redistribution policy and the expansion of the public sector abstract during the first part of this century life cycle and insurance type considerations seem to have dominated redistribution policy in particular when we look at the consequences for the expansion of public spending by contrast during recent decades fragmented horizontal redistributions between various minority groups have probably been the most important mechanisms the self interest of different groups of the electorate seems to have provided the most powerful motive behind these various policies although welfare altruism and what in this paper are called considerations of consequential externalities have probably been important motives behind redistribution in favor of the poor

the principle of minimum differentiation holds under sufficient heterogeneity the so called principle of minimum differentiation stated by hotelling has been challenged by many authors this paper restores the principle by showing that n firms locate at the center of the market and charge prices higher than the marginal cost of production when heterogeneity in consumers tastes is large enough

tariffs quotas and terms of trade the case of new zealand abstract this paper reports quantitative information on the effects of tariffs and quotas on prices of individual goods the analyses uses the natural experiment provided by a comprehensive unilateral trade policy reform in new zealand to examine the response of foreign exporters to an incident of liberalisation that is unique in the developed world the price effects of tariffs and quotas are estimated using a multidestination 7 digit longitudinal product level dataset on export values and quantities the effects are found to be by no means equivalent whereas tariffs display no significant effect the impact that quantitative restrictions have on the terms of trade of the country that imposes them are unequivocally detrimental and quantitatively important

politics and economics in weak and strong states abstract while much research in political economy points out the benefits of limited government political scientists have long emphasized the problems created in many less developed nations by weak states which lack the power to tax and regulate the economy and to withstand the political and social challenges from non state actors i construct a model in which the state apparatus is controlled by a self interested ruler who tries to divert resources for his own consumption but who can also invest in socially productive public goods both weak and strong states create distortions when the state is excessively strong the ruler imposes such high taxes that economic activity is stifled when the state is excessively weak the ruler anticipates that he will not be able to extract rents in the future and underinvests in public goods i show that the same conclusion applies in the analysis of both the economic power of the state i e its ability to raise taxes and its political power i e its ability to remain entrenched from the citizens i also discuss how under certain circumstances a different type of equilibrium which i refer to as consensually strong state equilibrium can emerge whereby the state is politically weak but is allowed to impose high taxes as long as a sufficient fraction of the proceeds are invested in public goods the consensually strong state might best correspond to the state in oecd countries where taxes are high despite significant control by the society over the government

balanced budget redistribution as the outcome of political competition this paper models balanced budget redistribution between socio economic groups as the outcome of electoral competition between two political parties equilibrium is unique in the present model and a sufficient condition for existence is given requiring that there be enough stochastic heterogeneity with respect to party preferences in the electorate the validity of hotelling s principle of minimum differentiation and of director s law are examined under alternative hypotheses concerning administrative costs of redistributions and voter s possibilities both of abstaining from voting and of becoming campaign activists for one of the parties the policy strategy of expected plurality maximization is contrasted with the strategy of maximizing the probability of gaining a plurality incomes are fixed and known so lump sum taxation is feasible however constraints on tax transfer differentiation between individuals are permitted in the analysis

property rights and the political organization of agriculture we propose a general equilibrium model where the economic organization of agriculture and the political equilibrium determining the security of property rights are jointly determined in particular because the form of organization may affect the probability and distribution of benefits from future property challenges it may be shaped in anticipation of this impact property rights security may then be secured at the expense of economic efficiency the model provides a framework for understanding why in some contexts land is redistributed primarily via land sales and tenancy markets but via politics and conflict in others we test some implications of the theory using a five decade panel dataset that traces changes in the extent of tenancy and tenancy reform across 15 indian states

ethnic diversity social sanctions and public goods in kenya abstract this paper examines ethnic diversity and local public goods in rural western kenya the identification strategy relies on the stable historically determined patterns of ethnic land settlement ethnic diversity is associated with lower primary school funding and worse school facilities and there is suggestive evidence that it leads to poor water well maintenance the theoretical model illustrates how inability to impose social sanctions in diverse communities leads to collective action failures and we find that school committees in diverse areas do impose fewer sanctions on defaulting parents we relate these results to the literature on social capital and economic development and discuss implications for decentralization in less developed countries

unexpected guests the impact of internal displacement inflows on rental prices in colombian host cities abstract we study the causal impact of internally displaced people idp inflows on rental prices in colombian host cities following an instrumental variables approach we find that as idp inflows increase low income rental prices increase and high income rental prices decrease we provide empirical evidence on two potential mechanisms for these findings excess demand for low income housing puts upwards pressure on rental prices increasing supply of high income housing coupled with rising homicide rates put downwards pressure on rental prices

sleeping quotas pre emptive quota bidding and monopoly power abstract we rationalize the puzzling existence of binding quotas that are not fully utilized our model has its roots in bhagwati 1965 in r baldwin et al eds trade growth and the balance of payments essays in honor of g haberler mit press new york on tariffs quotas equivalence and is related to the io literature on preemption we study the conditions that lead a monopolist facing a quota restricted market to buy the quota licenses itself and the conditions under which they may remain unused the divisibility of the quota is crucial for the monopolist to pre emptively buy the quota furthermore we study the implications of use it orlose it clauses commonly imposed on auctioned quotas

the observer effect in international politics evidence from a natural experiment by pressuring governments to hold democratic elections and by becoming directly involved in the electoral process through technical assistance and funding or as election monitors international actors now play a visible role in domestic elections and other democratic processes throughout the developing world although scholars have documented several macrolevel relationships between international level variables and movement toward democracy there has been little attention paid to the microlevel effects of international involvement in the democratization process this article examines the effects of international election observation as a prominent form of international involvement in domestic elections and exploits a natural experiment in order to test whether international observers reduce election fraud using data from the 2003 presidential elections in armenia the article demonstrates that although observers may not eliminate election fraud they can reduce election day fraud at the polling stations they visit the unusual advantage of experiment like conditions for this study offers unique causal evidence that international actors can have direct measurable effects on the level of election day fraud and by extension on the democratization process

shrouded costs of government the political economy of state and local public pensions abstract why do public sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the form of pensions and other benefits this paper presents a political economy model in which politicians compete for taxpayers and government employees votes by promising compensation packages but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promised compensation if pension packages are shrouded so that public sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers then compensation will be highly back loaded in equilibrium the welfare of public sector workers could be improved holding total public sector costs constant if they received higher wages and lower pensions centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity more state level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs and that reduces pension generosity but a larger share of public sector workers will vote within the jurisdiction which increases pension generosity a short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states california and pennsylvania and two centralized states massachusetts and ohio suggests that centralization appears to have modestly reduced pensions but as the model suggests this is unlikely to be universal

the effects of adaptation measures on hurricane induced property losses which fema investments have the highest returns abstract this paper evaluates the relative effectiveness of fema expenditures on hurricane induced property losses we find that spending on fema ex ante mitigation and planning projects leads to greater reductions in property losses than spending on ex post adaptation programs specifically a one percent increase in annual spending on ex ante risk reduction and warning projects reduces damages by 0 21 percent while a one percent increase in ex post recovery and clean up spending reduces damages by 0 12 although both types of program spending are effective we find the marginal return from spending on programs that target long term mitigation and risk management to be almost twice that of spending on ex post recovery programs with the predicted increases in the frequency and severity of north atlantic hurricanes in the future our findings suggest there are important potential gains that could be realized from the further diversification of fema spending across project categories

costly distribution and the non equivalence of tariffs and quotas when governments impose a quota or tariff on imports it is well known that the resulting rents and revenues trigger costly rent seeking and revenue seeking activities which are welfare reducing and may be economically more significant than the efficiency losses resulting from the protectionist induced resource misallocation repeated interaction among firms can eliminate wasteful rent and revenue seeking expenditures through cooperation we show that while aggregate outcomes are equivalent under tariffs and quotas if cooperation arises the conditions under which cooperation arises differ by policy this difference arises because a firm must incur additional cost to physically import and distribute the goods associated with additional quota licenses whereas there is no such cost when it comes to consuming additional tariff revenue thus quotas and tariffs are non equivalent we provide a simple sufficient condition under which cooperative elimination of rent seeking under quotas is easier than cooperative elimination of revenue seeking under tariffs and therefore a quota is the preferred policy whenever the policy admits cooperation

should a team be homogeneous abstract should an organization hire people with similar backgrounds or with different backgrounds we formulate this question within the framework of team theory the team is formed by n agents the type of each agent is endogenous and determines his information structure and his cost for the team we show that the sign of complementarity between jobs determines workforce homogeneity with positive complementarities the team should be composed of agents of the same type while with negative complementarities workforce heterogeneity is optimal these results do not rely on the restrictions on the way uncertainty is modeled or on the feasible set of agent types they can be explained in terms of correlation between errors committed by different agents

partisan alignment effects on total factor productivity aray h partisan alignment effects on total factor productivity regional studies unlike the literature on political effects on real economy that suggests that partisan effects accrue through aggregate demand it is hypothesized that such effects could also accrue through aggregate supply using panel data for the spanish regions over the 1986 2010 period the main results are 1 partisan alignment effects only arise when central government enjoys a majority 2 there exist a positive contemporaneous effect and negative lagged effects and 3 in absolute value such effects vanish over time results are robust to different specifications and measures of total factor productivity tfp and methods of estimation

clientelism and voting behavior evidence from a field experiment in benin the author conducted a field experiment in benin to investigate the impact of clientelism on voting behavior in collaboration with four political parties involved in the 2001 presidential elections clientelist and broad public policy platforms were designed and run in twenty randomly selected villages of an average of 756 registered voters using the survey data collected after the elections the author estimated the effect of each type of message by comparing voting behavior in the villages exposed to clientelism or public policy messages treatment groups with voting behavior in the other villages control groups the author found that clientelist messages have positive and significant effect in all regions and for all types of candidates the author also found that public policy messages have a positive and significant effect in the south but a negative and significant effect in the north in addition public policy messages seem to hurt incumbents as well as regional candidates finally the evidence indicates that female voters tend to have stronger preference for public policy platforms than male voters

estrutura politica como determinante dos gastos federais this paper analyses federal expending distribution between brazilian states the hypothesis is that there are variables other than social and geographic ones that explain federal expending decisions country s political structure is also important to determine these choices positive theories of budget allocation such as congressional partisan and electoral are used to ascertain the role performed by political arrangements on the allocation of federal budget a set of political and electoral variables was used to test the importance of these theories the test of the hypothesis utilized a panel data of 27 brazilian states from 1999 to 2003 and the dependent variables used were states voluntary federal transferences and federal investment on states the results confirm the hypothesis indicating that representatives party alignment and voter s behavior on past elections influence resources distribution among states

the economics of administering import quotas with licenses on demand in agriculture a nash equilibrium is determined for licenses on demand import quotas where licenses are allocated on a prorated basis inefficiency is incurred because licenses are allocated to high cost firms the ability to overbid exacerbates the inefficiency due to proportionate reductions in licenses quota expansion causes high cost firms to decrease their bids but reduces inefficiency the entry of a new firm causes all incumbent firms to increase bids or bid the quota not penalizing firms for the non use of licenses increases inefficiency the inefficiency impacts of tariff reductions license fees limits per firm and imperfect information are also addressed

does employment protection create its own political support this paper investigates the ability of employment protection to generate its own political support a version of the mortensen pissarides model is used for this purpose if wages are set through nash bargaining workers value employment protection because it strengthens their hand in wage negotiations workers in high productivity matches benefit most from higher wages as they expect to stay employed for longer by reducing turnover employment protection shifts the distribution of match specific productivity toward lower values thus stringent protection in the past actually reduces support for employment protection today introducing involuntary separations reverses this conclusion now workers value employment protection because it delays involuntary dismissals workers in low productivity matches gain most since they face the highest risk of dismissal the downward shift in the productivity distribution is now a shift towards supporters

new parties and policy outcomes evidence from colombian local governments abstract in many democracies increasing political competition has changed the traditional party system and brought new parties into the political arena this study examines whether the presence of politicians from new parties affects the size of government measured by public spending and tax revenue the study focuses on colombian municipalities where new parties have been numerous and successful in recent years regression discontinuity estimates show that public spending and tax revenues are significantly higher in municipalities governed by a mayor from a new party using information about local politics and the features of the new parties i argue that this result is not associated with new party ideology but instead relates to new parties having lower probability of reelection which raises the incentives to increase short term rent seeking

representative democracy and marginal rate progressive income taxation abstract this paper develops a political economy model that is consistent with the fact that democracies have a preference for increasing marginal tax rates on income we present a model in which there is an exogenous set of political parties with preferences over the set of admissible tax schedules this set contains virtually any increasing and piecewise linear continuous function each party decides whether or not to present a candidate for election there is a fixed cost of running the elected candidate implements one of her preferred tax policies our main results provide conditions under which a strong nash equilibrium exists and a tax schedule with increasing marginal tax rates is implemented in some nash equilibria and in any strong nash equilibrium

interjurisdictional redistribution and public goods with increasing returns to scale this paper builds upon probabilistic voting theory to examine vote maximizing interjurisdictional redistribution with increasing returns to scale in the production of regional public goods we find that with interregional differences in the per capita cost of public goods the vote maximizing interregional redistribution will seem incoherent and unfair when judged on the basis of the availability of public goods or regional incomes

micro targeting and polarization abstract this paper connects the rise in polarization to changes in media technology which allow for higher precision in the advertising strategy of candidates candidates place ads in media outlets whose audiences differ in ideology and size we develop the concept of media centrality which takes into account differences in the media network and in ideology media centrality leads to a simple characterization of both the optimal targeting strategy and policy we show that generally a more fragmented media landscape leads to an increase in polarization

list randomization for sensitive behavior an application for measuring use of loan proceeds abstract policymakers and microfinance institutions mfis often claim to target poor entrepreneurs who then invest loan proceeds in their businesses typically in non research settings these claims are assessed using readily available but unverified self reports from client loan applications alternatively independent surveyors could directly elicit how borrowers spent their loan proceeds that too however could suffer from deliberate misreporting we use data from the peru and the philippines in which independent surveyors elicited loan use both directly i e by asking how individuals spent their loan proceeds and indirectly i e through a list randomization technique that allows individuals to hide their answer from the surveyor we find that direct elicitation under reports the non enterprise uses of loan proceeds

the political intergenerational welfare state abstract using a three period overlapping generations economy framework we characterize an intergenerational welfare state with endogenous education and pension under voting we show that although politically establishing pay as you go payg social security in isolation in a dynamically efficient economy will always reduce the capital investment and therefore the social welfare as expected in contrast politically implementing education pension policy package instead can improve both human and physical capital accumulation and social welfare over laissez faire however for this the political influence of the old has to be small thus limiting the size of the payg social security program

voting technology political responsiveness and infant health evidence from brazil this paper studies the introduction of electronic voting technology in brazilian elections estimates exploiting a regression discontinuity design indicate that electronic voting reduced residual error ridden and uncounted votes and promoted a large de facto enfranchisement of mainly less educated citizens estimates exploiting the unique pattern of the technology s phase in across states over time suggest that as predicted by political economy models it shifted government spending toward health care which is particularly beneficial to the poor positive effects on both the utilization of health services prenatal visits and newborn health low weight births are also found for less educated mothers but not for the more educated

the origins of state capacity property rights taxation and politics economists generally assume that the state has sufficient institutional capacity to support markets and levy taxes this paper develops a framework where policy choices in market regulation and taxation are constrained by past investments in legal and fiscal capacity it studies the economic and political determinants of such investments demonstrating that legal and fiscal capacity are typically complements the results show that among other things common interest public goods such as fighting external wars as well as political stability and inclusive political institutions are conducive to building state capacity some correlations in cross country data are consistent with the theory

applied welfare economics with discrete choice models economists have been paying increasing attention to the study of situations in which consumers face a discrete rather than a continuous set of choices such models are potentially very important in evaluating the impact of government programs upon consumer welfare but very little has been said in general regarding the tools of applied welfare economics indiscrete choice situations this paper shows how the conventional methods of applied welfare economics can be modified to handle such cases it focuses on the computation of the excess burden of taxation and the evaluation of quality change the results are applied to stochastic utility models including the popular cases of probit and logit analysis throughout the emphasis is on providing rigorous guidelines for carrying out applied work this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

organised crime institutions and political quality empirical evidence from italian municipalities this article assesses how legal institutions affect the influence of politically active criminal organisations on the human capital of elected politicians using data from over 1 500 southern italian municipalities in the period 1985 2011 it exploits municipal government dissolutions imposed by the national government for presumed mafia infiltration as a source of exogenous variation in the presence of politically active criminal organisations the results support theoretical predictions that the average education level of local politicians significantly increases when active mafia infiltration of local politics is remedied through the implementation of a stricter legal institutional framework

mafia elections and violence against politicians organized crime uses political violence to influence politics in a wide set of countries this paper exploits a novel dataset of attacks directed towards italian local politicians to study how and why criminal organizations use violence against them we test two complementary theories to predict the use of violence i before elections to affect the electoral outcome and ii after elections to influence politicians from the beginning of their term we provide causal evidence in favor of the latter hypothesis the probability of being a target of violence increases in the weeks right after an election in areas with a high presence of organized crime especially when elections result in a change of local government

quota licenses for imported capital equipment could bureaucrats ever do better than the market abstract despite valid criticisms many developing countries have issued non transferable import licenses to a limited number of final good producers so as to restrict imports of an input such as capital equipment this paper demonstrates that for a given import quota such licensing restrictions can actually increase domestic production of both the input and the final product but at the cost of reduced quota rents under pure competition domestic welfare falls relative to the use of marketable quota licenses but if foreigners would get the quota rents or if external economies cause decreasing costs then bureaucratic allocation can dominate

distributive politics and electoral competition abstract within the framework of pure redistribution dividing one unit of a homo geneous good among identical individuals the paper analyses the redistribution that arises from downsian two party electoral competition it appears that the strategic behavior of vote maximizing parties leads them to propose divisions which are not far from the egalitarian one journal of economic literature classification numbers c72 d63 d72

institutions and growth in limited access societies we build a dynamic political economy model with a two class society workers and the elite in which the elite formation the innovation rate and fiscal policy are endogenous the model generates a mapping between institutions and patterns of growth consistent with empirical evidence ex ante when facing constraints in choosing institutions the elite may delegate policy control to some of its members even though such delegation exacerbates the conflict within the elite and causes policy failures committing to such institutional arrangements prevents more harmful outcomes such as rapid entry and subsequent deterioration of the elite s economic and political power

aging population and education finance abstract conventional wisdom suggests that aging of population will increase political pressure to tilt the composition of social spending in favor of the elderly while potentially sacrificing other publicly provided goods such as education this view seems to be supported by recent empirical findings that per child public education spending tends to be lower in us jurisdictions with higher fraction of elderly residents do these cross sectional findings also carry the dynamic implication that longevity will lead over time to waning political support for funding of public education this paper challenges such implication we present a model that is consistent with the aforementioned cross sectional regressions yet predicts an overall positive impact of increasing longevity on public education funding and economic growth

emergence and persistence of inefficient states we present a theory of the emergence and persistence of inefficient states based on patronage politics the society consists of rich and poor the rich are initially in power but expect to transition to democracy which will choose redistributive policies taxation requires the employment of bureaucrats by choosing an inefficient state structure the rich may be able to use patronage and capture democratic politics so reducing the amount of redistribution in democracy moreover the inefficient state creates its own constituency and tends to persist over time intuitively an inefficient state structure creates more rents for bureaucrats than would an efficient one when the poor come to power in democracy they will reform the structure of the state to make it more efficient so that higher taxes can be collected at lower cost and with lower rents for bureaucrats anticipating this when the society starts out with an inefficient organization of the state bureaucrats support the rich who set lower taxes but also provide rents to bureaucrats we obtain that the rich bureaucrats coalition may also expand the size of bureaucracy excessively so as to generate enough political support the model shows that an equilibrium with an inefficient state is more likely to arise when there is greater income inequality when bureaucratic rents take intermediate values and when individuals are sufficiently forward looking jel p16 h11 h26 h41

policy divergence and voter polarization in a structural model of elections abstractone of the most widely discussed phenomena in american politics today is the perceived increasing partisan divide that splits the u s electorate a contested question is whether this diagnosis is actually true and if so what the underlying cause might be we propose a new method that simultaneously estimates voters preferences and parties positions on economic and cultural issues we apply the model to u s presidential elections between 1972 and 2008 the model recovers candidates positions from voters behavior and decomposes changes in the overall political polarization of the electorate into changes in the distribution of voters ideal positions voter radicalization and consequences of elite polarization sorting

public education and pensions in democracy a political economy theory a dynamic political economy theory of scal policy is presented to explain the simultaneous existence of public education and pensions in modern democracies the driving force of the model is the intergenerational conict over the allocation of the public budget successive generations of voters choose scal policies through repeated elections the political power of elderly voters creates the motive for adults to support public investment in the human capital of future generations since it expands future pension possibilities we characterize the markov perfect equilibrium of the voting game in a small open economy the equilibrium reproduces salient features of intergenerational

commodity price shocks and civil conflict evidence from colombia how do income shocks aect armed con ict theory suggests two op posite eects if labor is used to appropriate resources violently higher wages may lower con ict by reducing labor supplied to appropriation this is the opportunity cost eect alternatively a rise in contestable income may increase violence by raising gains from appropriation this is the rapacity eect our paper exploits exogenous price shocks in inter national commodity markets and a rich dataset on civil war in colombia to assess how dierent income shocks aect con ict we examine changes in the price of agricultural goods which are labor intensive and natural resources which are capital intensive we focus on coee and oil the two largest exports we nd that a sharp fall in coee prices in the 1990s increased violence dierentially in regions growing more coee by lower ing wages and the opportunity cost of joining armed groups in contrast a rise in oil prices increased violence dierentially in the oil region by in creasing municipal revenue siphoned through rapacity this pattern holds in several other agricultural and natural resource sectors providing robust evidence that price shocks aect con ict in opposite directions depending on the factor intensity of the commodity

electoral outcomes with probabilistic voting and nash social welfare maxima abstract this paper provides unexpected support to nash s view of how bargaining determines the social choice we first present a spatial model of electoral competition with probabilistic voting and a very close relation between voters preferences and their choice probabilities the outcome of the electoral competition game is then shown to be precisely the social alternative that maximizes a nash type social welfare function theorem 1 this electoral outcome is also interpreted as a unanimity likelihood maximum corollary 1 within our framework existence and uniqueness of such an outcome are guaranteed corollaries 2 and 3

the need for enemies we develop a model where some politicians have an edge in undertaking a task and this gives them electoral advantage creating an incentive to underperform in the task we test the empirical implications in the context of fighting against insurgents using colombian data the main prediction is that large defeats for the insurgents reduce the probability that these politicians fight them especially in electorally salient places we find that after the largest victories against farc rebels the government reduced its counterinsurgency efforts especially in politically important municipalities politicians need to keep enemies alive in order to maintain their political advantage

transparency and economic policy we provide a two period model of political competition in which voters imperfectly observe the electoral promises made to other voters imperfect observability generates an incentive for candidates to offer excessive transfers even if voters are homogeneous and taxation is distortionary government spending is larger than in a world of perfect observability transfers are partly financed through government debt and the size of the debt is higher in less transparent political systems the model provides an explanation of fiscal churning it also predicts that groups whose transfers are less visible to others receive higher transfers and that imperfect transparency of transfers may lead to underprovision of public goods from the policy perspective the main novelty of our analysis is a separate evaluation of the transparency of spending and the transparency of revenues we show that the transparency of the political system does not unambiguously improve efficiency transparency of spending is beneficial but transparency of revenues can be counterproductive because it endogenously leads to increased wasteful spending

fiscal federalism and redistributive politics abstract we consider the interaction between redistributive politics at central and local levels in a federal system and characterize the factors influencing success in redistributive politics in both federal and unitary systems we examine how the political characteristics of different states and groups give them better or worse outcomes in a federal system as opposed to a unitary system we examine possibilities of multiple equilibria with divided government between the two layers we analyze the choice between block grants and matching grants we also examine the impact of federalism on the incentives for geographic mobility

social ideology and taxes in a differentiated candidates framework many observers argue that political polarization particularly on social and cultural issues has increased in the united states how does this influence the political competition on economic issues we analyze this question using a framework in which two officemotivated candidates differ in their fixed ideological position and choose a level of government spending to maximize their vote share in equilibrium candidates cater to a set of swing voters who contain socially conservative and economically liberal voters as well as socially liberal and economically conservative voters we analyze how voters cultural preferences and candidates cultural positions influence equilibrium economic positions jel d72 e62 h50 z13 many observers have argued that polarization between the two major parties in the united states particularly on noneconomic cultural matters has increased this is reflected both at the elite level in particular in congress poole and rosenthal 1984 1985 2000 and among democratic and republican activists and voters abramowitz and saunders 2008 harbridge and malhotra 2011 in the american national election survey respondents report their own ideological position on a scale from 1 very liberal to 7 very conservative the number of respondents who report one of the extreme positions 1 2 6 or 7 has grown from 20 and 21 percent in 1972 and 1976 to 31 and 30 percent in the 2004 and 2008 respectively moreover liberal and conservative voters have become considerably more reliable supporters of democrats and republicans respectively over the last generation 1 if we accept the widespread view that reagan s conservative revolution has created a cultural wedge between the parties that only widened in the 1990s and 2000s what consequences for the parties economic policies should we expect

the right look conservative politicians look better and voters reward it previous research has established that good looking political candidates win more votes we extend this line of research by examining differences between parties on the left and on the right of the political spectrum our study combines data on personal votes in real elections with a web survey in which 2 513 non finnish respondents evaluated the facial appearance of 1 357 finnish political candidates we find that political candidates on the right are better looking in both municipal and parliamentary elections and also have a larger beauty premium in municipal but not in parliamentary elections we discuss possible explanations for these patterns based on the fact that municipal candidates are relatively unknown jel code d72 j45 j70

enfranchising your own experimental evidence on bureaucrat diversity and election bias in india this paper investigates the effects of polling station administrator diversity on elections in india using a natural experiment the random assignment of government officials to teams managing stations on election day together with surveys conducted with voters and election officers i demonstrate that changes in the religious and caste composition of officer teams impact voting at the polling station level causing shifts in coalition vote shares large enough to influence election outcomes effects are strongest when officers have greater discretion over the voting process i also provide evidence suggesting own group favoritism by election personnel as one relevant mechanism

the size and scope of government comparative politics with rational politicians we try to demonstrate how economists may engage in research on comparative politics relating the size and composition of government spending to the political system a downsian model of electoral competition and forward looking voting indicates that majoritarian as opposed to proportional elections increase competition between parties by focusing it into some key marginal districts this leads to less public goods less rents for politicians more redistribution and larger government a model of legislative bargaining and backward looking voting indicates that presidential as opposed to parliamentary regimes increase competition between both politicians and voters this leads to less public goods less rents for politicians less redistribution and smaller government we confront these predictions with cross country data from around 1990 controlling for economic and social determinants of government spending we nd strong and robust support for the prediction that the size of government is smaller under presidential regimes and weaker support for the prediction that majoritarian elections are associated with less public goods

pareto optimality of policy proposals with probabilistic voting this paper studies the pareto optimality properties of policy proposals and electoral outcomes when there is probabilistic voting theorem 1 proves that when the position of one candidate is taken as fixed the other candidate will propose a pareto optimal alternative this implies that whenever there is an electoral equilibrium in pure strategies the electoral outcome is pareto optimal it also implies that even if there is no such equilibrium the electoral outcomes from a sequence of elections will be pareto optimal except possibly for an initial status quo

the role of local officials in new democracies evidence from indonesia this paper shows that the body of appointed officials that a new democracy inherits from the previous regime is a key determinant of the extent of electoral fraud and clientelistic spending in new democracies i develop a model that predicts that appointed officials have stronger incentives to influence voters during national level elections because of their career concerns i test the implications of the model using data from indonesia s transition to democracy both the pattern of alignment of electoral results between village and district levels and the pattern of subsequent turnover of appointed village heads corroborate the predictions of the model

intergenerational altruism with future bias abstract we show that standard preferences of altruistic overlapping generations exhibit future bias which involves preference reversals associated with increasing impatience this underlies a conflict of interest between successive generations we explore the implications of this conflict for intergenerational redistribution when there is a sequence of utilitarian governments representing living generations and choosing policies independently over time we argue that future bias creates incentives to legislate and sustain a pay as you go pension system which every government views as a self enforcing commitment mechanism to increase future old age transfers

scarcity without leviathan the violent effects of cocaine supply shortages in the mexican drug war abstract this paper asks whether scarcity increases violence in markets that lack a centralized authority we construct a model in which by raising prices scarcity fosters violence guided by our

small aggregates big manipulation vote buying enforcement and collective monitoring vote buying is widespread in developing democracies despite the secret ballot what explains its resilience i argue that brokers condition future payments on published electoral results to enforce these transactions and that this is effective at inducing voters compliance only when the results of small voting groups are available using monitors and citizens reports of electoral manipulation and survey data from colombia i find a robust negative correlation between the average polling station size and various measures of vote buying evidence from a variety of identification strategies suggests that this relationship can be attributed to aggregate monitoring sustaining these transactions and not to the brokers increased ability to identify compliers or other characteristics of places where polling stations are small replication materials the data code and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the american journal of political science dataverse within the harvard dataverse network at http dx doi org 10 7910 dvn k6zoow

capital taxation under political constraints this paper studies optimal dynamic tax policy under the threat of political reform a policy will be reformed ex post if a large enough coalition of citizens supports reform thus sustainable policies are those that will continue to attract enough political support in the future we find that optimal marginal capital taxes are either progressive or u shaped so that savings are subsidized for the poor and or the middle class but are taxed for the rich u shaped capital taxes always emerge when individuals political behavior is purely determined by economic motives

weak states causes and consequences of the sicilian mafia we document that the spread of the mafia in sicily at the end of the 19th century was in part caused by the rise of socialist peasant fasci organizations in an environment with weak state presence this socialist threat triggered landowners estate managers and local politicians to turn to the mafia to resist and combat peasant demands we show that the location of the peasant fasci is significantly affected by a severe drought in 1893 and using information on rainfall we estimate the impact of the peasant fasci on the location of the mafia in 1900 we provide extensive evidence that rainfall before and after this critical period has no effect on the spread of the mafia or various economic and political outcomes in the second part of the article we use this source of variation in the strength of the mafia in 1900 to estimate its medium term and long term effects we find significant and quantitatively large negative impacts of the mafia on literacy and various public goods in the 1910s and 20s we also show a sizable impact of the mafia on political competition which could be one of the channels via which it affected local economic outcomes we document negative effects of the mafia on longer term outcomes in the 1960s 70s and 80s as well but these are in general weaker and often only marginally significant one exception is its persistent and strong impact on political competition

political competition and mirrleesian income taxation a first pass we study downsian competition in a mirrleesian model of income taxation the competing politicians may dier in competence if politicians engage in vote share maximization the less competent politician s policy proposals are attractive to the minority of rich agents whereas those of the competent politician are attractive to the majority of poor agents the less competent politician wins with positive probability which gives rise to a political failure in the sense of besley and coate 1998 political failures are avoided if politicians maximize winning probabilities nevertheless the two equilibria cannot be pareto ranked the minority may be better o under vote share maximization

the political value of land political reform and land prices in chile in this article we argue that when patron client relations are grounded in economic relationships such as between landlord and worker we should expect clientelism to influence not just how public policy the state and the political system work but also how the economy works we develop a simple model of the economic consequences of electoral clientelism when voting behavior can be observed landlords patrons provide economic rents to workers and in exchange workers vote for parties favored by landlords as votes are used by the landlords to accumulate political rents vote control increases the demand for labor and for land the model implies that the introduction of the australian ballot which destroys this form of clientelism should lead to a fall in the price of land in those areas where patron client relationships are strongest we test the predictions of the model by examining in detail the evolution of land prices in chile around may 31 1958 for which we collected original data a characteristic of rural chile at this time were patron client relations based on the inquilinaje system by which a worker the inquilino entered into a long term often hereditary employment relationship with a landlord and lived on his landlord s estate we show that the introduction of the australian ballot in 1958 led to a fall of about 26 in land prices in the areas where these patron client relationships were predominant

political support and tax reforms with an application to italy in 2001 the italian government introduced a personal income tax reform to be implemented in successive phases in 2004 taxes were reduced to all income levels with higher gains for low income and high income individuals than for middle income ones a large debate arised this paper explores the political economy reasons under this tax reform mainly the attempt of the government to attract the uncertain voters swing voters a probabilistic voting model is introduced to capture the importance of swing voters the model predicts that the average personal income tax rate tends to be lower for groups of lower income higher preference for leisure and containing more politically mobile voters swing voters however data from italian polls show that while the tax reform was a good strategy to attract swing voters the specific design of the reform which favored high income and low income individuals but not the middle class was not the more appropriate strategy

political competition between differentiated candidates abstract we introduce a framework of electoral competition in which voters have general preferences over candidates immutable characteristics such as gender race or previously committed policy positions as well as their policy positions which are flexible candidates are uncertain about the distribution of voter preferences and choose policy positions to maximize their winning probability we characterize a property of voter utility functions uniform candidate ranking ucr that captures a form of separability between fixed characteristics and policy when voters have ucr preferences candidates equilibrium policies converge in any strict equilibrium in contrast notions like competence or complementarity lead to non ucr preferences and policy divergence in particular we introduce a new class of models that contains the probabilistic voting model as a special case and in which there is a unique equilibrium that generically features policy divergence

internal cocaine trafficking and armed violence in colombia this paper exploits time variations in international cocaine prices and potential trafficking routes within colombia to estimate the effect of the illegal cocaine trade on changes in municipality homicide rates i construct the potential internal cocaine trafficking network and exploit the fact that different regions in colombia have comparative advantages in serving different international markets my results suggest that when cocaine prices increase in either the united states or europe homicide rates increase in municipalities strategically placed to serve each international market jel d74 k42 f19

openness external risk and volatility implications for the compensation hypothesis a central assumption in the globalization literature is that economic openness generates economic insecurity and volatility based on this assumption schol ars of international political economy have proposed the compensation hypothesis which claims that globalization bolsters rather than undermines the welfare state by increasing public demand for social protection against externally generated eco nomic instability the openness volatility link is dubious however on both theoret ical and empirical grounds in this study i revisit the volatility assumption focusing on a crucial difference between openness and external risk in their effect on volatil ity my statistical analysis of a panel data set from 175 countries 1950 2002 finds a consistent effect of external risk on volatility of the major economic aggregates but a largely insignificant effect of openness these findings suggest that economic volatility may be a mistaken link in explaining the openness spending nexus calling for further research on the causal mechanisms linking the two the general growth of government in the post world war ii era is one of the most important empirical regularities in political science measured by general govern ment consumption or sectoral expenditures government size grew dramatically during most of the postwar period intrigued by this phenomenal government growth political scientists offered numerous accounts some viewing this growth as a corollary of economic phenomena such as modernization industrialization income distribution or fiscal illusion and others attributing government growth to political causes such as bureaucratization interest group politics and electoral competition 1

the case of the vanishing revenues auction quotas with oligopoly this paper examines the effects of auctioning quota licenses when monopoly power exists here the sales of licenses will never raise any revenue if domestic and foreign markets are segmented more surprisingly the inability to raise revenue is shown to persist even when arbitrage across markets is possible as long as the quota is not too far from the free trade import level this suggests that existing revenue estimates from auctioning quota licenses which are based on the assumption of competition are upwardly biased it also makes it likely that quotas implemented by auctioning licenses even when set optimally have adverse welfare effects copyright 1990 by american economic association

monopoly and trade policy abstract this paper derives trade policy rankings for a country trading with a foreign monopoly firm it characterizes the first best policy under decreasing monopoly costs and itdemonstrates that a minimum import requirement implements first best trade only under constant monopoly costs the paper shows further that a voluntary import expansion eliminates all gains from trading with the monopoly and that all quotas and voluntary export restraints are equivalent finally it establishes that a price ceiling and a minimum import requirement are equivalent when monopoly costs are constant or decreasing but that their ranking is ambiguous when costs are increasing

does electoral accountability affect economic policy choices evidence from gubernatorial term limits this paper analyzes the behavior of u s governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation building model of political behavior we argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model we find evidence that taxes spending and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a democrat is in office the result is a fiscal cycle in term limit states which lowers state income when the term limit binds

the political economy of public goods some evidence from india we are interested in how public goods get allocated by a centralized state we use data on public goods and social structure from parliamentary constituencies in rural india to understand the allocation of these goods over the 1970s and 1980s national policies and political agendas during this period emphasized universal access to basic amenities and financed a rapid expansion in rural infrastructure we find evidence of considerable equalization in many of these facilities reflecting perhaps the importance of these commitments among the historically disadvantaged social groups those that mobilized themselves politically gained relative to the others measures of social heterogeneity that have been emphasized in the recent empirical literature on public goods are relevant but not overwhelming in their importance

redistributive politics and economic efficiency the political process often compensates the losers from technical change or international competition in an economically inefficient way namely by subsidizing or protecting declining industries instead of encouraging the movement of resources to other more productive uses we find that a dynamic inconsistency in the game of redistributive politics contributes to this outcome to achieve economically efficient outcomes it is necessary that those making economically inefficient choices not be given offsetting transfers but the political process distributes income on the basis of political characteristics which are in general different from the economic characteristics that are rewarded by the market we identify circumstances in which the inefficient choosers have desirable political characteristics and are therefore immune from threats of having to face the economic consequences of their choices

the value of democracy evidence from road building in kenya ethnic favoritism is seen as antithetical to development this paper provides credible quantification of the extent of ethnic favoritism using data on road building in kenyan districts across the 1963 2011 period guided by a model it then examines whether the transition in and out of democracy under the same president constrains or exacerbates ethnic favoritism across the post independence period we find strong evidence of ethnic favoritism districts that share the ethnicity of the president receive twice as much expenditure on roads and have five times the length of paved roads built this favoritism disappears during periods of democracy jel d72 h54 j15 o15 o17 o22 r42

the hidden cost of raising voters expectations reference dependence and politicians credibility abstract two politicians compete to get elected each politician is characterized by a valence which is unobservable to the electorate and can take one of two values high or low the representative voter prefers politicians with high valence but random shocks may lead him to appoint a low valence politician politicians make statements concerning their valence if the voter is a standard expected utility maximizer politicians statements lack any credibility and no information transmission takes place by introducing reference dependence and loss aversion we show that truthful communication is possible in equilibrium and we characterize the conditions under which it can arise intuitively these behavioral biases introduce a cost of overstating one s valence as overstatements may shift the electorate s preferences toward better skilled opponents

theoretical implications of imperfect competition on quota license prices and auctions this article looks at the implications for trade policy of recent work on quota auctions recent work has considered a variety of market structures in addition to the standard one of monopoly in the product market it has also emphasized details of the implementation process as well as the timing of decisions and dynamic factors such considerations are shown to be important because they can greatly affect the outcome of trade policies

budget deficits and redistributive politics this paper proposes a new view of the forces in the political process that cause governments to accumulate debt the analysis builds on a model of redistributive politics that contrary to median voter models does not restrict the set of policies that politicians can propose i show that deficits occur even in an environment where voters and periods are homogeneous this is an environment where previous political theories of debt would predict budget balance in the model deficits are a way for candidates to better target promises to voters and are therefore used as tools of redistributive politics the main contribution of the analysis is to show that the same forces that push candidates to redistribute resources across voters to pursue political advantage are forces that generate budget deficits most countries have sizeable national debts indeed thinking of governments as debtors seems so customary that it feels awkward to talk about a national credit this suggests that there are systematic forces pushing governments to regularly borrow to cover the excess of spending over receipts at the same time a significant amount of government spending consists of transfers to special interest groups that are hard to justify on efficiency or equity grounds this paper presents a political economic model that suggests that these two phenomena are connected debt is at least in part caused by the fact that in order to get elected candidates need to appeal to groups of voters with promises of transfers debt allows candidates a finer control over the promises they make to these groups

the political economy of government responsiveness theory and evidence from india the determinants of government responsiveness to its citizens is a key issue in political economy here we develop a model based on the solution of political agency problems having a more informed an politically active electorate strengthens incentives for governments to be responsive this suggests that there is a role both for democratic institutions and the mass media in ensuring that the preferences of citizens are reflected in policy the ideas behind the model are tested on panel data from india we show that public food distribution and calamity relief expenditure are greater controlling for shocks where governments face greater electoral accountability and where newspaper circulation is highest

monopolizing violence and consolidating power governments in weak states often face an armed opposition and have to decide whether to try to accommodate and contain that adversary or to try to consolidate power and monopolize violence by disarming it when and why do governments choose to consolidate power and monopolize violence how fast do they try to consolidate power when does this lead to costly fighting rather than to efforts to eliminate the opposition by buying it off we study an infinite horizon model in which the government in each period decides how much to offer the opposition and the rate at which it tries to consolidate its power the opposition can accept the offer and thereby acquiesce to the government s efforts to consolidate or it can fight in an attempt to disrupt those efforts in equilibrium the government always tries to monopolize violence when it has coercive power against the opposition where roughly coercive power is the ability to weaken the opposition by lowering its payoff to fighting whether the government consolidates peacefully or through costly fighting depends on the size of any contingent spoils which are benefits that begin to accrue from an increase in economic activity resulting from the monopolization of violence and the higher level of security that comes with it when contingent spoils are small the government buys the opposition off and eliminates it as fast as is peacefully possible when contingent spoils are large the government tries to monopolize violence by defeating the opposition militarily jel codes d02 d74 h1 copyright 2013 oxford university press

theory general equilibrium and political economy in development economics i discuss the role of economic theory in empirical work in development economics with special emphasis on general equilibrium and political economy considerations i argue that economic theory plays should play a central role in formulating models estimates of which can be used for counterfactual and policy analysis i discuss why counterfactual analysis based on microdata that ignores general equilibrium and political economy issues may lead to misleading conclusions i illustrate the main arguments using examples from recent work in development economics and political economy

the monopoly of violence evidence from colombia many states in latin america africa and asia lack the monopoly of violence even though this was identified by max weber as the foundation of the state and thus the capacity to govern effectively in this paper we develop a new perspective on the establishment of the monopoly of violence we build a model to explain the incentive of central states to eliminate nonstate armed actors paramilitaries in a democracy the model is premised on the idea that paramilitaries may choose to and can influence elections since paramilitaries have preferences over policies this reduces the incentives of the politicians they favor to eliminate them we then investigate these ideas using data from colombia between 1991 and 2006 we first present regression and case study evidence supporting our postulate that paramilitary groups can have significant effects on elections for the legislature and the executive next we show that the evidence is also broadly consistent with the implication of the model that paramilitaries tend to persist to the extent that they deliver votes to candidates for the executive whose preferences are close to theirs and that this effect is larger in areas where the presidential candidate would have otherwise not done as well finally we use roll call votes to illustrate a possible quid pro quo between the executive and paramilitaries in colombia language en

the effects of party competition on budget outcomes empirical evidence from local governments in spain this paper investigates the link between local budget outcomes and the intensity of party competition measured as the margin of victory obtained by the incumbent in the previous local election i e the difference between the vote share and 50 two competing hypotheses are tested in the paper on the one hand the leviathan government hypothesis suggests that the lower the intensity of party competition is the greater is the increase in the size of the local public sector irrespective of the ideology of the party in power on the other hand the partisan government hypothesis suggests that the incumbent will find it easier to advance its platform when intensity of competition is low i e parties on the left right will increase decrease the size of the local public sector when the intensity of the challenge from the opposition is low these hypotheses are tested with information on spending own revenues and deficit for more than 500 spanish local governments over 8 years 1992 1999 and information on the results of two local electoral contests 1991 and 1995 the evidence favors the partisan hypothesis over the leviathan one we found that for left wing governments spending taxes and deficits increased as the electoral margin increases whereas for right wing governments a greater margin of victory led to reductions in all these variables

the political economy of intergovernmental grants evidence from a maturing democracy we evaluate the impact of political forces in the allocation of intergovernmental grants in portugal as it matured from a young to an established democracy using a large and unexplored dataset we show that political variables condition the granting system and that their importance changed over time while tactical manipulation in the distribution of grants among municipalities seems to exist only in the early years of democracy opportunistic effects are stronger in the latter years we argue that the latter effect is due to a change in the political environment and to the electorate s lack of information on intergovernmental grants

varieties of clientelism machine politics during elections although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies we provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections vote buying turnout buying abstention buying and double persuasion machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate they also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors compulsory voting ballot secrecy political salience machine support and political polarization our analysis yields numerous insights such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies

electoral goals and center state transfers a theoretical model and empirical evidence from india we construct a model of redistributive politics where the central government is opportunistic and uses its discretion to make transfers to state governments on the basis of political considerations these considerations are the alignment between the incumbent parties at the central and state levels and whether a state is a swing state or not a testable prediction from the model is that a state that is both swing and aligned with the central government is especially likely to receive higher transfers we test this prediction using indian data for 14 states from 1974 75 to 1996 97 we find that a state which is both aligned and swing in the last state election is estimated to receive 16 higher transfers than a state which is unaligned and non swing

electoral competition with informed and uninformed voters i present a model of electoral competition in which candidates raise campaign contributions by choosing policies that benefit interest groups and then expend those contributions to influence voters who are uninformed about the policies informed voters however vote based on those policies so candidates face a trade off between choosing a policy to generate funds to attract the uninformed vote and choosing a policy to attract the informed vote electoral equilibria are characterized for two categories of policies particularistic and collective in the case of particularistic policies the equilibrium policies of the candidates are separated if the proportion of uninformed voters is sufficiently high and the degree of separation is an increasing function of that proportion the model is extended to include the public financing of elections and incumbency advantages for the case of collective policies the candidates locate at the median of the ideal points of the informed voters and contributions are zero

clientelism and vote buying lessons from field experiments in african elections electoral clientelism and vote buying are widely perceived as major obstacles to economic development this is because they may limit the provision of public goods in this paper we review the literature on clientelism and vote buying and propose the use of field experiments to evaluate empirically the consequences of these phenomena we provide an overview discuss implementation and interpret the main results of recent field experiments conducted by the authors in west african countries clientelism and vote buying seem to be effective and to enjoy widespread electoral support the results suggest that increased access to information and political participation by women may limit clientelism in addition voter education campaigns may undermine the effects of vote buying on voting behaviour we argue that our findings may inform the design of development aid interventions as a way effectively to increase public good political accountability we also discuss directions for fruitful future research copyright 2009 oxford university press