an initial investigation into the impact of tourism on local budgets a comparative analysis of spanish municipalities abstract the spanish federation of municipalities has particularly since 2008 been vocal about a chronic deficit situation caused by high public expenditures in tourist areas within this context new strategies to increase revenues have been proposed including the introduction of tourist taxes this paper contributes to this debate by determining if tourism activity actually has a negative impact on local finances in spain to that end a comparative analysis of budget structures between tourism intensive and non tourism intensive municipalities is undertaken using data from more than 3200 local corporations for the years 2001 2010 the determinants of expenditures revenues and deficit per capita are identified using a linear regression the results indicate a direct relationship between tourism intensity and local deficits only in the smallest and largest municipalities while a beneficial effect is actually seen in the remainder of the sample in view of this evidence we recommend revising the existing regulations to allow for municipalities below 20 000 residents to be officially recognized as tourist municipalities so that they can benefit from that status in addition the option of introducing new tourist taxes should be more restricted in scope and depend upon further evidence of possible cost inefficiency in the affected municipalities

why democracies produce efficient results by applying the standard tools of microeconomic analysis i argue that democratic markets work as well as economic markets in particular i show that previous work has greatly exaggerated the existence of principal agent and informational problems in electoral markets and has drawn incorrect conclusions

fiscal policy outcomes and electoral accountability in american states clear fiscal policy effects appear in american state gubernatorial and legislative elections between 1968 and 1992 independent of the effects of incumbency coattails term limits and macroeconomic conditions the results show that accountability is generally stronger following a period of unified party control than under divided government voter reactions to taxes and spending relative to the state economy are conditional on expectations which differ for each party net of these expectations republican gubernatorial candidates lose votes if their party is responsible for unanticipated increases in the size of the state budget democrats do not and indeed may be rewarded for small increases independent of this the incumbent governor s party is punished in legislative elections for failing to maintain fiscal balance taken together these results show how electoral accountability for fiscal policy outcomes is strong but highly contingent on a complex configuration of party labels partisan control expectations and institutions

dynamic responses to changing demand a model of the reallocation process in small and large municipalities in norway local government priorities between local services are analysed in a community preference model emphasizing income effects and demographic factors the model is built into a partia adjustment framework with endogenous speed of adjustment to study the dynamic responses of local governments to shifting demand the empirical analysis of the reallocation process separates between small and large municipalities in terms of population size serious sluggishness of the adjustment is documented with large municipalities experiencing stronger inertia than the small the small authorities have been able to respond more effectively to the restructuring pressure from demographic shift

do external grants to district governments discourage own revenue generation a look at local public finance dynamics in ghana summary using rich panel data on all of ghana s districts local public finances over 11 years this paper investigates the way that intergovernmental and other transfers to local governments affect local governments incentives to collect internally generated revenues and funds igf we find that despite an incentive scheme built into one of the major intergovernmental grants the flow of all grants taken together discourages rather than encourages igf this is reflected both in the depressing effect of transfers on igf levels as well as on igf growth

separation of powers and political accountability political constitutions are incomplete contracts and therefore leave room for abuse of power in democracies elections are the primary mechanism for disciplining public officials but they are not sufficient separation of powers between executive and legislative bodies also helps to prevent the abuse of power but only with appropriate checks and balances checks and balances work by creating a conflict of interest between the executive and the legislature yet requiring both bodies to agree on public policy in this way the two bodies discipline each other to the voters advantage under appropriate checks and balances separation of powers also helps the voters elicit information

political business cycles 40 years after nordhaus the aim of this article is to survey the huge literature that has emerged in the last four decades following nordhaus s rev econ stud 42 2 169 190 1975 publication on political business cycles pbcs i first propose some developments in history of thought to examine the context in which this ground breaking contribution saw the light of the day i also present a simplified version of nordhaus s model to highlight his key results i detail some early critiques of this model and the fields of investigations to which they gave birth i then focus on the institutional context and examine its influence on pbcs the actual research agenda finally i derive some paths for future research

interpretation and temporal stability of cv bids for wildlife existence a panel study existence values are playing an increasingly important role in wildlife preservation decisions but little is known about how these values behave over time and value estimates may often be misinterpreted panel study results suggest that although existence values may be relatively stable many individuals respond to contingent valuation by bidding their fair share or for the satisfaction from contributing to a good cause such as environmental quality although payment of fair share may represent a lower bound estimate of existence value payment for a good cause may or may not be closely related to the value of the resource itself

the effects of partisan alignment on the allocation of intergovernmental transfers differences in differences estimates for spain abstract in this paper we test the hypothesis that municipalities aligned with upper tier grantor governments i e controlled by the same party will receive more grants than those that are unaligned we use a rich spanish database which provides information on grants received by nearly 900 municipalities during the period 1993 2003 from three different upper tier governments i e central regional and upper local since three elections were held at each tier during this period we have enough within municipality variation in partisan alignment to provide differences in differences estimates of the effects of alignment on the amount of grants coming from each source moreover the fact that a municipality may simultaneously receive grants from aligned and unaligned grantors allows us to use a triple differences estimator which consists of estimating the effects of changing alignment status on the change in grants coming from the aligned grantors relative to the change in grants coming from the unaligned ones the results suggest that partisan alignment has a sizeable positive effect on the amount of grants received by municipalities for example with majority governments at the two layers aligned municipalities receive over 40 more grants than unaligned ones

effectiveness of electoral systems for reducing government corruption a game theoretic analysis abstract a theoretical model is developed for predicting the relative effectiveness of different electoral systems for reducing government corruption we consider voting games in which parties with known corruption levels and known positions on a major policy question compete for legislative seats we find that approval voting and proportional representation are fully effective in the sense that all equilibria exclude corrupt parties from legislative seats plurality voting is partly effective in the sense that there always exist some equilibria that exclude corrupt parties borda voting is ineffective because for some political situations no equilibria can guarantee the exclusion of corrupt parties journal of economic literature classification number d72

on the vote purchasing behavior of incumbent governments a couple of months before the swedish election in 1998 the incumbent government distributed 2 3 billion sek to 42 out of 115 applying municipalities this was the first wave of a four year long grant program intended to support local investment programs aimed at an ecological sustainable development this temporary grant program differs from traditional intergovernmental grants in several aspects most importantly in the sovereign decision making power given to the incumbent central government in this paper we investigate whether there were any tactical motives behind the distribution of these grants we find support for the hypothesis that the incumbent government used the grant program under study in order to win votes in particular we find strong support for the lindbeck weibull dixit londregan model in which parties distribute transfers to regions where there are many swing voters this result is statistically as well as economically significant we do however not find any support for the model that predicts that the incumbent government transfer money to its own supporters

ghost citizens using notches to identify manipulation of population based grants this paper analyzes how local governments misreport population figures to obtain higher per capita grant allocations in 1998 the allocation of a formula based grant in spain switched from using the centrally administered census to local population registers administered by municipalities the value of this per capita grant changes at fixed population thresholds for the entire local population we exploit these notches to analyze the size distribution of municipalities to detect deliberate manipulation of the grant assignment variable this allows us to causally identify the effect of grant generosity on population over reporting we document an excess mass of municipalities to the right of the notch threshold and a density hole to the left of it local registers included a proportion of ghost citizens that is people who presented no trace of actually residing in the municipalities which benefit the most from inflating population figures to pass the relevant threshold we document that manipulation rather than real population responses is the mechanism at work the main channel behind manipulation is the incorrect treatment of foreign residents to inflate total local population

does electoral accountability affect economic policy choices evidence from gubernatorial term limits this paper analyzes the behavior of u s governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation building model of political behavior we argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model we find evidence that taxes spending and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a democrat is in office the result is a fiscal cycle in term limit states which lowers state income when the term limit binds

rainfall shocks local revenues and intergovernmental transfer in mali summary this paper explores the implications of rainfall shocks for municipal tax revenues and intergovernmental transfers in mali i found that exogenous phenomena such as weather not under the control of local actors could affect the way de facto decentralization plays out by influencing the fiscal capacity of local governments in a panel data of 692 municipalities from 2000 to 2008 i found that rainfall shocks through the fluctuations they induce in agricultural incomes affect revenue collection of local governments and in turn drive further revenues local governments receive through transfer by the central government

divided government fiscal institutions and budget deficits evidence from the states does partisan control of american state government have systematic effects on state spending and taxing levels does divided control affect the government s ability to make hard decisions do institutional rules like legal deficit carryover restrictions matter using a formal model of fiscal policy to guide empirical analysis of data covering the american states from 1968 to 1987 we conclude that 1 aggregate state budget totals are driven by different factors under democrats and republicans the net result being that democrats target spending and taxes to higher shares of state level personal income 2 divided government is less able to react to revenue shocks that lead to budget deficits particularly where different parties control each chamber of the legislature and 3 unified party governments with restricted ability to carry deficits into the next fiscal year outside the south have sharper reactions to negative revenue shocks than those without restrictions

lobbying political competition and local land supply recent evidence from spain abstract we analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition and interpret the findings as indications of the influence wielded by land developer lobbies we use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2 000 spanish municipalities for the period 2003 2007 in spain land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities needing periodically to pass comprehensive land use plans the main policy variable in these plans and the one analyzed here is the amount of land classified for potential development we measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government this variable is however potentially endogenous since not only do votes affect policy but also policy is expected to affect votes to deal with this problem we instrument this variable using the votes at the first national legislative elections following the re establishment of democracy and votes actually obtained regionally at the same type of election the results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development this effect is found to be most marked in suburbs in towns with a high percentage of commuters and homeowners and in municipalities governed by the left

loan price modelling for local governments using risk premium analysis previous studies have highlighted the question of government loan interest as one of great current importance government borrowing levels are high and reducing interest payments would generate savings to meet other spending needs and or to lower taxation thus supporting the sustainability of public finances however no previous study has presented a method for a local government to calculate its own credit risk and thus be in a position to negotiate lower interest rates on its borrowing this article defines a financial model that enables local governments to estimate the interest rate payable on a bank loan based on their credit risk premium in accordance with the basel ii rules and the findings of our empirical study of large local governments

constitutional rules and fiscal policy outcomes we investigate the effect of electoral rules and forms of government on fiscal policy outcomes in a large sample of democracies we rely on different estimation methods to address prospective problems of statistical inference due to non random selection of these constitutional rules the findings are consistent with our theoretical priors presidential regimes induce smaller governments than parliamentary democracies while majoritarian elections lead to smaller governments and smaller welfare programs than proportional elections

balanced budget redistribution as the outcome of political competition this paper models balanced budget redistribution between socio economic groups as the outcome of electoral competition between two political parties equilibrium is unique in the present model and a sufficient condition for existence is given requiring that there be enough stochastic heterogeneity with respect to party preferences in the electorate the validity of hotelling s principle of minimum differentiation and of director s law are examined under alternative hypotheses concerning administrative costs of redistributions and voter s possibilities both of abstaining from voting and of becoming campaign activists for one of the parties the policy strategy of expected plurality maximization is contrasted with the strategy of maximizing the probability of gaining a plurality incomes are fixed and known so lump sum taxation is feasible however constraints on tax transfer differentiation between individuals are permitted in the analysis

equilibrium political budget cycles political business cycle theories generally rely on nominal rigidities and voter myopia this paper offers an equilibrium theory that preserves some basic insights from earlier models though with significant refinements the political budget cycle emphasized here is in fiscal policy rather than output and inflation it arises via a multidimensional signal process one can consider the welfare implications of proposals to mitigate the cycle and the effects of altering the electoral structure copyright 1990 by american economic association

electoral politics and monetary policy does the bank of canada contribute to a political business cycle in this paper i apply the work of abrams and iossifov public choice 129 249 262 2006 to monetary policy in canada to see if same political party affiliation is needed to produce evidence of political opportunism after modifying their analysis to maintain the time series consistency of their variables for canada i find that both an error correction model and a taylor rule reformulation of their test generate evidence consistent with same party political opportunism but only weakly so on the other hand i also find the presence of more traditional indicators of political influence in particular the data suggest that the election of a liberal party government a decrease in the degree of political competition and to a lesser extent the election of a minority government all positively influence the expansiveness of canadian monetary policy

political competition and state government size do tighter elections produce looser budgets we test implications of politicalcompetition theory concerning government size usingdata from u s states we find that greaterpolitical competition in the race for governor actsas a check against bigger government evidence onthe effectiveness of legal limits on expendituresand or revenues growth is mixed the democraticparty is associated with bigger government but onlywhen party representation in both the governor shouse and the legislature is strong the flypapereffect of grants is found to be strong our resultshave implications for models of fiscal illusion

inter regional redistribution through infrastructure investment tactical or programmatic in this paper we study the political economy of the inter regional allocation of investment in infrastructure in an effort to disentangle tactical and programmatic motives where tactical politics refers to the discretionary allocation of investment to districts with more political clout and programmatic politics refers to the allocation of investment according to certain objective criteria e g income level we use a panel of data from the spanish electoral districts for the period 1964 2004 to estimate an equation in which investment depends both on economic and political variables the results show that tactical politics do matter since the districts receiving the most funds are those in which i the incumbent s vote margin is low ii few votes are needed to win an additional seat in the legislature iii the central and regional governments are controlled by the same party and iv regional parties play a pivotal role in the legislature however the results also show that programmatic politics matter since inter regional redistribution is shown to increase i with the arrival of democracy and european union funds ii under leftist governments and iii the weaker the correlation is between political clout and regional income

the locational choice for free trade zones rural versus urban options abstract urban and rural areas are compared as appropriate locations for a free trade zone within a developing country suffering from urban unemployment if domestic capital is mobile between the two regions then the rural area is shown to be preferable to the urban area and sufficient conditions for this conclusion are presented this conclusion may be reversed however if capital is sector specific the condition for this reversal is also discussed

incumbent performance and electoral control in the pure theory of electoral competition citizens compare the platforms of the candidates and vote for the one whose platform is preferred candidate strategies are identified with promises about future performance in office models of this sort have been developed in both static mckelvey 1975 and dynamic kramer 1977 i settings and all appear to have the property that if the set of alternatives is large enough in some sense equilibrium platforms rarely exist but these models have another feature that is quite as disturbing as their instability in the static setting discussed by mckelvey little attention is paid to the possibility that once in office the politician s preferences may diverge from those of his constituents and that he may therefore choose policies at variance from his platform instead it is simply assumed that promises will be kept whether or not such behavior is congruent with the interest of the officeholder it is sometimes argued that an enforcement mechanism may exist to discipline politicians for failing to keep promises but without a specification of the mechanism it is not obvious that it would be in the interests of the

election goals and income redistribution recent evidence from albania this paper examines the impact of political competition on block grants from federal to sub federal levels of government we model the extent and direction of income redistribution as determined proximately by the political agendas of central decision makers and at a deeper level by the institutions within which they nd themselves operating we contrast two political objective functions that yield di erent empirical predictions of the ways in which politics should a ect scal policy lessons learned here may prove important in understanding limits on the types of redistribution possible via block grants given the institutional framework in both developing and developed countries 2001 elsevier science b v all rights reserved jel classixcation h1 h7 o1

moose hunting values in sweden now and two decades ago the swedish hunters revisited this paper is based on two national contingent valuation studies dealing with the extent and economic values of hunting in sweden the first valuation study was conducted in 1987 and the second in 2006 both the game resource and the hunter community have undergone changes in the two decades covered by the surveys an important purpose of the latter survey was to repeat relevant parts of the former one which created a rare opportunity to compare valuations covering a very long time span moose hunting value and its determinants were compared between the two studies showing that significant changes have taken place our analysis suggests caution in using results from old contingent valuation studies for e g benefits transfer exercises

the effects of party competition on budget outcomes empirical evidence from local governments in spain this paper investigates the link between local budget outcomes and the intensity of party competition measured as the margin of victory obtained by the incumbent in the previous local election i e the difference between the vote share and 50 two competing hypotheses are tested in the paper on the one hand the leviathan government hypothesis suggests that the lower the intensity of party competition is the greater is the increase in the size of the local public sector irrespective of the ideology of the party in power on the other hand the partisan government hypothesis suggests that the incumbent will find it easier to advance its platform when intensity of competition is low i e parties on the left right will increase decrease the size of the local public sector when the intensity of the challenge from the opposition is low these hypotheses are tested with information on spending own revenues and deficit for more than 500 spanish local governments over 8 years 1992 1999 and information on the results of two local electoral contests 1991 and 1995 the evidence favors the partisan hypothesis over the leviathan one we found that for left wing governments spending taxes and deficits increased as the electoral margin increases whereas for right wing governments a greater margin of victory led to reductions in all these variables

testing for temporal reliability in contingent valuation with time for changes in factors affecting demand we develop a temporal reliability test of the contingent valuation method separate random samples were administered the same telephone survey five years apart in the retest respondents have less favorable attitudes toward the environment given this result a temporally reliable contingent valuation would find lower willingness to pay we find that the estimates are temporally reliable after accounting for attitudes which have changed over the five year period values are not significantly different five years apart this study provides additional evidence that use of the contingent valuation method can provide useful information for environmental policy analysis

ideology tactics and efficiency in redistributive politics we model the electoral politics of redistribution when voters and parties care about inequality in addition to their private concerns for consumption and votes respectively ideological concerns about income redistribution lead each party to adopt a general proportional income tax adjusted to appeal to the ideological leanings of high clout groups with disproportionately many swing voters which the parties also ply with pork barrel projects our results relate to director s law which says that redistributive politics favors middle classes at the expense of both rich and poor

accountability and yardstick competition in the public provision of education abstract this paper explores the institutional change introduced by the public disclosure of an education development index ideb basic education development index in 2007 to identify the effect of education accountability on yardstick competition in educational spending among brazilian municipalities an exploratory analysis of the data shows a minor reduction 20 in spatial interaction in public educational spending after ideb disclosure compared with the spatial correlation before disclosure of the index our main results explore a discontinuity around the cutoff of 30 students enrolled in the grade under assessment after ideb disclosure the estimates suggest that the spatial autocorrelation and thus yardstick competition is reduced by 52 falsification and robustness tests were performed and suggest that we can claim causality around small bandwidths of the cutoff this finding suggests that the public release of information may decrease the importance of neighbors information on voters decisions

property tax revaluation and tax levy growth abstract jurisdiction wide property revaluation like many administrative reforms may have unintended consequences this paper examines one such potential consequence by pooling 18 year time series for each of 39 massachusetts cities 17 of which revalued and 270 massachusetts towns 202 of which revalued we examine the hypothesis that politicians take advantage of the confusion generated by revaluation and raise property taxes by more than they otherwise would have we observe such a response in cities but not in towns and attribute this difference to differences in their governmental structures

electoral competition and special interest politics have fixed positions on some issues but vary their positions on others in order to attract votes and campaign contributions in this context we examine whether special interest groups are governed by an electoral motive or an influence in their campaign giving and how their contributions affect the equilibrium platforms we show that each party is induced to behave as if it were maximizing a weighted sum of the aggregate welfares of informed voters and members of special interest groups the party that is expected to win a majority of seats caters more to the special interests

the effects of politics on local tax setting evidence from france this paper investigates the hypothesis that local politics has an impact on local taxation in the french public sector by using a cross sectional dataset on departments in 1999 political variables are included in a tax setting equation to provide empirical evidence whether local governments in france adopt business taxation behaviour closer to the leviathan government hypothesis with higher tax rates when political competition decreases or to the partisan government hypothesis with differences in tax rates according to partisan variables it is shown that the wider the seat s margin the lower the tax rates and that this cut is weaker in the case of a left wing local majority than a right wing majority it is therefore concluded that the partisan government hypothesis is more supported by the french data than the leviathan one even after controlling for tax interdependencies between departments

infrequent assessments distort property taxes theory and evidence abstract economists have long recognized that lags in property reassessment benefit infrequent movers because it reduces their property taxes but in addition reassessment lags can influence the level of property taxes selected under majority rule i show that short delays in community wide reassessment increase property tax collections because it reduces the tax price for a majority of voters however longer delays reduce property tax collections because the aggregate assessed base and thus the tax yield declines so much i formally characterize the cutoff between these regimes and show tax collections are generally above their socially optimal level this theory can help explain why many people believe property taxes are excessive and it also suggests that the american system of taxing capital gains at realization rather than on accrual might result in excessive rates i test this theory on a sample of pennsylvania municipalities in the philadelphia suburbs this is a suitable crucible for such an evaluation because community wide reassessments are infrequently performed in pennsylvania it is not possible to reject the theory s basic predictions and numerical estimates suggest that a 5 year delay in community wide reassessment increases government revenues by 6 however reassessment delays do not impose statistically significant social losses because they benefit infrequent movers

studying the role of political competition in the evolution of government size over long horizons here we argue for the use of cointegration and error correction analysis to combine economic factors that are nonstationary with political factors that are stationary into an empirical model of the evolution of public policy over long periods the approach is applied to disentangle the contributions of economics and politics to the evolution of public expenditure by the government of canada over 130 years political competition emerges as the primary political factor affecting government size

has leviathan been bound a theory of imperfectly constrained government with evidence from the states this paper develops a formal theory that combines power maximizing leviathan political parties with well defined imperfections in the political process the model implies that both parties tend to make government larger as their likelihood of electoral victory increases empirical tests on state level data confirm this prediction racing the leviathan hypothesis against alternative theories of party motivation indicates that both the leviathan and the contrasting ideologies views have some degree of validity the leviathan motive of politicians to maximize their power is a central assumption of the public choice approach to political economy this approach has been strongly attacked for underestimating the importance of competitive checks on politicians wittman 1989 1995 in particular broadly argues that electoral competition is an effective solution to whatever principalagent problem might exist between politicians and voters yet recent research in political economy dixit and londregan 1995 1996 1998 grossman and helpman 1996 casts renewed doubt on the efficiency of political markets formal models incorporating imperfections in the electoral process show that politicians have the latitude to deviate somewhat from citizen interests although politicians face constraints they retain some measure of monopoly power a conclusion consistent with the public choice literature the main difference between recent political economy and the public choice tradition arises from their assumptions about politicians objective functions the public choice approach tends to view all political parties as power maximizers whereas others see parties as either vote

the dynamics of public support for coalition governments this article investigates the relationship between economic conditions and party support for coalition parties in denmark and the netherlands the article argues that the simple reward punishment model cannot fully account for changes in citizens support for parties given variable economic performance using aggregate public support data for political parties the article shows that citizens differentiate between coalition partners depending on the parties issue priorities instead of blaming or rewarding all coalition parties in a uniform fashion citizens shift support from one coalition party to another depending on the perceived competence of a party to deal with particular economic problems the article finds that the structure of responsibility in parliamentary democracies ruled by coalition governments is more complex than is often assumed therefore it is argued that students of economics and public opinion should pay particular attention to the institutional context in which citizens make ch