bureaucratic minimal squawk behavior theory and evidence from regulatory agencies this paper develops a model in which a desire to avoid criticism prompts otherwise public spirited bureaucrats to behave inefficiently decisions are taken to keep interest groups quiet and to keep mistakes out of the public eye the policy implications of this minimal squawk behavior are at odds with the view that agencies should be structured to minimize the threat of capture an empirical test using data from us state public utility commissions rejects the capture hypothesis and is consistent with the squawk hypothesis longer puc terms of office are associated with a higher incidence of rate reviews and lower household electricity bills jel d73 l51 l97 l98

partisan bias in economic news evidence on the agenda setting behavior of u s newspapers abstract we study the agenda setting political behavior of a large sample of u s newspapers during the 1996 2005 period our purpose is to examine the intensity of coverage of economic issues as a function of the underlying economic conditions and the political affiliation of the incumbent president focusing on unemployment inflation the federal budget and the trade deficit we investigate whether there is any significant correlation between the endorsement policy of newspapers and the differential coverage of bad good economic news as a function of the president s political affiliation we find evidence that newspapers with pro democratic endorsement pattern systematically give more coverage to high unemployment when the incumbent president is a republican than when the president is democratic compared to newspapers with pro republican endorsement pattern this result is robust to controlling for the partisanship of readers we find similar but less robust results for the trade deficit we also find some evidence that newspapers cater to the partisan tastes of readers in the coverage of the budget deficit we find no evidence of a partisan bias or at least of a bias that is correlated with the endorsement or reader partisanship for stories on inflation

does informative media commentary reduce politicians incentives to pander abstract elections sometimes give policy makers incentives to pander i e to implement a policy that voters think is in their best interest even though the policy maker knows that a different policy is actually better for the voters pandering incentives are typically attenuated when voters learn prior to the election whether the policy chosen by the incumbent truly was in their best interest this suggests that the media can improve accountability by reporting to voters information about whether an incumbent made good policy choices we show that although media monitoring does sometimes eliminate the incumbent s incentive to pander in other cases it makes the problem of pandering worse furthermore in some circumstances incumbent incentives are improved when the media acts as a yes man suppressing some information that indicates the policy maker made the wrong choice we explain these seemingly paradoxical results by focusing on how media commentary affects voters tendency to apply an asymmetric burden of proof to the incumbent based on whether she pursues popular or unpopular policies

simple mechanisms and preferences for honesty we consider full implementation in complete information environments when agents have an arbitrarily small preference for honesty we offer a condition called separable punishment and show that when it holds and there are at least two agents any social choice function can be implemented by a simple mechanism in two rounds of iterated deletion of strictly dominated strategies

optimal sales force diversification and group incentive payments in this research we show that the interaction between territory allocation and sales force compensation two key drivers of sales productivity strongly affects the firm s profitability we analyze an agency theoretic model that jointly considers the degree of negative or positive correlation across territory outcomes differences in territories sales potentials the agency problem with risk averse salespeople and the availability of both own territory compensation elements such as commission and elements dependent on the performance of others such as group commissions or tournaments we find that allocating salespeople to negatively correlated sales territories beneficially diversifies each salesperson s portfolio of sales outcomes when this allocation includes a group commission pay component and can improve profitability even with a decrease in average territory sales performance in a larger sales force a balanced allocation of salespeople coupled with a group commission dominates an imbalanced allocation comparing piece rate compensation with or without a group commission component to tournaments alongside the allocation problem we find that tournaments are favored over piece rate plans when territories are highly positively correlated territory sales potentials are similar and salespeople have a low disutility for effort and are not very risk averse a piece rate plan conversely dominates a tournament when these conditions are reversed

media competition and electoral politics we build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant citizens consume news only if the expected utility of being informed about candidates ability is sufficiently large for their group collectively our results can reconcile seemingly contradictory empirical evidence showing that entry in the media market can either increase or decrease turnout while information pushes up independent turnout partisans adjust their turnout to the ability of their preferred candidate and on average they vote less when informed

is voter competence good for voters information rationality and democratic performance a long research tradition in behavioral political science evaluates the performance of democracy by examining voter competence this literature got its start arguing that voters lack of information undermines a defense of democracy rooted in electoral accountability a more recent literature deepens the debate with some authors claiming that voters eectively use cues to substitute for information about candidates and policies and other authors claiming that voters are insuciently rational to do so we argue that regardless of its conclusions about voter competence this literature s singleminded focus on voter behavior is misguided we use a sequence of formal models to show that traditional intuitions are incomplete because they ignore the eect that changes in voter behavior have on the equilibrium behavior of politicians when this strategic interaction is taken into account increases in voter information or voter rationality sometimes make democratic performance better and sometimes makes democratic performance worse one simply cannot assess the implications of voter characteristics for democratic performance without also studying how those characteristics aect the

on the export led growth hypothesis the econometric evidence from china the export led growth hypothesis is tested by estimating an augmented growth equation on the basis of times series data from china the granger no causality procedure developed by toda and yamamoto journal of econometrics 66 1995 was applied to test the causality link between exports and economic growth in a var system three distinct features in this paper stand out compared to earlier studies on china first we have gone beyond the traditional two variable relationship by building a var model in the production function context to avoid a possible specification bias second we follow riezman whiteman and summers empirical economics 21 1996 to test the export led growth hypothesis while controlling for the growth of imports to avoid producing a spurious causality result third we test the sensitivity of causality test results under different lag structures along with the choice of optimal lags in particular the methodology developed by toda and yamamoto 1995 is expected to improve the stan

an economic model of representative democracy this paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office the approach has a number of attractive features first it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by as well as of the people second the model is analytically tractable being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally third it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy

contracting theory and accounting abstract this paper reviews agency theory and its application to accounting issues i discuss the formulation of models of incentive problems caused by moral hazard and adverse selection problems i review theoretical research on the role of performance measures in compensation contracts and i compare how information is aggregated for compensation purposes versus valuation purposes i also review the literature on communication including models where the revelation principle does not apply so that nontruthful reporting and earnings management can take place the paper also discusses capital allocation within firms including transfer pricing and cost allocation problems

export composition and growth of selected low income african countries evidence from time series data this paper examines the hypothesis that economic growth is linked to export composition with the use of time series data for some low income african countries on the basis of the regression results the study supports the hypothesis of a positive linkage between the growth of non fuel primary exports and growth however the results cast some doubt on the significance of the positive contribution of the manufactured exports sector to the growth process of the low income african countries

when does it take a nixon to go to china substantial policy changes like market oriented reforms by populist parties and steps towards peace by hawks are sometimes implemented by unlikely parties to account for such episodes this paper develops a framework in which incumbent politicians have better information about the state of the world than voters the incumbent is unable to credibly transmit all this information since voters are also imperfectly informed about his ideology the paper identifies conditions under which an incumbent party s electoral prospects increase the more atypical the policy it proposes popular support for a policy or its credibility depends on the policymaker policy pair copyright 1998 by american economic association

efficiency and equity tradeoffs incentive compatible contracts revisited abstract while the efficiency of certain contractual choices has been well established less attention has been given to the distributional outcomes of contracting in natural resource based industries data from a case study of seed gatherers in honduras demonstrates that workers paid under a relative payment system receive an earnings premium of about 25 of which 40 cannot be explained by observed differences in worker productivity a theoretical agency model is outlined in the appendix to explain why workers under tournaments necessarily enjoy a higher return than those under piece rates implying a more skewed income distribution as suggested in the efficiency wage literature

do regimes matter epistemic communities and mediterranean pollution control international regimes have received increasing attention in the literature on international relations however little attention has been systematically paid to how compliance with them has been achieved an analysis of the mediterranean action plan a coordinated effort to protect the mediterranean sea from pollution shows that this regime actually served to empower a group of experts members of an epistemic community who were then able to redirect their governments toward the pursuit of new objectives acting in an effective transnational coalition these new actors contributed to the development of convergent state policies in compliance with the regime and were also effective in promoting stronger and broader rules for pollution control this suggests that in addition to providing a form of order in an anarchic international political system regimes may also contribute to governmental learning and influence patterns of behavior by empowering new groups who are able to direct their governments toward new ends

independent auditors bias and political agency abstract this paper analyzes political agency with endogenous information collection and revelation by third party auditors while increasing incentives for auditors to provide information straightforwardly improves political control a small amount of pro incumbent bias can also be useful for maintaining high levels of control when the equilibrium level of control is high most investigations uncover positive information about the incumbent since positive information increases reelection rates mildly pro incumbent auditors are willing to work harder than unbiased auditors in these equilibria for moderate levels of control pro incumbent auditors are again useful due to their extra effort even though they may suppress some negative information in equilibrium only when market incentives are low so equilibrium control is weak are unbiased or anti incumbent biased auditors better for voters than mildly pro incumbent auditors

informative cheap talk in elections why do office motivated politicians sometimes espouse views that are non congruent with their electorate s can non congruent statements convey any information about what a politician will do if elected and if so why would voters elect a politician who makes such statements furthermore can electoral campaigns also directly affect an elected official s behaviour we develop a model of credible cheap talk costless and non binding communication in elections the foundation is an endogenous voter preference for a politician who is known to be non congruent over one whose congruence is sufficiently uncertain this preference arises because uncertainty about an elected official s policy preferences generates policymaking distortions due to reputation career concerns we show that cheap talk can alter the electorate s beliefs about a politician s policy preferences and thereby affect the elected official s behaviour informative cheap talk can increase or decrease voter welfare with a greater scope for welfare benefits when reputation concerns are more important

persistent media bias abstract the news media plays an essential role in society but surveys indicate that the public views the media as biased this paper presents a theory of media bias that originates with private information obtained by journalists through their investigations and persists despite profit maximizing news organizations and rivalry from other news organizations bias has two effects on the demand for news first rational individuals are more skeptical of potentially biased news and thus rely less on it in their decision making this skepticism reduces demand and leads the news organization to set a lower price for its publication the greater is the bias it tolerates lower quality news thus commands a lower price second bias makes certain stories more likely than others given their private information journalists may bias their stories if their career prospects can be advanced by being published on the front page news organizations can control bias by restricting the discretion allowed to journalists but granting discretion and tolerating bias can increase profits if it allows journalists to be hired at a lower wage bias is not driven from the market by a rival news organization nor by a news organization with an opposing bias and the profits of a high bias news organization can be higher than the profits of a low bias one moreover bias can be greater with competition than with a monopoly news organization if individuals collectively choose regulation in place of their individual decision making bias increases the expected stringency of regulation

concentration and self censorship in commercial media within a simple model of non localized hotelling type competition among arbitrary numbers of media outlets we characterize quality and content of media under dierent ownership structures assuming advertising sponsored prot maximizing outlets we show that i topics sensitive to advertisers can be underreported self censored by all outlets in the market ii self censorship increases with the concentration of ownership iii adding outlets while keeping the number of owners xed may even increase self censorship the latter result relies on consumers most preferred outlets being potentially owned by the same media companies we argue that externalities resulting from self censorship could be empirically large

the balanced us press we measure the relative ideological positions of newspapers voters interest groups and political parties using data on ballot propositions we exploit the fact that newspapers parties and interest groups take positions on these propositions and the fact that citizens ultimately vote on them we find that on average newspapers in the united states are located almost exactly at the median voter in their states that is they are balanced around the median voter still there is a significant amount of ideological heterogeneity across newspapers which is smaller than the one found for interest groups however when we group propositions by issue area we find a sizable amount of ideological imbalance broadly speaking newspapers are to the left of the state level median voter on many social issues and to the right on many economic issues to complete the picture we use two existing methods of measuring bias and show that the news and editorial sections of newspapers have almost identical partisan positions

testing the theory of tournaments an empirical analysis of broiler production broiler chickens are raised by contract growers whose rewards depend explicitly upon relative performance we use data on the performance of broiler producers facing both tournament and linear performance evaluation compensation structures to test three predictions from the theory of tournaments that changes in the level of prizes that leave prize differentials unchanged will not affect performance that in mixed tournaments more able players will choose less risky strategies and that tournament organizers will attempt to handicap players of unequal ability or reduce mixing to avoid the disincentive effects of mixed tournaments our evidence is consistent with each prediction

an empirical investigation of the relative performance evaluation hypothesis the principal agent framework has become a widely used paradigm in accounting and economics for analyzing issues in performance evaluation management control and the design of incentive systems while recent work in experimental economics has begun to examine empirically some of the underlying assumptions and implications of agency theory see baiman and lewis 1989 and kirby forthcoming few precise hypotheses have been tested using real world or naturally occurring data one exception has been the empirical investigation of the relative performance evaluation rpe hypothesis agency theory suggests that there are benefits associated with evaluating agents on the basis of their relative performances when the agents performances are affected by a common shock term e g see diamond and verrecchia 1982 and holmstrom 1979 1982 specifically a relative performance based contract can remove the common shock term from an agent s performance which enables a better evaluation of the agent s actions

mass media and public policy abstract if more informed voters receive favorable policies then mass media should influence policy because it provides most of the information people use in voting this paper uses a simple model to analyze the effect of mass media provision of news on a number of policy issues redistribution the size of the government sector rents and corruption the effectiveness of lobby groups and political business cycles it is easy to deal with such a wide range of issues because existing models of political competition often include informed and uniformed voters modelling mass media simply endogenizes who is informed and who is not the paper also discusses empirical evidence and point to areas for future research

the effect of newspaper entry and exit on electoral politics we use new data on entries and exits of us daily newspapers from 1869 to 2004 to estimate effects on political participation party vote shares and electoral competitiveness our identification strategy exploits the precise timing of these events and allows for the possibility of confounding trends we find that newspapers have a robust positive effect on political participation with one additional newspaper increasing both presidential and congressional turnout by approximately 0 3 percentage points newspaper competition is not a key driver of turnout our effect is driven mainly by the first newspaper in a market and the effect of a second or third paper is significantly smaller the effect on presidential turnout diminishes after the introduction of radio and television while the estimated effect on congressional turnout remains similar up to recent years we find no evidence that partisan newspapers affect party vote shares with confidence intervals that rule out even moderate sized effects we find no clear evidence that newspapers systematically help or hurt incumbents

environmental protection a theory of direct and indirect competition for political influence how is it that environmental groups can have a strong impact on environmental policy but without much lobbying this paper develops a model of direct lobbying the government and indirect persuading the public competition for political influence and finds that they are complementary however an increase in the effectiveness of public persuasion or a rise of public environmental awareness induces substitution between the two the findings establish that the empirical phenomenon of lack of political contribution from environmental groups may not be related to financial constraints but to their greater effectiveness in public persuasion and growing public environmental awareness the size of its economic stake and hence the associated lobbying effort and the efficiency of its organization in exerting political influence how then can we explain why some environmental groups have been very successful against polluting industries when the latter s economic stakes seem very high and they lobby more and their interests are more efficiently organized some might suggest that the reason for the success of the environmental movement is that environmental groups have large memberships and can provide block votes 2 however according to olson 1965 a large membership of an interest group is not necessarily an advantage and it is still uncertain whether environmental groups are able to mobilize their members to cast votes based on such affiliations this paper suggests an alternative explanation by developing a theory of direct and indirect competition between special interests for political influence rather than marshalling block votes a primary feature of our framework is that two opposing interest groups an environmentalist group and an industrialist group compete directly and indirectly for political influence in a three stage game the indirect competition takes place in the first stage in which interest groups exert effort in persuading the public to indirectly influence government policy the direct competition takes place in the second stage in which interest groups exert effort in

relative pay and its effects on firm efficiency in a transitional economy abstract in this study we examine the impact of relative pay manager pay divided by average worker pay on a firm s productivity using data from a major transitional economy china we find that relative pay is negatively associated with high productivity our results provide support for the view that workers are alienated when their incomes are far lower than that of top management and this leads to lower productivity this effect is most pronounced in labor intensive firms

extremist platforms political consequences of profit seeking media we analyze how information about candidate quality affects the choice of electoral platforms made by an office motivated political challenger the incumbent is of known quality and located at the ideal policy of the voter the voter cares for both policy and the candidates quality and can learn about the challenger s quality by buying information a high quality challenger then has an incentive to signal her quality by choosing a policy that induces the voter to buy information we first study the benchmark case in which the information is supplied exogenously and its quality is independent of the challenger s platform this yields multiple equilibria and indeterminacy of equilibrium platforms by contrast when the information is supplied by a profit maximizing media outlet its quality depends on the challenger s platform and we obtain a unique equilibrium platform in particular when the incumbent s quality is relatively low the media coverage rises and the challenger s platform diverges further from the voter s ideal policy as the voter s preference for quality increases

radio and the rise of the nazis in prewar germany how far can the media protect or undermine democratic institutions in unconsolidated democracies and how persuasive can they be in ensuring public support for dictator s policies we study this question in the context of germany between 1929 and 1939 using geographical and temporal variation in radio availability we show that radio had a significant negative effect on the nazi electoral support between 1929 and 1932 when political news were slanted against nazi party this effect was reversed in just 5 weeks following hitler s appointment as chancellor and the transfer of control of the radio to the nazis pro nazi radio propaganda caused higher vote for the nazis in march 1933 election after full consolidation of power radio propaganda helped the nazis to enroll new party members and encouraged denunciations of jews and other open expressions of anti semitism the effect of nazi propaganda was not uniform depending on listeners priors about the message propaganda could be very effective or could backfire nazi radio was most effective in places where anti semitism was historically high and had a negative effect on the support for anti semitic policies in places with historically low anti semitism

a spatial theory of media slant and voter choice we develop a theory of media slant as a systematic filtering of political news that reduces multidimensional politics to the one dimensional space perceived by voters economic and political choices are interdependent in our theory expected electoral results influence economic choices and economic choices in turn influence voting behaviour in a two candidate election we show that media favouring the front runner will focus on issues unlikely to deliver a surprise while media favouring the underdog will gamble for resurrection we characterize the socially optimal slant and show that it coincides with the one favoured by the underdog under a variety of circumstances balanced media giving each issue equal coverage may be worse for voters than partisan media

losing to win tournament incentives in the national basketball association the focus of tournament models has been rank order compensation schemes whereby participants receive higher payments for higher relative performance either incrementally or winner takes all our research focuses on a unique tournament that offers rewards for both winning and losing specifically the national basketball association s regularly scheduled season of games we examine three nba seasons to determine whether team performance responded to changes in the underlying tournament incentives provided by the nba s introduction and restructuring of the lottery system to determine draft order our results yield strong evidence that nba teams are more likely to lose when incentives to lose are present

government transparency and policymaking we argue that making lawmakers more accountable to the public by making it easier to identify their policy choices can have negative consequences specifically we analyze a model of political agency with a single lawmaker and a representative voter in our model the lawmaker has better information than the voter about the appropriateness of alternative policy courses in addition the voter is uncertain about the incumbent s policy preferences specifically the voter is worried the incumbent is an ideologue our model suggests that when lawmakers expect their policy choices to be widely publicized for those lawmakers sufficiently concerned about reelection the desire to select policies that lead the public to believe they are unbiased will trump the incentive to select those policies that are best for their constituents hence lawmakers who would do the right thing behind close doors may no longer do so when policy is determined in the open

media and political persuasion evidence from russia this paper compares electoral outcomes of 1999 parliamentary elections in russia among geographical areas with differential access to the only national tv channel independent from the government it was available to three quarters of russia s population and its signal availability was idiosyncratic conditional on observables independent tv decreased aggregate vote for the government party by 8 9 percentage points increased the combined vote for major opposition parties by 6 3 percentage points and decreased turnout by 3 8 percentage points the probability of voting for opposition parties increased for individuals who watched independent tv even controlling for voting intentions measured one month before elections jel d72 l82 p26

mass media and special interest groups abstract media revenues are an important determinant of media behavior it is generally accepted that news coverage depends not only on the preferences of media consumers but also on the preferences of advertisers or subsidizing groups however existing models reach the opposite conclusions about the relationship between the profitability of advertising and media bias we present a theoretical model that reconciles these results the model shows that the sign of the effect of marginal costs of production or marginal advertising revenues on the level of distortion in news coverage depends on complementarity or substitutability between media bias and audience size for an interest group the existence of a budget constraint for an interest group and media outlets reliance on subscription in addition to advertising revenues

political polarization and the electoral effects of media bias abstract we develop a model in which profits of media firms depend on their audience ratings and maximizing profits may involve catering to a partisan audience by suppressing information that the partisan audience does not like hearing while voters are rational understand the nature of the news suppression bias and update appropriately important information is lost through bias and can lead to electoral mistakes we characterize those conditions that give rise to electoral mistakes showing that heightened political polarization and asymmetric distributions of voter ideologies make electoral mistakes more likely even if the median ideology is a centrist and centrist voters gain access to unbiased news media bias can generate excessive cross over voting which in turn can lead to the election of the wrong candidate

manipulated news model electoral competition and mass media abstract this paper investigates the relationship between media manipulation the strategic suppression of relevant information by mass media and self mediatization the strategic exploitation of media coverage by candidates in elections in the model a voter cannot directly observe the policies proposed by two office motivated candidates the voter learns this information through media reports before voting takes place while the media outlet suppresses some of this information because the voter s decision making could be incorrect direct distortion the candidates have an incentive to win the election by influencing the media coverage through policy settings indirect distortion as a result policy convergence to the voter s ideal policy occurs if and only if the media bias is sufficiently small we then characterize the set of equilibria in terms of the degree of distortion the results suggest that if either strategic media manipulation or competition among the candidates is omitted then the distortion is nonnegligibly misspecified

a model of political competition with citizen candidates the authors develop a model of electoral competition in which citizens choose whether or not to run as candidates a winner implements her favorite policy the equilibrium number of candidates depends negatively on the cost of running and positively on the benefits of winning for some parameter values all equilibria under plurality rule have exactly two candidates whose positions are distinct two candidate elections are more likely under plurality rule than under a runoff system the candidates positions are less differentiated under a runoff system there exist equilibria under both systems in which some candidates have no chance of winning

government control of the media abstract we present a formal model of government control of the media to illuminate variation in media freedom across countries and over time media bias is greater and state ownership of the media more likely when the government has a particular interest in mobilizing citizens to take actions that further some political objective but are not necessarily in citizens individual best interest however the distinction between state and private media is smaller large advertising markets reduce media bias in both state and private media but increase the incentive for the government to nationalize private media media bias in state and private media markets diverge as governments become more democratic whereas media bias in democracies and autocracies converge as positive externalities from mobilization increase

rational debate and one dimensional conflict this paper studies repeated communication regarding a multidimensional collective decision in a large population when preferences coincide but beliefs about the consequences of the various decisions diverge it is shown under some specific assumptions that public communication causes the disagreement between beliefs either to vanish or to become one dimensional at the limit multidimensional disagreement indeed allows for many directions of communication including some that are orthogonal to the conflict along which agents can communicate credibly the possible convergence toward a one dimensional conflict where no further communication takes place may be related to the empirically observed geometry ofthe political conflict in many countries

a theory of yes men this paper illustrates an incentive for workers to conform to the opinion of their supervisors when firms use subjective performance evaluation this desire to conform arises endogenously from the firm s need to induce the worker to exert effort the author shows that firms may optimally eschew the use of incentive contracts to retain workers incentives for honesty the author illustrates that the incentive to conform implies inefficiencies even when workers are risk neutral and is likely to lead to more centralized decision making than in the absence of the desire to conform copyright 1993 by american economic association

language meaning and games a model of communication coordination and evolution language is a powerful coordination device we generalize the cheap talk approach to pre play communication by way of introducing a meaning cor respondence between messages and actions and by postulating two axioms met by natural languages players have a lexicographic preference second to material payoffs against deviating from the meaning correspondence under two sided communication in generic and symmetric n 3 n coordination games a nash equilibrium component in such a lexicographic communication game is evolutionarily stable if and only if it results in the unique pareto efficient out come of the underlying game we extend the analysis to one sided communica tion in arbitrary finite two player games jel c72 c73 z 3

causality between export growth and industrial development empirial evidence from the nics abstract this paper investigates the causal relationship between export growth and industrial development in eight newly industrializing countries nics results of sims causality test show that for most of the nics there is a strong bidirectional causality between the growth of exports and industrial development these findings support the export led growth strategy in that expansion in exports not only promote the growth of national income but also lead to structural transformation of the developing countries

media as watchdogs the role of news media in electoral competition abstract we develop an equilibrium model to analyze the role of the media in electoral competition when policy payoffs are state dependent party policies do not converge to the median voter s ideal policy if the media report only party policies news analysis about the state though possibly biased can discipline off equilibrium deviations and make the parties adopt more centrist policies since voters are rational the party favored by the media need not win with a higher probability instead media bias may reduce the effectiveness of electoral competition and lead to more polarized policies

exports growth and causality in developing countries abstract previous empirical studies have interpreted results in regressions of output variables on export variables as providing support for an export promotion development strategy such an interpretation is questionable since these regressions provide no means of determining the direction of causality this paper performs causality tests between exports and growth for 37 developing countries the results cast considerable doubt on the validity of the export promotion hypothesis

are biased media bad for democracy this paper assesses the normative and positive claims regarding the consequences of biased media using a political agency framework with a strategic voter polarized politicians and news providers my model predicts that voters are always better informed with unbiased than biased outlets even when the latter have opposite ideological preferences however biased media may improve voter welfare contrary to several scholars fear partisan news providers are not always bad for democracy my theoretical findings also have important implications for empirical analyses of the electoral consequences of changes in the media environment left wing and right wing biased outlets have heterogeneous effects on electoral outcomes which need to be properly accounted for existing empirical studies are unlikely to measure the consequences of biased media as researchers never observe and can rarely approximate the adequate counterfactual elections with unbiased news outlets

inequality aversion and externalities abstract we conduct a general analysis of the effects of inequality aversion on decisions by homogeneous players in static and dynamic games we distinguish between direct and indirect effects of inequality aversion direct effects are present when a player changes his action to affect disutility caused by inequality indirect effects occur when the own action is changed to affect other players actions we provide necessary and sufficient conditions for the occurrence of either effect moreover we examine the direction of the effects whereas indirect effects induce players to internalize externalities they impose on others direct effects act in the opposite direction

relative performance evaluation and project selection relative performance evaluation rpe occurs when one person s compensation depends on the relation of his output to that of others agency theory e g lazear and rosen 1981 and holmstrom 1979 1982 predicts that managerial compensation will use relative performance when other firms outputs reveal information about the manager s actions which is not knowable from the manager s output alone tests of the theory measure other firms outputs using the performance of other firms in the same industry or some macroeconomic measures of performance these two approaches are designed to separate industry and economy effects from the effects of the manager s actions empirical tests by antle and smith 1986 and janakiraman lambert and larcker 1992 found limited evidence that managerial compensation is adjusted for industry effects gibbons and murphy 1990 found some adjustment in ceo compensation for industry performance and much more adjustment for changes in market wide rates of return this paper provides an explanation for these empirical results by illustrating how the benefits of rpe based schemes depend on the absence of project choice decisions in the canonical agency model 1

why hasn t democracy slowed rising inequality during the past two generations democratic forms have coexisted with massive increases in economic inequality in the united states and many other advanced democracies moreover these new inequalities have primarily benefited the top 1 percent and even the top 01 percent these groups seem sufficiently small that economic inequality could be held in check by political equality in the form of one person one vote in this paper we explore five possible reasons why the us political system has failed to counterbalance rising inequality first both republicans and many democrats have experienced an ideological shift toward acceptance of a form of free market capitalism that offers less support for government provision of transfers lower marginal tax rates for those with high incomes and deregulation of a number of industries second immigration and low turnout of the poor have combined to make the distribution of voters more weighted to high incomes than is the distribution of households third rising real income and wealth has made a larger fraction of the population less attracted to turning to government for social insurance fourth the rich have been able to use their resources to influence electoral legislative and regulatory processes through campaign contributions lobbying and revolving door employment of politicians and bureaucrats fifth the political process is distorted by institutions that reduce the accountability of elected officials to the majority and hampered by institutions that combine with political polarization to create policy gridlock

when managers cover their posteriors making the decisions the market wants to see the stock market has opinions as to what choices firms should make we show that concern for current share prices may lead managers to make these choices rather than those suggested by their own superior information even when arbitrarily many privately informed firms have to make a similar decision the market s prejudices may still prevail we compare the distortions that arise from share price maximization with those due to herd behavior among profit maximizing firms and show that the former results in strictly less efficient use of information

exports and economic growth in industrialized countries the prima facie causal relationships between growth exports and factor inputs capital and labour are investigated in five industrialized countries germany itlay japan united kingdom and united states over the period 1960 87 by analysing a four variable vector autoregressive var model for each country our results indicate that germany and japan experienced export led growth reverse causality between exports and growth is found in the case of the us and uk while to causal relationship between exports and output is found for itlay

when can a news organization lead public opinion ideology versus market forces in decisions to make news do news organizations purposefullylead the public to support a particularideological agenda when debating thisquestion many analysts draw conclusionsfrom weak empirical evidence we introducea model that clarifies how a newsorganization s internal structure combineswith market forces to affect when it canlead public opinion we identify conditionsunder which liberal reporters orpolitically driven media magnates canachieve ideological goals we alsoilluminate important barriers that preventmany would be public opinion leaders fromever satisfying these conditions we showthat internal structure and market forcesare critical determinants of any newsorganization s power over public opinion

the market for news we investigate the market for news under two assumptions that readers hold beliefs which they like to see confirmed and that newspapers can slant stories toward these beliefs we show that on the topics where readers share common beliefs one should not expect accuracy even from competitive media competition results in lower prices but common slanting toward reader biases on topics where reader beliefs diverge such as politically divisive issues however newspapers segment the market and slant toward extreme positions yet in the aggregate a reader with access to all news sources could get an unbiased perspective generally speaking reader heterogeneity is more important for accuracy in media than competition per se

the political economy of dynamic elections accountability commitment and responsiveness we survey the literature on dynamic elections in the traditional settings of spatial preferences and rent seeking under perfect and imperfect monitoring of politicians we define stationary electoral equilibrium which encompasses notions used by barro 1973 ferejohn 1986 banks and sundaram 1998 and others we show that repeated elections mitigate the commitment problems of politicians and voters and that a responsive democracy result holds under general conditions term limits however attenuate the responsiveness finding we also touch on related applied work and we point to areas for fruitful future research including the connection between dynamic models of politics and economics

demand for slant how abstention shapes voters choice of news media political commentators warn that the fragmentation of the modern media landscape induces voters to withdraw into information cocoons and segregate along ideological lines we show that the option to abstain breaks ideological segregation and generates cross over in news consumption voters with considerable leanings towards a candidate demand information that is less biased towards that candidate than voters who are more centrist this non monotonicity in the demand for slant makes voters ideologies non recoverable from their choice of news media and generates disproportionate demand for media outlets that are centrist or only moderately biased it also implies that polarisation of the electorate may lead to an ideological moderation in news consumption

pandering to persuade a principal chooses one of multiple projects or an outside option an agent is privately informed about the projects benets and shares the principal s preferences except for not internalizing her value from the outside option we show that for moderate outside option values strategic communication is characterized by pandering the agent biases his recommendation toward conditionally better looking projects even when both parties would be better o with some other project a project that has lower expected value can be conditionally better looking we develop some comparative statics of pandering pandering is also induced by an optimal mechanism without transfers

political identity experimental evidence on anti americanism in pakistan we identify pakistani men s willingness to pay to preserve their anti american identity using two experiments imposing clearly specified financial costs on anti american expression with minimal consequential or social considerations in two distinct studies one quarter to one third of subjects forgo payments from the u s government worth around one fifth of a day s wage to avoid an identity threatening choice anonymously checking a box indicating gratitude toward the u s government we find sensitivity to both payment size and anticipated social context when subjects anticipate that rejection will be observable by others rejection falls suggesting that for some social image can outweigh self image

electoral competition and special interest politics have fixed positions on some issues but vary their positions on others in order to attract votes and campaign contributions in this context we examine whether special interest groups are governed by an electoral motive or an influence in their campaign giving and how their contributions affect the equilibrium platforms we show that each party is induced to behave as if it were maximizing a weighted sum of the aggregate welfares of informed voters and members of special interest groups the party that is expected to win a majority of seats caters more to the special interests

pressure and performance in accounting decision settings paradoxical effects of incentives feedback and justification this paper shows that the positive effects on decision making of financial incentives performance feedback and the requirement to justify one s decisions to others can be undermined or even reversed by the availability of a decision aid more specifically in the absence of a decision aid subjects achieved greater classification accuracy in a repetitive decision task when a monetary incentive was offered or when feedback about past performance was provided or when they were required to justify their choices relative to the absence of these three variables in contrast when a statistically valid decision aid was available the same incentive feedback and justification requirements resulted in lower classification accuracy again relative to the absence of these three variables these results are interpreted within a framework having two basic tenets first financial incentives performance feedback and a justifi

a theory of competition among pressure groups for political influence this paper presents a theory of competition among pressure groups for political influence political equilibrium depends on the efficiency of each group in producing pressure the effect of additional pressure on their influence the number of persons in different groups and the deadweight cost of taxes and subsidies an increase in deadweight costs discourages pressure by subsidized groups and encourages pressure by taxpayers this analysis unifies the view that governments correct market failures with the view that they favor the politically powerful both are produced by the competition for political favors

cohesiveness productivity and wage dispersion abstract when work groups support the goals of the firm firms will want to increase group cohesiveness if narrowing wage dispersion increases cohesiveness then companies will pay an efficiency wage to the low end of the wage distribution this variant of efficiency wages predicts firm wage effects and predicts that unemployment will be concentrated among low wage workers furthermore workers at cohesive firms will have higher marginal products than will similar workers at other firms thus policies to encourage the growth of cohesive firms will increase national output

export expansion and economic growth testing for cointegration and causality this paper develops a multivariate error correction model to test the causality between exports and growth in 15 asian countries 1967 91 the underlying series are tested as non stationary in levels but stationary in first differences the causal factors are cointegrated in five of these countries only causality test results indicate that export expansion causes growth in two third of these countries corrected for simultaneity between the causal factors a country with a large public sector higher level of economic development and which is less vulnerable to external economic shocks is more likely to reap the benefits of export promotion strategies the causal inferences are fairly stable over the sample period

export and production growth evidence from three major wheat exporters of australia canada and the united states this article investigates the robustness of the relationship between export and production growth for three major wheat exporters australia canada and the united states from 1966 to 2000 combining production international trade and development theories a four variable production exports producer price and imports vector autoregressive moving average varma model is developed for each country the causality results show that the hypothesis of export led development is supported by these three major players in the international wheat trade though a bi directional causality is found for canada and the usa variance decomposition and impulse response functions are employed to further investigate the effects of macroeconomic shocks

special interests and the media theory and an application to climate change a journalist reports to a voter on an unknown policy relevant state competing special interests can make claims that contradict the facts but seem credible to the voter a reputational incentive to avoid taking sides leads the journalist to report special interests claims to the voter in equilibrium the voter can remain uninformed even when the journalist is perfectly informed communication is improved if the journalist discloses her partisan leanings the model provides an account of persistent public ignorance on climate change that is consistent with narrative and quantitative evidence

collusion under yardstick competition an experimental study abstract the effectiveness of relative performance evaluation schemes such as yardstick competition can be undermined by collusion the degree to which the regulated agents manage to collude will be affected by the particulars of the scheme we hypothesize that in a repeated game setting schemes will be more prone to collusion the smaller are the rents to the agents in case they behave noncooperatively we illustrate the relevance of this hypothesis by means of an economic experiment in which we compare the efficiency of two performance evaluation schemes

mass media competition political competition and public policy if better informed voters receive favourable policies then mass media will affect policy because mass media provide most of the information people use in voting this paper models the incentives of the media to deliver news to different groups the increasing returns to scale technology and advertising financing of media firms induce them to provide more news to large groups such as taxpayers and dispersed consumer interests and groups that are valuable to advertisers this news bias alters the tradeoff in political competition and therefore introduces a bias in public policy the paper also discusses the effects of broadcast media replacing newspapers as the main information source about politics the model predicts that this change should raise spending on government programmes used by poor and rural voters

when to drop a bombshell sender who is either good or bad wishes to look good at an exogenous deadline sender privately observes if and when she can release a public flow of information about her private type releasing information earlier exposes to greater scrutiny but signals credibility in equilibrium bad sender releases information later than good sender we find empirical support for the dynamic predictions of our model using data on the timing of u s presidential scandals and u s initial public offerings in the context of elections our results suggest that october surprises are driven by the strategic behaviour of bad sender

the wrong kind of transparency in a model of career concerns for experts when is a principal hurt from observing more information about her agent this paper introduces a distinction between information on the consequence of the agent s action and information directly on the agent s action when the latter kind of information is available the agent faces an incentive to disregard useful private signals and act according to how an able agent is expected to act a priori this conformist behavior hurts the principal in two ways the decision made by the agent is less likely to be the right one discipline and ex post it is more difficult to evaluate the agent s ability sorting the paper identifies a necessary and sufficient condition on the agent signal structure under which the principal bene ts from committing not to observe the agent s action the paper also shows the existence of strategic complementarities between information on action and information on consequence the results on the distinction between action and consequence are then used to interpret existing disclosure policies in delegated portfolio management in particular they are consistent with hitherto puzzling evidence that mutual funds systematically overperform pension funds

advertising and media capture the case of climate change abstract this paper analyzes whether media capture by advertisers is a potential source of the divergence between the scientific consensus and public discourse about climate change i develop an objective measure of the tone of climate change coverage by creating an index that builds on gentzkow and shapiro 2010 using phrase frequency analysis to compare newspaper text with the un s ipcc reports and the heartland institute s skeptical response each of which are lengthy official reports with clear stances on climate change i also develop a measure of potential advertising from the auto industry using national shocks to advertising at the manufacturer level weighted by previous advertising at the newspaper level the empirical analysis shows that this potential advertising allows firms to capture newspapers within newspaper the potential for advertising from car manufacturers shifts the tone of coverage towards skepticism i also find suggestive evidence that potential advertising reduces the overall quantity of coverage of climate change

strategic communication with lying costs i study a model of strategic communication between an uninformed receiver and an informed but upwardly biased sender the sender bears a cost of lying or more broadly of misrepresenting his private information the main results show that inflated language naturally arises in this environment where the sender almost always claims to be of a higher type than he would with complete information regardless of the intensity of lying cost there is incomplete separation with some pooling on the highest messages the degree of language inflation and how much information is revealed depend upon the intensity of lying cost the analysis delivers a framework to span a class of cheap talk and verifiable disclosure games unifying the polar predictions they make under large conflicts of interest i use the model to discuss how the degree of manipulability of information can affect the trade off between delegation and communication copyright 2009 wiley blackwell

relying on the information of interested parties we investigate the conventional wisdom that competition among interested parties attempting to influence a decisionmaker by providing verifiable information elicits all relevant information we find that if the decisionmaker is strategically sophisticated and well informed about the relevant variables and about the preferences of the interested party or parties competition may be unnecessary to achieve this result if the decisionmaker is unsophisticated or not well informed competition is not generally sufficient if the interested parties interests are sufficiently opposed however or if the decisionmaker is seeking to advance the parties welfare then competition can reduce or even eliminate the decisionmaker s need for prior knowledge about the relevant variables and for strategic sophistication in other settings only the combination of competition among information providers and a sophisticated skepticism is sufficient to allow effective decisionmaking

downs meets d aspremont and company convergence versus differentiation in politics and the media abstract media firms have incentives to differentiate their news products to soften price competition when consumers value cognitive consistency between the news they read and the policies they support politicians are induced to propose more polarized policies to conform to a polarized media landscape a stronger commercial motive or a weaker preference for editorial neutrality in the media exacerbates this effect and causes party policies to become more extreme we find that prices for news products are higher when consumers have a demand for cognitive consistency despite the fact that maximal product differentiation does not hold for media firms

a spatial theory of news consumption and electoral competition we characterize the optimal editorial positions of the media in a model in which the media influence both voting behaviour and party policies political parties are less likely to choose partisan policies when more voters consume informative news when there are two media outlets each should be slightly biased relative to its audience in order to attract voters with relatively extreme views voter welfare is typically higher under a duopoly than under a monopoly two media outlets under joint ownership may provide more diverse viewpoints than two independent ones but voter welfare is not always higher copyright 2008 wiley blackwell