median voters or budget maximizers evidence from school expenditure referenda some readers may have found these results of greater interest were we able to confirm the directional hypotheses of the certainty setter model in addition to finding that spending is related to the reversion the much weaker prediction of the uncertainty model yet the failure of the certainty when base elections were optional their infrequent occurrence might be expected under either a median voter or a setter model for those districts that did hold base elections the observations appear consistent with a setter model but are either inexplicable by or inconsistent with a median voter model finally both a the relationship between the number of budget elections and the presence of base elections and b the outcome of mandatory base elections in 1978 provide a set of observations that are challenging to either model a similar challenge was posed by our investigation of budget elections when we called attention to the inadequacy of static full information models rather than resolving the question of the simple setter model against the simple median voter model our results indicate that both may be inappropriate and that endeavors dealing with complexities omitted here are warranted

pareto improving campaign finance policy this paper argues that campaign finance policy in the form of contribution limits and matching public financing can be pareto improving even under very optimistic assumptions concerning the role of campaign advertising and the rationality of voters the optimistic assumptions are that candidates use campaign contributions to convey truthful information to voters about their qualifications for office and that voters update their beliefs rationally on the basis of the information they have seen the argument also assumes that campaign contributions are provided by interest groups and that candidates can offer to provide policy favors to attract higher contributions

state aid programs for equalizing spending across local school districts does the structure of the program matter or only it s size this paper provides interesting insights into an important causal mechanism underlying murray evans and schwab s am econ rev 88 4 789 812 1998 finding that court mandated reforms result in less inequality in spending per pupil levels across rich and poor school districts within a state treating the choice of an education program s structure as endogenous following the analysis of leyden public finance finances publiques 47 229 247 1992 public choice 115 1 2 83 107 2003 yields empirical results suggesting that court mandated reforms increase the likelihood that a program s structure will include a price effect and that the inclusion of a price effect in turn results in a decrease in spending inequality

the impact of campaign expenditures on political competition in the french legislative elections of 1993 we use regression analysis to estimate the effect that campaign money had on the votes of challengers and incumbents in the 1993 elections to the french legislative assembly incumbent candidates can at best expect to win 1 01 of the popular vote for each extra franc they spend per registered voter in their district challengers can expect to win at least twice as much as this simulations show that if campaign spending ceilings were halved incumbents would have gained an extra ten percent of the popular vote over their closest challenging rivals the regression analysis also suggests that voters react negatively to candidates who rely heavily on their own money for their outlays and reward candidates who rely on contributions from private individuals these results suggest that campaign spending ceilings may inhibit political competition and that voters may resist a candidate who relies on narrow sources of funding

selling favors in the lab experiments on campaign finance reform campaign advertising can provide benefits to constituencies when used to fund the distribution of useful information but voters can be harmed if candidates finance such advertising by trading policy favors to special interests in exchange for contributions we report data from novel laboratory campaign finance experiments that shed light on this tradeoff and that provide rigorous empirical evidence on formal campaign finance theory our key finding is that voters respond to advertising differently between special interest and publicly financed campaigns and that the nature of this difference is qualitatively consistent with formal models predictions

common agency and coordination general theory and application to government policy making we develop a model of common agency with complete information and general preferences with nontransferable utility and we prove that the principals nash equilibrium in truthful strategies implements an efficient action we apply this theory to the construction of a positive model of public finance where organized special interests can lobby the government for consumer and producer taxes or subsidies and targeted lump sum taxes or transfers the lobbies use only the nondistorting transfers in their noncooperative equilibrium but their intergroup competition for transfers turns into a prisoners dilemma in which the government captures all the gain that is potentially available to the parties

do limits matter evidence on the effects of tax limitations on student performance abstract the goal of this research is to determine if limits on the revenue raising ability of school districts translate into constraints on the ability of these districts to affect student performance we use the recent imposition of property tax limitations on school districts in the chicago metropolitan area to determine if these limits have translated into slower growth in student performance we find only limited evidence that student performance in districts subject to the tax limitations has fallen relative to student performance in districts not subject to the limitations

competing for endorsements endorsements are a simple language for communication between interest group leaders and group members the members who share policy concerns may not perfectly understand where their interests lie on certain issues if their leaders cannot fully explain the issues they can convey some information by endorsing a candidate or party when interest groups endorse legislative contenders the candidates may compete for backing policies may favor special interests at the expense of the general public the authors examine the conditions under which parties compete for endorsements the extent to which policy outcomes are skewed and the normative properties of the political equilibria

the demand for education with power equalizing aid abstract state grants in aid modify the full fiscal income and tax price for education services faced by voters in local school districts if aid is non linear in the local property tax rate as occurs with district power equalization coupled with an aid floor then individual budget constraints are non linear and least squares estimation is inappropriate we develop and estimate a model that incorporates these effects derive and extensively illustrate the comparative statics present global and local elasticities and simulate the impact of parameter changes on the variance of spending and the cost of the program

issue convergence or issue divergence in a political campaign in this article a two party contest where candidates allocate their campaign resources strategically between two salient issues is studied the analysis aims to determine the circumstances under which there is issue convergence both parties emphasizing the same issue or issue divergence different parties emphasizing different issues during a political campaign for this purpose the concepts of a party s absolute and comparative advantage are used a party has an absolute advantage on an issue if a majority of voters prefer its position on this issue to that of its opponent a party has a comparative advantage on an issue if the percentage of votes that it would obtain if voters cared only about that issue is larger than those that it would obtain if voters cared only about the other issue it is shown here that issue convergence can occur only if one of the parties has an absolute advantage on both issues but its comparative advantage is not too large otherwise there will be issue divergence in the political campaign

revealed political power this paper adopts a revealed preference approach to the question of what can be inferred about bias in a political system we examine a dynamic environment in which individuals dier by income each period long run preference profiles are unobserved to an outside observer but are known to belong to a well behaved class in which individual preferences are ordered by income in each state policy data is summarized by a markov policy rule the observer makes inferences about the underlying distribution of political power as if political power were derived from a wealth weighted voting system with weights that can vary across states the weights determine the nature and magnitude of the wealth bias positive weights on relative income in any period indicate an elitist bias in the political system whereas negative weights indicate a populist one we ask what class of weighted systems can rationalize a given policy rule as a weightedmajority outcome each period our first result shows that without further knowledge all forms of bias are possible any markov policy rule can be shown to be rationalized by any system of wealth weighted voting an additional single crossing restriction on preferences can however rule out certain weighting systems we then augment policy data with polling data and show that the set of rationalizing wealth weights are bounded above and below in some cases polls can provide information about the change in political inequality across time

a computable general equilibrium model of intergovernmental aid abstract this paper introduces a theoretical and a calibrated computable general equilibrium model of intergovernmental relations in which heterogeneous agents i are endowed with income and houses ii are fully mobile between multiple jurisdictions and iii vote in both local and state elections to determine local property and state income tax rates three different types of intergovernmental programs are analyzed i redistributive revenue sharing ii district power equalization and iii deductibility of local taxes the approach facilitates a heretofore difficult comparative analysis in that it provides for integrated investigation of these programs in a single general equilibrium model

some talk money in politics a partial review of the literature the financing of political campaigns is an area of active scholarly study i review some of the recent literature and discuss important methodological issues that arise in empir ical research on campaign expenditures and campaign contributions the effects of campaign expenditures and advertising on candidate and ballot measure elections are summarized as are the impacts of contributions on contributors welfare many states have changed their campaign finance laws in the past few years and i describe work that exploits variations in these laws a discussion of the strategies used by interest groups to allocate their campaign contributions provides insights into contributors motives

spending cuts or tax increases the composition of fiscal adjustments as a signal abstract this paper shows that the composition of fiscal adjustments spending cuts versus tax increases serves as a signal of the government s degree of collusion with special interests the politico economic model of fiscal policies combining retrospective voting with common agency type lobbying presents undominated separating equilibria and intuitive pooling ones in both of which fiscal adjustments with sufficiently large spending cuts lead to incumbent reappointment whereas those with only tax increases lead to incumbent defeat these findings are consistent with the recent empirical evidence of voters behaving as fiscal conservatives the efficiency enhancing aspects of the signaling mechanism and the effects of imposing a deficit limit are also analyzed

competition policy for elections do campaign contribution limits matter this paper examines whether campaign contribution restrictions have consequences for election outcomes states are a natural laboratory to examine this issue we analyze elections to assemblies from 1980 to 2001 and determine whether candidates vote shares are altered by changes in state campaign contribution restrictions we find that limits on giving narrow the margin of victory of the winning candidate limits lead to closer elections for future incumbents but have less effect on the margin of victory of incumbents who passed the campaign finance legislation we also find some evidence that contribution limits increase the number of candidates in the race

fiscal illusion uncertainty and the flypaper effect abstract the flypaper effect is the empirical observation that increases in intergovernmental aid stimulate greater local government expenditure than do increases in voter income fiscal illusion provides a widely accepted explanation for this asymmetry models of voter behavior under fiscal illusion typically assume that taxpayers consistently misperceive nonstochastic average for marginal tax prices this paper develops an alternative framework in which rational voters recognize marginal tax prices but must make tax and expenditure plans under imperfect information or uncertainty various sources of uncertainty are analyzed and related to the flypaper effect and implications for public expenditure demand theory are discussed

money talks an experimental investigation of cheap talk and burned money we experimentally study the strategic transmission of information in a setting where both cheap talk and money can be used for communication purposes theoretically a large number of equilibria exist side by side in which senders either use costless messages money or a combination of the two we find that senders prefer to communicate through costless messages only when the interest disalignment between sender and receiver increases cheap talk tends to break down and high sender types start burning money to enhance the credibility of their costless messages a behavioral model due to kartik 2009 assuming that sellers bear a cost of lying fits the data best

side effects of campaign finance reform because campaign finance reform is usually motivated by the concern that existing legislation cannot effectively prevent campaign contributions to buy favors this article assumes that contributions influence political decisions but given that it is also widely recognized that interest groups achieve influence by providing political decision makers with policy relevant information we also assume that lobbies engage in non negligible informational lobbying we focus on a single political decision to be taken and offer a simple model in which the optimal influence strategy is a mixture of both lobbying instruments our main result is to show that campaign finance reform may have important side effects it may deter informational lobbying so that less policy relevant information is available and as a result political decisions become less efficient jel c72 d72

electoral contributions and the cost of unpopularity when considering electoral campaigns candidates receiving contributions from relatively unpopular industries should be regarded less favorably by voters that have information on the sources of funding to offset this unpopularity effect politicians may either demand more money for campaign advertising from these industries in order to persuade less informed voters or shy away from unpopular contributors to avoid losing the support of the informed electorate our model predicts that the first effect dominates and electoral contributions are increasing in industry unpopularity by using u s house elections data and different identification strategies we provide robust evidence in favor of our predictions jel d72 p16

redistribution in a model of voting and campaign contributions abstract i propose a framework in which individual political participation can take two distinct forms voting and contributing resources to campaigns in a context in which the negligible impact of any individual s actions on aggregate outcomes is fully recognized by all agents i then use the framework to reassess the relationship between inequality and redistribution the model shows that even though each contribution has a negligible impact the interaction between contributions and voting leads to an endogenous wealth bias in the political process as the advantage of wealthier individuals in providing contributions encourages parties to move their platforms closer to those individuals preferred positions this mechanism can in turn explain why the standard median voter based prediction that more inequality produces more redistribution has received little empirical support higher inequality endogenously shifts the political system further in favor of the rich in equilibrium there is a non monotonic relationship in which redistribution is initially increasing but eventually decreasing in inequality i present some empirical evidence supporting the framework using data on campaign contributions from us presidential elections in particular inequality increases contributions to republicans but not to democrats as predicted by the model

the price of transparency do campaign finance disclosure laws discourage political participation by citizens groups we surveyed independent citizens groups who advertised in either of the canadian federal elections of 2004 and 2006 to see whether financial reporting laws act as barriers to entry in politics the most conservative estimates suggest that conforming imposes administrative costs of no more than 9 of group budgets these small reporting costs and our finding that 61 of respondents believed reporting requirements discouraged independent groups from participating in elections suggest that there may be intangible but substantial costs to disclosure our survey indicates these costs arise from the fear of prosecution by authorities for alleged violations of reporting requirements

incumbency advantage and political campaign spending limits abstract this paper presents a model which captures the three main arguments for and against campaign spending limits campaign spending limits are purported to restrict the incumbent s ability to exploit his fundraising advantage in contrast to conventional wisdom a ceiling increases the incumbent s probability of victory regardless of the candidates relative fundraising abilities as long as the challenger is not more effective in campaign spending if the challenger is more effective in campaign spending ceilings have a non monotonic effect when the incumbent enjoys a mild initial voter disposition advantage a moderate ceiling decreases the incumbent s probability of victory but further restricting the limit favors the incumbent irrespective of incumbency status the marginal benefit to quality decreases with a more restrictive cap in an open seat contest a more restrictive limit improves the electoral prospects of the superior quality candidate stricter ceilings may lead to the unintended consequence of increased expected spending

an experimental study of alternative campaign finance systems transparency donations and policy choices we experimentally study the transparency effect of alternative campaign finance systems on donations election outcomes policy choices and welfare three alternatives are considered one where donors preferences and donations are unobserved by the candidate and public one where they are observed by the candidate but not the public and one where they are observed by all we label them full anonymity fa partial anonymity pa and no anonymity na respectively we find that in na and pa candidates consistently respond to donations by choosing policies favoring the donors fa in contrast is the most successful in limiting the influence of donations on policy choices donors benefit greatly from the possibility of donations whereas social welfare may be harmed in some treatments to our knowledge this article is the first to investigate the effect of different campaign finance systems distinguished by their transparency level jel d72

demographic change intergenerational linkages and public education in this brief paper i explore several issues related to u s demographic change and the political economy of public education i describe the existing empirical evidence that suggests that older and childless voters are less likely to support public school spending than younger voters with children i then note several unresolved issues about the degree to which rational self interest should lead older voters to vote for low levels of public school spending excerpt

soft money and hard choices why political parties might legislate against soft money donations in contrast to the bulk of the campaign finance literature that highlights political action committee pac contributions and single donations this paper emphasizes soft money and the rationale for dual contributions employing a formal model of unregulated contributions and political access we show that donors will rationally choose to contribute to both political parties while the parties accept these dual contributions they lead to an imbalance between the benefits of contributions and the costs of providing access this race to acquire unlimited soft money leads to a situation where the parties agree to campaign finance reform legislation

one man one dollar campaign contribution limits equal influence and political communication arguably the most important campaign finance regulations in u s federal elections are limits imposed on individual campaign contributions one of the principal arguments in support of these contribution limits has been that they equalize the influence of individual donors and thereby cause candidates aggregate financial resources to more accurately reflect public support i construct a formal model to evaluate this argument the analysis shows that a necessary condition for it to apply is that a candidate s reliance on large contributions is negatively related to voter preferred characteristics which cannot be credibly revealed through campaign advertisements using data on elections to the house of representatives between 1992 and 2000 i find no evidence that such a relationship exists this result casts doubt on the equalization argument in support of campaign contribution limits

education finance reform and the distribution of education resources between 1971 and 1996 opponents of local funding for public schools successfully challenged the constitutionality of school finance systems in sixteen states using the variation across states in the timing of these cases the authors investigate the impact of reform on the distribution of school resources their results suggest that court ordered finance reform reduced within state inequality in spending by 19 to 34 percent successful litigation reduced inequality by raising spending in the poorest districts while leaving spending in the richest districts unchanged thereby increasing aggregate spending on education reform led states to fund additional spending through higher state taxes copyright 1998 by american economic association

competence and ideology we develop a dynamic repeated election model in which citizen candidates are distinguished by both their ideology and valence voters observe an incumbent s valence and policy choices but only know the challenger s party our model provides a rich set of novel results in contrast to existing predictions from static models we prove that dynamic considerations make higher valence incumbents more likely to compromise and win re election even though they compromise to more extreme policies consequently we find that the correlation between valence and extremist policies rises with office holder seniority this result may help explain previous empirical findings despite this result we establish that the whole electorate gains from improvements in the distribution of valences in contrast fixing average valence the greater dispersion in valence associated with a high valence political elite always benefits the median voter but can harm a majority of voters when voters are sufficiently risk averse we then consider interest groups igs or activists who search for candidates with better skills we derive a complete theoretical explanation for the intuitive conjectures that policies are more extreme when igs and activists have more extreme ideologies and that such extremism reduces the welfare of all voters

campaign contributions as investments the u s house of representatives 1980 1986 this paper treats the market for special interest campaign contributions and political favors as a simple asset market the model yields a simple equilibrium relationship among three variables the total amount of investor contributions a candidate receives the monetary value of the favors he has promised and his probability of winning using data on open seat races for the u s house of representatives i confront the model with a series of tests despite the starkness of the model the results of these tests are highly supportive

campaign contributions and access an important and pervasive view of campaign contributions is that they are given to promote access to successful candidates under circumstances when such access would not ordinarily be given in this story access is valuable as it offers groups the opportunity to influence legislative decisions through the provision of policy relevant information under complete information regarding donors policy preferences i argue that this model predicts a negative relationship between contributions and the extent to which the groups and the recipient legislators preferences are similar however one of the more robust empirical findings in the literature is that this relationship is positive relaxing the informational assumption on donors preferences i reexamine the access story with a model in which campaign contributions can act as signals of policy preference and the informational value of access to any agent is endogenous

the econometrics of piecewise linear budget constraints a survey and exposition of the maximum likelihood method in this article maximum likelihood techniques for estimating consumer demand functions when budget constraints are piecewise linear are exposited and surveyed consumer demand functions are formally derived under such constraints and it is shown that the functions are themselves nonlinear as a result the econometric problems in estimating such functions are exposited and the importance of the stochastic specification is stressed in particular the specification of both unobserved heterogeneity of preferences and measurement error econometric issues in estimation and testing are discussed and the results of the studies that have been conducted to date are surveyed

bailout for sale the vote to save wall street this paper provides a public choice analysis of the 2008 banking bailout in the united states the paper introduces heterogeneity of congressional districts into the common agency problem in special interest politics district heterogeneity implies district specific electoral constraints on legislators ability to collect rents from and cast dissonant votes in support of special interests an empirical analysis examines legislative voting on the initial bailout proposal using campaign contributions to legislators from special interest groups and the importance of financial services for employment within congressional districts as the main explanatory variables the empirical analysis corrects for possible endogeneity bias using valid instruments and considers several intuitive sub sample estimations as alternative methods for addressing the endogeneity issue the paper provides empirical evidence that campaign contributions from the financial services sector influenced legislative voting on the banking bailout

campaign finance and voter welfare with entrenched incumbents two candidates compete for elective office each candidate has information she would like to reveal to the voters but this requires costly advertising the candidates can solicit contributions from interest groups to finance such advertising these contributions are secured by promises to perform favors for the contributors should the candidate win the election voters understand this and elect the candidate they like best taking into account their expectations about promises to special interests there is an incumbency advantage in fundraising which is sometimes so great that the incumbent faces no serious opposition at all introducing partial public financing through matching funds improves voter welfare in districts that have advertising under the decentralized system while it can reduce welfare in other districts the optimal policy must strike a balance between these two effects

economic and political foundations of tax structure this paper derives the essential elements of tax systems as the outcome of rational behavior in a model w here government maximizes expected support and where opposition to ta xation depends on the loss in full income the analysis treats the le vel of expenditures as endogenous and integrates the influence of adm inistration costs with that of political and economic factors tax st ructure is shown to be a system of related components in equilibrium a final section compares results to two alternative approaches opti mal taxation and the leviathan model copyright 1988 by american economic association

asymmetric information and agenda control the bases of monopoly power in public spending abstract a pervasive empirical finding widely known as the flypaper effect is that lump sum intergovernmental grants generate considerably greater public spending by the recipient jurisdiction than would be predicted by equivalent shifts in personal income in that jurisdiction moreover such observations are inconsistent with standard median voter models of the political process we posit a model in which it is in the interest of suppliers of a collectively provided good not to generate full information to voters about outside aid the empirical results are consistent with flypaper and suggest that voters are very poorly informed about outside grants

campaign spending limits incumbent spending and election outcomes abstract we study the impact of campaign spending limits for candidates in canadian federal elections we first demonstrate that spending limits are binding mostly for incumbent candidates we then use this information to produce endogeneity corrected estimates for the impact of incumbent spending on electoral vote shares furthermore we examine the impact of spending limits on broader measures of electoral outcomes finding that larger limits lead to less close elections fewer candidates and lower voter turnout

election campaign resource allocation this paper examines an electoral competition model where a candidate allocates his campaign efforts resources on two competing projects prior to election a candidate is congruent if his objective is consistent with the wishes of his constituents and there is no potential political shirking we show that a congruent candidate needs not exert any efforts towards successful implementation prior to election however a less than perfectly congruent candidate must exert efforts prior to election in equilibrium two campaign resource allocation strategies emerge 1 concentrate resources on one project and 2 allocate resources evenly across both projects we discuss potential inefficiencies that are resulted by these allocation strategies

resource fungibility the flypaper effect and the expenditure impact of grants in aid the typical assumption that intergovernmental grants in aid alter a recipient s budget constraint according to the legal provisions of grant programs was first challenged by mcguire 1975 1978 in a model where local officials are able to convert some fraction of conditional aid into pure fungible resources this paper develops a model of local government expenditure decisions based on mcguire s original work and applies it to data for large u s city governments the results lend strong support to the fungibility hypothesis additionally and importantly the results provide very little evidence in support of the so called flypaper effect of unconditional grants this is due to a more appropriate specification of the unconditional aid variable

the flypaper effect and other anomalies abstract i develop a model in which income both in its own right and as a proxy for other socioeconomic characteristics is an input in the production function for local public services the most obvious example is education though there are other applications as well the comparative statics results from this model yield the following results 1 the observed flypaper effect the tendency for local government to spend a higher fraction of unrestricted grants than income of residents may be due at least in part to the fact that own income but not grants is a substitute for purchased inputs in the technology hence the propensity to spend on purchased inputs out of own income is lower than out of grants 2 the income elasticity of demand for public sector output may be higher than the observed income elasticity of demand for purchased inputs 3 equalization of educational opportunity via wealth neutrality as suggested by feldstein requires major changes in education finance once we recognice the distinction between purchased inputs and output

strategic transmission of costly information it is ofren the case that an individual s decision is at least partly based on information received from another and when the agents payoffs depend on both the former s decision and on the latter s information there is an incentive for the informed individual to attempt to bias the decision maker s decision in his or her favor by strategically manipulating the information transmitted in a seminal paper crawford and sobel 1982 hereafter c s study such strategic information transmission in the context of an abstract sender receiver game variants of the crawford and sobel model have been applied widely and as the application varies so often does the interpretation of type in some cases type refers to a preference parameter given by nature as for example in bargaining theory e g farrell and gibbons 1989 matthews 1989 whereas in other settings for instance legislative decision making or expert testimony type refers to more or less technical information concerning how decisions map into final consequences and as such is acquired information e g gilligan and krehbiel 1987 milgrom and roberts 1986 when the information has to be acquired it is natural to suppose the acquisition is costly for otherwise there is no reason why such information is asymmetrically distributed so long as the receiver can observe surely or at least accurately infer whether the sender is informed and so long as messages are cheap talk there is no issue here for strategic information transmission save whether to become informed at all however there are many circumstances when it is inappropri ate to assume the receiver has such knowledge one possibility is that a receiver may know that a sender has some relevant informa tion but be uncertain of the quality of this information a second perhaps more important possibility is that a receiver is unable to tell whether a potential sender is uninformed inter alia this problem constitutes the rationale for ignorance of the law being inadmissible as a legal defense were it admissible then informed miscreants would mimic uninformed transgressors leads voters to be skeptical of politicians claiming ignorance of illegal arms deals and makes the sec sensitive to problems in distinguishing insider trading from legitimate good judgement so there is an intrinsic asymmetry in that it is generally possible for say senders to verify possession of at least some information but it is typically prohibitively difficult to verify any lack of knowledge

interest groups campaign contributions and probabilistic voting this essay develops a simple model to analyze the impact of campaign contributions on electoral policy decisions of candidates for office interest groups here are firms that select contributions under the assumption that candidates policies and opposing groups donations remain unaltered candidates however recognize that their policy choices affect contributions campaign contributions are used by candidates to affect policy oriented voters perceptions of candidates positions in this framework the introduction of campaign contributions may affect candidates electoral policies and if they do then they benefit surely exactly one of the two interest groups

pay to play politics informational lobbying and contribution limits when money buys access abstract we develop a game theoretic model of informational lobbying between two interest groups and a politician in which the politician can require political contributions in exchange for access the analysis considers three claims 1 the rich have better access to politicians than less wealthy groups 2 this access advantage makes the rich better off and skews policy in their favor and 3 contribution limits can reduce the rich group advantage and result in less skewed policy we show that the rich do have better access with the politician always offering access to the rich groups and only sometimes offering access to the less wealthy group this does not however mean that the rich group is better off or that policy is biased in its favor the politician sets access fees to extract the greatest amount of rent from the political process when only the rich group has access its expected benefit from gaining access is fully offset by its payment to the politician in this case the less wealthy interest group who is not targeted by the politician is better off contribution limits decrease the politician s ability to extract rent which improves the payoffs of rich interests and decreases politician payoffs finally the paper presents a novel benefit of contribution limits they can encourage the formation of lobby groups or the search for evidence which results in more evidence disclosure and better policy

using repeat challengers to estimate the effect of campaign spending on election outcomes in the u s house previous studies of congressional spending have typically found a large positive effect of challenger spending but little evidence for effects of incumbent spending those studies however do not adequately control for inherent differences in vote getting ability across candidates high quality challengers are likely to receive a high fraction of the vote and have high campaign expenditures even if campaign spending has no impact on election outcomes to avoid that bias this paper examines elections in which the same two candidates face one another on more than one occasion differencing eliminates the influence of any fixed candidate or district attributes estimates of the effects of challenger spending are an order of magnitude below those of previous studies campaign spending has an extremely small impact on election outcomes regardless of who does the spending campaign spending limits appear socially desirable but public financing of campaigns does not

legal constraints and the choice of educational grant structures recent empirical work suggests that legalconstraints are significant in choosingstate educational grant structures unfortunately the literature has not takensuch constraints into account thus callinginto question particular grant structurerecommendations this paper studies theconditions under which a legislature underorder to reform its educational grantstructure prefers foundation grants overdistrict power equalization grants atheoretical model is presented in which thechoice is shown to depend on the legalbasis of the court s decision and theempirical validity of this conclusion isdemonstrated using connecticut data and aseparate model of school districtexpenditure choice

price and advertising signals of product quality we present a signaling model based on ideas of phillip nelson in which both the introductory price and the level of directly uninformative advertising or other dissipative marketing expenditures are choice variables and may be used as signals for the initially unobservable quality of a newly introduced experience good repeat purchases play a crucial role in our model a second focus of the paper is on illustrating an approach to refining the set of equilibria in signalling games with multiple potential signals

electoral competition and special interest politics have fixed positions on some issues but vary their positions on others in order to attract votes and campaign contributions in this context we examine whether special interest groups are governed by an electoral motive or an influence in their campaign giving and how their contributions affect the equilibrium platforms we show that each party is induced to behave as if it were maximizing a weighted sum of the aggregate welfares of informed voters and members of special interest groups the party that is expected to win a majority of seats caters more to the special interests

on coalition proof nash equilibria in common agency games abstract in this paper we consider two notions of a coalitional deviation strict deviation where each of member of a deviating group is better off and weak deviation where at least one member of a deviating group is better off while all other members are at least as well off we then examine for the class of common agency games introduced in bernheim and whinston quart j econ 101 1986 1 31 the structure and properties of two notions of a coalition proof nash equilibrium generated by strict and weak deviation we also study a relationship between coalition proof equilibria strong equilibria and pareto undominated nash equilibria journal of economic literature classification numbers c72 d79

on the nature of equilibria in a downsian model with candidate valence abstract i analyze mixed strategy equilibria in a downsian model with two office motivated candidates in which one candidate is endowed with a sufficiently large valence advantage that a voter might prefer this candidate even if the voter strictly prefers the other candidate s policies there is a discrete one dimensional policy space and the preferences of the median voter are uncertain i show that there is a range of moderate policies with no gaps that are optimal for the advantaged candidate there is also a range of liberal policies with no gaps and a corresponding range of conservative policies with no gaps that are optimal actions for the disadvantaged candidate the upper and lower bounds on these ranges of policies vary in predictable ways with the size of the advantaged candidate s advantage

how pressure groups activate voters and move candidates closer to the median this article shows how uninformed but rational voters can respond intelligently to political advertising the article models a situation where a candidate must rely on a pressure group for financing political advertising and making endorsements the pressure group uses its power over the purse to influence the position chosen by the candidate nevertheless when uninformed voters use a strategic rule of thumb pressure group contributions always move the outcome of the election closer to the median voter by using such a rule of thumb when there is advertising uninformed voters can have the same influence on the election as informed voters how should uninformed but rational voters respond to political advertising can pressure groups with financial resources to fund political campaigns that provide information on the candidates gain at the expense of the median voter this article seeks to answer these and related questions building on the framework introduced by baron 1994 and used extensively by others i model the case where there are two types of voters informed and uninformed i investigate two opposing assumptions regarding candidate preferences

the effects of grants in aid on state and local expenditures abstract this paper develops econometric methods to estimate the effect of the piecewise linear budget constraints created by grant formulas in which the subsidy rate is not constant over expenditures e g closed end grants the methods are applied to the afdc program the results show that because of the kinked nature of the grant formula 1 the present federal formula actually increases cross state inequality in afdc benefits 2 several subsidy rates in the formula actually reduce benefits and 3 the so called flypaper effect disappears

an endogenous policy model of hierarchical government endogenous policy models usually neglect that government policies are frequently the result of decisions taken at different tiers by different agents each enjoying some degree of autonomy in this paper policies are the outcome of the choices made by two agents within a hierarchy a legislator decides on the budget to be successively spent by a bureaucrat both agents are lobbied by one or two interest groups the combination of sequential decisionmaking and lobbying implies that the interaction between the agent at one tier and the interest group s depends on the exchange between the same interest group s and the agent at the other tier our results concerning multi tier lobbying and legislatorial oversight substantially qualify the conventional wisdom related to one tier lobbying in particular the reaction of the legislator to lobbying at the bureaucratic tier may make lobbying wasteful even when there is no competition from other lobbies moreover the legislator benefits from lobbying only when there is competition between interest groups at the upper tier it is also shown that competition for influence at the bureaucratic tier may work as a perfect substitute for legislatorial oversight extensions of the model indicate its usefulness for the analysis of decisionmaking in other multilevel governance structures like federations or firms

political competition with campaign contributions and informative advertising this paper presents a theory of political competition with campaign contributions and informative political advertising policy motivated parties compete by selecting candidates and interest groups provide contributions to enhance the electoral prospects of like minded candidates contributions are used to finance advertising campaigns that provide voters with information about candidates ideologies voters update their beliefs rationally given the information they have received the paper uses the theory to analyze the welfare economics of contribution limits such limits are shown to redistribute welfare from ordinary citizens to members of interest groups jel d72 h40

should we tax or cap political contributions a lobbying model with policy favors and access abstract this paper develops a model of political contributions in which a politician can either sell policy favors or sell access access allows interest groups to share hard information with the politician in support of their preferred policy here selling access maximizes policy utility while selling policy favors maximizes total contributions imposing a binding contribution limit makes it more likely that the politician sells access which can improve expected constituent welfare however a contribution limit distorts the signals associated with the contributions which tends to result in worse policy alternatively a tax on political contributions can ensure that the politician sells access without distorting his information therefore from the viewpoint of a representative constituent a tax on contributions is strictly preferred to a contribution limit or no reform the politician however may prefer regulation in the form of a contribution limit even when a tax is better for the constituent

mass media competition political competition and public policy if better informed voters receive favourable policies then mass media will affect policy because mass media provide most of the information people use in voting this paper models the incentives of the media to deliver news to different groups the increasing returns to scale technology and advertising financing of media firms induce them to provide more news to large groups such as taxpayers and dispersed consumer interests and groups that are valuable to advertisers this news bias alters the tradeoff in political competition and therefore introduces a bias in public policy the paper also discusses the effects of broadcast media replacing newspapers as the main information source about politics the model predicts that this change should raise spending on government programmes used by poor and rural voters

campaign advertising and voter welfare this paper investigates the role of campaign advertising and the opportunity of legal restrictions on it an electoral race is modeled as a signalling game with three classes of players many voters two candidates and one interest group the group has non verifiable insider information on the candidates quality and on the basis of this information offers a contribution to each candidate in exchange for a favorable policy position candidates spend the contributions they receive on non directly informative advertising this paper shows that 1 a separating equilibrium exists in which the group contributes to a candidate only if the insider information about that candidate is positive 2 although voters are fully rational a ban on campaign advertising can be welfare improving and 3 split contributions may arise in equilibrium and if they arise too often they are detrimental to voters

parties as political intermediaries this paper argues that parties regulate competition among like minded factions so as to enhance reputation building by and voter trust in the politicians standing for a given cause while intra and interparty competition contributes to keeping politicians on their toes unbridled competition may encourage politicians to challenge good platforms and to wage competition along socially suboptimal dimensions for example by privileging form over content the paper builds a simple model of intraparty competition and studies whether various hierarchical or democratic party institutions constitute an efe cient form of party governance the paper shows that intraparty disagreements when they occur hurt the party s position in the general election but that their possibility enhances party image and that parties must be able to avoid behind the scene allocations of portfolios and spoils in order to be credible last it analyzes the impact of political polarization and interparty competition on the choice of party governance

campaign advertising and election outcomes quasi natural experiment evidence from gubernatorial elections in brazil whether campaign advertising influences election outcomes is an open question a paradox given the amount spent on campaigning in general and tv advertising in particular we argue that such absence of documentation is due to the focus of the empirical literature on the u s where the allocation of campaign spending and advertising is decentralized we explore a quasi natural experiment that enables us to mitigate the omitted variables and reverse causality problems caused by decentralized allocation in brazil gubernatorial elections work in a two round system in the first round candidates tv time shares are determined by their coalitions share of seats in the national parliament in the second round tv time is split equally between the first round winner and runner up using differences between rounds as a source of variation we find a large causal effect of tv advertising on election outcomes

venture capitalist certification in initial public offerings this paper provides support for the certification role of venture capitalists in initial public offerings consistent with the certification hypothesis a comparison of venture capital backed ipos with a control sample of nonventure capital backed ipos from 1983 through 1987 matched as closely as possible by industry and offering size indicates that venture capital backing results in significantly lower initial returns and gross spreads in effect the presence of venture capitalists in the issuing firms serves to lower the total costs of going public and to maximize the net proceeds to the offering firm in addition we document that venture capitalists retain a significant portion of their holdings in the firm after the ipo the ability of third party specialists to certify the value of securities issued by relatively unknown firms in capital markets that are characterized by asymmetric information between corporate insiders and public investors has attracted much academic interest in recent years several authors including james 1990 blackwell marr and spivey 1990 and barry muscarella peavy and vetsuypens 1991 have developed and tested models based at least in part on the formal certification hypothesis presented in booth and smith 1986 a related body of work represented by deangelo 1981 beatty and ritter 1986 titman and trueman 1986 johnson and miller 1988 carter 1990 simon 1990 and carter and manaster 1990 has examined how investment bankers and auditors help resolve the asymmetric information inherent in the initial public offering ipo process in this paper we examine whether the presence of venture capitalists as investors in a firm going public can certify that the offering price of the issue reflects all available and relevant inside information we hypothesize that venture capitalists can perform this function that it will be an economically

policy watch congressional campaign finance reform while campaign finance reform attracts a lot of attention it seems unlikely that such reform at least in it current guise will have a large impact on the functioning of the american political system recent studies have called into question the conventional wisdom that challenger campaign spending is especially effective suggesting that attempts to close the gap between incumbent and challenger spending will have a smaller than expected impact on election outcomes while it is safe to conclude that pacs wield some influence it is not clear that limiting cash contributions will have a substantial effect

property tax financing renting and the level of local expenditures the renter homeowner dichotomy has been systematically ignored in the local public goods literature the conventional justification for ignoring this dichotomy is that the only difference between the two groups of individuals is an innocuous accounting rule owners pay property taxes directly while renters pay property taxes indirectly via their rental payments to landlords 9 consequently when empirical studies after controlling for income and tastes find renter behavior that is discernably different from that of homeowners the explanation commonly offered is that renters are subject to fiscal illusion i e renters support higher levels of expenditures than homeowners because renters are unaware of the actual property tax burdens they bear 2 the fiscal illusion explanation despite its general acceptance is deficient on both empirical and theoretical grounds empirically the fiscal illusion hypothesis has not and probably cannot be directly tested 3 fiscal illusion is not so much a theory of renter behavior as it is a convenient ad hoc explanation for empirical results that are unexpected from the theory a revised theory of renter behavior cum illusion moreover would lack credibility to argue that even if time and again renters expectations are unfulfilled by experience i e they pay as much for increased services as owners when they expect not to yet renters consistently support higher levels of services would simply be untenable there are alternative possible explanations for renters behavior renters might have stronger preferences for public goods e g they may have a larger number of school age children renters

campaign spending with office seeking politicians rational voters and multiple lobbies abstract i introduce a microfounded model of campaign finance with office seeking politicians a continuum of voters and a large number of heterogeneous lobbies lobbies make contributions to politicians according to a common agency framework politicians use contributions to finance their electoral expenditures voters are not fooled by electoral expenditures they are influenced in a way that is consistent with the equilibrium behavior of lobbies and politicians the model is used to i determine the relation between campaign spending and the deviation from the median voter s preferred policy ii show the informational value of lobbies contributions iii evaluate the welfare implications of restricting campaign spending and iv interpret the empirical finding that campaign expenditures have a very low effect on election outcome although in equilibrium advertising provides voters with useful information under reasonable parameter values a ban on campaign contributions makes the median voter better off journal of economic literature classification numbers d72 d82 m37

when the squeakiest wheel gets the most oil exploiting one s nuisance power abstract in this paper a lobby group or union may influence public policy because it is able via a costly signal such as a boycott or a strike to negatively impact the image of decision makers the competence of a government is measured by its ability to do a lot with only a little money voters receive through observing the level of public output only a noisy signal of government s quality so that the lobby groups which are better informed may transmit to them more precise information about it we show that when unions are unbiased i e have no hostility against or sympathy for the incumbent government strikes may occur only when the government is bad consequently a strike in this case acts as a clear though costly signal to the public of an incompetent government when some or all unions or lobby groups are biased against the incumbent government we show that the possibility of strikes may distort the budget allocation away from the efficient one bad governments have a tendency to favor their political enemies while good governments favor their political enemies only when they are not overly biased

electoral competition with informed and uninformed voters i present a model of electoral competition in which candidates raise campaign contributions by choosing policies that benefit interest groups and then expend those contributions to influence voters who are uninformed about the policies informed voters however vote based on those policies so candidates face a trade off between choosing a policy to generate funds to attract the uninformed vote and choosing a policy to attract the informed vote electoral equilibria are characterized for two categories of policies particularistic and collective in the case of particularistic policies the equilibrium policies of the candidates are separated if the proportion of uninformed voters is sufficiently high and the degree of separation is an increasing function of that proportion the model is extended to include the public financing of elections and incumbency advantages for the case of collective policies the candidates locate at the median of the ideal points of the informed voters and contributions are zero

soft money and campaign finance reform we analyze special interest influence on policy when political contributions are capped but the regulation contains soft money loopholes the politician chooses between two policy options we define special interest influence as the probability the politician chooses the policy he would not have chosen in the absence of contributions any binding cap reduces special interest influence but the effect may be nonmonotonic a ban on contributions can result in greater special interest influence than a binding but nonzero cap the results may also have implications for the policy response to the 2010 supreme court ruling on citizens united v fec

flip flopping from primaries to general elections abstract i consider a model in which candidates must win a primary election to compete in the general election candidates may choose different policies in the primary and the general election but doing so results in accusations of flip flopping i show that candidates adopt extreme policies in the primaries but then try to move closer to the center for the general election even though primary voters are forward looking and anticipate this policy moderation the extent to which candidates move closer to the center is constrained by flip flopping costs and candidates choose divergent policies in the general election i obtain comparative statics results on candidate policy choices in terms of voter preferences