revisited are shocks to energy consumption permanent or temporary new evidence from a panel suradf approach abstract this paper explores whether the hypothesis of energy consumption stationarity is supported in different regions the stationarity properties indicate that the impact of a reduction in energy consumption or a realignment policy is only temporary and over time the series will revert back to the trend path this paper first applies the panel seemingly unrelated regressions augmented dickey fuller panel suradf test developed by breuer et al breuer j b mcnown r wallace m s 2001 misleading inferences from panel unit root tests with an illustration from purchasing power parity review of international economics 9 3 482 493 which allows us to account for possible cross sectional effects and to identify how many and which members of the panel contain a unit root the main conclusion is that the stationarity of energy consumption will be affected by the differences among the five regions made up of 84 countries during the period 1971 2003 similar conclusions are reached when we analyze country groups based on levels of development moreover the results reveal that conventional panel unit root tests can lead to misleading inferences which are biased towards stationarity even if only one series in the panel is strongly stationary lastly some policy implications emerge from our results

u s disaggregated renewable energy consumption persistence and long memory behavior abstract this study examines the degree of time persistence in u s disaggregated renewable energy consumption hydropower geothermal solar wind wood waste and biofuels using innovative fractional integration and autoregressive models with monthly data for the period 1994 2 to 2011 10 the results indicate that in the case of hydropower solar wind waste and biofuels the estimates of fractional integration are higher than 0 5 but less than 1 0 implying nonstationary but mean reverting behavior in the case of geothermal and waste the estimates of fractional integration are around 0 5 and in the boundary case between stationarity and nonstationarity for wood the estimate of fractional integration is significantly smaller than 0 5 and thus showing stationary behavior with long memory behavior furthermore the study incorporates the presence of breaks in the data with the absence of breaks in hydropower geothermal solar wind wood and biofuels but a single break in the case of waste due to the inclusion of non renewable waste from non biogenic sources through 2000 the results reveal that u s disaggregated renewable energy consumption measures are better explained in terms of a long memory model that incorporates persistence components and seasonality

the political economy of imprisonment in affluent western democracies 1960 1990 research showing an association between business cycles and imprisonment is suspect on both theoretical and empirical grounds most research on this topic uses an impoverished notion of business cycles and pays no attention to differences in the institutional contexts of economic policymaking this article reexamines this issue using data from 15 affluent capitalist democracies observed over 30 years from 1960 to 1990 pooled regression techniques are used to test hypotheses regarding the effects of business cycles political power and the structure of labor market institutions results from simple models show the expected associations between business cycles and imprisonment rates but these associations disappear in models that include measures of politics and institutional structure this suggests that the business cycle imprisonment relationship is not causal but is instead an artifact of antecedent differences between neoliberal and corporatist societies

a new approach to energy consumption per capita stationarity evidence from oecd countries abstract applying a new panel stationary test procedure to data from 32 oecd countries from 1971 to 2013 this study examines the time series properties of per capita energy consumption the results indicate that energy consumption per capita follows a mean reverting process for 16 oecd countries whereas for the remaining 16 oecd countries a mean reverting process is not the case besides energy consumption per capita exhibits some sharp and smooth structural shifts breaks in its mean and or trend levels and the endogenously identified break dates correspond to specific macroeconomic events such as oil crises gulf war asian and global financial crises these results also have important policy implications for the 16 oecd countries that have stationary energy consumption per capita series government policies intended to stabilize energy demand will have no long lasting effects and therefore governments should not adopt unnecessary policy targets for energy demand level however for the remaining 16 oecd countries such policies will have long lasting effects

will policies to promote renewable electricity generation be effective evidence from panel stationarity and unit root tests for 115 countries abstract this study examines whether policies to promote renewable electricity generation are likely to be effective by applying panel unit root and stationarity tests to time series data on renewable electricity generation for 115 countries over the period 1980 2008 we find that for the panel as a whole and almost three quarters of the individual countries renewable electricity generation is characterized by a unit root this result implies that policies to promote renewable electricity generation such as renewable portfolio standards which result in annual increases in renewable energy and as such which represent permanent positive shocks to the long run growth path of renewable electricity generation will be more effective in increasing renewable electricity generation than policies with a pre specified time horizon

institutions and investors the politics of the economic crisis in southeast asia the most dramatic development in the international political economy during the 1990s the asian economic crisis deserves our attention given that asia s rapid economic rise spawned so many debates in the literature it is peculiar that a radical interruption to asia s economic development has not engendered more theoretical argument among political scientists economists have engaged in furious and productive debate but have been unable to deal with the political dimensions of the crisis in this article i make a strong claim about the importance of politics in explaining one of the big puzzles in the overall saga why the investment reversal was greater in some countries than in others i argue that a tight focus on political institutions yields a remarkable degree of analytic purchase in explaining why some countries coped better than others during the crisis specie cally i stress the distribution of veto authority highlighting the way this shaped the overall character of the policy environment and in turn affected investors i identify two policy syndromes rigidity and volatility that are at opposite ends of a continuum and are severely suboptimal for investors particularly during times of crisis i show that these two syndromes can be directly linked to the institutional framework of government the wider the dispersal of veto authority the greater the risk of policy rigidity conversely the tighter the concentration of veto authority the greater the risk of policy volatility these two policy syndromes bear directly on the differing responses of governments to the crisis much of the best literature on the asian crisis has come from economists and falls into one of three theoretical clusters variants of e rst generation currency crisis models that emphasize imbalances in macroeconomic fundamentals variants of

assessing the regional economic impacts of defense activities a survey of methods defense activities exercised in a specific region may alter the region s economic performance an accurate assessment of the potential economic impacts of defense activities is a valuable undertaking to enable regional planners to prepare for changes the variety in the methods among others input output models economic base models keynesian regional multipliers fixed effects estimators and case study approaches inspired by geography sociology and political science can pose a dilemma we detail the historical and theoretical background of each method as well as select exemplary cases where these methods were applied by examining old and new methods we aim to construct a typology that could be valuable to all stakeholders in this sense defense economics can also contribute to the allied social sciences by outlining evaluation methods that may be applicable to other fields

globalization welfare regimes and social protection expenditures in western and eastern european countries this paper analyzes the effects of globalization on social protection expenditures in european countries the particular focus is on a the eastern european countries and b on differences in globalization effects between welfare regimes we find evidence in favor of the compensation hypothesis in western europe which is driven by the conservative welfare regime outweighing the efficiency effect of globalization in the social democratic welfare regime in eastern european countries the efficiency effect is predominant no globalization effect is found for the liberal and the southern welfare regimes

did globalization restrict partisan politics an empirical evaluation of social expenditures in a panel of oecd countries this paper evaluates empirically how in the course of globalization partisan politics affected social expenditures in a panel of oecd countries i introduce an updated indicator of government ideology and investigate its interaction with the kof index of globalization two basic results emerge first at times when globalization proceeded at an average pace partisan politics had no effect on social expenditures but leftist governments increased social expenditures when globalization was proceeding rapidly second policies differed in the 1980s and 1990s leftist governments pursued expansionary policies in the 1980s yet partisan politics disappeared in the 1990s but not because of globalization

globalization as galton s problem the missing link in the analysis of diffusion patterns in welfare state development most macro cross national studies in political science that analyze the impact of globalization on domestic policies do not sufficiently consider the meth odological consequences of diffusion processes or galton s problem as it is often referred to i argue that globalization is a form of diffusion therefore it requires a shift from an exclusively functional analysis which dominates in almost all estab lished comparative studies in the field to a diffusional analysis i assume that glob alization leads to a shift in focus on the part of political actors from domestic to international issues i test this hypothesis by examining social expenditure rates of sixteen highly developed welfare states the results indicate that globalization has become a highly influential factor since the late 1980s in contrast to the years before in addition to the actual results presented here the methodological approach of ana lyzing globalization as diffusion is relevant to other areas of comparative and inter national politics and may be a tool in future research

are shocks to energy consumption permanent or temporary evidence from 182 countries this article applies univariate and panel data unit root tests to annual panel data for 182 countries over the period 1979 2000 to examine the stationarity properties of per capita energy consumption the univariate unit root test can only reject the unit root null for 56 countries or 31 of the sample at the 10 level or better however univariate unit root tests have low power with short spans of data and therefore failure to reject the unit root null should be treated with caution when we apply the panel data unit root test we find overwhelming evidence that energy consumption is stationary we discuss the policy implications of these findings and offer suggestions for future research

the party of lincoln and the politics of state fair employment practices legislation in the north 1945 1964 from 1945 to 1964 more than a score of northern states passed laws mandating nondiscrimination in employment why did some states pass such fair employment practice fep laws much more slowly than other states this article presents archival and statistical evidence that partisan control of policy making institutions namely republican control of veto points in the legislative process is associated with a substantial reduction in the likelihood that a state would pass fep legislation even when controlling for potentially confounding variables this finding casts doubt on the leading account of the electoral realignment that began in the mid 1960s and culminated in the reagan bush years well before the advent of affirmative action key numbers of gop officeholders allied with organized business and motivated by a free market antiregulatory ideology worked successfully to block the adoption of color blind laws mandating formal racial equality

the paradox of redistribution and strategies of equality welfare state institutions inequality and poverty in the western countries the structure of welfare state institutions 2 a trade off exists between the degree of low income targeting and the size of redistributive budgets 3 outcomes of market based distribution are often more unequal than those of earnings related social insurance programs we argue that social insurance institutions are of central importance for redistributive outcomes using new data our comparative analyses of the effects of different institutional types of welfare states on poverty and inequality indicate that institutional differences lead to unexpected outcomes and generate the paradox of redistribution the more we target benefits at the poor and the more concerned we are with creating equality via equal public transfers to all the less likely we are to reduce poverty and inequality social scientists and social reformers have long debated how the welfare state and social policies should be designed so as to best reduce poverty and inequality this debate involves two different issues one question concerns whether social policies should be targeted or universal that is should they be organized for the poor only or should the welfare state include all citizens in the context of nontargeted programs another question concerns the level of benefits should benefits be equal for all or should they be related to previous earnings and in

fourier quantile unit root test for the integrational properties of clean energy consumption in emerging economies abstract since the adoption of the kyoto protocol in 1997 and its entry into force in 2005 as well its aftermath such as the doha amendment and paris agreement national policies have become more conscious of the usage of clean energy mostly the different forms of renewable energy and nuclear energy ratifying countries and signatories had committed themselves to binding targets for the reduction of greenhouse emissions by 8 with respect to 1990 levels until 2012 also based on the particular contribution to global emissions from each country this paper examines the integrational properties of clean energy consumption from eight emerging economies which are also high greenhouse gas emitters the empirical results show that the clean energy consumption is stationarity for brazil and philippines by using a quantile unit root test without smooth breaks koenker and xiao 2004 however after capturing the smooth breaks bahmani oskooee et al 2018 we find the clean energy consumption of china pakistan and thailand are stationary the time varying deterministic trend with smooth breaks is more fitted to the path of clean energy consumption in comparison to the deterministic trend without smooth breaks the paper suggests economic insights useful for policy making

social protection around the world external insecurity state capacity and domestic political cleavages this article develops and tests a political model specifying the conditions under which external risk leads to the introduction of redistributive social policies and argues that external risk sharpens a domestic political cleavage over the design of institutions of social insurance workers in sectors facing high volatility of income will support the introduction of social policies characterized by broad levels of insurance coverage and high redistribution of costs across occupations whereas workers in low risk sectors will oppose redistributive social policies the strength of preexisting state institutions also affects policy preferences of various sectors in the presence of weak ineffective states that are unable to collect social insurance contributions from sectors that are net contributors to the system high risk sectors will find redistributive social policies unattractive the article tests predictions of the model using new measures of the level of social insurance coverage in more than 100 c

determinants of relative poverty in advanced capitalist democracies using relative poverty measures based on micro level data from the luxembourg income study in conjunction with pooled time series data for 14 advanced capitalist democracies between 1970 and 1997 the authors analyze separately the rate of pretax transfer poverty and the reduction in poverty achieved by systems of taxes and transfers socioeconomic factors including de industrialization and unemployment largely explain pre tax transfer poverty rates of the working age population in these advanced capitalist democracies the extent of redistribution measured as poverty reduction via taxes and transfers is explained directly by welfare state generosity and constitutional structure number of veto points and the strength of the political left both in unions and in government

political choice public policy and distributional outcomes i address the functioning of the u s governing system by analyzing distributional outcomes from 1947 to 2000 the key question is whether public policy influences distributional outcomes the macropolitics model and power resource theory suggest that left policies should equalize the distribution of income i utilize single equation error correction models to assess the impact of policy on income inequality through two mechanisms market conditioning and redistribution since nearly every government action influences markets in some way i examine policy in the aggregate rather than focusing only on policies explicitly designed to redistribute income the analysis indicates that policy influences inequality through both mechanisms with left policy producing more equality the results are consistent with power resource theory and strongly support the macropolitics model furthermore i find that market conditioning is as important as and works in tandem with explicit redistribution

political reinforcement how rising inequality curbs manifested welfare generosity we propose a political reinforcement hypothesis suggesting that rising inequality moves party politics on welfare state issues to the right strengthening rather than modifying the impact of inequality we model policy platforms by incorporating ideology and opportunism of party members and interests and sympathies of voters if welfare spending is a normal good within income classes a majority of voters moves rightward when inequality increases as a response the left in particular shift their welfare policy platform toward less generosity we find support for our arguments using data on the welfare policy platforms of political parties in 22 oecd countries

government responses to fiscal austerity the effect of institutional fragmentation and partisanship how does the institutional context affect government responses to fiscal austerity despite the institutional turn in political science we still possess an incomplete understanding of the relati

will disruptions in opec oil supply have permanent impact on the global oil market abstract opec has long been a major stakeholder and strong player in the global energy market especially in the petroleum sub sector in recent time however there have been questions over the influence of opec in the sub sector due to changing petroleum production landscape specifically as a result of the discovery of unconventional energy resources in north america and emergence of non opec petroleum producing and exporting countries this development could have significant effect on the global energy market and the macro economy of opec member countries the stationarity or otherwise of opec oil production supply has important implications for determining whether fluctuations in opec market supply has temporary or permanent effect using the zivot andrews structural break stationarity test and production data of opec member countries from 1980 to 2011 this paper investigates whether fluctuations in opec market supply has temporary or permanent effect the empirical analysis shows that for only 5 opec members nigeria saudi arabia ecuador kuwait and uae is the hypothesis of unit root rejected this implies that for the five 5 opec members the effects of shocks to oil production are not permanent and future pattern of oil production can be predicted following past trend the practical implication of this finding is that opec production quota strategy may not have long term impact on the global oil market thus the cartel needs to improve oil production policy coordination among members and ensure strict adherence to production quota while also stressing the need for diversification in member countries

will initiatives to promote hydroelectricity consumption be effective evidence from univariate and panel lm unit root tests with structural breaks abstract this paper examines whether initiatives to promote hydroelectricity consumption are likely to be effective by applying univariate and panel lagrange multiplier lm unit root tests to hydroelectricity consumption in 55 countries over the period 1965 2011 we find that for the panel as well as about four fifths of individual countries that hydroelectricity consumption is stationary this result implies that shocks to hydroelectricity consumption in most countries will only result in temporary deviations from the long run growth path an important consequence of this finding is that initiatives designed to have permanent positive effects on hydroelectricity consumption such as large scale dam construction are unlikely to be effective in increasing the share of hydroelectricity relative to consumption of fossil fuels

globalization veto players and welfare spending this article examines the role of globalization and its interaction with domestic political institutions veto players in shaping welfare spending in 18 advanced industrial countries from 1960 to 2000 first the author evaluates how integrated world markets have influenced welfare expenditures results suggest that globalization increased welfare spending in this sample second the author studies how domestic political institutions mediate the impact of globalization on welfare spending with a new data set on veto players for the years 1960 to 2000 the author finds that as the number of and ideological distance among veto players increases the upward pressure of globalization on welfare spending is reduced the results show that globalization has pressured states to expand welfare spending but the extent to which states have responded to pressure critically depends on the number of and ideological distance among veto players whose agreement is required to change welfare policy

federalism and the politics of old age care in germany and the united states until the early 1990s germany and the united states had similar systems of long term care at that time germany created a new social insurance program whereas american reform efforts stalled as conventional explanations of social policies rooted in objective conditions policy legacies interest group mobilization and party politics fail to explain the diverging trajectories the authors show how differing federal structures shaped reform efforts german federalism gives states a strong voice and encourages collective responses to fiscal problems enabling comprehensive restructuring of long term care financing in the united states states lack a political mechanism to compel federal policy makers to tackle this subject this analysis suggests reform of social welfare issues with weakly mobilized publics is unlikely without proxy actors that have institutional or political means to forcibly gain the attention of policy makers in addition scholars should pay more attention to varieties of federali

the rise of the super rich power resources taxes financial markets and the dynamics of the top 1 percent 1949 to 2008 the income share of the super rich in the united states has grown rapidly since the early 1980s after a period of postwar stability what factors drove this change in this study we investigate the institutional policy and economic shifts that may explain rising income concentration we use single equation error correction models to estimate the long and short run effects of politics policy and economic factors on pretax top income shares between 1949 and 2008 we find that the rise of the super rich is the result of rightward shifts in congress the decline of labor unions lower tax rates on high incomes increased trade openness and asset bubbles in stock and real estate markets

are fluctuations in coal consumption per capita temporary evidence from developed and developing economies abstract this paper investigates the unit root properties of coal consumption per capita for the 47 developed and developing countries for 1965 2010 period to examine the stationary properties of coal consumption per capita lagrange multiplier lm unit root test with one break and two breaks crash model has been utilized according to empirical results the coal consumption is stationary in almost all the countries analyzed thus if the coal consumption is mean or trend reverting then it follows that the series will return to its mean value or trend path and it might be possible to forecast future movements in the coal consumption based on past behaviors of the series for the policy makers it is not necessary to pay attention to coal consumption excepting for indian and italian however for the researchers it is important to take into account the stationarity property of coal consumption and also structural breaks should be modeled in their future studies

are fluctuations in energy consumption transitory or permanent evidence from a fourier lm unit root test abstract in this study we employ a recently introduced unit root test with a fourier function that is capable of capturing the unknown nature of structural breaks to reexamine the stationarity properties of energy consumption per capita of 109 countries over the period 1960 2011 the results of the fourier lagrange multiplier unit root test show that the energy consumption per capita for algeria australia benin bolivia canada costa rica denmark egypt greece guatemala hong kong ireland jordan korea democratic republic mexico myanmar the netherlands new zealand oman paraguay qatar singapore tanzania the united states and vietnam is stationary indicating that energy demand management policies will not be effective on energy consumption in the long term in addition to this since the energy consumption in these countries does not contain a unit root future movements in energy consumption can be predicted by employing historical behaviors

convergence in per capita energy use among oecd countries abstract unlike previous studies which mainly focus on the integration properties of energy consumption and production this study examines the convergence of per capita energy use among 25 oecd countries over the period 1960 to 2010 in particular newly developed lm and rals lm unit root tests with allowance for two endogenously determined structural breaks are employed the results indicate significant support for per capita energy use convergence among oecd countries

integration and the structure of public spending he voluminous tax competition literature suggests that increased economic integration leads to reduced tax rates and suboptimal levels of government spending as countries compete for mobile factors of production integration may influence not only the size of the government but also the structure of public spending comprehensive studies analyzing the effect of integration on the overall structure of government spending are rare however this article fills this void by providing an empirical analysis of the effects of economic integration on the overall structure of public spending in a number of organisation for economic co operation and development countries using panel data on the different government spending components for the period 1970 to 2002 the authors find that integration negatively influences government consumption and investment but that there is no empirical evidence that transfers are positively or negatively affected by integration as suggested by the compensation and efficiency views respectively less

welfare spending in advanced industrial democracies 1950 1980 this paper addresses long standing debates over the role of demographic structure class power class based political parties and democraphic political participation in the growth of the welfare state in advance industrial democracies from 1950 to 1980 it distinguishes four theories industrialism monopoly capitalism social democratic and interest group politics and tests them using pooled cross sectional time series data for 18 nations and seven time points total social welfare spending composed primarily of social insurance benefits is dominated by the size of the aged population smaller but important effect of nonclass political variables such as voting participation and electoral competition and interaction of age with political and other variables public assistance means tested programs however are dominated by class variables although evaluation of the theories must consider the domain of programs to which each best applies the results generally favor an interest group politics theo

is per capita electricity consumption stationary time series evidence from oecd countries this study examines the stationary properties of per capita electricity consumption in which the endogenously determined break points are incorporated in 23 high income oecd countries by using annual data over 1960 2005 period we utilize lagrange multiplier lm unit root test that endogenously determines structural breaks in level and or trend we find that 21 country series reject the unit root null hypothesis at the 5 significance level except for 2 country series thus our empirical findings provide significant evidence that per capita electricity consumption is stationary in almost all countries considered in the study the stationarity of per capita electricity consumption indicates that it should be possible for the series to forecast future movements in the energy consumption based on the past behaviors of the series important policy implications emerge from our empirical results of the unit root test with multiple structural breaks

cooperation and political economic performance in affluent democratic capitalism research on comparative political economic performance has traditionally followed two separate tracks one concerned with collective economic gain growth and efficiency and the other focused on distribution and redistribution cooperative institutions offer a key to understanding cross national variation among the affluent capitalist democracies in both facets of political economic performance these institutions cluster along two dimensions neocorporatism and firm level cooperation pooled time series analysis for 18 nations over 1960 89 suggests that 1 neocorporatism is a major source of distributive redistributive policies and outcomes and of several sources of collective gain 2 firm level cooperation is a key contributor to economic growth

gonna party like it s 1899 party systems and the origins of varieties of coordination this article explores the origins of peak employers associations to understand why countries produce highly centralized macrocorporatist groups weaker national associations but stronger industry level groups or highly fragmented pluralist associations the authors suggest that the structure of partisan competition played a vital causal role in the development and evolution of these peak associations the leadership for peak employers association development came from business oriented party activists and bureaucrats who sought both to advance industrial development policy and to solve specific problems of political control business oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in both predemocratic and democratic regimes feared the rising tide of democracy and labor activism and viewed employer organization as a useful tool for political control to secure parliamentary advantage and to serve as a societal counterweight to workingclass activism because leadership for association building came from the state the political rules of the game were crucial to outcomes the structure of party competition and state centralization shaped incentives for strategic coordination for both political actors and employers dedicated business parties were more likely to develop in countries with multiparty systems and limited federal power sharing than in countries with two party systems and federalism in a multiparty context where no single party was likely to gain power each party had an incentive to cooperate with other social groups moreover business oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in multiparty systems were motivated to delegate policy making authority to coordinated societal channels for industrial relations because they anticipated that employers would win more in these channels than in parliamentary settings where the center and left could form a coalition against the right again centralized party systems were more likely than federal ones to develop a dedicated national business party that transcended regional cleavages and to retain a strong role for the state in the governance of industrial relations

the calculus of consensus democracy rethinking patterns of democracy without veto players we present a theory of comparative political institutions based on the concept of consensus democracy and social choice theory unlike lijphart we argue that consensus democracy is not a special form of democracy characterized by mutual vetoes but rather the simplest form of democracy which we refer to as pr majority rule we construct a typology of political institutions based on differences with this simple model contra tsebelis s veto players approach our theory predicts that pr majority rule should be the most flexible form of democracy we test this with data on overall patterns of government spending and on welfare state reform

population aging class context and age inequality in public spending although recent experiences in the united states suggest that population aging for both demographic and political reasons favors public spending for the elderly relative to children many european nations with different political environments show no shuch pattern this paper investigates age inequality or bias in public spending for these two age based dependent groups using annual time series data for 18 advanced industrial democracies the results show that a large aged population reduces age inequality in favor of the eldearly in the presence of 1 class based corporatism and 2 strong leftist parties whereas a large aged population increases age inequality in the absence of these two factors

long memory in us disaggregated petroleum consumption evidence from univariate and multivariate lm tests for fractional integration previous studies that have tested for a unit root in aggregate energy consumption have potentially reached misleading conclusions because they fail to allow for the possibility that energy consumption might be fractionally integrated and do not distinguish between different types of energy consumption this study tests for long memory in disaggregated petroleum consumption in the united states using univariate and multivariate lagrange multiplier lm tests for fractional integration the results point strongly to the need to distinguish between different forms of energy consumption and allow for a generalization of the i 0 i 1 dichotomy when considering the order of integration of energy consumption allowing for short run dynamics the univariate test suggests that less than 50 of the series are fractionally integrated consistent with expectations the non stationary series are found to have the highest mean and standard deviation the multivariate test suggests that petroleum consumption in the commercial and industrial sectors is clearly fractionally integrated when allowing for short run dynamics and as such exhibits persistent effects while petroleum consumption in the residential sector is a stationary process

are fluctuations in energy consumption per capita transitory evidence from a panel of pacific island countries this study applies the panel stationarity test developed by carrion i silvestre et al 2005 breaking the panels an application to gdp per capita econometrics journal 8 159 175 to examine the stationarity of energy consumption per capita for a panel of 13 pacific island countries over the period 1980 2005 this test has the advantage that it allows for multiple structural breaks at unknown dates that can differ across countries and can account for all forms of cross sectional correlation between countries the conclusion from the study is that energy consumption per capita in approximately 60 of countries is stationary and that energy consumption per capita for the panel as a whole is stationary the study offers several suggestions for modelling energy consumption and policy making in the pacific islands

social policy responsiveness in developed democracies do mass policy preferences influence the policy output of welfare states in developed democracies this is an important issue for welfare state theory and research and this article presents an analysis that builds from analytical innovations developed in the emerging literature on linkages between mass opinion and public policy the authors analyze a new dataset combining a measure of social policy preferences with data on welfare state spending alongside controls for established causal factors behind social policy making the analysis provides evidence that policy preferences exert a significant influence over welfare state output guided also by statistical tests for endogeneity the authors find that cross national differences in the level of policy preferences help to account for a portion of the differences among social christian and liberal welfare state regimes the results have implications for developing fruitful connections between welfare state scholarship comparative opinion research and recent opinion policy studies

earnings inequality and welfare spending a disaggregated analysis the welfare state is generally viewed as either providing redistribution from rich to poor or as providing publicly financed insurance both views are incomplete welfare policies provide both insurance and redistribution in varying amounts depending on the design of the policy the authors explore the political consequences of the mix of redistribution and insurance in the context of studying the impact of income inequality on expenditures in different categories of welfare spending in advanced industrial societies from 1980 to 1995 they find that spending on pensions health care family benefits poverty alleviation and housing subsidies is largely uncorrelated with income inequality but that spending on income replacement programs such as unemployment insurance sickness pay occupational illness and disability are significantly higher in countries with more egalitarian income distributions they show that this pattern is exactly what a theory of political support for redistributive social insurance programs would predict

renewable to total electricity consumption ratio estimating the permanent or transitory fluctuations based on flexible fourier stationarity and unit root tests abstract this paper examines the stationarity properties of the renewable to total electricity consumption ratio for this purpose we use becker et al s 2006 flexible fourier stationarity test as a benchmark and the recent advanced fourier adf unit root test for 90 countries over the period 1980 2011 the results of the first test document the stationarity of the renewable to total electricity consumption ratio for 65 countries from different geographic areas namely africa america asia pacific and europe however when validated the fourier adf test shows that the null hypothesis of unit root is rejected in all the cases except for the united kingdom the fact that the stationarity in the share of renewable to total electricity consumption is documented by the new proposed more powerful tests does not necessarily mean that the renewable energy policies are ineffective as the previous literature states a wide range of elements might influence the stationarity or non stationarity of this ratio however our findings are important from the modeling perspective as the empirical studies on renewable energy can produce reliable results and use appropriate techniques for modeling and forecasting only if the stationarity or non stationarity is correctly documented

trade openness and public expenditure the spanish case 1960 2000 the empirical link between the post wwii expansion of international market integration and the growth of national public expenditure has been widely noted with no consensus as yet regarding the interpretation of this correlation we posit that a likely link between increased openness and public spending is the use of the latter to offset changes in the distribution of income that result from increased openness to explore this potential link we study time series data from spain in 1960 2000 a period of major changes in political organization as well as in both fiscal and trade policy we find evidence that democracy reinforced the causal relation from increased openness to greater public expenditure thus the paper contributes to the literature that emphasizes that changes in political regimes are potentially important determinants of the observed international patterns of openness and government size

distribution and redistribution in postindustrial democracies this paper analyzes the processes of distribution and redistribution in post industrial democracies we combine a pooled time series data base on welfare state effort and its determinants assembled by huber ragin and stephens 1997 with data on income distribution assembled in the luxembourg income survey lis archive in the case of the lis data we re calculate the micro data in order to remove the distorting influence of pensioners on pre tax pre transfer income distribution we examine the determinants of three dependent variables pre tax pre transfer income inequality post tax post transfer income inequality and the proportional reduction in inequality from pre to post tax and transfer inequality we hypothesized that pre tax pre transfer income inequality would be determined by labor market institutions union density bargaining centralization labor market conditions unemployment and economic structures post industrialism third world imports we hypothesized that the reduction in inequality would be determined by political configurations directly by left government and indirectly via their effect on welfare state generosity by left government and christian democratic government post tax and transfer income inequality was hypothesized to be a product of the combination of labor market variables and political variables the results broadly confirms our hypotheses and the overall fit is very good

employers and the welfare state the political economic organization of firms and social policy in contemporary capitalist democracies the authors argue that the organization of employers shapes social policy support among firms and in turn affects social policy outcomes specifically the authors argue that the centralization and cohesion of employer groups and economic cooperation across enterprises positively affects social welfare provision empirically the authors assess the impacts of business organization on social welfare effort in 15 developed democracies between the 1970s and 1990s the authors also provide analysis of the impact of employer organization on active labor market policy the authors find that the organization of employers is one of the most important determinants of overall social welfare effort the authors also find that employer organization affects the development of active labor market policies and it influences the degree to which social democratic parties pursue active labor market programs the authors conclude with a discussion of the findings implications for theories of social corporatism and the w

are shocks to disaggregated energy consumption in malaysia permanent or temporary evidence from lm unit root tests with structural breaks abstract the objective of this paper is to examine whether energy consumption in malaysia disaggregated by sector and type is stationary or contains a unit root to realize our objective we apply the lagrange multiplier lm family of unit root tests with up to two structural breaks depending on the decision rule for selecting between results in the no break one break and two break cases we find that energy consumption is stationary for between 50 per cent and 70 per cent of the disaggregated energy series and between 25 per cent and 50 per cent of sectors implications for the malaysian government s attempts to reduce fossil fuel consumption are discussed

tax policy in an era of internationalization explaining the spread of neoliberalism i offer an explanation for the widespread diffusion of neoliberal tax policies in the developed democracies after accounting for the policy influences of commonly experienced domestic and international forces i consider several plausible paths of diffusion of neoliberal tax structure my central argument is that the highly visible 1980s market conforming tax reform in the united states should be especially important in shaping subsequent tax policies in other polities there are substantial reasons to believe however that domestic political and institutional forces will shape policymaker assessment of the benefits and costs of neoliberal reforms the strength of right parties and the degree to which the median voter has moved right should condition adoption of neoliberal tax policy the institutions of national and sector coordinated capitalism should also slow the enactment of neoliberal tax reforms i assess these arguments with empirical models of 1981 98 tax rates on capital in sixteen nations i find that changes in u s tax policy influence subsequent reforms in other polities in the long term all nations move toward the u s neoliberal tax structure analysis also shows however that the short term responsiveness to u s tax reforms is notably greater where uncoordinated market institutions are dominant theory and extensive qualitative and quantitative evidence indicate that pressures to compete for mobile assets as balanced against the economic and political costs of adoption anchor the process of diffusion of neoliberal tax policy there is little evidence for the view that systematic policy learning or social emulation drove tax policy diffusion earlier versions of this article were presented at the center for european studies and weatherhead center for international affairs harvard university center for international studies ucla and yale university as well as the 2002 annual meetings of the american political science association an earlier version was published as minda de gunzburg center for european studies harvard university working paper 120 i thank alex hicks rob franzese torben iversen andy martin cathie jo martin participants in the yale ucla and harvard conferences especially geoffrey garrett helen milner dennis quinn and beth simmons and two anonymous referees and the editors of international organization for helpful comments i also gratefully acknowledge the contribution of sven steinmo that comes by way of our past collaborative work on tax policy

explaining variation in the success of extreme right parties in western europe methodological problems associated with selection bias and interaction effects have hindered the accumulation of systematic knowledge about the factors that explain cross national variation in the success of extreme right parties the author uses a statistical analysis that takes account of these problems to examine the effect of electoral institutions unemployment and immigration on the support for these parties the data set used in this analysis is new and spans 19 countries and 165 national elections there are four substantive conclusions the first is that it is important to distinguish between neofascist and populist parties on the extreme right because their fortunes depend on different factors the second is that populist parties do better in countries where the district magnitude is larger and more seats are allocated in upper tiers the third is that although immigration has a positive effect on populist parties irrespective of the unemployment level unemployment only matters when immigratio

guns and butter regime competition and the welfare state during the cold war scholars from a number of disciplines have argued that the massive expansion of the welfare state in the postwar period was at least in some part a byproduct of the cold war and the associated political competition between two rival regime blocs however the question of whether regime competition fuelled welfare state growth has never been subject to systematic examination applying spatial econometrics this article offers the first empirical test of this argument the authors findings support the notion that regime competition stimulated the expansion of the welfare state on both sides of the iron curtain in the postwar period

the impact of collective and competitive veto points on public expenditures in the global age this study examines the determinants of public expenditures in advanced market economies by simultaneously assessing the impact of domestic political institutions and globalization a distinction is made between collective veto points and competitive veto points demonstrating that not all veto points have restrictive effects it is shown that public expenditures are significantly and positively affected by collective veto points whereas the oppositeis true for competitive veto points thereby indicating that not all veto points are created equal in addition to veto points the effects of globalization are also assessed revealing that globalization is exerting little reform pressures on the welfare state with strong evidence indicating that more globalization buoys public expenditures current disbursements and social transfers are both positively influenced by globalization these findings suggest that domestic political institutions continue to shape policy trajectories in this purported global age

time matters postindustrialization new social risks and welfare state adaptation in advanced industrial democracies western welfare states were built during the postwar years with one key objective to protect family male breadwinners against the consequences of losing their ability to extract an income from

are shocks to renewable energy consumption permanent or transitory an empirical investigation for brazil china and india abstract this paper investigates whether there is a unit root in renewable energy consumption in three large developing economies brazil china and india over the period 1971 2014 to do so it uses four unit root tests assuming one structural break two structural breaks and more than two structural breaks it observes that renewable energy consumption is a unit root process in brazil but it is found as stationary in china and india the paper also tackles issues and challenges in the unit root test methodology in energy economics literature and provides implications for renewable energy consumption in three economies

the causes of welfare state expansion deindustrialization or globalization an influential line of argument holds that globalization causes economic uncertainty and spurs popular demands for compensatory welfare state spending this article argues that the relationship between globalization and welfare state expansion is spurious and that the engine of welfare state expansion since the 1960s has been deindustrialization based on cross sectional time series data for fifteen oecd countries the authors show that there is no relationship between globalization and the level of labor market risks in terms of employment and wages whereas the uncertainty and dislocations caused by deindustrialization have spurred electoral demands for welfare state compensation and risk sharing yet while differential rates of deindustri alization explain differences in the overall size of the welfare state its particular character in terms of the share of direct government provision and the equality of transfer payments is shaped by government partisanship the argument has implications for the study and the future of the welfare state that are very different from those suggested in the globalization literature

social democracy christian democracy constitutional structure and the welfare state the literature on the determinants of welfare state effort displays many inconsistencies and contradictins this article takes imoprtant stepts toward resolving these issues with the use of pooled

is energy consumption per capita broken stationary new evidence from regional based panels abstract for the first time a new panel unit root testing procedure developed by 51 carrion i silvestre et al 2005 breaking the panels an application to gdp per capita econometrics journal 8 159 175 is applied to re investigate the stationarity of energy consumption per capita for 7 regional panel sets covering the 1971 2002 period with structural breaks and cross sectional correlations introduced into the model it becomes clear that all regional based panels of energy consumption per capita are stationary the structural breakpoints identify the likely causes of major changes in energy consumption in the past the findings underscore the importance of accounting for exogenous shocks to a series and offer several important implications for policy makers and energy economists

the rise of the modern welfare state ideology institutions and income security analysis and evidence in the 25 year period between 1960 and 1985 there was a great expansion of welfare state programs throughout the west the fraction of gdp accounted for by social expenditures doubled in much of europe and grew by 40 50 in many other oecd nations after 1985 growth in social insurance programs slowed relative to other parts of the economy this paper explores the extent to which institutions and ideological shifts may have accounted for the period of rapid growth for differences in the extent of that growth and for the subsequent reduction in the growth rates of social insurance programs

economic globalization the macro economy and reversals of welfare expansion in affluent democracies 1978 94 a key question in debates over globalization is its effect on the welfare states in particular on welfare retrenchments programmatic retractions of the scope and coverage of social programs we conceptualize such retrenchments as discrete policy events and we offer a comprehensive model of their occurrence that integrates domestic economic political and institutional factors as well as those related to the global economy our analysis of all such retrenchments in organization for economic cooperation and development oecd nations between 1978 and 1994 indicates that the effects of globalization are complex with trade openness and financial liberalization clearly operating against such retrenchments but outward foreign direct investment perhaps pressuring for them in addition we uncover support for a dynamic of self limiting immoderation economic and demographic pressures for costly welfare expenditures provoke actions to roll back eligibility and benefit rates that link increasing numbers of unemployed and retired persons to increased social spending in short the same demographic pressures that gave often been noted to substantially drive welfare spending may trigger welfare cutbacks our thanks to a a alderson bob jackman lane kenworthy joakim palme duane swank john stephen and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and discussions as well as to kendralin freedman for her work preparing the final manuscript all remaining errors are our own previous versions of this article were presented at the annual meetings of the american political science association and the american sociological association the views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not reflect the opinions of the national science foundation or the u s government all data and commands necessary to replicate the analyses presented here are available at our web site http polisci emory edu zorn hz index html

internationalization and the social democratic model crisis and future prospects this article examines the crisis of the social democratic model in the four countries austria norway finland and sweden in which social democracy was most successful in maintaining and even extending its two central achievements full employment and the institutional welfare state through the end of the 1980s four major conclusions emerge from the analysis first supply side measures more so than demand management were central to the employment and growth models pursued by social democracy prior to the early 1970s second the increasing trade openness contributed little to the recent problems of social democracy by contrast financial internationalization and deregulation and the multinationalization of capital undermined important features of the supply and demand sides of the models third changes in the international and domestic economies have weakened centralized bargaining fourth governments in the three nordic countries made serious mistakes in economic policy which greatly aggravated

union organization in advanced industrial democracies i suggest a new explanation of cross national differences in unionization rates the size of the labor force size matters because the gains unions are able to achieve in collective bargaining depend on the proportion of substitutable workers who are organized while the costs of organizing depend in part on the absolute number to be recruited the comparison of the costs and benefits of organizing new workers yields the conclusion that unions in larger labor markets will accept lower levels of unionization statistical analysis of cross national differences in unionization rates among advanced industrial societies in the late 1970s indicates that the size of the labor force and the cumulative participation of leftist parties in government explain most of the variance

politics institutions and welfare spending in industrialized democracies 1960 82 electoral turnout as well as left and center governments increase welfare effort that the welfare efforts of governments led by particular types of parties show significant differences and vary notably with the strength of oppositional and junior coalitional parties and that relatively neocorporatist centralized and traditionalistic polities are high on welfare effort overall our findings suggest that contrary to many claims both partisan and nonpartisan facets of democratic politics and political institutions shape contemporary social welfare effort

inequality social insurance and redistribution is the political support for welfare policy higher or lower in less egalitarian societies we answer the question using a model of welfare policy as publicly financed insurance that pays benefits in a redistributive manner when voters have both redistributive and insurance motives for supporting welfare spending the effect of inequality depends on how benefits are targeted greater inequality increases support for welfare expenditures when benefits are targeted to the employed but decreases support when benefits are targeted to those without earnings with endogenous targeting support for benefits to those without earnings declines as inequality increases whereas support for aggregate spending is a v shaped function of inequality statistical analysis of welfare expenditures in advanced industrial societies provides support for key empirical implications of the model

veto points veto players and international trade policy much of the literature on foreign economic policy focuses on the preferences of societal groups to explain policy decisions here however the author emphasizes the effects of domestic political i

the size of government in majoritarian and consensus democracies this article looks at the effect of democratic institutions on the size of government with the help of the ordinary least squares regression analysis of data from the organization for economic cooperation and development oecd countries from 1974 to 1995 the study provides considerable evidence that the variance in the type of democracy measured by the lijphart index of majoritarian consensus political institutions has a systematic effect on the variance in the size of government measured both by total government outlays as well as total government revenue as a percentage of gross domestic product the article further argues that such institutional effects on the size of government are strengthened by partisan politics more specifically the analysis demonstrates the presence of the multiplicative interaction effect of the mutually reinforcing nature between the institutional structure and partisan composition of government in their association with the size of government

imprisonment and social classification in five common law democracies 1955 1985 rates of imprisonment have risen in many western democracies over the past few decades most dramatically in the united states the development of a systematic and general explanation of imprisonment trends has been impeded because of the theoretical and methodological limitations of prior quantitative studies most use data from a single country or jurisdiction and focus narrowly on the rusche kirchheimer labor surplus hypothesis with little attention to alternative explanations this study takes a cross national perspective using longitudinal data from australia canada new zealand the united kingdom and the united states to offer an institutional account of imprisonment rates the labor surplus effect is treated as a special case of a more general process by which individuals are allocated among alternative life course paths this allocation process is likely to be influenced by macrolevel institutional arrangements and contests for political power hypotheses are tested using pooled time series

partisan governance women s employment and the social democratic service state the causes of the expansion and cross national variation in the provision of welfare state goods and services are examined social democratic governance is by far the most important determinant of the public delivery of services and is one of the most important determinants of the public funding of the provision of welfare state goods and services christian democratic governance is an important determinant of public funding of services but is not related to public delivery state structure is also an important determinant women s labor force participation is an important determinant of the expansion of public social welfare services net of other social political and historical factors the analysis also shows an interactive effect of women s labor force participation and social democratic governance on public delivery of welfare state services we conclude that public delivery of a wide range of welfare state services is the most distinctive feature of the social democratic welfare state and that this feature is a product of the direct and interactive effects of social democracy and women s mobilization

inequality and the territorial fragmentation of solidarity a long tradition of research has shown decentralized political struc tures as an important cause behind lower levels of redistribution and higher levels of inequality this article offers an alternative interpretation of the association between fragmented fiscal structures and higher levels of inequality i argue that the distribu tive effects of decentralization depend on the preexisting territorial patterns of inequal ity therefore the political choice between alternative fiscal structures is largely driven by their expected distributive consequences as a result the territorial structure of inequality becomes an important factor to explain why some fiscal structures are more integrated than others two mechanisms link regional income distributions and preferences about the decentralization of redistributive policy differences in the demand for redistribution associated with interregional income differences and dif ferences in the demand for social insurance associated with the incidence of labor market risks i test the argument using a data set of fourteen countries in the orga nization for economic cooperation and development oecd over the period 1980 2000 in addition i illustrate the potential of the approach by analyzing why social solidarity remains territorially fragmented in the european union despite the fact that it has a common currency and a common market

are fluctuations in oil consumption permanent or transitory evidence from linear and nonlinear unit root tests abstract this paper examines the integration properties of the total oil consumption in 57 countries for the period of 1965 2012 a combination of new and powerful linear and nonlinear stationarity tests are employed to achieve the objectives of the study we find that the oil consumption series in 21 countries follow a nonlinearity path while those in the other countries are linear in nature evidence of the presence of a unit root is found for the total oil consumption series in 38 countries while the series is stationary in the remaining 19 countries an important insight is that the blueprints that were designed to reduce oil consumption are likely to have a permanent effect in most of the countries

government r d expenditure and space empirical evidence from five industrialized countries abstract in all industrialized countries several ministries pursue technology policies but only in germany and france are there special ministries for research and technology carrying out explicit technology policy in the usa great britain and france in particular public spending on defense is most relevant technologically in this study this kind of unintended technology policy will be referred to as implicit only a minor part of national r d activity is initiated with regional goals in mind the major part by far aims for national competitiveness the central hypothesis of this paper is that government r d spending generates unintended spatial effects which are far more consequential than the intended ones this study attempts to explain the phenomenon the technology policies of the five major industrialized countries usa germany japan france and great britain will be analyzed and the general tendency of governments to spatially cluster their r d assistance will be discussed the empirical section of this paper focuses on the relationship between government r d spending and employment in the high technology sector

defence spending in the u k regions short j 1981 defence spending in the u k regions reg studies 15 101 110 this paper traces the incidence of defence expenditure in the regions of the united kingdom over the years 1974 1975 1977 1978 inclusive it examines contracts with industry and the expenditure resulting from the deployment of ministry of defence manpower this paper shows that significant differences exist between the levels of defence expenditure in the regions reflecting these two factors it concludes that the scope for using defence expenditure to influence regional income and employment is limited

the stages of the policy process and the equal rights amendment 1972 1982 studies of how social movements impact policy outcomes typically treat policy change as a dichotomous phenomenon a governmental unit either adopts or does not adopt a particular policy in a particular time frame this simplistic view of the policy process runs the risk of masking how movements and other factors matter at various stages of the policy process each stage is characterized by different rules and different consequences thus movements and other factors ought to matter differently at each stage the authors examine three stages of policy development with regard to state ratification of the equal rights amendment results show that movements mattered more to legislative decisions in the earlier stages of the policy process but that their effects were eclipsed in later stages by public opinion

energy production in brazil empirical facts based on persistence seasonality and breaks abstract this paper investigates the statistical properties of the production of energy in brazil using long range dependence techniques in monthly data from january 2000 to february 2013 two important features of the data are analyzed in particular its degree of persistence and seasonality the results indicate first that seasonality is an essential issue in modeling the persistence in energy production also the persistence itself measured in terms of the differencing parameter is relevant with orders of integration in the series found to be positive though smaller than 1 and thus implying mean reversion a single structural break is also found in two of the series policy implications of the results obtained are also derived

constitutional rules and fiscal policy outcomes we investigate the effect of electoral rules and forms of government on fiscal policy outcomes in a large sample of democracies we rely on different estimation methods to address prospective problems of statistical inference due to non random selection of these constitutional rules the findings are consistent with our theoretical priors presidential regimes induce smaller governments than parliamentary democracies while majoritarian elections lead to smaller governments and smaller welfare programs than proportional elections

are fluctuations in electricity consumption per capita transitory evidence from developed and developing economies abstract this paper investigates the unit root properties of electricity consumption per capita of 67 developed and developing countries for the period 1971 2010 to examine the stationary properties of electricity consumption per capita we have adopted lee and strazicich 2003 2004 test of unit root that allows us to test for at most two endogenous breaks and uses the lagrange multiplier lm test statistics results show that 65 country series reject the unit root null hypothesis except for 2 country series thus our empirical findings provide significant evidence that electricity consumption per capita is stationary in almost all countries considered the stationarity of electricity consumption per capita indicates that it should be possible for the series to forecast future movements in the energy consumption based on the past behaviors of the series

high technology industry in the bristol sub region the aerospace defence nexus boddy m and lovering j 1986 high technology industry in the bristol sub region the aerospace defence nexus reg studies 20 217 231 this paper presents a detailed study of high technology industry in the bristol region which comprises an important element of the uk s m4 corridor growth area high technology industry in the region is found to be primarily identified with the aerospace industry in terms of both products process and occupational structure aerospace is central to high technology industry as a whole in terms of sub contracting and purchasing and through its domination of the labour market the origins of the electronics based aerospace sector are traced in the development of the aircraft and guided weapons industries as they related to the bristol sub region in the post war period this indicates the key role of defence related production and ministry of defence procurement to the genesis and continuing importance of the advanced technology sector in the sub region demonstratin

politics markets and life satisfaction the political economy of human happiness little is known about the political determinants of subjective well being across nations the dominant theoretical approaches comparison and trait theory suggest that cross national differences will be either nonexistent or largely independent of political conditions i argue instead that although culture does appear to play a significant role the results of democratic competition have even more dramatic effects upon national levels of life satisfaction specifically i demonstrate that subjective appreciation of life is positively affected by the ideological complexion of governments and by qualitative features of the welfare state the implications for social policy electoral politics and our theoretical understanding of life satisfaction are discussed

from domestic to international justice the welfare state and foreign aid foreign aid often is interpreted as an international projection of domestic income redistribution mechanisms and many authors suggest that differences between welfare states account for variations in donor behavior a new understanding of the welfare state can improve traditional explanations of this linkage existing studies of the welfare aid relationship use two welfare state indicators domestic spending and partisan politics we propose a third type of indicator the institutional attributes of the welfare state and demonstrate its relevance the level of foreign aid provided by a country varies with social spending but even more so with the degree to which its welfare state embodies socialist attributes this finding helps explain how domestic political institutions influence the evolution of international cooperation and specifically how welfare principles institutionalized at the domestic level shape the participation of developed countries in the international aid regime

immigration globalization and unemployment benefits in developed eu states at a time of mounting concern about how traditional welfare states will react to globalization there has been increasing interest in specifying how global economic forces affect welfare policies in industrialized states building on theories from the political economy and comparative institutional literatures we analyze the influence of an important aspect of globalization the flow of immigration focusing on states in the european union we present a theoretical model that illustrates the interactive relationships between immigration eu labor market integration and domestic institutions our findings highlight how immigration in conjunction with domestic political institutions affects unemployment provisions while labor market integrative forces remain in the background the story of immigration and unemployment compensation in the eu is less about the opening of borders and the market forces of integration and more about the domestic political pressures

testing for convergence in electricity consumption across croatian regions at the consumer s sectoral level abstract using the panel unit tests with and without structural break s the convergence hypothesis in relative per capita electricity consumption series is tested across croatian regions during the period 2001 2013 the results are mixed depending primarily on the consumption sector considered and the test applied they indicate the necessity to conduct analysis and formulate energy policy measures on the sector disaggregated and regional specific electricity consumption time series the croatian electricity markets are not fully integrated and some regions are faced with statistically significant structural break s demonstrating thereby the croatian gradual energy reform process with several sudden innovations significant regional differences and the market dependence on expectations domestic and international economic and non economic innovations the impacts of innovations are likely to be permanent for most of the regions and their electricity consumption behaviours are likely to be path dependent consequently innovations into the energy markets including government interventions may have long run effects indicating that space and time for experimenting with alternative mechanisms are quite limited

government research establishments state capacity and distribution of industry policy in britain heim c e 1988 government research establishments state capacity and distribution of industrial policy in britain reg studies 22 375 386 location decisions concerning government research establishments are examined to understand why defence and civil establishments were concentrated in the south in the late 1940s when regional policy to disperse economic activity was being actively promoted by the labour government world war two while increasing state capacity generally strengthened individual departments within central government with opposing views on regional policy thus having both positive and negative implications for pursuit of particular policies such as distribution of industry defence departments and the department of scientific and industrial research favouring southern locations generally prevailed over the board of trade the major exception the national mechanical engineering laboratory sent to scotland owed its location to political pressure more difficult to mobilize for oth

economic globalization domestic politics and income inequality in the developed countries a cross national study this article assesses the impact of economic globalization and domestic political factors on income inequality and state redistribution in the developed countries over the past two decades using household level data from the luxembourg income study that are more detailed accurate and cross nationally comparable than those used in previous empirical work it examines three major modes of international integration trade direct foreign investment and international financial flows as well as four domestic political variables the partisan balance of national cabinets electoral turnout union density and the centralization of wage setting institutions the study finds only scattered relationships between global integration and income distribution or redistribution but reasonably strong positive relationships between several domestic political variables and an egalitarian distribution of income and or extensive state redistribution these findings are consistent with a growing number of studies that emphasize the resilience of domestic political factors in the face of economic globalization

the political economy of high income taxation capital taxation path dependence and political institutions in denmark denmark s income tax burden as the percentage of gdp is larger than the total tax burden of the united states and it has increased further after 1980 how can this be explained given increasing tax competition and widespread views that strong reliance on regressive taxes was conducive to building and maintaining large tax and welfare states the article highlights three factors first large income taxes are feasible if the capital tax burden is moderated within the income tax second the effective capital income tax burden that had developed up to the early 1980s was extremely low so that subsequent tax reforms could cut marginal tax rates on mobile types of capital income while increasing tax revenue third drastic changes in the legal structure of the income tax and stability in aggregate tax policy outcomes were facilitated by proportional representation and legislative majority rule

wage wars institutional politics wpa wages and the struggle for u s social policy the wpa was the most expensive and politically prominent u s social program of the 1930s and the generosity and very nature of u s social policy in its formative years was contested through the wpa in this article an institutional politics theory of social policy is elaborated that incorporates the influence of both institutional conditions and political actors institutions mediate the influence of political actors specifically it is argued that underdemocratized political systems and patronage oriented party systems dampen the cause of generous social spending and the impact of those struggling for it state actors left party regimes and social movements spur social policy but only under favorable institutional conditions to appraise this theory key senate roll call votes on wpa wage rates are examined as well as state level variations in wpa wages at the end of the 1930s the analyses which include multiple regression and qualitative comparative analysis support the theory

electoral institutions and the politics of coalitions why some democracies redistribute more than others standard political economy models of redistribution notably that of meltzer and richard 1981 fail to account for the remarkable variance in government redistribution across democracies we develop a general model of redistribution that explains why some democratic governments are more prone to redistribute than others we show that the electoral system plays a key role because it shapes the nature of political parties and the composition of governing coalitions hence redistribution our argument implies 1 that center left governments dominate under pr systems whereas center right governments dominate under majoritarian systems and 2 that pr systems redistribute more than majoritarian systems we test our argument on panel data for redistribution government partisanship and electoral system in advanced democracies w hy do some countries redistribute more than others most work on the politics of redistribution starts from the premise that democratic institutions empower those who stand to benefit from redistribution the basic logic is succinctly captured in the meltzer richard 1981 model where the voter with the median income is also the decisive voter with a typical right skewed distribution of income the median voter will push for redistributive spending up to the point where the benefit of such spending to the median voter is outweighed by the efficiency costs of distortionary taxation this argument implies that redistibution is much greater in democracies than in nondemocracies at least of the right authoritarian variety and that among the latter inegalitarian societies redistribute more than egalitarian ones there is some evidence to supportthefirstimplication althoughitisdisputed see ross 2005 but most of the variance in redistribution is probably within the same regime type according to datafromtheluxembourgincomestudy forexample the reduction in the poverty rate in united states as a result of taxation and transfers was 13 in 1994 whereas the comparable figure for sweden was 82 thepovertyrateisthepercentageofhouseholdsbelow 50 of the median income to explain this variance we have to look at political and economic differences