underinvestment an experimental investigation in this paper we design a stylized version of an environment with public goods dynamic linkages and legislative bargaining our theoretical framework studies the provision of a durable public good as a modified version of battaglini et al 2012 we develop an experimental design that allows us to disentangle inefficiencies that would result in a one shot world static inefficiencies from extra inefficiencies that emerge in an environment in which decisions in the present affect the future dynamic inefficiencies we solve for efficiency and also characterize the bargaining equilibrium a symmetric stationary subgame perfect equilibrium which is the most common concept used in applied work the experimental results indicate that subjects do react to dynamic linkages and as such we find evidence of both static and dynamic inefficiencies in fact the quantitative predictions of the model with respect to the share of dynamic inefficiencies are closest to the data when dynamic linkages are high to the extent that behavior is different from what is predicted by the model a systematic pattern emerges namely the use of strategic cooperation whereby subjects increase the efficiency of period one proposals by selectively punishing in period two subjects who did not propose efficient allocations

the political economy of public debt a laboratory study this paper reports the results from a laboratory experiment designed to study political distortions in the accumulation of public debt a legislature bargains over the levels of a public good and of district specific transfers in two periods the legislature can issue or purchase risk free bonds in the first period and the level of public debt creates a dynamic linkage across policymaking periods in line with the theoretical predictions we find that public policies are inefficient and efficiency is increasing in the size of the majority requirement with higher investment in public goods and lower debt associated with larger majority requirements also in line with the theory we find that debt is lower when the probability of a negative shock to the economy in the second period is higher evidence that legislators use debt to smooth consumption the experiment also highlights two phenomena that are not predicted by standard theories and have not been previously documented first balancing the budget in each period appears to be a focal point for some legislators leading to lower distortions than predicted second higher majority requirements induce significant delays in reaching an agreement

governance structures and the durability of economic reforms evidence from inflation stabilizations abstract this paper investigates the relationship between a country s political economic and institutional environment and its ability to implement sustainable economic reform programs the policy issue on which the study focuses is inflation stabilization it consists principally of econometric estimations of the relationship between the success of stabilizations in a large sample of countries and several political and economic explanatory variables the hypotheses tested are drawn both from the recent macroeconomic literature on policy credibility and from political science the major findings include the following 1 a despite the conventional wisdom to the contrary political repression does not appear to be an effective means for implementing sustainable stabilization policies durable economic reforms and political freedoms appear to be complementary 2 b as has been previously argued theoretically and demonstrated empirically political instability is detrimental to policy reform 3 c the political will and popular consensus for stabilization policies are enhanced during a severe economic crisis 4 d there is weak evidence that intervention by the international monetary fund rather than supporting reform programs can undermine their credibility

barriers to investment in polarized societies i present a tractable dynamic model of political economy where disagreements about the composition of public spending result in implementation of short sighted policies the relative price of investment to consumption is excessively large in equilibrium due to over taxation investment rates are too low which slows down growth along the transition in the long run this results in output consumption and welfare being inefficiently low the larger is the degree of polarization the greater is the inefficiency political stability mitigates the effects of polarization by making the incumbent internalize the dynamic inefficiencies introduced by the choice of growth retarding policies

emergence and persistence of inefficient states we present a theory of the emergence and persistence of inefficient states based on patronage politics the society consists of rich and poor the rich are initially in power but expect to transition to democracy which will choose redistributive policies taxation requires the employment of bureaucrats by choosing an inefficient state structure the rich may be able to use patronage and capture democratic politics so reducing the amount of redistribution in democracy moreover the inefficient state creates its own constituency and tends to persist over time intuitively an inefficient state structure creates more rents for bureaucrats than would an efficient one when the poor come to power in democracy they will reform the structure of the state to make it more efficient so that higher taxes can be collected at lower cost and with lower rents for bureaucrats anticipating this when the society starts out with an inefficient organization of the state bureaucrats support the rich who set lower taxes but also provide rents to bureaucrats we obtain that the rich bureaucrats coalition may also expand the size of bureaucracy excessively so as to generate enough political support the model shows that an equilibrium with an inefficient state is more likely to arise when there is greater income inequality when bureaucratic rents take intermediate values and when individuals are sufficiently forward looking jel p16 h11 h26 h41

the effect of unemployment on consumption an experimental analysis this paper reports on an experiment that investigates the apparently robust phenomenon of over sensitivity of consumption to current income using a particularly simple formulation we also investigate whether individuals correctly respond to their employment status we find that subjects over react our data enables us to investigate where this over sensitivity originates we conclude that economic agents differ in their ability to plan ahead and understand the dynamic process determining their employment status however agents seem able to respond appropriately to changes in the parameters governing their decision processes in that the comparative static predictions of the theory are largely confirmed

fiscal rules and government borrowing costs international evidence we find that the adoption of numerical fiscal rules reduces government borrowing costs in a sample of 101 advanced and developing countries for 1985 2010 we apply a variety of propensity score matching methods to address the self selection problem of policy adoption and find strong evidence that fiscal rules have large and significant treatment effects on lowering government borrowing costs in both international and domestic financial markets the results are robust to changes in country sample and alternative estimation methodology and are consistent with fiscal rules helping to build policy credibility by reducing the probability of default and the risk premium on government debt that compensates lenders for this possibility jel e43 g12 h60

politics and efficiency of separating capital and ordinary government budgets we analyze a golden rule that separates capital and ordinary account budgets and allows a government to finance only capital items with debt many national governments followed this rule in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and most u s states do today we study an overlapping generations economy where majorities choose durable and nondurable public goods in each period when demographics imply even moderate departures from ricardian equivalence the golden rule substantially improves efficiency examples calibrated to u s demographics show greater improvements at the state level or with nineteenth century demographics than under current national demographics

political instability capital taxation and growth abstract in cross country studies of economic growth average growth rates of gdp per capita tend to be negatively associated both with the size of government and with measures of political instability we show that a linear endogenous growth model with a very simple model of government spending and taxation in the presence of political instability can account for both empirical correlations in addition the model predicts that both correlations are intimately linked thus greater political instability leads to both lower growth rates and a higher share of government spending in gdp

political and institutional determinants of fiscal policy in the european community in recent theoretical and empirical research the variation in political and institutional arrangements which may affect the process of national policy formation is examined in order to explain cross country differences with respect to fiscal policies pursued in this paper we build upon this literature and examine whether and how cross country differences in debt accumulation and public sector size of member countries of the european community during the 1980s can be explained we conclude that the growth of government debt is positively related to the frequency of government changes and negatively to sound budgetary procedures in countries with left wing governments the growth of the share of government spending in total output generally tends to be higher

bargaining in legislatures bargaining in legislatures is conducted according to formal rules specifying who may make proposals and how they will be decided legislative outcomes depend on those rules and on the structure of the legislature although the social choice literature provides theories about voting equilibria it does not endogenize the formation of the agenda on which the voting is based and rarely takes into account the institutional structure found in legislatures in our theory members of the legislature act noncooperatively in choosing strategies to serve their own districts explicitly taking into account the strategies members adopt in response to the sequential nature of proposal making and voting the model permits the characterization of a legislative equilibrium reflecting the structure of the legislature and also allows consideration of the choice of elements of that structure in a context in which the standard institution free model of social choice theory yields no equilibrium

aging and deflation from a fiscal perspective negative correlations between inflation and demographic aging were observed across developed nations recently to understand the phenomenon from a politico economic perspective we embed the fiscal theory of the price level into an overlapping generations model in the model successive short lived governments choose income tax rates and bond issues considering the political influence of existing generations and the policy response of future governments the model sheds new light on the traditional debate about the burden of national debt because of price adjustments the accumulation of government debt does not become a burden on future generations our analysis reveals that the effects of aging depend on its causes aging is deflationary when caused by an increase in longevity but inflationary when caused by a decline in birth rate numerical simulation shows that aging over the past 40 years in japan generated deflation of about 0 6 percentage points annually

political business cycles and macroeconomic credibility a survey there is clear evidence that government popularity and election performance is affected in part by economic performance suggesting that governments may manipulate the economy to political advantage simple models incorporating adaptive expectations which allowed the government to exploit this relationship were developed in the 1970s but fell out of fashion with the advent of new classical economics however modern theories of the political business cycle which are closely related to the macroeconomic policy game literature assume rational expectations and lead to forms of political business cycle driven by the existence of uncertainty of one type or another the international evidence suggests that some aspects of the theories apply although definitive conclusions are as we might expect hard to come by

an experimental test of an optimal growth model this paper describes the design and behavior of an experimental economy with the structure of the ramsey cass koopmans model of optimal growth the experiment includes three different implementations of the model a decentralized implementation with multiple agents and a market for capital a treatment where individual subjects are placed in the role of social planners and a treatment where the social planner consists of five agents making a joint decision the findings highlight the role of market institutions in facilitating convergence to the optimal steady state jel c91 c92 o40

experimental tests of ricardian equivalence this study employs laboratory experiments to test aspects of ricardian equivalence an overlapping generations model forms the basis of the experimental design whenever ricardian equivalence predicts a positive bequest outcomes close to those predicted occur after allowance for learning observed deviations from ricardian equilibrium are small but biased in a keynesian direction changes in bequests do not fully offset changes in government debt the imposition of a binding nonnegativity constraint on bequests produces the predicted neoclassical behavior the cost to the players of deviations from the theoretical equilibrium is apparently an important determinant of the variability of observed deviations

auctions with a random number of identical bidders abstract we examine and compare the normally mixed symmetric equilibrium bidding strategies in first price and all pay common value multiple item auctions with a random number of bidders who only seek one of the identical items and have the same budget

why a stubborn conservative would run a deficit policy with time inconsistent preferences a conservative government in favor of a low level of public consumption knows that it will be replaced by a government in favor of a larger level of public consumption we show that the resulting level of public consumption is in between the levels the two governments would choose if each were in power both in the present and in the future in particular we show that if the conservative government is more stubborn in a particular sense than the succeeding government the conservative government will borrow more than it would had it remained in power in the future

a dynamic theory of public spending taxation and debt this paper presents a dynamic political economy theory of public spending taxation and debt policy choices are made by a legislature consisting of representatives elected by geographically defined districts the legislature can raise revenues via a distortionary income tax and by borrowing these revenues can be used tofinance a national public good and district specific transfers interpreted as pork barrel spending the value of the public good is stochastic reflecting shocks such as wars or natural disasters in equilibrium policy making cycles between two distinct regimes business as usual in which legislators bargain over the allocation of pork and responsible policy making in which policies maximize the collective good transitions between the two regimes are brought about by shocks in the value of the public good in the long run equilibrium tax rates are too high and too volatile public good provision is too low and debt levels are too high in some environments a balanced budget requirement can improve citizen welfare

majority rule bargaining and the under provision of public investment goods abstract despite evidence that modern democracies systematically shortchange public investment goods relatively little theoretical work exists to explain this phenomenon we build on baron and ferejohn s american political science review 83 4 1989 1181 1206 bargaining model to describe public investments in a setting of budgetary politics specifically we show that underinvestment inherently arises from distributive politics within a majoritarian institution the inability of current majorities to contract with future ones drives a wedge between spending on consumption today and investing for future consumption extensions to the model demonstrate that earmarking future returns to specific players and or detaching consumption from investment decisions yields more efficient levels of public investment

intergenerational altruism with future bias abstract we show that standard preferences of altruistic overlapping generations exhibit future bias which involves preference reversals associated with increasing impatience this underlies a conflict of interest between successive generations we explore the implications of this conflict for intergenerational redistribution when there is a sequence of utilitarian governments representing living generations and choosing policies independently over time we argue that future bias creates incentives to legislate and sustain a pay as you go pension system which every government views as a self enforcing commitment mechanism to increase future old age transfers

sources of inefficiency in a representative democracy a dynamic analysis this paper studies the efficiency of policy choice in representative democracies it extends the citizen candidate model of democratic policy making to a dynamic environment equilibrium policy choices are shown to be efficient in the sense that in each period conditional on future policies being selected through the democratic process there exists no alternative current policy choices which can raise the expected utilities of all citizens however policies that would be declared efficient by standard economic criteria are not necessarily adopted in political equilibrium the paper argues that these divergencies are legitimately viewed as politicalfailures

behavioral identification in coalitional bargaining an experimental analysis of demand bargaining and alternating offers alternating offer and demand bargaining models of legislative bargaining make very different predictions in terms of both ex ante and ex post distribution of payoffs as well as in the role of the order of play the experiment shows that actual bargaining behavior is not as sensitive to the different bargaining rules as the theoretical point predictions whereas the comparative statics are in line with both models we compare our results to studies that attempt to distinguish between these two approaches using field data finding strong similarities between the laboratory and field data regardless of the underlying bargaining process

the costs and benefits of balanced budget rules lessons from a political economy model of fiscal policy this paper analyzes the impact of a balanced budget rule that requires that legislators do not run deficits in the political economy model of battaglini and coate 2008 the main finding is that the rule leads to a gradual reduction in the level of public debt legislators reduce debt in periods when the demand for public goods is relatively low they do so because the rule by restricting future fiscal policies raises the expected costs of carrying debt whether the rule increases citizen welfare depends on a comparison of the benefits of a lower debt burden with the costs of greater volatility in taxes and less responsive public good provision a quantitative version of the model is developed in which costs and benefits can be evaluated a welfare loss results if the debt level when the rule is imposed lies in the support of the long run distribution associated with the unconstrained equilibrium

policy experimentation political competition and heterogeneous beliefs abstract we consider a two period model in which an incumbent political party chooses the level of a current policy variable unilaterally but faces competition from a political opponent in the future both parties care about voters payoffs but they have different beliefs about how policy choices will map into future economic outcomes we show that when the incumbent party can endogenously influence whether learning occurs through its policy choices policy experimentation future political competition gives it a new incentive to distort its policies it manipulates them so as to reduce uncertainty and disagreement in the future thus avoiding facing competitive elections with an opponent very different from itself the model thus demonstrates that all incumbents can find it optimal to over experiment relative to a counterfactual in which they are sure to be in power in both periods we thus identify an incentive for strategic policy manipulation that does not depend on parties having conflicting objectives but rather stems from their differing beliefs about the consequences of their actions

auctions with a stochastic number of bidders abstract auction theory is generalized by allowing the number of bidders to be stochastic in a first price sealed bid auction with bidders having constant absolute risk aversion the expected selling price is higher when the bidders do not know how many other bidders there are than when they do know this thus the seller should conceal the number of bidders if he can moreover a bidder s ex ante expected utility is the same whether or not there is a policy of concealing the number of bidders concealment therefore pareto dominates announcement with risk neutral bidders the optimal auction is the same whether or not the bidders know who their competitors are

politicians as experts electoral control and fiscal restraints we propose an argument for fiscal restraints that is based on the premise that the services of politicians are credence goods politicians are experts who specialize in observing the true state of the economy budget maximizing politicians are better informed than the electorate about the level of public spending necessary to manage public affairs voters who are able to observe the size of the budget but not the necessary level of spending affect the government s spending behavior via electoral control a fiscal restraint limits the maximum spending a government can choose we identify conditions under which such a fiscal restraint improves voter welfare and discuss the role of the political opposition as a second expert in situations in which the state of the economy requires a level of spending which exceeds the fiscal restraint

political uncertainty and public financing costs evidence from u s gubernatorial elections and municipal bond markets this research investigates how political uncertainty around u s gubernatorial elections in uences the borrowing costs of public debt measured by yields of municipal bonds our evidence from both the new issuance market and the secondary market shows that yields of municipal bonds increase sharply by 6 to 8 basis points before elections and then reverse afterward elections have more pronounced impact during economic downturns when outcomes are less predictable and when states have more outstanding debt several state institutions such as gaap budgeting spending limits and tax increase limits help to mitigate the adverse impact of political uncertainty

equilibrium bid functions for auctions with an uncertain number of bidders abstract the number of rivals may be unknown when a bidding strategy is formulated in an auction in a symmetric model with risk neutral bidders holding independent information we obtain explicit equilibrium bidding functions for first price and second price auctions with uncertainty about the number of rivals five auctions are revenue equivalent first price and second price auctions each with the number of bidders known or uncertain and english auctions

on the faustian dynamics of policy and political power this paper examines the faustian dynamics of policy and power we posit a general class of dy namic games in which current policies affect the future distribution of political power resulting in the following faustian trade off if the current ruler chooses his preferred policy he then sacrifices future political power yet if he wants to preserve his future power he must sacrifice his present policy objec tives the trade off comes from the fact that the current political ruler pivotal voter cannot uncouple the direct effect of his policy from its indirect effect on future power a policy endogenous pe equilibrium describes this endogenous transfer of power and the resulting evolution of policy and political power over time we show that the faustian trade off in a pe equilibrium is decomposed into two basic rationales the political preservation effect induces more tempered policy choices than if one s policy choice did not affect one s political fortunes however the reformation effect induces more aggressive policies in order to exploit the productivity gains from policies chosen by even more aggressive successors we distinguish between political systems that give rise to monotone faustian dynamics political power that progressively evolves towards more fiscally liberal types of leaders and cyclical faustian dynamics political power that oscillates between liberal and conservative types of leaders in each case we show that the faustian trade off moderates the choices of each type of leader

the politics of infrastructure a number of recent studies attempt to measure the productivity of public capital some estimates indicate that government investments are a potential well spring for economic progress while others indicate that public infrastructure has a negligible effect on private sector output this article investigates political institutions and processes underlying the decisions for public infrastructure spending we apply the framework of strategic models of fiscal policy and develop an empirical model to analyze the substantial differences in public capital across american states institutions such as term limits citizen initiative and budgeting procedures were significant determinants of state public capital stocks and the flow of new public investments during the 1980s the results further suggest that political conditions such as legislative stability and voter volatility are systematically related to infrastructure differences across states

public finance of private goods the case of college education this paper describes a contract theory of public finance of college education that explains why everyone pays for the college education of a lucky minority the contract provides gambles that families desire optimizing the contract determines the taxes paid by all members of society fees paid by those whose children go to college the fraction of children who are admitted to college and the quality of college education changes in wealth lead to changes in taxes and admissions but fees and quality are invariant the practice of using a cutoff level of precollege achievement to determine admission to college is justified by the theory

on the form of transfers to special interests an important question in political economy concerns the form of transfers to special interests the chicago view is that political competition leads politicians to make such transfers efficiently the virginia position is that lack of information on the part of voters leads politicians to favor inefficient sneaky methods of redistribution this paper analyzes the form of transfers in a model of political competition in which politicians have incentives to make transfers to special interests it shows that when voters have imperfect information about both the effects of policy and the predispositions of politicians inefficient methods of redistribution may be employed

fiscal policy public debt stabilisation and politics theory and uk evidence this paper presents a two party model of fiscal and debt policy in which the parties do not care about policy outcomes when out of office unlike other models of this type our model has predictions that are largely consistent with existing empirical findings about partisan and electoral effects on government expenditure tax revenue and debt it also yields new predictions about how the feedback of fiscal policy on lagged debt may depend on partisan and electoral effects these new predictions are not rejected by a test of the model on uk data in multi party democracies the motives of the party in power undoubtedly affect fiscal and monetary policy many economists and political scientists believe that economic policy makers are driven by two not mutually exclusive motives first they wish to remain in office as long as possible the survival or opportunistic motive second they wish to benefit their constituencies partisan motive the effects of these motives may show up in two ways in the data first there may be effects of ideological differences of the parties in power on fiscal and monetary policy so called partisan effects for example we might expect left wing governments to tax and spend more and possibly accumulate more debt second there may be attempts by the incumbent party to use fiscal and monetary policy to bribe the electorate prior to elections e g by cutting taxes and interest rates so called electoral effects recent econometric work has established some interesting stylised facts which are broadly consistent with these predictions several studies report evidence of electoral effects on various fiscal policy instruments for the united states tufte i978 for transfers bizer and durlauf i990 for taxes and macdonald i99i for state level public expenditure more recently alesina et al i 992 i 993 have found evidence of electoral effects on government debt in a panel study of oecd countries evidence of partisan effects on fiscal policy is scarcer alesina et al i 993 report partisan effects on debt and roubini and sachs i989 report in a study of oecd democracies that countries with a higher percentage of left wing governments have significantly higher longrun government spending to gnp ratios concurrently with the accumulation of this evidence a theoretical literature notably alesina and tabellini 1990 rogoff 1990 and rogoff and sibert i 988 has provided new explanations of observed electoral effects on

auctions with uncertain numbers of bidders abstract we investigate bidders and seller s responses to ambiguity about the number of bidders in the first price auction fpa and the second price auction spa with independent private valuations we model ambiguity aversion using the maxmin expected utility model we find that bidders prefer the number of bidders to be revealed in the fpa are indifferent between revealing and concealing in the spa and prefer the spa to the fpa if bidders are more pessimistic than the seller then the seller prefers to conceal the number of bidders in the fpa and prefers the fpa to the spa

bureaucrats voters and public investment abstract this paper explores the provision of a durable public good in romer and rosenthal s agenda setter model it identifies a type of equilibrium called a romer rosenthal equilibrium in which in every period the bureaucrat proposes the maximum level of public investment the voter will support the paper establishes that such an equilibrium exists for a variety of public good benefit functions equilibrium public good levels converge or almost converge to a steady state these steady states can involve a unique public good level being provided each period or may exhibit a two period cycle steady state public good levels exceed the voter s optimal level more surprisingly steady state equilibrium reversion levels can exceed the voter s optimal steady state level meaning that reversion levels cannot be used to bound the optimal level reflecting the inability of the agents to commit to their future proposing and voting behavior equilibrium paths are pareto inefficient

budget deficits and redistributive politics this paper proposes a new view of the forces in the political process that cause governments to accumulate debt the analysis builds on a model of redistributive politics that contrary to median voter models does not restrict the set of policies that politicians can propose i show that deficits occur even in an environment where voters and periods are homogeneous this is an environment where previous political theories of debt would predict budget balance in the model deficits are a way for candidates to better target promises to voters and are therefore used as tools of redistributive politics the main contribution of the analysis is to show that the same forces that push candidates to redistribute resources across voters to pursue political advantage are forces that generate budget deficits most countries have sizeable national debts indeed thinking of governments as debtors seems so customary that it feels awkward to talk about a national credit this suggests that there are systematic forces pushing governments to regularly borrow to cover the excess of spending over receipts at the same time a significant amount of government spending consists of transfers to special interest groups that are hard to justify on efficiency or equity grounds this paper presents a political economic model that suggests that these two phenomena are connected debt is at least in part caused by the fact that in order to get elected candidates need to appeal to groups of voters with promises of transfers debt allows candidates a finer control over the promises they make to these groups

why is fiscal policy often procyclical many countries especially developing ones follow procyclical fiscal policies namely spending goes up taxes go down in booms and spending goes down taxes go up in recessions we provide an explanation for this suboptimal fiscal policy based upon political distortions and incentives for less than benevolent government to appropriate rents voters have incentives similar to the starving the leviathan classic argument and demand more public goods or fewer taxes to prevent governments from appropriating rents when the economy is doing well we test this argument against more traditional explanations based purely on borrowing constraints with a reasonable amount of success

gambles and the shadow price of death recent papers on the value of life involve preferences of the sort introduced by milton friedman and leonard savage 1948 1 given the choice between undergoing a particular gamble in wealth and possessing the mathematical expectation of the payoffs of the gamble the consumers in these studies may prefer the gamble the presence of such risk loving preferences is inferred from two well established facts life is an indivisible commodity in the models and indivisibility leads to preference for gambles the former fact is made clear by philip cook and daniel graham the latter was first noted by yew kwang ng 1965 and is widely known in spite of the obvious connection the implications of risk loving tastes in this area have not been explored this paper examines some implications of such risk loving the idea that indivisibility produces friedman savage preferences and that such preferences create a demand for gambles is extended in section i to a theory of demand for indivisible goods and derived demand for associated optimum gambles this theory suggests that the price of an indivisible good will not compensate for possessing or not possessing the good section ii applies the demand theory to an equilibrium model of labor supply that is relevant to the determination of the value of life in this model the wage diflerential is useful in guiding policy toward public risks in spite of the fact that the differential is not compensating i demand for gambles and demand for goods

what should fiscal councils do fiscal watchdogs so called fiscal councils have been proposed as a method to counter deficit bias of fiscal policy the paper analyses theoretically what role fiscal councils could play and surve

credible communication in dynastic government abstract this paper studies information disclosure in a model of dynastic government when information about past policy choices comes exclusively from the reports of previous administrations each administration has an incentive to choose its suboptimal one shot expenditure policy and then misrepresent its choice to its successor consequently it has been suggested that horizontal accountability i e a system of governance where auditing functions lie outside the executive branch can ensure credible disclosure of a government s activities this paper suggests a cautious approach to that view the baseline model examines the reporting incentives of an external auditor who can independently verify the information each period even with auditing credible disclosure is shown to be problematic various extensions to this baseline model are examined in one extension liberal i e those prefering larger government expenditures and conservative those prefering smaller expenditures regimes and auditors evolve over time it is shown that conservative liberal auditors are not credible when the current regime is also conservative liberal moreover because information transmission stops when the auditor s and the regime s biases coincide effective deterrents even in the good periods when the auditor s and the administration s biases differ are difficult to construct in all periods the equilibrium requirement of auditor neutrality constrains the dynamic incentives for efficient policy choices these constraints are shown to bind away from optimal policies in standard constructions of equilibrium various ways in which auditing protocols can overcome these problems are discussed

is there a politically optimal level of judicial independence independent courts render current policy more durable by raising the cost of future policy changes but may also engage in policy making of their own this paper asks is there an optimal level of judicial independence from the perspective of incumbent officials in the other branches to answer that question the paper develops a model of strategic institutional choice and tests it on the judicial institutions of the american states consistent with the model s predictions the most independenceenhancing institutions are found where political competition between rival parties is tightest and differences between party platforms are largest

random interactions in the chamber legislators behavior and political distance abstract i investigate the role of social interaction among members of parliament mps and the impact of such interaction on the political distance between parties using the random allocation of seats in the icelandic parliament i find that mp s voting and speech behaviors are affected by the behavior of legislators seated nearby i also show that greater random exposure to mps from different parties ultimately reduces the political distance between parties similar evidence is found using historical data for the u s house of representatives by exploiting the introduction of a lottery mechanism to determine desk assignments in 1845 i argue that random seating arrangements could constitute a low cost way of reducing differences within the political arena

political shocks and public debt the case for a conservative central bank revisited abstract we explore the dynamics of public debt and optimal institutions in the presence of political shocks arising from electoral uncertainty under commitment optimal stabilization is established by combining an inflation target with a debt target the inflation target should be contingent on the political shocks while the debt target forces the government to fully absorb the political shocks in the period in which it occurs in the absence of such inflation and debt targets but with monetary commitment a conservative central bank enhances stabilization an even more conservative central bank is optimal if monetary policy cannot commit

insurance as a giffen good abstract can insurance be a giffen good this can never happen if the coefficient of relative risk aversion is less than or equal to one if this coefficient is greater than one it is possible but not empirically plausible

is the political business cycle for real abstract this paper constructs and examines a macroeconomic model which combines features from both real and political business cycle models we augment a standard real business cycle tax model by allowing for varying levels of government partisanship and competence in order to replicate two important empirical regularities first that on average the economy expands early under democratic presidents and contracts early under republican presidents second that presidents whose parties successfully retain the presidency have stronger than average growth in the second half of their terms the model generates both of these features that conform to u s post world war ii data

sovereign default interest rates and political uncertainty in emerging markets abstract a large body of the empirical literature shows that high turnover rates length of tenure of policymakers and the degree of conflict within a country affects sovereign spreads debt and default rates we help to rationalize such claims by including these political features in a dynamic stochastic small open economy model of sovereign debt and default in this way we offer a complementary approach to the econometric analyses in the literature consistent with the data the quantitative analysis shows that politically unstable and more polarized economies experience higher default rates and larger level and volatility of sovereign interest rate spreads

lottery or waiting line auction abstract this paper studies the efficiencies of the two most widely used non price allocation mechanisms lotteries and waiting line auctions as our analysis suggests in addition to the fairness of the mechanism the use of lotteries in lieu of waiting line auctions can be also justified from an efficiency point of view in particular we show that the less dispersed consumers time valuations are the more efficient is a lottery relative to a waiting line auction in addition we identify four conditions under which a lottery dominates a waiting line auction in expected social surplus preserving furthermore the numerical simulations we conduct indicate that over a predominantly wide range of circumstances a lottery is more socially efficient than a waiting line auction as an allocative mechanism in the absence of a conventional price system