seasonality leading indicators and alternative business cycle theories rolling regressions and granger causality tests are used to examine the predictive ability of seasonally adjusted and unadjusted leading economic indicators for the us economy many of the unadjusted variables perform better than their adjusted counterparts but asymmetric behaviour is also evident alternative leading indicators such as the bond spread and the fed funds rate do not predict cycles as well as real money balances unadjusted real business failure liabilities and business formation also appear to perform well

budget processes and commitment to fiscal discipline abstract we present a framework of investigation into the political economy of the budget process our model suggests that institutional rules governing the budget process can be found to limit the importance of fiscal illusion empirical evidence supports that proposition the choice of rules depends on the political environment as well as the dominant source of uncertainty in the budget process

blame game politics in a coalition government abstract delays in the adoption of reforms is an important question in political economics this paper explores this issue in the context of a representative democracy where the government is a coalition and citizens observe neither the decision making process nor politicians preferences for a reform we show that a coalition member who favors a reform may nonetheless choose to veto its adoption thus delaying it until after the next election and let his coalition partners share the blame for the non adoption we refer to this strategy as blame game politics we then identify three reasons for a politician to play the blame game one is to make an issue salient in the next election a second reason is to avoid a split in his electorate which is accomplished by hiding his stance on an issue a third reason is to enhance bargaining power during the formation of the next government

why democracies produce efficient results by applying the standard tools of microeconomic analysis i argue that democratic markets work as well as economic markets in particular i show that previous work has greatly exaggerated the existence of principal agent and informational problems in electoral markets and has drawn incorrect conclusions

the limits of political compromise debt ceilings and political turnover we study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political turnover in an economy where incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level due to rent seeking motives parties alternate in office and cannot commit to future policies but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same in contrast to the received literature we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political economy distortions by making a political compromise unsustainable this tends to happen when political turnover is limited conversely a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome if political turnover is vigorous our analysis thus suggests that to sustain good economic policies a society needs to restrict either the extent of political turnover or the ability of governments to issue debt but not both

separation of powers and political accountability political constitutions are incomplete contracts and therefore leave room for abuse of power in democracies elections are the primary mechanism for disciplining public officials but they are not sufficient separation of powers between executive and legislative bodies also helps to prevent the abuse of power but only with appropriate checks and balances checks and balances work by creating a conflict of interest between the executive and the legislature yet requiring both bodies to agree on public policy in this way the two bodies discipline each other to the voters advantage under appropriate checks and balances separation of powers also helps the voters elicit information

an economic model of representative democracy this paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office the approach has a number of attractive features first it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by as well as of the people second the model is analytically tractable being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally third it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy

the index of leading indicators measurement without theory twenty five years later if the success of a specific approach to economic analysis can be measured by its longevity and continued popularity under a variety of environments then the use in business cycle forecasting of leading economic indicators as originally developed by wesley mitchell and arthur burns 1938 at the national bureau of economic research must stand near the top one might say peak of such successes this is rather remarkable in light of the criticism it has faced continually since koopmans 1947 in a review of burns and mitchell 1946 first decried the lack of any theory behind the nber business cycle methodology since its introduction the composite index of leading indicators now published monthly by the u s bureau of economic analysis bea has been widely monitored as a guide to future economic performance the use of leading indicators survived the period of advancement and demise of the structural approach to econometric forecasting and if anything has enjoyed a resurgence in recent years as more sophisticated time series techniques of measurement without theory have been developed in fact the relationship between the leading indicator approach and general time series methods of the type described by box and jenkins 1970 was formalized by sargent and sims 1977 who pointed out that forecasting with a composite index may be seen as the imposition of a specific set of restrictions on the vector autoregression containing the individual series included in the index from this standpoint it is possible to evaluate formally the index of leading indicators as a tool for prediction and such is the purpose of this paper there are two main questions to be answered

on the efficiency of equilibria in a legislative bargaining model with particularistic and collective goods this study analyzes the efficiency of equilibria in a multilateral bargaining game in which a legislature divides its budget among collective and particularistic goods in order to disentangle the causes of inefficiency we extend the model of volden and wiseman am polit sci rev 101 79 92 2007 by considering quasi linear utility functions and consensus requirements ranging from simple majority to unanimity although unanimous agreements can be reached under weaker consensus requirements we show that pareto inefficiency is associated with non unanimous consent we also study how i the endogenous selection of the legislature s size or ii a sequential choice of collective and particularistic spending eliminates or attenuates the inefficiency problem

politicians as experts electoral control and fiscal restraints we propose an argument for fiscal restraints that is based on the premise that the services of politicians are credence goods politicians are experts who specialize in observing the true state of the economy budget maximizing politicians are better informed than the electorate about the level of public spending necessary to manage public affairs voters who are able to observe the size of the budget but not the necessary level of spending affect the government s spending behavior via electoral control a fiscal restraint limits the maximum spending a government can choose we identify conditions under which such a fiscal restraint improves voter welfare and discuss the role of the political opposition as a second expert in situations in which the state of the economy requires a level of spending which exceeds the fiscal restraint

can democracy induce development a constitutional perspective we examine the constitutional design required for democratic societies to overcome poverty traps restricting agenda setting by ensuring subsistence levels of consumption and applying simple majority voting as a decision rule will not enable a society to overcome poverty we show that a combination of suitable constitutional rules can however overcome poverty and induce economic well being besides majority voting these rules include rotating agenda setting agenda repetition and tax protection rules we thus highlight the crucial role of democratic institutions for economic development

on the faustian dynamics of policy and political power this paper examines the faustian dynamics of policy and power we posit a general class of dy namic games in which current policies affect the future distribution of political power resulting in the following faustian trade off if the current ruler chooses his preferred policy he then sacrifices future political power yet if he wants to preserve his future power he must sacrifice his present policy objec tives the trade off comes from the fact that the current political ruler pivotal voter cannot uncouple the direct effect of his policy from its indirect effect on future power a policy endogenous pe equilibrium describes this endogenous transfer of power and the resulting evolution of policy and political power over time we show that the faustian trade off in a pe equilibrium is decomposed into two basic rationales the political preservation effect induces more tempered policy choices than if one s policy choice did not affect one s political fortunes however the reformation effect induces more aggressive policies in order to exploit the productivity gains from policies chosen by even more aggressive successors we distinguish between political systems that give rise to monotone faustian dynamics political power that progressively evolves towards more fiscally liberal types of leaders and cyclical faustian dynamics political power that oscillates between liberal and conservative types of leaders in each case we show that the faustian trade off moderates the choices of each type of leader

divisia money in a composite leading indicator of inflation the principal objective of this paper is to compare the performance of the divisia m4 monetary index with the standard simple sum measure of broad money in the context of composite leading indicators of inflation in the united kingdom inflation targeting is an important component of current uk monetary policy and the construction of composite leading indicators of inflation is a potential advance over the current practice of monitoring a range of indicators of inflation the leading indicators proposed provide useful turning point information for inflation and advocate principal component analysis as a more sophisticated weighting mechanism for the constituent components indicators constructed using a divisia index measure of money were found to be more closely related to the inflation reference cycle than indicators using their simple sum counterparts when a principal components weighting mechanism was used

the ricardian approach to budget deficits persistent budget deficits have increased economists interest in theories and evidence about fiscal policy this paper develops the ricardian approach and contrasts it with standard models the discussion considers from major theoretical objections to ricardian equivalence finite lifetimes imperfect capital markets uncertainty about future taxes and incomes and the distorting effects of taxation the paper then considers empirical evidence on interest rates consumption and saving and current account deficits the conclusion is that the ricardian approach is a useful first order approximation and that this approach will probably become the benchmark model for assessing fiscal policy this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

compensations as signaling devices in the political economy of reforms we propose an explanation for why efficient reforms are not carried out when losers can block their implementation and compensations are feasible in our model a government tries to sequentially implement two efficient reforms by bargaining with interest groups the organization of interest groups is endogenous compensations are distortionary and different governments care differently about distortions governments use low compensations to discourage losers who just want to receive transfers from organizing this comes at the cost of reforms being blocked by interest groups with relatively high losses resulting in a bias against payment of compensations and the implementation of reforms

political deadlocks and distributional information the value of the veil contractarian normative theory relies on the veil of ignorance construct to generate the political consensus required for its theories of justice by eliminating distributional information the veil is presumed to facilite consensus building by reducing conflict over the distributional effects of proposed constitutional rules or institutions this paper explores the extent to which excessive distributional information might also impede the ordinary day to day decision making of democratic institutions our analysis suggests that distributive information makes political deadlocks under majority rule more likely statistical evidence suggests that the efficacy of the u s congress has been reduced by the dramatic increase in distributional information made available to it over the past twenty five years

planning to cheat eu fiscal policy in real time using real time data from europe s stability and convergence programs we explore how fiscal plans and their implementation in the eu are determined we find that 1 implemented budgetary adjustment falls systematically short of planned adjustment and this shortfall increases with the projection horizon 2 variability in the eventual fiscal outcomes is dominated by the implementation errors 3 there is a limited role for traditional political variables 4 stock flow adjustments are more important when plans are more ambitious and 5 most importantly both the ambition in fiscal plans and their implementation benefit from stronger national fiscal institutions we emphasize also the importance of credible plans for the eventual fiscal outcomes roel beetsma massimo giuliodori and peter wierts

property rights and the political organization of agriculture we propose a general equilibrium model where the economic organization of agriculture and the political equilibrium determining the security of property rights are jointly determined in particular because the form of organization may affect the probability and distribution of benefits from future property challenges it may be shaped in anticipation of this impact property rights security may then be secured at the expense of economic efficiency the model provides a framework for understanding why in some contexts land is redistributed primarily via land sales and tenancy markets but via politics and conflict in others we test some implications of the theory using a five decade panel dataset that traces changes in the extent of tenancy and tenancy reform across 15 indian states

on the form of transfers to special interests an important question in political economy concerns the form of transfers to special interests the chicago view is that political competition leads politicians to make such transfers efficiently the virginia position is that lack of information on the part of voters leads politicians to favor inefficient sneaky methods of redistribution this paper analyzes the form of transfers in a model of political competition in which politicians have incentives to make transfers to special interests it shows that when voters have imperfect information about both the effects of policy and the predispositions of politicians inefficient methods of redistribution may be employed

redistributive politics and economic efficiency the political process often compensates the losers from technical change or international competition in an economically inefficient way namely by subsidizing or protecting declining industries instead of encouraging the movement of resources to other more productive uses we find that a dynamic inconsistency in the game of redistributive politics contributes to this outcome to achieve economically efficient outcomes it is necessary that those making economically inefficient choices not be given offsetting transfers but the political process distributes income on the basis of political characteristics which are in general different from the economic characteristics that are rewarded by the market we identify circumstances in which the inefficient choosers have desirable political characteristics and are therefore immune from threats of having to face the economic consequences of their choices

public good provision in indian rural areas the returns to collective action by microfinance groups self help groups shgs are the most common form of microfinance in india the authors provide evidence that shgs composed of women only undertake collective actions for the provision of public goods within village communities using a theoretical model this paper shows that an elected official whose aim is to maximize re election chances exerts higher effort in providing public goods when private citizens undertake collective action and coordinate their voluntary contributions towards the same goods this effect occurs although government and private contributions are assumed to be substitutes in the technology of providing public goods using first hand data on shgs in india the paper tests the prediction of the model and shows that in response to collective action by shgs local authorities tackle a larger variety of public issues and are more likely to tackle issues of interest to shgs the findings highlight how the social behavior of shgs can influence the governance of rural indian communities

equilibrium political budget cycles political business cycle theories generally rely on nominal rigidities and voter myopia this paper offers an equilibrium theory that preserves some basic insights from earlier models though with significant refinements the political budget cycle emphasized here is in fiscal policy rather than output and inflation it arises via a multidimensional signal process one can consider the welfare implications of proposals to mitigate the cycle and the effects of altering the electoral structure copyright 1990 by american economic association

dynamic stability and reform of political institutions abstract this paper examines endogenous institutional change in a class of dynamic political games the political aggregation rules used at date t 1 are instrumental choices under rules at date t effectively rules are players who can strategically delegate future policy making authority to different rules a political rule is stable if it selects itself a reform occurs when an alternative rule is selected the stability of a political rule is shown to depend on whether its choices are dynamically consistent for instance simple majority rules can be shown to be dynamically consistent in many common environments where wealth weighted voting rules are not the result extends to political rules that incorporate private activities such as extra legal protests threats or private investment the approach is one way of understanding various explanations of institutional change proposed in the literature a parametric model of public goods provision gives an illustration

fiscal forecasts and political systems a legislative budgeting perspective which are the institutional and constitutional settings that best reduce the tendency to manipulate fiscal forecasts this paper addresses the question by examining the quality of fiscal forecasts at different stages of the budget process in 13 european union countries by using annual forecast vintages 1999 2013 from stability and convergence programmes both the role of political structures and the balance of power between the executive and the legislature are assessed as determinants of systematic forecasting errors the findings suggest that the forecasting bias is more effectively countered in presidential and semi presidential systems in parliamentary systems with strong bicameralism and when executive legislature relations are constrained by checks and balances confirmation of these results is also provided by linking our approach to the fiscal institutionalist approach based on the form of fiscal governance and the stringency of fiscal rules in terms of institutional capacity if fiscal rules and legislative organizational and research capacity counter the executive s monopoly of fiscal forecasting strengthening the legislature s formal powers negatively influences the fiscal forecast accuracy indeed strategic considerations may induce the executive to anticipate the legislature s amendment or rejection of the tabled budget by means of more favourable economic and fiscal assumptions the crisis and its urgencies crisis seem to have weakened the effect of institutional executive legislature relations on fiscal forecast accuracy

over optimism in forecasts by official budget agencies and its implications the paper studies forecasts of real growth rates and budget balances made by official government agencies among 33 countries in general the forecasts are found i to have a positive average bias ii to be more biased in booms and iii to be even more biased at the 3 year horizon than at shorter horizons this over optimism in official forecasts can help explain excessive budget deficits especially the failure to run surpluses during periods of high output if a boom is forecasted to last indefinitely retrenchment is treated as unnecessary many believe that better fiscal policy can be obtained by means of rules such as ceilings for the deficit or better yet the structural deficit but we also find iv countries subject to a budget rule in the form of euroland s stability and growth pact sgp make official forecasts of growth and budget deficits that are even more biased and more correlated with booms than do other countries this effect may help explain frequent violations of the sgp the question becomes how to overcome governments tendency to satisfy fiscal targets by wishful thinking rather than by action chile in 2000 created structural budget institutions that may have solved the problem independent expert panels insulated from political pressures are responsible for estimating the long run trends that determine whether a given deficit is deemed structural or cyclical the result is that chile s official forecasts of growth and the budget have not been overly optimistic even in booms unlike many countries in the north chile took advantage of the 2002 7 expansion to run budget surpluses and so was able to ease in the 2008 9 recession

politicians taxes and debt the standard analysis of the efficient management of income taxes and debt assumes a benevolent government and ignores potential distortions arising from rent seeking politicians this paper departs from this framework by assuming that a rent seeking politician chooses policies if the politician chooses extractive policies citizens throw him out of power we analyse the efficient sustainable equilibrium unlike in the standard economy temporary economic shocks generate volatile and persistent changes in taxes along the equilibrium path this serves to optimally limit rent seeking by the politician and to optimally generate support for the politician from the citizens taxes resembling those of the benevolent government are very costly since the government over saves and resources are wasted on rents political distortions thus cause the complete debt market to behave as if it were incomplete however in contrast to an incomplete market economy in the long run taxes do not converge to zero and under some conditions they resemble taxes under a benevolent government

how cynical can an incumbent be strategic policy in a model of government spending abstract when parties with different preferences compete for election strategic manipulation of state variables for electoral purposes can occur even with rational voters this paper presents a model in which government resources can be used productivity for the benefit of everybody or unproductively for the benefit of the ruling party s constituency a government more inclined to unproductive spending may choose to collect public resources inefficiently in order to produce the importance of spending decisions in the election the model highlights the strategic role of policy decisions that affect incentives and constraints faced by future governments and their impact on election results

an examination of the commerce department leading lndicator approach bivariate time series models are built that describe the empirical relationships between industrial production and components of the composite index of leading indicators cli this reveals the indicators average lead times at all points of the business cycle the forms of the distributed lags involved and their ability to explain later movements in economic activity the relationship between industrial production and the cli is also examined and used to test the contribution of the cli toward improving time series model forecasts of the 1980 and 1981 recessions

the political economy of tax coordination as a bargaining game between bureaucrats and politicians in the public finance literature the view prevails that taxcompetition among countries gives rise to an underprovision ofpublic goods and that coordinated tax increases are thereforedesirable public choice arguments in contrast suggest thattax coordination may not be in the interest of thetaxpayers citizens because imperfections of the politicalprocess political distortions may lead to a waste of taxmoney according to this view tax competition is a desirablecheck on the power to tax whereas tax coordination would onlyrelax the budget constraint of an inefficient public sector the present paper integrates the underprovision argument andthe public choice view into a common theoretical framework the government is assumed to consist of politicians andbureaucrats with diverging interests fiscal policy ismodelled as the outcome of a bargaining game between thebureaucrats and the politicians it turns out that coordinatedtax increases always raise the provision of public goods butalso increase the cost of political distortions the effect onthe welfare of the representative citizen may be positive ofnegative depending in particular on the distribution ofbargaining power between bureaucrats and politicians

understanding the soft budget constraint we propose a clarification of the notion of a soft budget constraint a concept widely used in the analysis of socialist transitional and market economies our interpretation is broad enough to embrace most existing approaches to soft budget constraint phenomena and provides a classification of their causes and consequences in light of this interpretation we then review the theoretical literature on the subject and compare it with those on other dynamic commitment problems in economics

rational ignorance rational voter expectations and public policy a discrete informational foundation for fiscal illusion this paper demonstrates that rational ignorance properly defined allows the possibility that fiscal illusion affects policies in a democracy the implications of rational ignorance are examined in a setting where voters are assumed to completely understand the fiscal environment and make perfect use of any information that they possess in this setting it is demonstrated that ignorance may be rational manipulated and generate biased expectations over fiscal parameters

incumbent performance and electoral control in the pure theory of electoral competition citizens compare the platforms of the candidates and vote for the one whose platform is preferred candidate strategies are identified with promises about future performance in office models of this sort have been developed in both static mckelvey 1975 and dynamic kramer 1977 i settings and all appear to have the property that if the set of alternatives is large enough in some sense equilibrium platforms rarely exist but these models have another feature that is quite as disturbing as their instability in the static setting discussed by mckelvey little attention is paid to the possibility that once in office the politician s preferences may diverge from those of his constituents and that he may therefore choose policies at variance from his platform instead it is simply assumed that promises will be kept whether or not such behavior is congruent with the interest of the officeholder it is sometimes argued that an enforcement mechanism may exist to discipline politicians for failing to keep promises but without a specification of the mechanism it is not obvious that it would be in the interests of the

why a stubborn conservative would run a deficit policy with time inconsistent preferences a conservative government in favor of a low level of public consumption knows that it will be replaced by a government in favor of a larger level of public consumption we show that the resulting level of public consumption is in between the levels the two governments would choose if each were in power both in the present and in the future in particular we show that if the conservative government is more stubborn in a particular sense than the succeeding government the conservative government will borrow more than it would had it remained in power in the future

a simple model of inefficient institutions this paper develops a simple model of economic and political institutions that lead to poor aggregate economic performance in the model economy groups with political power the elite choose policies to increase their income and to directly or indirectly transfer resources from the rest of society to themselves the resulting equilibrium is generally inefficient because of three distinct mechanisms 1 revenue extraction 2 factor price manipulation and 3 political consolidation in particular the elite may pursue inefficient policies to extract revenue from other groups they may do so to reduce the demand for factors coming from other groups in the economy thus indirectly benefiting from changes in factor prices finally they may try to impoverish other groups competing for political power the elite s preferences over inefficient policies translate into inefficient economic institutions the notable exception to this general picture emerges when long term investments are important thus creating a commitment holdup problem whereby equilibrium taxes and regulations are worse than the elite would like them to be from an ex ante point of view in this case economic institutions that provide additional security of property rights to other groups can be useful

the power to tax analytical foundations of a fiscal constitution preface 1 taxation in constitutional perspective 2 natural government a model of leviathan 3 constraints on base and rate structure 4 the taxation of commodities 5 taxation through time income taxes capital taxes and public debt 6 money creation and taxation 7 the disposition of public revenues 8 the domain of politics 9 open economy federalism and taxing authority 10 toward authentic tax reform prospects and prescriptions epilogue notes selected bibliography index

a dynamic theory of public spending taxation and debt this paper presents a dynamic political economy theory of public spending taxation and debt policy choices are made by a legislature consisting of representatives elected by geographically defined districts the legislature can raise revenues via a distortionary income tax and by borrowing these revenues can be used tofinance a national public good and district specific transfers interpreted as pork barrel spending the value of the public good is stochastic reflecting shocks such as wars or natural disasters in equilibrium policy making cycles between two distinct regimes business as usual in which legislators bargain over the allocation of pork and responsible policy making in which policies maximize the collective good transitions between the two regimes are brought about by shocks in the value of the public good in the long run equilibrium tax rates are too high and too volatile public good provision is too low and debt levels are too high in some environments a balanced budget requirement can improve citizen welfare

comparative politics and public finance we propose a model with micropolitical foundations to contrast different political regimes compared to a parliamentary regime the institutions of a presidential congressional regime produce fewer incentives for legislative cohesion but more separation of powers these differences are reflected in the size and composition of government spending a parliamentary regime has redistribution toward a majority less underprovision of public goods and more rents to politicians a presidential congressional regime has redistribution toward powerful minorities more underprovision of public goods but less rents to politicians the size of government is smaller under a presidential regime this last prediction is consistent with cross country data

the dynamics of political compromise we characterize efficient self enforcing divisions of political or economic surplus between two parties that interact repeatedly the party in power can decide the allocation and the parties political strength changes according to a markov process we find that the share of the party currently in power depends not only on its current strength but also on whether it had previously been even stronger since it last came to power we find that the constitutional supermajority requirements that attempt to constrain the use of power can counterproductively create less compromise

power fluctuations and political economy we study constrained pareto e cient allocations in a dynamic production economy where the group that holds political power decides the allocation of resources for high discount factors the economy converges to a rst best allocation where labor supply decisions are not distorted for low discount factors distortions do not disappear and uctuate over time most importantly the set of sustainable rst best allocations is larger when there is less persistence in the identity of the party in power because this encourages political compromise this result contradicts the common presumption that there will be fewer distortions when there is a stable ruling group

determining the impact of economic factors on local government growth policy using time series analysis and transfer function models being able to predict building activity is important to public administrators and planners it has been widely established that there is a significant relationship between economic financial factors and local government growth policy as measured by building activity this paper describes and analyses this relationship through the use of time series methodology monthly data for input variables unemployment rate and prime interest rate are related to output variables the monthly issuance of single family building permits commercial and industrial permits total permits and the estimated construction cost per single family permit using time series intervention and transfer function analysis through the use of transfer functions residential permit decisions commercial and industrial permit activity and total permits issued for all uses are causally related to levels of unemployment and the prime rate with varying periods of delay before impact is felt in growth policy decisions

cycles of conflict an economic model abstract we propose a model of cycles of conflict and distrust overlapping generations of agents from two groups sequentially play coordination games under incomplete information about whether the other side consists of bad types who always take bad actions good actions may be misperceived as bad and information about past actions is limited conflict spirals start as a result of misperceptions but also contain the seeds of their own dissolution bayesian agents eventually conclude that the spiral likely started by mistake and is thus uninformative of the opposing group s type the agents then experiment with a good action restarting the cycle jel d72 d74 d83 z13

economic performance through time prize lecture to the memory of alfred nobel december 9 1993 this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

sticking to fiscal plans the role of institutions the rules based fiscal framework of the emu relies heavily on the development of medium term fiscal plans by the eu governments in this paper i present an empirical analysis of the deviations from the plans presented in the annual stability and convergence programs i focus on projections for real gdp growth and general government balances revenues and spending at different time horizons i show that deviations from the projections presented in these programs since 1999 can be explained by institutional factors i e the form of fiscal governance and the stringency of fiscal rules

shrouded costs of government the political economy of state and local public pensions abstract why do public sector workers receive so much of their compensation in the form of pensions and other benefits this paper presents a political economy model in which politicians compete for taxpayers and government employees votes by promising compensation packages but some voters cannot evaluate every aspect of promised compensation if pension packages are shrouded so that public sector workers better understand their value than ordinary taxpayers then compensation will be highly back loaded in equilibrium the welfare of public sector workers could be improved holding total public sector costs constant if they received higher wages and lower pensions centralizing pension determination has two offsetting effects on generosity more state level media attention helps taxpayers better understand pension costs and that reduces pension generosity but a larger share of public sector workers will vote within the jurisdiction which increases pension generosity a short discussion of pensions in two decentralized states california and pennsylvania and two centralized states massachusetts and ohio suggests that centralization appears to have modestly reduced pensions but as the model suggests this is unlikely to be universal

pareto optima and competitive equilibria with adverse selection and moral hazard this paper explores the extent to which standard general equilibrium analysis of pareto optima and of competitive equilibria can be applied to environments with moral hazard and adverse selection problems allowing for lotteries contracts with random components we first establish that an adverse selection insurance economy a moral hazard insurance economy a signaling economy and a private information labor market economy are all special cases of a simple general structure we then show that techniques for characterizing pareto optimal contracts as solutions to concave programming problems are useful and nice and appear to be broadly applicable allowing for lotteries we show how to characterize the optimal allocations for the adverse selection insurance and labor market economies we then show that standard existence and optimality theorems for competitive equilibria apply in the linear space containing lotteries if agents with characteristics which are distinct and privately observed at the time of initial trading enter the economy wide resource constraints in a homogeneous way other kinds of diversity are not critical for economies with moral hazard which satisfy the homogeneity condition competitive contract markets single out a subset of the optima and thus can be consistent with apparent unemployment and with a random allocation of labor supplied though all households are averse to risk the adverse selection insurance and signaling economies however do not satisfy the homogeneity condition and are difficult to decentralize efficiently with a price system

the survival of the welfare state this paper provides an analytical characterization of markov perfect equilibria in a model with repeated voting where agents vote over distortionary income redistribution a key result is that the future constituency for redistributive policies depends positively on current redistribution since this affects both private investments and the future distribution of voters the model features multiple equilibria in some equilibria positive redistribution persists forever in other equilibria even a majority of beneficiaries of redistribution vote strategically so as to induce the end of the welfare state next period skill biased technical change makes the survival of the welfare state less likely

coalition formation in non democracies we study the formation of a ruling coalition in non democratic societies where institutions do not enable political commitments each individual is endowed with a level of political power the ruling coalition consists of a subset of the individuals in the society and decides the distribution of resources a ruling coalition needs to contain enough powerful members to win against any alternative coalition that may challenge it and it needs to be self enforcing in the sense that none of its subcoalitions should be able to secede and become the new ruling coalition we present both an axiomatic approach that captures these notions and determines a generically unique ruling coalition and the analysis of a dynamic game of coalition formation that encompasses these ideas we establish that the subgame perfect equilibria of the coalition formation game coincide with the set of ruling coalitions resulting from the axiomatic approach a key insight of our analysis is that a coalition is made self enforcing by the failure of its winning subcoalitions to be self enforcing this is most simply illustrated by the following example with majority rule two person coalitions are generically not self enforcing and consequently three person coalitions are self enforcing unless one player is disproportionately powerful we also characterize the structure of ruling coalitions for example we determine the conditions under which ruling coalitions are robust to small changes in the distribution of power and when they are fragile we also show that when the distribution of power across individuals is relatively equal and there is majoritarian voting only certain sizes of coalitions e g with majority rule coalitions of size 1 3 7 15 etc can be the ruling coalition copyright 2008 wiley blackwell

sources of inefficiency in a representative democracy a dynamic analysis this paper studies the efficiency of policy choice in representative democracies it extends the citizen candidate model of democratic policy making to a dynamic environment equilibrium policy choices are shown to be efficient in the sense that in each period conditional on future policies being selected through the democratic process there exists no alternative current policy choices which can raise the expected utilities of all citizens however policies that would be declared efficient by standard economic criteria are not necessarily adopted in political equilibrium the paper argues that these divergencies are legitimately viewed as politicalfailures

improving fiscal policy in the eu the case for independent forecasts are official output forecasts biased we point out that official forecasts of output dynamics are crucial to the assessment of cyclically adjusted budget balances and provide evidence that in some euro area countries biased forecasts have played a thus far neglected role in generating excessive deficits we suggest that the forecast bias may be politically motivated and that forecasts produced by an independent authority would be better than in house ministry of finance forecasts for the purpose of monitoring budget formation and budget outcomes lars jonung and martin larch

why did the west extend the franchise democracy inequality and growth in historical perspective during the nineteenth century most western societies extended voting rights a decision that led to unprecedented redistributive programs we argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by the political elite to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution political transition rather than redistribution under existing political institutions occurs because current transfers do not ensure future transfers while the extension of the franchise changes future political equilibria and acts as a commitment to redistribution our theory also offers a novel explanation for the kuznets curve in many western economies during this period with the fall in inequality following redistribution due to democratization i introduction the nineteenth century was a period of fundamental political reform and unprecedented changes in taxation and redistribution britain for example was transformed from an oligarchy run by an elite to a democracy the franchise was extended in 1832 and then again in 1867 and 1884 transferring voting rights to portions of the society with no previous political representation the decades after the political reforms witnessed radical social reforms increased taxation and the extension of education to the masses moreover as noted by kuznets inequality which was previously increasing started to decline during this period the gini coefficient for income inequality in england and wales had risen from 0 400 in 1823 to 0 627 in 1871 but fell to 0 443 in 1901 two key factors in the reduction in inequality were the increase in the proportion of skilled workers williamson 1985 and the redistribution of income toward the poorer segments of the society for example taxes rose from 8 12 percent of national product in 1867 to 18 8 percent by 1927 and the progressivity of the tax system increased substantially see lindert 1989

incentive contracts and elections for politicians with multi task problems abstract we consider a model with a politician facing a multi task problem while in office the reelection mechanism distorts the allocation of effort in favor of tasks whose outcomes can be measured more precisely than others we show that a combination of elections and incentive contracts can alleviate this inefficiency the incentive contract does not require direct information about the performance of the politician and is self financing across terms

electoral competition and special interest politics have fixed positions on some issues but vary their positions on others in order to attract votes and campaign contributions in this context we examine whether special interest groups are governed by an electoral motive or an influence in their campaign giving and how their contributions affect the equilibrium platforms we show that each party is induced to behave as if it were maximizing a weighted sum of the aggregate welfares of informed voters and members of special interest groups the party that is expected to win a majority of seats caters more to the special interests

a reform dilemma in polarized democracies abstract we study the feasibility and efficiency of policy reforms in democracies we develop a simple election model where i reforms are costly for voters and politicians and these costs increase with the extent of policy change and ii politicians differ in their ability to carry out reforms efficiently we identify a so called reform dilemma which manifests itself in two variants from a static perspective low reform ability politicians are elected when political parties are polarized who then impose high costs on citizens for each reform step this property of elections arises as low reform ability is a substitute for policy commitment from a dynamic perspective incumbents may choose socially undesirable policies to align the social need for reform with their own reform ability and are thus re elected regardless of their reform ability

legislative organization and government spending cross country evidence abstract the law of 1 n posits that an increase in the number of elected representatives fuels excessive government spending despite its wide acceptance as a stylized fact the law of 1 n has received only limited empirical scrutiny and the existing evidence for the american states provides mixed support for the thesis this paper examines the law of 1 n in bicameral and unicameral legislative structures using a cross section of democratic countries the results indicate that legislative size matters under both legislature structures but bicameralism dampens the 1 n effect relative to unicameralism

economic backwardness in political perspective government policies and institutions shape economic incentives and via this channel have a first order impact on economic development why then do many societies adopt policies that discourage investment and maintain institutions that cause economic backwardness perhaps politically powerful groups elites are not in favor of economic growth but why it would appear that economic growth would provide more resources for these groups to take over or tax increasing their economic returns so why don t powerful groups always support economic development in this paper we develop a theory of inefficient government policies and institutions all else equal politically powerful groups would welcome superior institutions and technologies but in practice all else is not equal because superior institutions and technologies may reduce their political power and make it more likely that they will be replaced at the center of our theory is therefore the idea that changes in institutions or the introduction of new technologies often create turbulence eroding the political advantages and future economic rents of incumbent elites alternatively new technologies may enrich competing groups increasing their threat to incumbents these considerations make politically powerful groups fear losing power and oppose economic and political change even when such change will benefit society as a whole to understand the mechanism at work and its potential applications consider a concrete example industrialization in the nineteenth century bairoch 1982 estimates that between 1830 and 1913 world manufacturing output increased by a factor of 5 see table 1 panel a nevertheless this process was highly uneven across regions and countries bairoch also calculates that over the same period manufacturing output in developed countries europe and north america increasedbyafactorofover10 whereasitdeclinedinthe third world among developed countries there were

political foundations of the resource curse in this paper we argue that the political incentives that resource endowments generate are the key to understanding whether or not they are a curse we show 1 politicians tend to over extract natural resources relative to the efficient extraction path because they discount the future too much and 2 resource booms improve the efficiency of the extraction path however 3 resource booms by raising the value of being in power and by providing politicians with more resources which they can use to influence the outcome of elections increase resource misallocation in the rest of the economy 4 the overall impact of resource booms on the economy depends critically on institutions since these determine the extent to which political incentives map into policy outcomes countries with institutions that promote accountability and state competence will tend to benefit from resource booms since these institutions ameliorate the perverse political incentives that such booms create countries without such institutions however may suffer from a resource curse

how to make a dis entrepreneur of the schumpeterian entrepreneur the impact of institutional settings on growth fiscal and monetary institutions are conspicuously omitted in the conventional theory of long run economic growth moving from the schumpeterian entrepreneur who adopts new technology because its value according to tobin s q dominates the economic rents of existing capital we argue that the schumpeterian entrepreneur s incentives to innovate change when he is transplanted into the public economy we analyze two alternative institutional settings denoted as long chain and short chain through the long chain model we show that the schumpeterian entrepreneur is driven towards destructive creation of new capital thus becoming a political dis entrepreneur while the quasi contractual short chain model provides incentives to innovate

vested interests in a positive theory of stagnation and growth we study a positive theory of stagnation and growth aimed at understanding the large variations in growth outcomes across actual economies the theory points to the fundamental role played by vested interests in determining policies which are key to the growth process some agents seek to prevent the adoption of new technologies we develop a model of technology adoption and show how technological innovation may sow the seeds of its own destruction in particular we find that the equilibrium is characterized by a long cycle of stagnation and growth over this cycle incumbents are phased out of the economy will new innovation occur in formalizing our theory we make a methodological contribution by characterizing dynamic voting equilibria when voters must forecast the effects of different current policies on future prices and policy outcomes

dynamic relational contracts under complete information abstract this paper considers a long term relationship between two agents who both undertake an action or investment that produces a joint benefit agents have an opportunity to expropriate some of the joint benefit for their own use agents have quasi linear preferences two cases are considered where agents are risk averse but where limited liability constraints do not bind and where agents are risk neutral and subject to limited liability constraints we ask how to structure the investments and division of the surplus over time to avoid expropriation in the risk averse case the dynamics of actions and surplus may or may not be monotonic depending on whether or not a first best allocation can be sustained agents may underinvest but never overinvest if the first best allocation is not sustainable there is a trade off between risk sharing and surplus maximization surplus may not be at its constrained maximum even in the long run and the amnesia property of pure risk sharing models fails to hold in contrast in the risk neutral case there may be an initial phase in which one agent overinvests and the other underinvests both actions and surplus converge monotonically to a stationary state where surplus is maximized subject to the self enforcing constraints

the making of economic policy a transaction cost politics perspective economic policymaking as a political process the normative approach to policy analysis the positive view of political economy a synthesis the policy process in real time a theme transaction costs the transaction cost politics framework political outcomes and economic efficiency transaction cost analysis in politics mechanisms to cope with transaction costs in politics national differences two case studies to illustrate transaction cost politics tax and expenditure reform in the united states the gatt and national trade politics some reflections and suggestions some lessons for the policy process the role of the economist concluding comments appendix multiprincipal multitask agencies

mandatory versus discretionary spending the status quo eect do mandatory spending programs such as medicare improve eciency we analyze a model with two parties allocating a xed budget to a public good and private transfers each period over an innite horizon we compare two institutions that dier in whether public good spending is discretionary or mandatory we model mandatory spending as an endogenous status quo since it is enacted by law and remains in eect until changed mandatory programs result in higher public good spending furthermore they ex ante pareto dominate discretionary programs when parties are patient persistence of power is low and polarization is low

voting on the budget deficit this paper analyzes a model in which a group of rational individuals votes over the composition and time profile of public spending all voters agree that a balanced budget is ex ante optimal however if there is disagreement between current and future majorities a balanced budget is not a political equilibrium under majority rule under certain conditions a majority of the voters favors a budget deficit and the equilibrium deficit is larger the greater is the polarization among voters copyright 1990 by american economic association

income fluctuation and asymmetric information an example of a repeated principal agent problem we examine a simple repeated principal agent model with discounting there are a risk averse borrower with an unobservable random income and a risk neutral lender the efficient contract is characterized it tends to the first best constant consumption contract as the discount factor tends to one and the time horizon extends to infinity if the time horizon is infinite and the contract is legally enforceable the borrower s utility becomes arbitrarily negative with probability one if the borrower has constant absolute risk aversion consumption is transferred between any two states at a constant interest rate which is less than the rate of time preference

a theory of political entrenchment can an incumbent political party increase its chances at re election by implementing inefficient policies that harm its constituency this paper studies the possibility of such a phenomenon which we label political entrenchment we use a two party dynamic model of redistribution with probabilistic voting political entrenchment by the left occurs only if incumbency rents are sufficiently high low skill citizens may vote for this party even though they rationally expect the adoption of these policies we discuss the possibility of entrenchment by the right the scope for commitment to avoid entrenchment policies and the effect of state capacity income inequality and party popularity on the likelihood of entrenchment we illustrate our theory with a number of historical examples

political competition and mirrleesian income taxation a first pass we study downsian competition in a mirrleesian model of income taxation the competing politicians may dier in competence if politicians engage in vote share maximization the less competent politician s policy proposals are attractive to the minority of rich agents whereas those of the competent politician are attractive to the majority of poor agents the less competent politician wins with positive probability which gives rise to a political failure in the sense of besley and coate 1998 political failures are avoided if politicians maximize winning probabilities nevertheless the two equilibria cannot be pareto ranked the minority may be better o under vote share maximization

public finance and welfare from the ignorance of the veil to the veil of ignorance abstract present day welfare states may survive as long as bureaucracies and governments can create optimistic illusions among taxpayers voters this setting is destined to fail and indirectly to open up the pathway for a constitutional welfare state mazzola and wicksell first offered a constitutional view on both public choice and public goods but the intellectual godfathers of the genuine alternative to the present welfare state are buchanan and tullock in the early sixties and rawls a decade later the virtuous circuit obligations entitlements rights which the institutions of present welfare states helped to make crumble may be restored behind the veil of ignorance

do voters affect or elect policies evidence from the u s house there are two fundamentally different views of the role of elections in policy formation in one view voters can affect candidates policy choices competition for votes induces politicians to move toward the center in this view elections have the effect of bringing about some degree of policy compromise in the alternative view voters merely elect policies politicians cannot make credible promises to moderate their policies and elections are merely a means to decide which one of two opposing policy views will be implemented we assess which of these contrasting perspectives is more empirically relevant for the u s house focusing on elections decided by a narrow margin allows us to generate quasi experimental estimates of the impact of a randomized change in electoral strength on subsequent representatives roll call voting records we find that voters merely elect policies the degree of electoral strength has no effect on a legislator s voting behavior for example a large exogenous increase in electoral strength for the democratic party in a district does not result in shifting both parties nominees to the left politicians inability to credibly commit to a compromise appears to dominate any competition induced convergence in policy

a model of political competition with citizen candidates the authors develop a model of electoral competition in which citizens choose whether or not to run as candidates a winner implements her favorite policy the equilibrium number of candidates depends negatively on the cost of running and positively on the benefits of winning for some parameter values all equilibria under plurality rule have exactly two candidates whose positions are distinct two candidate elections are more likely under plurality rule than under a runoff system the candidates positions are less differentiated under a runoff system there exist equilibria under both systems in which some candidates have no chance of winning

political economy of mechanisms we study the optimal mirrlees taxation problem in a dynamic economy in contrast to the standard approach where the taxation mechanism is operated by a benevolent planner with full commitment power we focus on economies in which policy decisions are made by self interested politicians who cannot commit to policies the society controls politicians using elections we show that the provision of incentives to politicians can be partly separated from redistribution across agents and that political economy constraints can be modeled as introducing additional aggregate distortions in the dynamic mirrlees problem we provide conditions under which the political economy distortions persist or disappear in the long run if the politicians are as patient as the agents the best sustainable mechanism leads to an asymptotic allocation where the aggregate distortions arising from political economy disappear in contrast when politicians are less patient than the citizens positive aggregate labor and capital taxes remain even asymptotically we conclude by providing a brief comparison of centralized

public policies pressure groups and dead weight costs abstract this paper presents a model of competition among special interest groups for political influence each active group exerts pressure to affect its taxes and subsidies where activities of different groups are related by the equality between total tax collections and total tax subsidies the dead weight costs and benefits of taxes and subsidies play a major role in our model an increase in the dead weight cost of taxation encourages pressure by taxpayers while an increase in the dead weight costs of subsidies discourages pressure by recipients various applications of the analysis are discussed