an empirical analysis of life cycle fertility and female labor supply this paper examines us household fertility and female labor supply over the life cycle using data from the panel study of income dynamics the authors investigate how maternal time inputs and market expenditures on offspring as well as the benefits they yield their parents vary with ages of offspring and influence female labor supply and contraceptive behavior the econometric framework combines a female labor supply model and a contraceptive choice index function it also accounts for the fact that conceptions are not perfectly controllable events using longitudinal data on married couples the authors estimate these equations and test alternative specifications of the technologies governing child care the findings suggest that while parents cannot perfectly control conceptions variations in child care costs do affect life cycle spacing of births furthermore the results demonstrate the gains of modeling the linkages between female labor supply and fertility behavior at the household level authors modified

standard risk aversion this paper introduces the concept of standard risk aversion a von neumann morgenstern utility function has standard risk aversion if any risk makes a small reduction in wealth more painful in the sense of an increased reduction in expected utility also makes any undesirable independent risk more painful it is shown that given monotonicity and concavity the combination of decreasing absolute risk aversion and decreasing absolute prudence is necessary and sufficient for standard risk aversion standard risk aversion is shown to imply not only pratt and zeckhauser s proper risk aversion individually undesirable independent risks always being jointly undesirable but also that being forced to face an undesirable risk reduces the optimal investment in a risky security with and independent return similar results are established for the effect of broad class of increases in one risk on the desirability of or optimal investment in a second independent risk

contests with multiple rounds this paper studies contests where players have the flexibility to add to their previous efforts after observing their rivals most recent effort in an intermediate stage it is found that 1 contrary to previous findings the stackelberg outcome where the underdog leads and the favorite follows cannot be an equilibrium 2 there are multiple subgame perfect equilibria all occurring on the underdog s usual one shot reaction function in between and including the one shot cournot nash and stackelberg outcome with the favorite leading 3 the total equilibrium effort is typically greater than or equal to what a one shot cournot nash play would predict and 4 in settings where players can choose whether or not to disclose their early actions to the rival both the favorite and the underdog disclose in equilibrium applications in sports lobbying and r d races are discussed

caps on political lobbying the cost of political campaigns in the u s has risen substantially in recent years for example real spending on congressional election campaigns doubled between 1976 and 1992 steven d levitt 1995 there are many reasons why increased campaign spending might be socially harmful first increased spending means increased fund raising which may keep politicians from their legislative duties 1 second a lobbyist who makes a large campaign contribution may have undue influence on electoral outcomes on the shaping of legislation or on the outcome of regulatory proceedings 2 that is the socially preferred candidate or legislation may not prevail likewise a lobbyist involved in a regulatory matter or a competition for a government contract may benefit unduly from a legislator s intervention 3 third a perception that campaign contributions purchase influence may lead to increased tolerance of corruption in the private sector a desire to control campaign spending has spawned many initiatives to limit both campaign contributions and spending beginning with the passage of the federal election campaign act feca political action committees pacs can contribute at most 5 000 per election to a candidate while individuals can contribute at most 1 000 restrictions have also been put on in kind contributions making it more difficult to circumvent these limits 4 while direct restrictions on campaign spending have proven difficult to implement recent initiatives aim to impose voluntary spending limits and stricter limits on contributions 5 despite the existing legislation and the proposals to limit contributions little is known about the impact of contribution limits on aggregate expenditures while it is intuitively appealing that aggregate expenditures would drop we challenge that intuition here we study a lobbying game and show that a cap on individual lobbyists expenditures may have the perverse effect of increasing aggregate expenditures and loweri this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

caps on political lobbying comment following the 1999 israeli elections the winning candidate s ehud barak s party was fined 3 2 million dollars for violating israel s campaign financing laws by exceeding the spending cap imposed and raising 1 2 million dollars illegally see time europe 2000 while adhering to the strict ncaa recruiting regulations the university of oregon spent 3 million dollars to make their football locker room the best anywhere including the nfl lexington herald leader 2003 when asked about the previous salary cap in the uk football league players said that it the cap was so artificial that clubs paid money in brown paper envelopes bbc2 newsnight 2002 in all these cases there officially existed a rigid spending cap however they show that even though a cap exists the cap might not be easily enforced when enforced the penalty may just be financial rather than a change in outcome the cap may be enforced and adhered to but there may also be alternate perhaps less effective hence more costly means of spending we also see that the flexible nature of the cap is often built into the rules by examining the salary caps of the four major us sports leagues where the caps are routinely exceeded in baseball and basketball surpassing the cap invokes a pure financial penalty called a luxury tax which is proportional to the excess in football while the cap is stated in terms of salaries many teams use signing bonuses as a way to circumvent it in ice hockey there is a dual cap system where the luxury tax is invoked on salaries falling between the two caps and signing bonuses are an allowed method to exceed the

caps on political lobbying reply yeon koo che and ian l gale 1998 cg hereafter studied the impact of imposing a cap on lobbying expenditures they showed that a cap may lead to a greater expected aggregate expenditure and b a less efficient allocation of a political prize in their comment todd kaplan and david wettstein 2006 kw hereafter show that if the cap is not rigid i e its impact on the cost of lobbying is continuous it has no effect kw employ the same basic framework as cg except for the assumption that a bid of x costs a lobbyist c x for a strictly increasing continuous function c imposition of a cap raises costs to the strictly increasing continuous function c to see why the cap has no effect on lobbying expenditures in that setting think of a lobbyist choosing a cost c 0 rather than a bid the lobbyist who chooses the higher cost necessarily makes the higher bid because the lobbyists have the same strictly increasing cost function the functional relationship between bids and costs does not matter so the cap has no effect we explore the reasons for the different results and we show that cg s results can still hold in a more general environment two components underlie cg s analysis a a cap will constrain the stronger lobbyist thereby leveling the playing field and b this will intensify competition raising the expected aggregate expenditure in the case of kw s nonrigid cap the first effect does not arise since the stronger lobbyist can always outspend the weaker one this does not vitiate the second component however as will be seen when the cap has an equalizing effect it will intensify competition with the predicted effect on expenditures below we characterize the precise nature of an equalizing shift in costs more important we will describe plausible circumstances under which a nonrigid cap can generate an equalizing shift when lobbyists differ in their costs of lobbying for instance one lobbyist could be a more effective fundraiser than the other in such a case a cap on lobbying reduces the competitive gap between the lobbyists and it may cause the expected aggregate expenditure and the probability of misallocation to rise just as in cg

asymmetric all pay auctions with incomplete information the two player case abstract we prove existence and uniqueness of bayesian equilibrium for a class of generally asymmetric all pay auctions with incomplete information due to its importance in applications some prominence is given to the first price all pay auction for which a detailed characterization of equilibrium and an approximation to equilibrium of its well studied complete information version are supplied furthermore we relate our uniqueness result to the well known multiplicity of equilibria in the war of attrition second price all pay auction which emerges as a limit point of the class of two player auction games considered journalof economic literature classification numbers d44 c62 c72

corporate campaign contributions repeat giving and the rewards to legislator reputation abstract are politicians who follow a strategy of reputational development rewarded with high levels of corporate campaign contributions reputational clarity could help to reduce uncertainty about a candidate and lead to greater campaign contributions from favored interests alternatively such clarity could alienate those who disagree and prevent the politician from obtaining contributions from groups on both sides of an issue we outline an approach that considers conditions under which a politician would or would not prefer reputational development and policy stance clarity and consistency in the context of repeat dealing with special interests our proxy for reputational development is the percentage of repeat givers to a legislator using data on corporate political action committee pac contributions to members of the u s house during the seven electoral cycles from 1983 84 to 1995 96 we explore a variety of alternative hypotheses and find that greater reputational development is rewarded with g

do political action committees give money to candidates for electoral or influence motives this paper examines the motivation ofpolitical action committees in theircampaign contributions the paper estimatesthe effect of contributions on the 1996house of representatives elections and onthe candidates policy stances contributions to challengers have a largeimpact on election outcomes but incumbentreceipts do not on four of the five issuesexamined interest groups responded tocandidate positions rather than givingfunds to influence them these results areconsistent with an electoral motive forcontributions some evidence is presentedthat contributions to incumbents may begiven to secure unobservable services forthe pac

bid costs and endogenous bid caps we study contests where several privately informed agents bid for a price all bidders bear a cost of bidding that is an increasing function of their bids and moreover bids may be capped we show that regardless of the number of bidders if agents have linear or concave cost functions then setting a bid cap is not profitable for a designer who wishes to maximize the average bid on the other hand if agents have convex cost functions i e an increasing marginal cost then affectively capping the bids is profitable for a designer facing a sufficiently large number of bidders

competition policy for elections do campaign contribution limits matter this paper examines whether campaign contribution restrictions have consequences for election outcomes states are a natural laboratory to examine this issue we analyze elections to assemblies from 1980 to 2001 and determine whether candidates vote shares are altered by changes in state campaign contribution restrictions we find that limits on giving narrow the margin of victory of the winning candidate limits lead to closer elections for future incumbents but have less effect on the margin of victory of incumbents who passed the campaign finance legislation we also find some evidence that contribution limits increase the number of candidates in the race

committee assignments constituent preferences and campaign contributions committee assignments constituent preferences and campaign constributions the familiar economic model of regulation as developed by stigler 1971 peltzman 1976 and becker 1983 posits an essentially frictionless market process for regulatory policy formation in which a single regulator legislator chooses policy to maximize net support from competing groups in this paper we extend the supply side of this model by considering the effect of legislative institutions and unorganized constituent preferences on the ability of incumbents in the house of representatives to serve specific interest groups we then test this formulation by examining the recent history of interest group campaign contributions to these legislators our theoretical model concentrates on how a legislator allocates time between serving specific interest groups outside his district and serving his constituency we do not model interest group decisions directly assuming simply that they purchase their desired amount of service from the lowest cost suppliers our model sorts legislators by the supply price at which they can serve a particular group this price depends on the preferences of the voters in the legislators district and the productivity of the legislator in producing policy service for each group 1 the empirical section tests the model by examining the pattern of interest group campaign contributions to house incumbents from 1978 through 1984 our regression analysis tends to confirm both implications of the theory first the pattern of campaign contributions from specific interest groups to legislators is shaped by the division of substantive legislative and regulatory jurisdictions represented by the system of house standing committees second voter preferences influence the pattern of contributions by affecting the supply price at which a legislator can offer policy to interest groups legislators with sympathetic or indifferent constituencies are able to offer a lower price and are therefore able to attract larger sums than those with hostile constituencies these results are important for two reasons first the influence of congressional institutions such as committees on policy is not widely accepted while several studies faith levins and tollison 1982 weingast and moran 1983 weingast 1984 grier 1989 and robert 1990 have documented the effects of changes in a particular committee on policies under its jurisdiction this work considers the jurisdiction of only a single committee in each case 2 by examining the linkages between congressional committees and political action committees pacs we investigate whether interest groups act as if committees have power second while the chicago model of regulation emphasizes correctly in our view that policy is the result of vote maximizing calculations and the incremental balancing nature of any equilibrium the model is imprecise about which sets of preferences are most important in determining the levels of policy or the size of changes in policies focusing on committees promotes a parsimonious specification of both the political players members of the relevant committee rather than the entire congress and the pivotal voters committee members constituencies more than the nation determining specific policy outcomes the paper is organized as follows section i reviews some issues on the nature and sources of committee influence in the u s congress the second section incorporates committee assignments into a theory of decision making by interest group investors sections iii and iv describe our data and estimation technique and present the empirical results the fifth and final section discusses some implications and conclusions of this research i committee power in congress legislators differ substantively by virtue of their committee assignments committees in congress and particularly in the house of representatives possess disproportionate power over the policy areas in their respective jurisdictions have the right to hold hearings and recommend budget allocations for the bureaus in their jurisdiction goodwin 1970

rent seeking and market structure comment if the firms in an industry are to be successful in raising money to influence government two conditions must be met 1 there must be sufficient rents available from government decisions regarding that industry to make such expenditures worthwhile and 2 the industry must be sufficiently concentrated to avoid a free rider problem in fund raising this argument though seemingly intuitively appealing has been under recent empirical attack this paper seeks to restore the parapets

information access and contributions a signaling model of lobbying interest groups pay monetary contributions to gain access and provide information to a policymaker if their interests are aligned with those of the policymaker s constituency they have costless access and report their private information truthfully if their interests conflict they are forced to pay a strictly positive contribution in order to enhance the credibility of their reports the policymaker bases her policy decision on the competing reports and the size of the contributions accompanying these reports the interest groups contribution decisions are plagued by a free rider problem i derive the implications of this problem for the size and pattern of contributions and for the degree of information aggregation

incumbency advantage and political campaign spending limits abstract this paper presents a model which captures the three main arguments for and against campaign spending limits campaign spending limits are purported to restrict the incumbent s ability to exploit his fundraising advantage in contrast to conventional wisdom a ceiling increases the incumbent s probability of victory regardless of the candidates relative fundraising abilities as long as the challenger is not more effective in campaign spending if the challenger is more effective in campaign spending ceilings have a non monotonic effect when the incumbent enjoys a mild initial voter disposition advantage a moderate ceiling decreases the incumbent s probability of victory but further restricting the limit favors the incumbent irrespective of incumbency status the marginal benefit to quality decreases with a more restrictive cap in an open seat contest a more restrictive limit improves the electoral prospects of the superior quality candidate stricter ceilings may lead to the unintended consequence of increased expected spending

political contribution caps and lobby formation theory and evidence abstract the perceived importance of special interest group money in election campaigns motivates widespread use of caps on allowable contributions we present a bargaining model in which the effect of a cap that is not too stringent on the amount a lobby can contribute improves its bargaining position relative to the politician it thus increases the payoff from lobbying which will therefore increase the equilibrium number of lobbies when lobby formation is endogenous caps may then also increase aggregate contributions from lobbies and increase politically motivated government spending we present empirical evidence from u s states that support various predictions of the model we find a positive effect on the number of pacs formed from enacting laws constraining pac contributions moreover the estimated effect is non linear as predicted by the theoretical model very stringent caps reduce the number of pacs but as the cap increases above a threshold level the effect becomes positive contribution caps in the majority of u s states are above this threshold

the all pay auction when a committee awards the prize there is very little work on the equilibrium of the all payauction when the prize is awarded by two or more people iconsider an all pay auction under committee administrationwith caps on the bids of the contestants i show that for anynumber of committee members and contestants there exists apure strategy equilibrium in which the contestants bid anamount equal to a suitably chosen cap i argue that the cap isnot an artificial restriction on the game given that thereare caps on political lobbying in the real world i find thatcommittee administration could result in higher aggregateexpenditures even if there is some probability that thecommittee will not award the prize the intuition for thisresult is that the inclusion of additional administratorsrelaxes the effect of caps on lobbying that is caps onlobbying tend to be more effective the smaller is the size ofthe committee caps may also be a solution to the problem ofmajoritarian cycles in all pay auctions under committeeadministration

the quantitative role of child care for female labor force participation and fertility consistent with facts for a cross section of oecd countries i document that the labor force participation rate of west german mothers with children aged zero to two exceeds the corresponding child care enrollment rate whereas the opposite is true for mothers with children aged three to mandatory school age i develop a life cycle model that explicitly accounts for this age dependent relationship through various types of non paid and paid child care the calibrated version of the model is used to evaluate two policy reforms concerning the supply of subsidized child care for children aged zero to two these counterfactual policy experiments suggest that the lack of subsidized child care constitutes indeed for some females a barrier to participate in the labor market and depresses fertility

campaign contributions as investments the u s house of representatives 1980 1986 this paper treats the market for special interest campaign contributions and political favors as a simple asset market the model yields a simple equilibrium relationship among three variables the total amount of investor contributions a candidate receives the monetary value of the favors he has promised and his probability of winning using data on open seat races for the u s house of representatives i confront the model with a series of tests despite the starkness of the model the results of these tests are highly supportive

campaign contributions and access an important and pervasive view of campaign contributions is that they are given to promote access to successful candidates under circumstances when such access would not ordinarily be given in this story access is valuable as it offers groups the opportunity to influence legislative decisions through the provision of policy relevant information under complete information regarding donors policy preferences i argue that this model predicts a negative relationship between contributions and the extent to which the groups and the recipient legislators preferences are similar however one of the more robust empirical findings in the literature is that this relationship is positive relaxing the informational assumption on donors preferences i reexamine the access story with a model in which campaign contributions can act as signals of policy preference and the informational value of access to any agent is endogenous

liquidity constrained exporters and trade abstract we present a model of a risk averse exporting firm subject to liquidity constraints we show that preferences and expectations become important for optimum export and hedging decisions only firms that have sufficient financial resources can fully materialize gains from trade

market structure and campaign contributions does concentration matter a reply economic rents may be obtained through the process of market competition or be obtained by resorting to governmental protection rational firms choose the least costly alternative collusion to obtain governmental protection will be less costly the higher the concentration ceteris paribus however high concentration in itself is neither necessary nor sufficient to induce governmental protection

international trade with forward futures markets under exchange rate and price uncertainty abstract the paper examines a risk averse firm s decisions on the level of trade when the exchange rate and the commodity price are uncertain and the extent of forward exchange and commodity futures commitments first we verify the separation theorem and the full double hedging theorem second we investigate the implications of the existence of both forward foreign exchange and commodity futures markets in comparison to the case where only one or no market is available to the firm the second exercise enables us to focus on conditions under which establishing forward futures arrangements promotes international trade

financial constraints competition and hedging in industry equilibrium we analyze the hedging decisions of firms within an equilibrium setting that allows us to examine how a firm s hedging choice depends on the hedging choices of its competitors within this equilibrium some firms hedge while others do not even though all firms are ex ante identical the fraction of firms that hedge depends on industry characteristics such as the number of firms in the industry the elasticity of demand and the convexity of production costs consistent with prior empirical findings the model predicts that there is more heterogeneity in the decision to hedge in the most competitive industries

a theory of affirmative action in college admissions i introduction race conscious preferential admissions have been widely practiced by selective colleges and universities to enhance minority representation in higher education for example the college of arts and sciences at the university of michigan automatically added 20 points out of a possible 150 points to a minority applicant s score in its rating system harvard university has an unofficial lift scheme which also targets minority applicants however controversy has surrounded affirmative action ever since its inception for instance california texas and florida have already terminated the use of race conscious admissions at state funded institutions this debate culminated in the recent supreme court ruling regarding admissions procedures at the university of michigan which endorsed admissions rules that took into account race as a qualifying characteristic unfortunately positive studies on this issue have been scarce relative to the high profile of the debate according to holzer and neumark 1999 theoretical studies of the efficiency of affirmative action on education are virtually nonexistent some have argued that affirmative action is merely a patronage program and necessarily results in mediocracy rather than meritocracy in the debate on affirmative action practices in college admissions a major criticism is that affirmative action designed to create diversity comes at the cost of academic quality a competing view offered by those opposed to affirmative action is that it weakens school applicants incentives to achieve academic excellence for instance justice thomas wrote in his opinion in grutter v bollinger that there is no incentive for the black applicant to continue to prepare for the lsat once he is reasonably assured of achieving the requisite score supporters of this practice tend to emphasize the importance of diversity and the positive influence of diversity on the pedagogical environment steele 1990 these views however do not fully recognize the incentive structure behind affirmative action admissions rules it is unclear how a college admissions rule affects high school students incentives to achieve academic excellence which adds to their human capital stock and future productivity the process of college admissions by and large resembles a contest in which contestants exert costly effort in order to win a limited number of prizes in the context of college admissions to compete for a limited number of seats in the incoming class college candidates have to present their academic credentials such as gpa and sat score to the admissions officer to win the seat high school students have to invest in their human capital which improves the academic performance whereas the academic investments are costly and nonrefundable regardless of the outcome for example the tuition the money spent on books the salary paid to tutors the time and energy and so on all of these features may be approximated by an all pay auction mechanism we propose a simple theoretical framework that models the process of college admissions as an all pay auction to investigate two major questions is there any theoretical rationale for an affirmative action admissions rule how do such rules affect college candidates incentives to invest in academic effort two candidates one a minority and the other a nonminority simultaneously choose their academic efforts human capital investments to compete for a seat in a college we show that an academic quality oriented college prefers to adopt an admissions rule that scales up the test score of the minority relative to the nonminority although this rule is designed purely to maximize the expected academic quality of the incoming class it turns out to favor the minority and create ethnic diversity we show that the unique equilibrium affirmative action admissions rule creates a positive cross group interaction between college candidates incentives to make educational effort

rigging the lobbying process an application of the all pay auction textabstractin a world where a politician can explicitly auction off a prize to the high bidder the standard auction literature can be used to analyse political behavior the justice system however precludes politicians from explicitly selling the prize to the highest bidder thus politicians cannot let it become public knowledge that they are in the business of selling political favors an institution has emerged in political markets to overcome this constraint which are termed as lobbying lobbyists make implicit payments to the politician through campaign contributions if these up front payments were rebated to those failing to receive the prize it would be clear that the politician was selling favors this article has examined an interesting principle arising in all pay auctions this principle states that a politician wishing to maximize political rents may find it in his best interest to exclude certain lobbyists from participating in the lobbying process particularly lobbyists valuing most the political prize

why is there so little money in u s politics in this paper we argue that campaign contributions are not a form of policy buying but are rather a form of political participation and consumption we summarize the data on campaign spending and show through our descriptive statistics and our econometric analysis that individuals not special interests are the main source of campaign contributions moreover we demonstrate that campaign giving is a normal good dependent upon income and campaign contributions as a percent of gdp have not risen appreciably in over 100 years if anything they have probably fallen we then show that only one in four studies from the previous literature support the popular notion that contributions buy legislators votes finally we illustrate that when one controls for unobserved constituent and legislator effects there is little relationship between money and legislator votes thus the question is not why there is so little money politics but rather why organized interests give at all we conclude by offering potential answers to this question this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

indirect hedging of exchange rate risk abstract the purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of exchange rate risk upon export production when the firm cannot engage in a direct forward hedge in the exchange rate however there exists a forward market for a domestic financial asset correlated with the exchange rate in question exporting firms using such an indirect hedging device to reduce foreign exchange risk do not necessarily increase their output when such unbiased hedging market becomes available this contrasts with the well known result in the case of direct hedging

childcare subsidies wages and employment of single mothers this paper develops and estimates a model for the choice of part time and full time employment and the decision to pay for childcare among single mothers the results indicate that a lower childcare price and a higher full time wage rate both lead to an increase in overall employment and the use of paid childcare the part time wage effects are found to be too small to have significant behavioral implications an analysis of cost effectiveness indicates that the additional hours of work generated per dollar of government expenditure is larger for a childcare subsidy than a wage subsidy

all pay contests this paper studies a class of games all pay contests which capture general asymmetries and sunk investments inherent in scenarios such as lobbying competition for market power labor market tournaments and r d races players compete for one of several identical prizes by choosing a score conditional on winning or losing it is weakly better to do so with a lower score this formulation allows for differing production technologies costs of capital prior investments attitudes toward risk and conditional and unconditional investments among others i provide a closed form formula for players equilibrium payoffs and analyze player participation a special case of contests is multiprize complete information all pay auctions

electoral and financial effects of changes in committee power the gramm rudman hollings budget reform the tax reform act of 1986 and the money committees in the house most rational choice theories of legislatures locate the source of committee power in the restrictive procedural rules that enforce committee jurisdictions however there is no empirical support for this claim further there is little evidence for the natural implication that membership on more powerful committees confers electoral benefits i address these puzzles by exploiting the occurrence of major budget and tax reforms in the mid eighties these reforms provide a natural experiment for measuring the electoral and financial consequences of changes in committee power i show that the procedural rule changes instituted by the gramm rudman hollings budget reform caused an increase in campaign contributions to members of the budget committee and led to a reduction in the vote share of members of the appropriations committee this heretofore unrecognized effect of the gramm rudman hollings budget reform on the welfare of members of the house rivals that of a more widely recognized policy shock th

politician preferences law abiding lobbyists and caps on political contributions the effect of a contribution cap is analyzed in a political lobbying game where the politician has a policy preference in contrast to the previous literature without politician policy preferences more restrictive binding caps always reduce expected aggregate contributions however the initial imposition of a cap increases contributions if the politician mildly favors the low valuation lobbyist s policy the introduction of policy preferences permits analysis of monied interests policy influence a more restrictive cap makes it more likely that the politician enacts the policy he would have enacted in the absence of lobbying even in cases where expected aggregate contributions increase

electoral competition and special interest politics have fixed positions on some issues but vary their positions on others in order to attract votes and campaign contributions in this context we examine whether special interest groups are governed by an electoral motive or an influence in their campaign giving and how their contributions affect the equilibrium platforms we show that each party is induced to behave as if it were maximizing a weighted sum of the aggregate welfares of informed voters and members of special interest groups the party that is expected to win a majority of seats caters more to the special interests

why is the rate of single parenthood lower in canada than in the u s a dynamic equilibrium analysis of welfare policies a critical question in the design of welfare policies is whether to target aid according to household composition as was done in the u s under the aid to families with dependent children afdc program or to rely exclusively on means testing as in canada restricting aid to single mothers for instance has the potential to distort behavior along three demographic margins marriage fertility and divorce we contrast the canadian and the u s policies within an equilibrium model of household formation and human capital investment on children policy differences we consider are eligibility dependence of transfers on the number of children and generosity of transfers our simulations indicate that the policy differences can account for the higher rate of single parenthood in the u s they also show that canadian welfare policy is more effective for fostering human capital accumulation among children from poor families interestingly a majority of agents in our benchmark economy prefers a welfare system that targets single mothers as the u s system does yet does not unlike the u s system make transfers dependent on the number of children

investment in the absence of property rights the role of incumbency advantages in many situations the individuals who can generate some output must enter a contest for appropriating this output this paper analyses the investment incentives of such agents and the role of incumbency advantages in the contest depending on the advantages an increase in the productivity of the investment can decrease or increase the amount of investment the results are applied to autocrats investment behavior and job specific investment in organizations

a simple explanation for why campaign expenditures are increasing the government is getting bigger abstract this paper shows that most of the large recent increases in campaign spending for federal and state offices can be explained by higher government spending this result holds for both federal and state legislative campaigns and gubernatorial races and across many different specifications the irony is that those who seem most concerned about the level of campaign expenditures are also frequently the ones who most strongly support increasing the size of government evidence is also examined on whether it is the composition and not just the level of expenditures that determines campaign expenditures and whether higher government expenditures similarly results in more candidates competing for office finally by focusing on the symptoms and not the root causes of ever higher campaign expenditures this paper argues that the current public policy debate risks changing the form in which payments are made rather than actually restricting the level of competition

legislators and interest groups how unorganized interests get represented this paper derives a supply price for public policy using a constrained maximization model in the model three sets of agents each have preferences over outcomes organized interest groups offer campaign contributions to improve their own wealth voters offer votes to obtain outcomes closer to their most preferred outcomes and legislators seek both campaign contributions and votes to obtain reelection a given legislator s supply price for policy is shown to depend on the productivity of his effort as determined by committee assignments priority and ability and by the preferences of his unorganized constituency in the home district two extreme assumptions about the effectiveness of campaign spending in eliciting votes are used to illustrate the comparative statics properties of the model the prediction of the model is that interest groups will in general seek out legislators whose voters are indifferent to the policy the interest group seeks thus voters who do have preferences over policy are in effect represented even though they are not organized

the determinants of industry political activity 1978 1986 c ampaign contributions made by corporate political action committees pacs are increasingly important and controversial in u s elections influence purchasing is often alleged by pundits and campaign finance reform is continually debated in congress in the academy social scientists have analyzed the allocation of interest group monies and have looked for possible impacts on legislation few however have tried to explain the total contributions of economic interest groups we shall analyze variations in contributions across industries and over time with an empirical model based on organizationally constrained profit maximizing behavior we assume that corporate pac contributions in an industry are raised to enhance industry profits subject to the constraints of organization costs and freeriding incentives our empirical work covers 124 industries over five election cycles from 1978 through 1986 both the costs and benefits of political activity vary across industries we argue that the benefits of political action are determined by direct contact with the government as a regulator or purchaser of industry output by government s ability to ameliorate adverse market conditions and by the industry s ability to solve collective action problems without government assistance the costs of industry political action arise mainly from collective action problems because effective political activity often requires concerted action by the constituent firms in each industry we also make a methodological contribution previous studies use statistical techniques that suffer from sample selectivity bias or else force the probability of acting politically to be explained by the same set of coefficients as is the amount of action taken we explain and employ a technique that accounts for both problems the results are consistent with the theses that industries follow investment oriented goals in deciding the amount of political action to undertake and that collective action problems are important constraints on industry political activity we can explain between 60 and 80 of the variation in contributions in our sample first we review existing work on corporate political activity particularly papers examining patterns of aggregate pac spending by industry then we present an organization cost constrained industryprofit maximizing model based on a comparison between an idealized zero organization cost industry and the more realistic case where organizing collective action is difficult the independent variables used in the analysis are also discussed and defined next we discuss the dependent variable and total industry contributions and explain our statistical method then the results are presented followed by a discussion of industry structure and political activity to make clear how our results can explain different contribution patterns we give examples using five actual industries

export flexibility and currency hedging this article studies the behavior of an export flexible firm under exchange rate uncertainty we show that the separation theorem holds if selling exclusively in the domestic market is suboptimal even under the most unfavorable spot exchange rate otherwise the firm s optimal output depends on its preferences and on the underlying uncertainty we further show that the full hedging theorem holds only when the firm always finds it optimal to sell its entire output in the foreign market otherwise export flexibility introduces a convexity into the firm s foreign exchange risk exposure which calls for the use of currency options for hedging purposes

a structural model of child care and the labor supply of married women this article empirically examines married women s labor supply and child care expenditures the article uses winter 1984 85 data from the survey of income and program participation to estimate a fu

expansions in maternity leave coverage and mothers labor market outcomes after childbirth this article analyzes the impact of five major expansions in maternity leave coverage in germany on mothers labor market outcomes after childbirth to identify the causal impact of the reforms we use a difference in difference design that compares labor market outcomes of mothers who give birth shortly before and shortly after a change in maternity leave legislation in years of policy changes and years when no changes have taken place each expansion in leave coverage reduced mothers postbirth employment rates in the short run the longer run effects of the expansions on mothers postbirth labor market outcomes are however small

interest group competition and the organization of congress theory and evidence from financial services political action committees we develop a positive theory of how interest group competition shapes the organization of congress and use it to explain campaign contribution patterns in financial services since interest groups cannot enforce fee for service contracts with legislators legislators have an incentive to create specialized standing committees which foster repeated dealing between interests and committee members the resulting reputational equilibrium supports high contributions and high legislative effort for the interests contribution patterns by competing interests in the congressional battle over whether banks can enter new businesses support the theory which also has implications for term limits and campaign reform

soft money and campaign finance reform we analyze special interest influence on policy when political contributions are capped but the regulation contains soft money loopholes the politician chooses between two policy options we define special interest influence as the probability the politician chooses the policy he would not have chosen in the absence of contributions any binding cap reduces special interest influence but the effect may be nonmonotonic a ban on contributions can result in greater special interest influence than a binding but nonzero cap the results may also have implications for the policy response to the 2010 supreme court ruling on citizens united v fec