spatial competition in the network television industry we present an empirical study of spatial competition and a methodology to estimate demand for products with unobservable characteristics using panel data we estimate a discrete choice model with latent product attributes and unobserved heterogeneous consumer preferences our application of the methodology to the network television industry yields estimates that are consistent with experts views given our estimates we compute nash equilibria of a product location game and find that firms observed strategies such as the degree of product differentiation are generally optimal discrepancies between actual and optimal strategies reflect the networks adherence to rules of thumb and possible bounded rationality behavior copyright 2001 by the rand corporation

media competition and electoral politics we build a framework linking competition in the media market to political participation media outlets report on the ability of candidates running for office and compete for audience through their choice of slant citizens consume news only if the expected utility of being informed about candidates ability is sufficiently large for their group collectively our results can reconcile seemingly contradictory empirical evidence showing that entry in the media market can either increase or decrease turnout while information pushes up independent turnout partisans adjust their turnout to the ability of their preferred candidate and on average they vote less when informed

magnitude and persistence of extreme risk spillovers in the global energy market a high dimensional left tail interdependence perspective abstract this paper studies the magnitude and persistence of extreme risk spillovers among stock returns of 124 energy companies worldwide between january 2006 and june 2019 as well as the corresponding firm specific determinants of firms extreme risk spillovers the high dimensional nonparametric method the coefficient of tail interdependence cti enables us to make better use of available information and to evaluate risk spillovers more precisely moreover we use spatial panel models that consider spatial heterogeneity among firms to explore the determinants of the risk spillovers the empirical findings from a study of energy firms risk spillover effects verify the necessity of persistence measurement also the most systemically risky energy companies are not necessarily the largest and some small firms can also generate large risk spillovers when they are in distress which indicates that determinants other than firm size could also affect the spillover effect such as business complexity and geographic location our regression results suggest that the extreme risk spillover of the energy companies exhibits significant heterogeneity in terms of business and region which deserves more attention for energy risk management the estimates can be used for making portfolio decisions and designing regulatory policies

media bias and influence evidence from newspaper endorsements this paper investigates the relationship between media bias and the inuence of the media on voting in the context of newspaper endorsements werst develop a simple econometric model in which voters choose candidates under uncertainty and rely on endorsements from better informed sources newspapers are potentially biased in favor of one of the candidates and voters thus rationally ac count for the credibility of any endorsements our primary empiricalnding is that endorsements are inuential in the sense that voters are more likely to support the recommended candidate after publication of the endorsement the degree of this inuence however depends upon the credibility of the endorsement in this way endorsements for the democratic candidate from left leaning news papers are less inuential than are endorsements from neutral or right leaning or newspapers and likewise for endorsements for the republican thesendings suggest that voters do rely on the media for information during campaigns but that the extent of this reliance depends upon the degree and direction of any bias

dimensions of civic activism and their effectiveness in exposing corruption evidence from italy this article studies the influence of civic activism in exposing corruption across italian regions using different dimensions of civic activism including local and national newspapers the intern

independent auditors bias and political agency abstract this paper analyzes political agency with endogenous information collection and revelation by third party auditors while increasing incentives for auditors to provide information straightforwardly improves political control a small amount of pro incumbent bias can also be useful for maintaining high levels of control when the equilibrium level of control is high most investigations uncover positive information about the incumbent since positive information increases reelection rates mildly pro incumbent auditors are willing to work harder than unbiased auditors in these equilibria for moderate levels of control pro incumbent auditors are again useful due to their extra effort even though they may suppress some negative information in equilibrium only when market incentives are low so equilibrium control is weak are unbiased or anti incumbent biased auditors better for voters than mildly pro incumbent auditors

bias in economic news the reporting of nominal exchange rate behavior in colombia proquest denotes formulae omitted the behavior of the nominal exchange rate ner is regularly reported and commented on in colombian newspapers editorials and op eds however the number and flavor of the news and commentary seem to increase disproportionately during revaluation in contrast to periods of devaluation 1 during the course of a revaluation it is common to read claims not facts in the press of firms and entire industries in distress owing to revaluation and arguments about the benefits of outdated policies such as fixed and multiple exchange rates implemented after 1967 with the enactment of law 444 congreso de colombia 1967 if not a dollarization of the economy 2on one hand many news articles and op ed pieces often maintain that revaluation is devastating for the macroeconomic performance of the country owing to the reduced income for exporters and holders of foreign debt and the subsequent effects on the employment and wages of workers in related industries on the other hand when devaluation occurs little attention is paid in news editorials or op eds there are no complaints addressing the plausible effects of a devaluation such as inflation from higher prices of foreign capital machinery and equipment or imported raw materials this asymmetry in media reporting is hard to understand why would revaluation be more important to report and discuss than devaluation why are there claims of the benefits of a fixed exchange rate when the country has already gone through the crippling effects of an exchange rate black market premium easterly 2002 p 222 describes a high black market premium as a punitive tax on exporters not a good incentive for growth finally why after almost twenty years of experience with a market determined nominal exchange rate is revaluation still reported as harmful for the economy even though there have been more devaluation episodes than revaluation ones 3 one answer to these questions lies in media bias in reporting the behavior of the ner the existence of an interest group supplying media outlets with news to increase the awareness of readers and government officials of the catastrophic consequences of revaluation is considered when this is the case the media benefit from a larger audience and subsequent higher income from advertising revenues the interest group s goal is further satisfied when the fiscal authority offers subsidies or the monetary authority intervenes in the exchange rate market when a government related institution steps in to tame the expressions of discomfort it fulfills the goal of increasing political affection and public acceptance there is a growing literature on the economics of media bias and media slant gentzkow and shapiro 2008 and larcinese puglisi and snyder 2011 offer a review of the theoretical and empirical approaches to this topic the literature describes both supply and demand side models on the supply side the distortions of the news its relationship with the private sector and the government capture of media are the core subjects on the demand side the distortion comes from the public and its preference for news with a certain bias or slant and the media competition for their attention the empirical evidence of media bias shown in this paper fits into the supply side models and the idea of media capture not by the government but by an interest group specifically the work of corneo 2006 is an appropriate analytic framework for the alleged sources of media bias and slant in this paper corneo 2006 builds a voting model of media capture at the hands of special interests to begin with the interest group looking for a policy that will favor its current status seeks to form a coalition with the media the media can accept or refuse the formation of a coalition when they do refuse media demonstrate their independence and commitment to honest reporting

press advertising and the ascent of the pensee unique the press industry depends in a crucial way on the possibility of financing an important fraction of its activities by advertising receipts we show that this induces the editors of newspapers to moderate in several cases the political message they display to their readers compared with the political opinions they would have expressed otherwise to this end we consider a three stage game in which editors select sequentially their political image the price of their newspaper and the advertising tariff they oppose to the advertisers the intuition of the result lies in the fact that editors have to sell tasteless political messages to their readers in order to sell a larger audience to the advertisers

a spatial theory of media slant and voter choice we develop a theory of media slant as a systematic filtering of political news that reduces multidimensional politics to the one dimensional space perceived by voters economic and political choices are interdependent in our theory expected electoral results influence economic choices and economic choices in turn influence voting behaviour in a two candidate election we show that media favouring the front runner will focus on issues unlikely to deliver a surprise while media favouring the underdog will gamble for resurrection we characterize the socially optimal slant and show that it coincides with the one favoured by the underdog under a variety of circumstances balanced media giving each issue equal coverage may be worse for voters than partisan media

shrouded attributes consumer myopia and information suppression in competitive markets bayesian consumers infer that hidden add on prices e g the cost of ink for a printer are likely to be high prices if consumers are bayesian firms will not shroud information in equilibrium however shrouding may occur in an economy with some myopic or unaware consumers such shrouding creates an inefficiency which firms may have an incentive to eliminate by educating their competitors customers however if add ons have close substitutes a curse of debiasing arises and firms will not be able to profitably debias consumers by unshrouding add ons in equilibrium two kinds of exploitation coexist optimizing firms exploit myopic consumers through marketing schemes that shroud high priced add ons in turn sophisticated consumers exploit these marketing schemes it is not possible to profitably drive away the business of sophisticates it is also not possible to profitably lure either myopes or sophisticates to nonexploitative firms we show that informational shrouding flourishes even in highly competitive markets even in markets with costless advertising and even when the shrouding generates allocational inefficiencies

coal smoke and mortality in an early industrial economy air pollution was severe in the 19th century yet its health consequences are often overlooked due to a lack of pollution data we offer a new approach for inferring local coal use levels based on local industrial structure and industry specific coal use intensity this allows us to provide the first estimates of the mortality effects of british industrial coal use in 1851 1860 exploiting wind patterns for identification we find that a one standard deviation increase in coal use raised infant mortality by 6 8 and that industrial coal use explains roughly one third of the urban mortality penalty observed during this period this article is protected by copyright all rights reserved

water for life the impact of the privatization of water services on child mortality while most countries are committed to increasing access to safe water and thereby reducing child mortality there is little consensus on how to actually improve water services one important proposal under discussion is whether to privatize water provision in the 1990s argentina embarked on one of the largest privatization campaigns in the world including the privatization of local water companies covering approximately 30 percent of the country s municipalities using the variation in ownership of water provision across time and space generated by the privatization process we find that child mortality fell 8 percent in the areas that privatized their water services and that the effect was largest 26 percent in the poorest areas we check the robustness of these estimates using cause specific mortality while privatization is associated with significant reductions in deaths from infectious and parasitic diseases it is uncorrelated with deaths from causes unrelated to water conditions

media as watchdogs the role of news media in electoral competition abstract we develop an equilibrium model to analyze the role of the media in electoral competition when policy payoffs are state dependent party policies do not converge to the median voter s ideal policy if the media report only party policies news analysis about the state though possibly biased can discipline off equilibrium deviations and make the parties adopt more centrist policies since voters are rational the party favored by the media need not win with a higher probability instead media bias may reduce the effectiveness of electoral competition and lead to more polarized policies

killer cities past and present abstract the industrial cities of the 19th century were incredibly unhealthy places to live how much progress has been made in reducing these negative health effects over the past 150 years to help answer this question we compare mortality patterns in 19th century england to those in chinese urban areas in 2000 we document that substantial improvements have been made in improving health in cities over this period unlike historical english cities large cities in china have lower mortality than less populated areas however we also provide evidence that in china a substantial relationship between industrial pollution and mortality remains

the role of media for consumers inflation expectation formation the full information rational expectations model is clearly rejected by the data the expectation formation process has therefore important implications for macroeconomic outcomes we examine how consumers react to information provided by the media by taking into account that this information is imperfect we show that information rigidities play a role empirically intensive news reporting improves the accuracy of consumers inflation expectations because they receive more information however this effect depends on the tone of the news if news are badly toned the effect reverts

the market for news we investigate the market for news under two assumptions that readers hold beliefs which they like to see confirmed and that newspapers can slant stories toward these beliefs we show that on the topics where readers share common beliefs one should not expect accuracy even from competitive media competition results in lower prices but common slanting toward reader biases on topics where reader beliefs diverge such as politically divisive issues however newspapers segment the market and slant toward extreme positions yet in the aggregate a reader with access to all news sources could get an unbiased perspective generally speaking reader heterogeneity is more important for accuracy in media than competition per se

media freedom political knowledge and participation this paper examines the relationship between media freedom from government control and citizens political knowledge political participation and voter turnout to explore these connections i first examine media freedom and citizens political knowledge in thirteen central and eastern european countries with data from freedom house s freedom of the press report and the european commission s candidate countries eurobarometer survey next i consider media freedom and citizens political participation in 60 countries using data from the world values survey finally i investigate media freedom and voter turnout in these same 60 or so countries with data from the international institute for democracy and electoral assistance i find that where government owns a larger share of media outlets and infrastructure regulates the media industry more and does more to control the content of news citizens are more politically ignorant and apathetic where the media is less regulated and there is greater private ownership in the media industry citizens are more politically knowledgeable and active these results are robust to sample specification and alternative measures of media freedom

the impact of newspapers on consumer confidence does spin bias exist it is sometimes argued that news reports in the media suffer from biased reporting mullainathan and shleifer 2002 2005 argue that there are two types of media bias one bias called ideology reflects a news outlet s desire to affect reader opinions in a particular direction the second bias referred to as spin or slanting reflects the outlet s attempt to simply create a memorable story competition between outlets can eliminate the effect of ideological bias but increases the incentive to spin or slant stories we examine whether we find some evidence of spin in dutch newspaper reporting on the state of the economy if newspapers are indeed able to create memorable stories this should according to our hypothesis affect the opinion of readers with respect to the state of the economy sentiments about the actual state of the economy could be magnified by spin as a result consumer confidence a variable that routinely measures the opinion on the state of the economy can be expected to be affec

reporting for sale the market for news coverage this paper proposes a formal model of the market for political news under reasonable market conditions and when the audience has psychological biases it may be profitable for outlets to differentiate their coverage moreover the implications of the model speak to a deeper impact of political polarization of the electorate

monetary policy in the media just like private companies depend crucially on their ability to reach customers policymakers must communicate with private agents to be successful and much of this communication is channeled through the media this is especially true for central banks which need to build credibility among the general public this paper analyses how favorably the print media report about the european central bank s ecb monetary policy decisions favorableness is inter alia influenced by the amount of information communicated by the ecb there are however also indications of a critical monitoring role of the media which reports more negatively when inflation exceeds the inflation target

journalists and the stock market we use exogenous scheduling of wall street journal columnists to identify a causal relation between financial reporting and stock market performance to measure the media s unconditional effect we add columnist fixed effects to a daily regression of excess dow jones industrial average returns relative to standard control variables these fixed effects increase the r super 2 by about 35 indicating each columnist s average persistent bullishness or bearishness to measure the media s conditional effect we interact columnist fixed effects with lagged returns this increases explanatory power by yet another one third and identifies amplification or attenuation of prevailing sentiment as a tool used by financial journalists the author 2012 published by oxford university press on behalf of the society for financial studies all rights reserved for permissions please e mail journals permissions oup com oxford university press

fox news and political knowledge abstract the effects of partisan media on political knowledge are theoretically ambiguous knowledge effects are important because of their close connection to welfare effects but the existing empirical literature on knowledge is limited we study the knowledge effects of the fox news channel following dellavigna and kaplan 2007 we exploit naturally random variation in fox s availability to identify causal effects we use knowledge survey data from 2000 2004 and 2008 our final sample has nearly one million question level observations we first confirm and expand on previous findings of fox effects on voting we then present an array of results from our knowledge analysis while average effects across issues over the full time frame are near zero and most precise we find evidence of positive effects both for issues that were more favorable to republicans and for issues that fox covered more often and negative effects for issues fox neglected we also present evidence of fox being associated with a decline in newspaper readership

strategic extremism why republicans and democrats divide on religious values party platforms differ sharply from one another especially on issues with religious content such as abortion or gay marriage given the high return to attracting the median voter why do vote maximizing politicians take extreme positions in this paper we find that strategic extremism depends on an intensive margin where politicians want to induce their core constituents to vote or make donations and the ability to target political messages toward those core constituents our model predicts that the political relevance of religious issues is highest when around one half of the voting population attends church regularly using data from across the world and within the united states we indeed find a nonmonotonic relationship between religious extremism and religious attendance

social networks and the mass media how do global sources of information such as mass media outlets state propaganda ngos and national party leadership affect aggregate behavior prior work on this question has insufficiently considered the complex interaction between social network and mass media influences on individual behavior by explicitly modeling this interaction i show that social network structure conditions media s impact empirical studies of media effects that fail to consider this risk bias further social network interactions can amplify media bias leading to large swings in aggregate behavior made more severe when individuals can select into media matching their preferences countervailing media outlets and social elites with unified preferences can mitigate the effect of bias however media outlets promulgating antistatus quo bias have an advantage theoretical results such as these generate numerous testable hypotheses i provide guidelines for deriving and testing hypotheses from the model and discuss several such hypotheses

the effect of macroeconomic news on stock returns new evidence from newspaper coverage abstract previous literature has produced weak evidence to support the hypothesis that real economic news affects stock returns this is in part attributed to the difficulty of measuring how investors interpret macroeconomic announcements in different economic environments in this paper we choose a different approach of measuring macroeconomic news to better estimate its effect on stock returns since newspaper stories provide an interpretation of the statistical releases we choose newspaper stories as our measure of news our findings indicate that news about gdp and unemployment does affect stock returns

identity and the economics of organizations on plebes first day at west point called r day they strip down to their underwear their hair is cut off they are put in uniform they then must address an older cadet with the proper salute and with the statement sir new cadet doe reports to the cadet in the red sash for the first time as ordered plebes must stand and salute and repeat and stand and salute and repeat until they get it exactly right all the while being reprimanded for every tiny mistake in the summary of david lipsky 2003 pp 145 154 who spent four years tracking a company of cadets at west point on r day you surrender your old self in stages but r day is just the beginning of the training and personal re engineering that is to come so that west point graduates emerge four years later as loyal officers in the u s army lipsky shows that despite some failure this tough program is remarkably successful in creating officers with the will to lead in battle economists current picture of organizations and work incentives has no place for the west point program and the motivations it seeks to inculcate in recruits in a standard economic model an individual s preferences are fixed and utility depends only on pecuniary variables the army s aim at west point is to change cadets preferences they wish to inculcate non economic motives in the cadets so that they have the same goals as the u s army alternatively stated the goal of west point is to change the identity of the cadets so they will think of themselves above all else as officers in the u s army they will feel bad about themselves they will lose utility if they fall short of the ideals of such an officer this change in identity

the determinants of mortality mortality rates have fallen dramatically over time starting in a few countries in the 18th century and continuing to fall today in just the past century life expectancy has increased by over 30 years at the same time mortality rates remain much higher in poor countries with a difference in life expectancy between rich and poor countries of also about 30 years this difference persists despite the remarkable progress in health improvement in the last half century at least until the hiv aids pandemic in both the time series and the cross section data there is a strong correlation between income per capita and mortality rates a correlation that also exists within countries where richer better educated people live longer we review the determinants of these patterns over history over countries and across groups within countries while there is no consensus about the causal mechanisms we tentatively identify the application of scientific advance and technical progress some of which is induced by income and facilitated by education as the ultimate determinant of health such an explanation allows a consistent interpretation of the historical cross country and within country evidence we downplay direct causal mechanisms running from income to health

disease and development evidence from hookworm eradication in the american south this study evaluates the economic consequences of the successful eradication of hookworm disease from the american south the hookworm eradication campaign c 1910 began soon after i the discovery that a variety of health problems among southerners could be attributed to the disease and ii the donation by john d rockefeller of a substantial sum to the effort the rockefeller sanitary commission rsc surveyed infection rates in the affected areas eleven southern states and found that an average of forty percent of school aged children were infected with hookworm the rsc then sponsored treatment and education campaigns across the region follow up studies indicate that this campaign substantially reduced hookworm disease almost immediately the sudden introduction of this treatment combines with the cross area differences in pre treatment infection rates to form the basis of the identification strategy areas with higher levels of hookworm infection prior to the rsc experienced greater increases in school enrollment attendance and literacy after the intervention this result is robust to controlling for a variety of alternative factors including differential trends across areas changing crop prices shifts in certain educational and health policies and the effect of malaria eradication no significant contemporaneous results are found for adults who should have benefited less from the intervention owing to their substantially lower prior infection rates a long term follow up of affected cohorts indicates a substantial gain in income that coincided with exposure to hookworm eradication i also find evidence that eradication increased the return to schooling

the effect of ideological positions on job market interaction a spatial analysis abstract reporters and editors may not have the same ideology when an editor wants to employ a new reporter with a different ideology they have to negotiate the price of moving from their own ideology to the other s ideology we focus on the job market for reporters where the agents negotiate over the ideological position to be reported and wage we adopt a spatial model in which each agent suffers a utility loss as the agreed upon position moves away from his her favored one equilibrium determines a threshold ideological gap for a match to be formed our analysis generates a natural separation between extreme mildly extreme and moderate ideologies furthermore we find that agents that hold extreme ideologies compromise less than moderates this formulation may be applied to other situations in which agents involve monetary and non monetary considerations especially a preference for social proximity jel codes j32 j44

mass media and special interest groups abstract media revenues are an important determinant of media behavior it is generally accepted that news coverage depends not only on the preferences of media consumers but also on the preferences of advertisers or subsidizing groups however existing models reach the opposite conclusions about the relationship between the profitability of advertising and media bias we present a theoretical model that reconciles these results the model shows that the sign of the effect of marginal costs of production or marginal advertising revenues on the level of distortion in news coverage depends on complementarity or substitutability between media bias and audience size for an interest group the existence of a budget constraint for an interest group and media outlets reliance on subscription in addition to advertising revenues

rumor has it sensationalism in financial media the media has an incentive to publish sensational news we study how this incentive affects the accuracy of media coverage in the context of merger rumors using a novel dataset we find that accuracy is predicted by a journalist s experience specialized education and industry expertise conversely less accurate stories use ambiguous language and feature well known firms with broad readership appeal investors do not fully account for the predictive power of these characteristics leading to an initial target price overreaction and a subsequent reversal consistent with limited attention overall we provide novel evidence on the determinants of media accuracy and its effect on asset prices

is the media liberal an indirect test using news magazine circulation many critics allege that the us national news media is biased in favour of liberal causes and democratic candidates the lack of an objective measure of news content ensures that such charges remain controversial i consider an indirect test for media bias if the national news media do exhibit a liberal bias consumption should be higher in liberal media markets ceteris paribus i examine determinants of circulation of the three major weekly news magazines across the us and find that newsweek and time have higher circulation in liberal markets while us news has higher circulation in conservative markets the evidence is consistent with a liberal bias for time and newsweek while us news may be relatively conservative but still left of centre or absolutely conservative

the political economy of hatred this paper develops a model of the interaction between the supply of hate creating stories from politicians and the willingness of voters to listen to hatred hatred is fostered with stories of an out group s crimes but the impact of these stories comes from repetition not truth hate creating stories are supplied by politicians when such actions help to discredit opponents whose policies benefit an out group egalitarians foment hatred against rich minorities opponents of redistribution build hatred against poor minorities hatred relies on people accepting rather than investigating hate creating stories hatred declines when there is private incentive to learn the truth increased economic interactions with a minority group may provide that incentive this framework is used to illuminate the evolution of anti black hatred in the united states south episodes of anti semitism in europe and the recent surge of anti americanism in the arab world

the engine and the reaper industrialization and mortality in late nineteenth century japan economic development improves long run health outcomes through access to medical treatment sanitation and higher income short run impacts however may be ambiguous given disease exposure from market integration using a panel dataset of japanese vital statistics and multiple estimation methods i find that railroad network expansion is associated with a six percent increase in gross mortality rates among newly integrated regions communicable diseases accounted for most of the rail associated mortality which indicate railways behaved as transmission vectors at the same time market integration facilitated by railways corresponded with an eighteen percent increase in total capital investment nationwide over ten years

the effects of media slant on firm behavior abstract the media can impose reputational costs on firms because of its important role as an information intermediary and its ability to negatively slant coverage we exploit a quasi natural experiment that holds constant the information event across firms but varies the availability of a major news outlet in local markets we find that firms subject to the threat of slanted coverage suppress the release of negative information before the event and release it subsequently our results are consistent with theory on the active role firms can play in managing their reputational capital through anticipatory actions to avoid negative media coverage

media slant against foreign owners downsizing abstract using a unique data set from nationally distributed quality newspapers in germany we find evidence for both quantitative and qualitative media slant against foreign firms a downsizing foreign firm receives almost twice as much attention as a domestic firm and the tone of media reports is more negative media slant is a measure for economic xenophobia directed against foreign owners which constitutes an obstacle to foreign direct investment

when to drop a bombshell sender who is either good or bad wishes to look good at an exogenous deadline sender privately observes if and when she can release a public flow of information about her private type releasing information earlier exposes to greater scrutiny but signals credibility in equilibrium bad sender releases information later than good sender we find empirical support for the dynamic predictions of our model using data on the timing of u s presidential scandals and u s initial public offerings in the context of elections our results suggest that october surprises are driven by the strategic behaviour of bad sender

intergenerational occupational mobility in great britain and the united states since 1850 abstract the us tolerates more inequality than europe and believes its economic mobility is greater than europe s though they had roughly equal rates of intergenerational occupational mobility in the late twentieth century we extend this comparison into the nineteenth century using 10 000 nationally representative british and us fathers and sons the us was more mobile than britain through 1900 so in the experience of those who created the us welfare state in the 1930s the us had indeed been exceptional the us mobility lead over britain was erased by the 1950s as us mobility fell from its nineteenth century levels jel j62 n31 n32 n33 n34

downs meets d aspremont and company convergence versus differentiation in politics and the media abstract media firms have incentives to differentiate their news products to soften price competition when consumers value cognitive consistency between the news they read and the policies they support politicians are induced to propose more polarized policies to conform to a polarized media landscape a stronger commercial motive or a weaker preference for editorial neutrality in the media exacerbates this effect and causes party policies to become more extreme we find that prices for news products are higher when consumers have a demand for cognitive consistency despite the fact that maximal product differentiation does not hold for media firms

a spatial theory of news consumption and electoral competition we characterize the optimal editorial positions of the media in a model in which the media influence both voting behaviour and party policies political parties are less likely to choose partisan policies when more voters consume informative news when there are two media outlets each should be slightly biased relative to its audience in order to attract voters with relatively extreme views voter welfare is typically higher under a duopoly than under a monopoly two media outlets under joint ownership may provide more diverse viewpoints than two independent ones but voter welfare is not always higher copyright 2008 wiley blackwell

partisan bias in economic news evidence on the agenda setting behavior of u s newspapers abstract we study the agenda setting political behavior of a large sample of u s newspapers during the 1996 2005 period our purpose is to examine the intensity of coverage of economic issues as a function of the underlying economic conditions and the political affiliation of the incumbent president focusing on unemployment inflation the federal budget and the trade deficit we investigate whether there is any significant correlation between the endorsement policy of newspapers and the differential coverage of bad good economic news as a function of the president s political affiliation we find evidence that newspapers with pro democratic endorsement pattern systematically give more coverage to high unemployment when the incumbent president is a republican than when the president is democratic compared to newspapers with pro republican endorsement pattern this result is robust to controlling for the partisanship of readers we find similar but less robust results for the trade deficit we also find some evidence that newspapers cater to the partisan tastes of readers in the coverage of the budget deficit we find no evidence of a partisan bias or at least of a bias that is correlated with the endorsement or reader partisanship for stories on inflation

competition for advertisers and for viewers in media markets standard models of advertising financed media assume consumers patronise a single media platform precluding effective competition for advertisers such competition ensues if consumers multi home the principle of incremental pricing implies that multi homing consumers are less valuable to platforms then entry of new platforms decreases advertisement prices while a merger increases them and advertisement financed platforms may suffer if a public broadcaster carries advertisements platforms may bias content against multi homing consumers especially if consumers highly value overlapping content and or second impressions have low value

partisan bias and expressive voting abstract we conduct an experiment to characterize the expressive voting behavior of political partisans we find that participants who are asked to vote on the answer to factual questions tend to offer more partisan responses than those who must answer as decisive individuals we further test whether voters exploit corrective information that sometimes challenges their partisan views when information is available we observe smaller partisan gaps and more correct responses especially when the information is free when information is costly to acquire we find that voters generally choose to remain uninformed consistent with the downsian theory of rational ignorance

mass media instrumental information and electoral accountability journalism is widely believed to be crucial for holding elected officials accountable at the same time economic theory has a hard time providing an instrumental explanation for the existence of accountability journalism according to the common downsian reasoning rational voters should not be willing to pay for information out of purely instrumental motives because the individual probabilities of casting the decisive vote are typically very low we show that this rationale does not apply when a group of voters shares a common goal such as accountability and information is delivered via mass media in contrast to the pessimistic downsian view rational voters can have a considerable willingness to pay for the provision of instrumental information in these scenarios our model thus reconciles the rational voter approach with the common perception of journalism as a watchdog that holds elected officials accountable

media and gridlock abstract i develop a model of the relation between the media environment and political obstructionism i show that when voters are less informed by media obstructionism becomes a more effective political signal for the minority party the model thus implies that media change can cause gridlock via signaling by contrast the previous literature on causes of gridlock focuses on polarization and other factors the model also makes several auxiliary predictions consistent with recent trends in u s politics

in aid we trust hearts and minds and the pakistan earthquake of 2005 in 2005 an earthquake in northern pakistan led to a significant inflow of international relief groups four years later trust in europeans and americans was markedly higher among those exposed to the earthquake and the relief that followed these differences reflect the greater provision of foreign aid and foreigner presence in affected villages rather than preexisting population differences or a general impact of disasters on trust we thus demonstrate large scale durable attitudinal change in a representative muslim population trust in westerners among muslims is malleable and not a deeply rooted function of preferences or global as opposed to local policy and actions

ideological segregation online and offline we use individual and aggregate data to ask how the internet is changing the ideological segregation of the american electorate focusing on online news consumption offline news consumption and face to face social interactions we define ideological segregation in each domain using standard indices from the literature on racial segregation we find that ideological segregation of online news consumption is low in absolute terms higher than the segregation of most offline news consumption and significan tly lower than the segregation of face to face interactions with neighbors co workers or family members we find no evidence that the internet is becoming more segregated over time

coarse thinking and persuasion we present a model of uninformative persuasion in which individuals think coarsely they group situations into categories and apply the same model of inference to all situations within a category coarse thinking exhibits two features that persuaders take advantage of i transference whereby individuals transfer the informational content of a given message from situations in a category where it is useful to those where it is not and ii framing whereby objectively useless information influences individuals choice of category the model sheds light on uninformative advertising and product branding as well as on some otherwise anomalous evidence on mutual fund advertising

quantity restrictions on advertising commercial media bias and welfare abstract we study the welfare effect of a quantity restriction on advertising in free to air television and other advertising financed media in the presence of commercial media bias broadcasters face a trade off between increasing the number of viewers by sending content that is highly valued by viewers and increasing the price of advertising by choosing advertiser friendly content a cap on advertising drives the per viewer price of ads up thus content improves for viewers therefore the cap can be welfare enhancing even when viewers are not ad averse competition among broadcasters makes it more likely that a cap on advertising improves welfare thus there is a complementarity between regulation and competition on this market we also show that a tax on advertising revenues has quite different effects than a cap on advertising quantity

concentration and self censorship in commercial media within a simple model of non localized hotelling type competition among arbitrary numbers of media outlets we characterize quality and content of media under dierent ownership structures assuming advertising sponsored prot maximizing outlets we show that i topics sensitive to advertisers can be underreported self censored by all outlets in the market ii self censorship increases with the concentration of ownership iii adding outlets while keeping the number of owners xed may even increase self censorship the latter result relies on consumers most preferred outlets being potentially owned by the same media companies we argue that externalities resulting from self censorship could be empirically large

isolated capital cities accountability and corruption evidence from us states we show that isolated capital cities are robustly associated with greater levels of corruption across us states in line with the view that this isolation reduces accountability we then provide direct evidence that the spatial distribution of population relative to the capital affects different accountability mechanisms newspapers cover state politics more when readers are closer to the capital voters who live far from the capital are less knowledgeable and interested in state politics and they turn out less in state elections we also find that isolated capitals are associated with more money in state level campaigns and worse public good provision jel d72 d73 h41 h83 k42 r23

mass media and public policy abstract if more informed voters receive favorable policies then mass media should influence policy because it provides most of the information people use in voting this paper uses a simple model to analyze the effect of mass media provision of news on a number of policy issues redistribution the size of the government sector rents and corruption the effectiveness of lobby groups and political business cycles it is easy to deal with such a wide range of issues because existing models of political competition often include informed and uniformed voters modelling mass media simply endogenizes who is informed and who is not the paper also discusses empirical evidence and point to areas for future research

time scarcity and the market for news abstract we develop a theory of news coverage in environments of information abundance time constrained consumers browse through news items across competing outlets they choose which outlets to access and which stories to read or skip thus indirectly deciding how much time to spend on a given outlet firms decide on rankings of news items that maximize their profits we show that even when readers or television viewers and firms are rational and unbiased they spend more time on the news than they would like and not necessarily on the topics they prefer in particular relevant news items may be crowded out we then study how reader efficient standards can be restored and derive implications on diverse aspects of new and traditional media these include tabloidization and polarization of the news and other aspects relevant for the political economy of the media including political knowledge gaps and voter turnout

news consumption and media bias bias in the market for news is well documented recent research in economics explains the phenomenon by assuming that consumers want to read watch news that is consistent with their tastes or prior beliefs rather than the truth the present paper builds on this idea but recognizes that i besides biased consumers there are also conscientious consumers whose sole interest is in discovering the truth and ii consistent with reality media bias is constrained by the truth these two factors were expected to limit media bias in a competitive setting our results reveal the opposite we find that media bias may increase when there are more conscientious consumers however this increased media bias does not necessarily hurt conscientious consumers who may be able to recover more information from multiple media outlets the more the outlets are biased we discuss the practical implications of these findings for media positioning media pricing media planning and the targeting of advertising

the demand for environmental quality in driving transitions to low polluting energy sources the purpose of this paper is to understand the long run demand for energy related environmental quality its influence on legislation and on transitions to low polluting energy sources it starts by presenting a simple framework of the relationship between the demand for and supply of environmental quality environmental legislation and energy this forms the structure for presenting a series of episodes in british history where a demand for improvements in energy related environmental quality existed this analysis proposes that markets can drive transitions to low polluting energy sources in specific economic conditions however most probably governments will need to push them and this cannot be expected without strong and sustained demand for environmental improvements yet while demand is a prerequisite it is not enough it must also be spearheaded by strong creative and sustained pressure groups i e powerful lobbying and the weakening of the counter lobby to introduce legislation to enforce it and to avoid it being over turned by future governments

competition and bias we attempt to measure the effect of competition on bias in the context of analyst earnings forecasts which are known to be excessively optimistic because of conflicts of interest our natural experiment for competition is mergers of brokerage houses which result in the firing of analysts because of redundancy e g one of the two oil stock analysts is let go and other reasons such as culture clash we use this decrease in analyst coverage for stocks covered by both merging houses before the merger the treatment sample to measure the causal effect of competition on bias we find that the treatment sample simultaneously experiences a decrease in analyst coverage and an increase in optimism bias the year after the merger relative to a control group of stocks consistent with competition reducing bias the implied economic effect from our natural experiment is significantly larger than estimates from ols regressions that do not correct for the endogeneity of coverage this effect is much more significant for stocks with little initial analyst coverage or competition

summits riots and media attention the political economy of information on trade and globalisation supply of information has increased rapidly through the growth of commercial media and technological innovations yet economists still blame anti globalists demonstrations and public opposition to trade liberalisation on poor information this paper analyses how the structure of the media industry affects the distribution of information on trade policy and globalisation we present an empirical analysis of belgian media reporting on trade policy and globalisation over the 1999 2002 period supports these hypotheses and finds strong negative bias in media coverage moreover we find that media coverage of trade policy and globalisation is highly concentrated around summit meetings of political leaders media attention in the popular press is heavily influenced by riots and demonstrations at summits the paper points at important implications for public information on trade policy and globalisation and for economists

manipulated news model electoral competition and mass media abstract this paper investigates the relationship between media manipulation the strategic suppression of relevant information by mass media and self mediatization the strategic exploitation of media coverage by candidates in elections in the model a voter cannot directly observe the policies proposed by two office motivated candidates the voter learns this information through media reports before voting takes place while the media outlet suppresses some of this information because the voter s decision making could be incorrect direct distortion the candidates have an incentive to win the election by influencing the media coverage through policy settings indirect distortion as a result policy convergence to the voter s ideal policy occurs if and only if the media bias is sufficiently small we then characterize the set of equilibria in terms of the degree of distortion the results suggest that if either strategic media manipulation or competition among the candidates is omitted then the distortion is nonnegligibly misspecified

government control of the media abstract we present a formal model of government control of the media to illuminate variation in media freedom across countries and over time media bias is greater and state ownership of the media more likely when the government has a particular interest in mobilizing citizens to take actions that further some political objective but are not necessarily in citizens individual best interest however the distinction between state and private media is smaller large advertising markets reduce media bias in both state and private media but increase the incentive for the government to nationalize private media media bias in state and private media markets diverge as governments become more democratic whereas media bias in democracies and autocracies converge as positive externalities from mobilization increase

media bias in china this paper examines whether and how market competition affected the political bias of government owned newspapers in china from 1981 to 2011 we measure media bias based on coverage of government mouthpiece content propaganda relative to commercial content we first find that a reform that forced newspaper exits reduced competition affected media bias by increasing product specialization with some papers focusing on propaganda and others on commercial content second lower level governments produce less biased content and launch commercial newspapers earlier eroding higher level governments political goals third bottom up competition intensifies the politico economic tradeoff leading to product proliferation and less audience exposure to propaganda

selective reporting of factual content by commercial media the authors study the market for factual content and examine whether competition increases or decreases its provision factual content is supplied by commercial media firms which observe a set of facts depicting the state of the world and selectively decide how to report them consumers value content that matches their opinion which incentivizes media firms to slant their reports by omitting certain facts novel features in the authors model include consumers ability to anticipate the media s incentives for slant and the requirement that all media stances must be supported by facts furthermore consumers find reports with more facts to be more convincing despite consumers ability to detect slant and their demand for factual support the research shows that competition results in consumers reading fewer facts and being unable to update their prior beliefs about the state of the world the authors also find that a monopoly medium may be more polarizing than competitive media and that polarized report

who owns the media the authors examine patterns of media ownership in 97 countries around the world they find that almost universally the largest media firms are controlled by the government or by private families government ownership is more pervasive in broadcasting than in the printed media government ownership is generally associated with less press freedom fewer political and economic rights inferior governance and most conspicuously inferior social outcomes in education and health the adverse effects of government ownership on political and economic freedom are stronger for newspapers than for television the adverse effects of government ownership of the media do not appear to be restricted solely to instances of government monopoly the authors present a range of evidence on the adverse consequences of state ownership of the media state ownership of the media is often argued to be justified on behalf of the social needs of the disadvantaged but if their findings are correct increasing private ownership of the media through privatization or by encouraging the entry of privately owned media can advance a variety of political and economic goals especially those of meeting the social needs of the poor

media scrutiny and the quality of public officials i investigate whether attempts by the media to determine a candidate s fitness for office lowers the average quality of public officials what i call the media scrutiny paradox media scrutiny imperfectly signals heterogeneous candidates type but imposes privacy costs and reputational costs on politicians the quality of office holders falls if the selection effect is adverse and outweighs the screening effect a low quality information signal which could result if the media focus on irrelevant aspects of behavior makes the screening effect small and the media paradox more likely to hold individuals of good character might invest more in their reputation and have more at stake from being falsely identified as a rapscallion the actual malice standard established in new york times v sullivan likely increased relatively the cost of candidacy for good people and lowered the quality of officials

exposure to chinese imports and media slant evidence from 147 u s local newspapers over 1998 2012 abstract does the recent surge in chinese imports affect the media slant against china in the united states using a data set of 147 u s local newspapers over 1998 2012 this paper shows that newspapers whose circulation counties face greater exposure to chinese imports report more negative news about china and are more likely to endorse democrats the results hold with two identification strategies and three measures of media slant the paper further shows that in u s house and senate elections between 2000 and 2012 media slant is associated with increased voting shares for democrats who are traditionally champions for the poor and critical of globalization

information rigidities inflation perceptions and the media lessons from the euro cash changeover the objective of theoretical models of information rigidities is to capture the fact that people are constrained in their ability to acquire and process all available information given that most people obtain their information about the economy from the media press coverage of the economy may exert an influence on peoples attitudes this paper tests for this influence by examining consumers inflation perceptions in the aftermath of the euro cash changeover which serves as a natural experiment using a new data set that quantifies the intensity and tone of media reports we document that media reporting has had a statistically significant and economically meaningful impact on inflation perceptions and contributed to their sharp rise in the aftermath of the euro cash changeover and to the divergence between inflation perceptions and actual inflation rates jel e53 d83

environment health and human capital in this review we discuss three major contributions economists have made to our understanding of the relationship between the environment and individual well being first in explicitly recognizing how optimizing behavior particularly in the form of residential sorting can lead to nonrandom assignment of pollution economists have employed a wide range of quasi experimental techniques to develop causal estimates of the effect of pollution second economic research has placed a considerable focus on the role of avoidance behavior which is an important component for understanding the difference between biological and behavioral effects of pollution and for proper welfare calculations lastly economic research has expanded the focus of analysis beyond traditional health outcomes to include measures of human capital including labor supply productivity and cognition our review of the quasi experimental evidence on this topic suggests that pollution does indeed have a wide range of effects on individual well being even at levels well below current regulatory standards given the importance of health and human capital as an engine for economic growth these findings underscore the role of environmental conditions as an important factor of production jel i12 i31 j24 q51 q53

citizen editors endogenous information acquisition and news accuracy abstract this paper provides a model of the market for news where profit maximizing media outlets choose their editors from a population of rational citizens the analysis identifies a novel mechanism of media bias the bias in a media outlet s news reports is the result of the slanted endogenous information acquisition strategy of its editor in particular the results show that the expected accuracy of news reports is lower the more ideological an editor is nevertheless citizens find it optimal to acquire information from a media outlet whose editor has similar ideological preferences depending on the distribution of citizens ideological preferences a media outlet may choose an ideological editor even in a monopolistic market moreover ideological editors are more likely to be present in the market for news i the higher the number of media outlets competing in the market for news ii the lower the opportunity cost that citizens have to incur to acquire information

the effect of newspaper entry and exit on electoral politics we use new data on entries and exits of us daily newspapers from 1869 to 2004 to estimate effects on political participation party vote shares and electoral competitiveness our identification strategy exploits the precise timing of these events and allows for the possibility of confounding trends we find that newspapers have a robust positive effect on political participation with one additional newspaper increasing both presidential and congressional turnout by approximately 0 3 percentage points newspaper competition is not a key driver of turnout our effect is driven mainly by the first newspaper in a market and the effect of a second or third paper is significantly smaller the effect on presidential turnout diminishes after the introduction of radio and television while the estimated effect on congressional turnout remains similar up to recent years we find no evidence that partisan newspapers affect party vote shares with confidence intervals that rule out even moderate sized effects we find no clear evidence that newspapers systematically help or hurt incumbents

the political economy of government responsiveness theory and evidence from india the determinants of government responsiveness to its citizens is a key issue in political economy here we develop a model based on the solution of political agency problems having a more informed an politically active electorate strengthens incentives for governments to be responsive this suggests that there is a role both for democratic institutions and the mass media in ensuring that the preferences of citizens are reflected in policy the ideas behind the model are tested on panel data from india we show that public food distribution and calamity relief expenditure are greater controlling for shocks where governments face greater electoral accountability and where newspaper circulation is highest

minimal and maximal product differentiation in hotelling s duopoly abstract hotelling s 1929 model of duopolistic competition is re examined a family of utility functions is used which has as a special case hotelling s original utility function in a two stage location price game it is shown that an equilibrium exists when the curvature of the utility functions in the space of characteristics is sufficiently high the subgame perfect equilibrium never exhibits minimum product differentiation on the other hand not all equilibria are at maximal product differentiation

media freedom and gender equality a cross national instrumental variable quantile analysis we investigate the impact of media freedom on gender equality in education for a sample of 63 countries taken over the period 1995 2004 our analysis is motivated by the idea that the impact of media freedom on gender equality may differ over the conditional distribution of the response variable using instrumental variable quantile regression to control for endogeneity in per capita income we find that greater freedom of the media improves gender equality only in the 0 25 and 0 50 quantiles of the conditional distribution countries with the greatest disparities in gender outcomes experience no significant impact of media freedom

demand for slant how abstention shapes voters choice of news media political commentators warn that the fragmentation of the modern media landscape induces voters to withdraw into information cocoons and segregate along ideological lines we show that the option to abstain breaks ideological segregation and generates cross over in news consumption voters with considerable leanings towards a candidate demand information that is less biased towards that candidate than voters who are more centrist this non monotonicity in the demand for slant makes voters ideologies non recoverable from their choice of news media and generates disproportionate demand for media outlets that are centrist or only moderately biased it also implies that polarisation of the electorate may lead to an ideological moderation in news consumption

newspaper differentiation and investments in journalism the role of tax policy many countries levy reduced rate indirect taxes on newspapers with proclaimed policy goals of stimulating investment in journalism and ensuring low newspaper prices however by taking into account the fact that the media industry operates in two sided markets we find the paradoxical result that the consequences of a low tax regime might be quite the opposite we also show that the low tax regime tends to increase newspaper differentiation if the advertising market is relatively small the newspapers might invest too little in journalism and be too differentiated from a social point of view in this case a tax increase will be welfare enhancing

ideological media bias abstract i develop a model of the market for news in which consumers and reporters both ideologically misinterpret information and have biased beliefs about the extent to which others misinterpret information i show that for some parameter values in equilibrium i a monopolist media outlet hires a politically moderate reporter but duopolist outlets use relatively extreme differentiated reporters ii in duopoly consumers think of their preferred outlet s news reporter as relatively unbiased and the other outlet s reporter as relatively biased iii consumers in the aggregate may be less informed in duopoly than monopoly despite more consumers receiving news in duopoly

inequality and media capture abstract popular support of redistributive policies depends on information they have about the tax system and efficiency of public projects mass media provides a convenient means for manipulating public opinion even when voters understand that the media can be biased i develop a theory of media capture in which the rich can influence information published in a media outlet at a cost the model shows that higher inequality is associated with lower media freedom this effect is stronger in democratic regimes i find empirical support for the model in both panel data and cross country analysis

federal reserve communications and newswire coverage in this article we explore the determinants of newswire coverage of federal reserve fed communications our sample covers all 344 forward looking communications made in the period may 1999 to may 2004 we find first that there is a higher likelihood of newswire coverage for monetary policy reports and speeches by chairman greenspan than for testimony and speeches by other fed members furthermore communications with an explicit monetary policy inclination or tone different from the current interest rate path are particularly likely to be covered however the release of important macroeconomic news reduces the likelihood of newswire coverage second speeches by regional fed presidents are relatively less likely to be reported than speeches by board members nevertheless newswire coverage of fed president speeches is more likely if central bank communication is stale finally our results indicate that ben bernanke played a distinguished role even before his chairmanship

persuasion in politics we present a model of the creation of social networks such as political parties trade unions religious coalitions or political action committees through discussion and mutual persuasion among their members the key idea is that people are influenced by those inside their network but not by those outside once created networks can be rented out to politicians who seek votes and support for their initiatives and ideas which may have little to do with network members core beliefs in this framework political competition does not lead to convergence of party platforms to the views of the median voter rather parties separate their messages and try to isolate their members to prevent personal influence from those in the opposition this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

are biased media bad for democracy this paper assesses the normative and positive claims regarding the consequences of biased media using a political agency framework with a strategic voter polarized politicians and news providers my model predicts that voters are always better informed with unbiased than biased outlets even when the latter have opposite ideological preferences however biased media may improve voter welfare contrary to several scholars fear partisan news providers are not always bad for democracy my theoretical findings also have important implications for empirical analyses of the electoral consequences of changes in the media environment left wing and right wing biased outlets have heterogeneous effects on electoral outcomes which need to be properly accounted for existing empirical studies are unlikely to measure the consequences of biased media as researchers never observe and can rarely approximate the adequate counterfactual elections with unbiased news outlets