a political economy model of congressional careers our main goal is to quantify the returns to a career in the united states congress we specify a dynamic model of career decisions of a member of congress and estimate this model using a newly collected dataset given estimates of the structural model we assess reelection probabilities estimate the effect of congressional experience on private and public sector wages and quantify the value of congressional seat moreover we assess how an increase in the congressional wage or the imposition of term limits would affect the career decisions of politicians and the returns from a career in congress

the empirical content of the roy model this paper clarifies and extends the classical roy model of self selection and earnings inequality the original roy model based on the assumption that log skills are normally distributed is shown to imply that pursuit of comparative advantage in a free market reduces earnings inequality compared to the earnings distribution that would result if workers were randomly assigned to sectors aggregate log earnings are right skewed even if one sectoral distribution is left skewed most major implications of the log normal roy model survive if differences in skills are log concave however few implications of the model survive if skills are generated from more general distributions we consider the identifiability of the roy model from data on earnings distributions the normal theory version is identifiable without regressors or exclusion restrictions sectoral distributions can be identified knowing only the aggregate earnings distribution for general skill distributions the model is not identified and has no empirical content with sufficient price variation the model can be identified from multimarket data cross sectional variation in regressors can substitute for price variation in restoring empirical content to the roy model

monotone stochastic choice models the case of risk and time preferences suppose that when evaluating two alternatives x and y by means of a parametric utility function low values of the parameter indicate a preference for x and high values indicate a preference for y

to elect or to appoint bias information and responsiveness of bureaucrats and politicians in this paper we address empirically the trade offs involved in choosing between bureaucrats and politicians in order to do this we map institutions of selection and retention of public officials to the type of public officials they induce we do this by specifying a collective decision making model and exploiting its equilibrium information to obtain estimates of the unobservable types we focus on criminal decisions across us states supreme courts we find that justices that are shielded from voters influence bureaucrats on average i have better information ii are more likely to change their preconceived opinions about a case and iii are more effective make less mistakes than their elected counterparts politicians we evaluate how performance would change if the courts replaced majority rule with unanimity rule

politicians outside earnings and electoral competition this paper deals with the impact of electoral competition on politicians outside earnings in our framework politicians face a tradeoff between allocating their time to political effort or to an alternative use generating outside earnings the main hypothesis is that the amount of time spent on outside work is negatively related to the degree of electoral competition we test this hypothesis using a new dataset on outside earnings of members of the german federal assembly and find that politicians facing low competition have substantially higher outside earnings

salience in experimental tests of the endowment effect starting with knetsch 1989 experiments on the endowment effect thaler 1980 typically rely on a two stage procedure in the first stage subjects are endowed with a good such as a mug in the second stage the same subjects are given the opportunity to trade this good for another good of similar value such as a pen the endowment effect holds that very few subjects chose to trade sometimes as few as ten percent in related experiments subjects state selling prices for their endowment that are much higher than their buying prices for the same good these patterns are hard to reconcile with standard choice theory which predicts that about half the subjects would trade and that selling prices and buying prices are similar the common explanation of this evidence relies on prospect theory s loss aversion tversky and kahneman 1979 because the pain of parting with the endowment looms larger in the decision maker s mind than the pleasure of acquiring a good of similar value kahneman knetsch and thaler 1990 a decision maker endowed with a mug is unwilling to trade it for a

an economic model of representative democracy this paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office the approach has a number of attractive features first it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by as well as of the people second the model is analytically tractable being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally third it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy

political selection and persistence of bad governments we study dynamic selection of governments under different political institutions with a special focus on institutional flexibility a government consists of a subset of the individuals in the society the competence level of the government in office determines collective utilities e g by determining the amount and quality of public goods and each individual derives additional utility from being part of the government e g rents from holding office we characterize the dynamic evolution of governments and determine the structure of stable governments which arise and persist in equilibrium in our model perfect democracy where current members of the government do not have veto power over changes in governments always leads to the emergence of the most competent government however any deviation from perfect democracy to any regime with incumbency veto power destroys this result there is always at least one other less competent government that is also stable and can persist forever and even the least competent government can persist forever in office we also show that there is a nonmonotonic relationship between the degree of incumbency veto power and the quality of government in contrast in the presence of stochastic shocks or changes in the environment a regime with less incumbency veto power has greater flexibility and greater probability that high competence governments will come to power this result suggests that a particular advantage of democratic regimes with a limited number of veto players may be their greater adaptability to changes rather than their performance under given conditions finally we show that royalty like dictatorships may be more successful than junta like dictatorships because in these regimes veto players are less afraid of change

uncertainty electoral incentives and political myopia we study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability with informational frictions and uncertainty when politicians ability is ex ante unknown and policy choices are unobservable elections improve political accountability and selection however incumbents underinvest in costly policies with future returns to signal high ability and increase re election probability surprisingly uncertainty reduces political myopia and may increase social welfare we also address the socially optimal political rewards and the desirability of a one term limit our predictions are consistent with several stylised facts and with a new empirical observation aggregate uncertainty is positively correlated with fiscal discipline

does it pay for women to volunteer this article estimates the economic and noneconomic returns to volunteering for prime aged women estimates of a dcdp model indicate that an extra year of volunteer experience increases wage offers by 8 5 in future part time work and by 2 6 in future full time work on average working for free increases lifetime earnings by 16 7 the economic returns to volunteering are more important than the noneconomic returns in increasing lifetime utility the model also reveals an adverse selection mechanism into volunteering that helps explain why reduced form regressions of the returns to working for free will likely be downward biased

presidential coattails versus the median voter senator selection in us elections abstract we show that senators elected in presidential elections are more ideologically extreme than senators elected in midterm elections this finding is in contrast to the literature suggesting that voters in presidential elections are more ideologically moderate than voters in midterm elections to explain this incongruence we propose a theory of spillover effects in which party labels enable voters to update their beliefs about candidates across contemporaneous races for office unexpected support for a candidate in one race carries marginal candidates from the same party in other races our theory implies that presidential coattails may skew representative government away from the median voter ideal

sending the pork home birth town bias in transfers to italian municipalities we ask whether the birthplaces of italian members of parliament are favoured in the allocation of central government transfers using a panel of municipalities for the years between 1994 and 2006 we find that municipal governments of legislators birth towns receive larger transfers per capita exploiting variation in birthplaces induced by parliamentary turnover for estimation we find that this effect is driven by legislators who were born in a town outside their district of election as a result we argue that our findings cannot be a consequence of re election incentives the usual motivation for pork barrel policies in the literature rather politicians may be pursuing other personal motives in line with this hypothesis we find that the birth town bias essentially disappears when legislative elections are near we explore several possible mechanisms behind our results by matching parliamentarians to a detailed dataset on local level administrators

mps for sale returns to office in postwar british politics many recent studies show that firms profit from connections to influential politicians but less is known about how much politicians financially benefit from wielding political influence we estimate the returns to serving in parliament using original data on the estates of recently deceased british politicians applying both matching and a regression discontinuity design to compare members of parliament mps with parliamentary candidates who narrowly lost we find that serving in office almost doubled the wealth of conservative mps but had no discernible financial benefits for labour mps conservative mps profited from office largely through lucrative outside employment they acquired as a result of their political positions we show that gaining a seat in parliament more than tripled the probability that a conservative politician would later serve as a director of a publicly traded firm enough to account for a sizable portion of the wealth differential we suggest that labour mps did not profit from office largely because trade unions collectively exerted sufficient control over the party and its mps to prevent members from selling their services to other clients

fertility and female employment dynamics in europe the effect of using alternative econometric modeling assumptions we investigate the direct and long run effects of fertility on employment in europe estimating dynamic models of labor supply under different assumptions regarding the exogeneity of fertility and modeling assumptions related to initial conditions unobserved heterogeneity and serial correlation in the error terms we find overall large direct and long run effects of giving birth on employment probabilities and these effects differ considerably across countries we find that within countries the results are sensitive to the statistical assumption made on initial conditions the inclusion of serial correlation and the assumption of strict exogeneity of children however the pattern across countries is robust to these assumptions we show that such patterns are largely consistent with prevailing institutional differences related to the flexibility of the labor markets and family policies copyright 2009 john wiley sons ltd

credibility and policy convergence in a two party system with rational voters the traditional approach to modeling political parties behavior based upon the contribution of anthony downs 1957 assumes that the parties unique objective is to win elections thus they maximize their popularity the crucial implication of this assumption for a two party system is that if the two parties have the same information about voters preferences full convergence of policies results from electoral competition this is the crucial implication of the median voter theorem more generally it may be argued that different parties are motivated differently because they represent different constituencies parties may not care only about winning elections per se but also about the quality of the policies resulting from an election in this case the candidates of the two parties view winning an election not only as a goal per se but also as a means of implementing a better policy for their respective constituencies this paper shows that electoral competitions imply dynamic inconsistency if the voters are modeled as rational and forwardlooking agents and parties do not care exclusively about being elected but also about which policy to implement once elected the dynamic inconsistency arises as follows the parties have an incentive to announce convergent platforms to increase their chances of election however if the elected party is not committed to its electoral platform it has an incentive to follow its most preferred policy rather than the policy announced in its platform if voters are rational they account for this incentive thus in general in a one shot electoral game the only timeconsistent equilibrium is one in which no convergence is possible the two parties follow their most preferred policies and the voters rationally expect this outcome full convergence of parties platforms results only as a limiting case when the parties are completely indifferent with respect to the quality of the policies resulting from the election thus these results differ from the existing literature on ideologically motivated politicians for instance donald wittman 1977 1983 randall calvert 1985 which implicitly assumes the possibility of binding commitments to electoral platforms complete or partial policy convergence can be the outcome of political competition if the interaction between the parties and the voters is modeled as an infinitely repeated game in fact if the candidates have concave objective functions the welfare maximizing policy rule implies a complete convergence of parties policies however this cooperative and agreed upon policy may or may not be sustainable as a subgame perfect equilibrium depending on parameter values in particular it depends on the discount rates of the two parties the degree of polarization of their preferences and the relative popu graduate school of industrial administration carnegie mellon university pittsburgh pa 15213 and national bureau of economic research cambridge ma 02138 this paper is based upon a chapter of my unpublished doctoral dissertation at harvard university i am greatly indebted to jeffrey sachs for directing my attention toward these issues and for many conversations i also wish to thank andrew abel dilip abreu olivier blanchard ramon caminal andrew caplin alex cukierman morris fiorina benjamin friedman herschel grossman howard rosenthal and the referees for very useful comments the responsibilitv af anv n mtnkieis af calrirp nfnlv mine the result of policy convergence in a two party system is more general than the median voter theorem for discussions of convergence results not at the median see john ledyard 1984 peter coughlin 1984 coughlin and shmuel nitzan 1981 melvin hinich 1977 for earlier work on spatial competition see richard mckelvey 1975 hinich ledyard and peter ordeshook 1972 1973 and the references quoted therein the present paper focuses on the result of convergence rather than on the median voter theorem per se

the marginals never vanished incumbency and competition in elections to the u s house of representatives 1952 82 the average vote margin enjoyed by incumbent candidates for the u s house of representatives increased sharply during the 1 960s despite this and contrary to assumptions common in the literature on recent congressional elections electoral data show that house incumbents are no safer now than they were in the 1950s the marginals properly defined have not vanished the swing ratio has diminished little if at all and competition for house seats held by incumbents has not declined vote margins increased without adding to incumbent security diminishing competition or dampening swings because the heterogeneity of interelection vote swings increased at the same time

does electoral accountability affect economic policy choices evidence from gubernatorial term limits this paper analyzes the behavior of u s governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation building model of political behavior we argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model we find evidence that taxes spending and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a democrat is in office the result is a fiscal cycle in term limit states which lowers state income when the term limit binds

does remuneration affect the discipline and the selection of politicians evidence from pay harmonization in the european parliament we study the harmonization of the base pay for the members of the european parliament meps prior to this reform implemented in 2009 base pay was aligned with that of national parliamentarians causing large differences in pay between the meps representing 27 member states based on detailed information on individual meps between 2004 and 2011 we find that the reform which introduced an exceptional base pay increase of 200 per national delegation on average has a positive incentive effect on in office effort proxied by the number of speeches written declarations and reports drafted however more generous remuneration is associated with higher rates of absenteeism with respect to political selection we find that higher pay also raises reelection rates the composition of the pool of meps in terms of ex ante quality approximated by formal education previous political experience in elected office and occupational background is however unaffected if we restrict our attention to newly elected meps a salary increase is related to fewer meps with previous political experience at the highest national level

radical moderation recapturing power in two party parliamentary systems we estimate the parameters of a reputational game of political competition using data from five two party parliamentary systems we find that latent party preferences and party reputations persist with high probability across election periods with one exception parties with extreme preferences who find themselves out of power switch to moderation with higher probability than the equivalent estimated likelihood for parties in government extreme or moderate or for moderate parties in opposition we find evidence for the presence of significant country specific differences we subject the model to a battery of goodness of fit tests and contrast model predictions with survey and vote margin data not used for estimation finally according to the estimated model parameters australia is less than half as likely to experience extreme policies and australian governments can expect to win more consecutive elections in the long run as compared to their counterparts in greece malta new zealand and the united kingdom

the private returns to public office we study the wealth accumulation of indian state politicians using public disclosures required of all candidates the annual asset growth of winners is 3 5 percent higher than that of runners up a difference that holds also in a set of close elections the relative asset growth of winners is greater in more corrupt states and for those holding ministerial positions these results are consistent with a rent seeking explanation for the relatively high rate of growth in winners assets

on the returns to holding political office is it worth it abstract the paper estimates causal effects of being elected in a local election on monetary returns the claim for causality is made in a research design where the income of some candidate who just barely won a seat is compared to that of some other candidate who was close to winning a seat for the same party but ultimately did not this research design is made possible thanks to a comprehensive detailed data set covering all swedish politicians who have run for office in the period 1991 2006 the analysis establishes that monetary returns from local politics are absent both in the short and long run by relating this null result to effects on the future political career the paper provides suggestive evidence that local politicians are not primarily motivated by money

the revolving door and worker flows in banking regulation abstract this paper traces career transitions of federal and state u s banking regulators from a large sample of publicly available curricula vitae and provides basic facts on worker flows between the regulatory and private sector resulting from the revolving door we find strong countercyclical net worker flows into regulatory jobs driven largely by higher gross outflows into the private sector during booms these worker flows are also driven by state specific banking conditions as measured by local banks profitability asset quality and failure rates the regulatory sector seems to experience a retention challenge over time with shorter regulatory spells for workers and especially those with higher education evidence from cross state enforcement actions of regulators shows gross inflows into regulation and gross outflows from regulation are both higher during periods of intense enforcement though gross outflows are significantly smaller in magnitude these results appear inconsistent with a quid pro quo explanation of the revolving door but consistent with a regulatory schooling hypothesis

paying politicians theory and evidence this paper looks at the theory behind the idea that paying politicians better will improve their performance the paper lays out a political agency model with adverse selection and moral hazard where politicians are subject to two period term limits this model provides a number of predictions about how the pay of politicians affects agency problems we also consider what happens when the pool of politicians is endogenous the main ideas in the model are confronted with data on u s governors jel d72 j33

a theory of political cycles abstract we study how the proximity of elections affects policy choices in a model in which policymakers want to improve their reputation to increase their reelection chances policymakers equilibrium decisions depend on both their reputation and the proximity of the next election typically incentives to influence election results are stronger closer to the election for a given reputation level as argued in the political cycles literature and these political cycles are less important when the policymaker s reputation is better our analysis sheds light on other agency relationships in which part of the compensation is decided upon infrequently

preferences and incentives of appointed and elected public officials evidence from state trial court judges we study how two selection systems for public officials appointment and election affect policy outcomes focusing on state court judges and their criminal sentencing decisions first under appointment policy congruence with voter preferences is attained through selecting judges with homogeneous preferences in contrast under election judges face strong reelection incentives while selection on preferences is weak second the effectiveness of election in attaining policy congruence critically depends on payoffs from the job which implies that the effectiveness of election may vary substantially across public offices third reelection incentives may discourage judges with significant human capital from holding office jel d72 k41 understanding systems concerning the selection and retention of public officials and their effects on policy outcomes has long been an important issue in economics e g barro 1973 and ferejohn 1986 in this paper we compare two selection systems for public officials appointment by the head of the executive branch and election by popular votes we study the influence of the selection systems on public officials behavior focusing on state court judges and their criminal sentencing decisions specifically we quantitatively assess the separate role of preference heterogeneity versus reelection incentives in determining sentencing decisions we focus on the behavior of state court judges in the state of kansas which has within state variation in the selection systems 1 we conduct three key analyses

a political theory of populism when voters fear that politicians may have a right wing bias or that they may be in uenced or corrupted by the rich elite signals of true left wing conviction are valuable as a consequence even a moderate politician seeking reelection chooses populist policies i e policies to the left of the median voter as a way of signaling that he is not from the right truly right wing politicians respond by choosing more moderate or even left of center policies this populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in o ce is higher for the politician when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right wing politicians when politicians are indeed more likely to have a hidden right wing agenda when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive when politicians are more forward looking and when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent we show that similar results apply when some politicians can be corrupted or in uenced through other non electoral means by the rich elite we also show that soft term limits may exacerbate rather than reduce the populist bias of policies

law enforcement and political participation italy 1861 65 abstract does tougher law enforcement positively affect political participation this paper addresses this question which hinges upon the causal impact of formal institutions on informal ones by using a historical event from 19th century italy this event was the pica law which was introduced in 1863 to fight a surge of criminal violence in southern italy and to ensure a safer environment for wealthy people the only ones allowed to vote at that time our main finding obtained using a spatial regression discontinuity technique in a diff in diffs framework is that voter turnout greatly increased in those areas where the pica law was applied compared with bordering and otherwise similar areas this result is confirmed by a number of robustness checks and placebo exercises and turns out to be persistent over time

scandal protection and recovery in the cabinet empirical evidence suggests that a prime minister benefits from firing ministers who are involved in political scandals we explore a model in which scandals are positively related to policy activism so that a prime minister may wish to protect a minister from resignation calls we find that protection can sometimes discourage activism it enhances the value of a minister s career and hence encourages him to sit tight by moderating his activities on the other hand an exogenous increase in exposure to scandals may lead a minister to live for today by pursuing controversial policies the prime minister s ability to protect ministers is limited by her short term incentive to fire she may however enhance her credibility by building a collective reputation with the cabinet the heterogeneity of cabinet membership plays an important role

optimal retention in agency problems this paper studies the interaction between a single long lived principal and a series of short lived agents in the presence of both moral hazard and adverse selection we assume that the principal can influence the agents behavior only through her choice of a retention rule this rule is further required to be sequentially rational i e no precommitment is allowed we provide general conditions under which equilibria exist where a the principal adopts a cut off rule under which agents are retained only when the reward they generate exceeds a critical bound and b agents separate according to type with better agents taking superior actions we show that in equilibrium a retained agent s productivity is necessarily declining over time but that retained agents are also more productive on average than untried agents due to selection effects finally we show that for each given type agents of that type are more productive in the presence of adverse selection than when there is pure moral hazard i e when that type is the sole type of agent in the model nonetheless adding uncertainty about agent types cannot benefit the principal except in uninteresting cases

flip flopping ideological adjustment costs in the united states senate models of electoral competition in which candidates can change position at no cost predict the convergence of platforms in a two candidate election such convergence is at odds with empirical observation in this paper i undertake a study of candidate positioning in the united states senate and determine the extent to which electoral costs associated with changing position explain the ideological positions taken by senators using over 50 years of roll call voting data i use a simulated method of moments approach to estimate a dynamic model of candidate positioning for u s senators the ndings support a model in which senators face convex costs to changing position with the best tting model being one with linear costs of adjustment the model thus predicts severe punishments for ip opping senators those who make large changes in position as a result of the signi cant costs associated with adjusting position the empirical validity of the median voter theorem which depends upon candidates being able to change position at no cost is called into question

a model of candidate location when one candidate has a valence advantage that under some fairly weak assumptions for all levels of the valence advantage the advantaged candidate chooses a more moderate position than the disadvantaged candidate empirical studies of congressional elections by fiorina 1973 and ansolabehere snyder and stewart 2001 support this result d owns 1957 seminal work presents a puzzle for scholars of u s elections why do candidates not converge to the median voter one of the best explanations is that the candidates themselves have ideological preferences as calvert 1985 and wittman 1977 1983 have shown when candidates have such preferences and they are sufficiently uncertain about the preferences of the median voter then they do not converge although they may moderate their positions from their ideal point the basic version of the calvert wittman model however does not account for another basic fact of u s elections often one of the candidates has an advantage due to a nonpolicy factor such as incumbency greater campaign funds better name recognition superior charisma superior intelligence and so on stokes has dubbed such factors valence factors and he has noted their importance in u s elections stokes 1963 1992 1 in this article i extend the basic calvert wittman model by giving one candidate a valence advantage over the other i show that if the valence characteristics of the candidates are approximately equal then when a candidate s valence advantage increases this causes her to move toward the

political careers or career politicians two main career paths are prevalent among politicians in modern democracies there are career politicians i e politicians who work in the political sector until retirement and political careers i e there are politicians who leave politics before retirement and work in the private sector in this paper we propose a dynamic equilibrium model of the careers of politicians in a political economy with a private sector and a political sector where individuals are heterogeneous with respect to their market ability as well as their political skills we characterize the conditions under which the two career paths emerge in equilibrium and establish a number of comparative statics results with respect to the quality of politicians and their careers

the making of policy institutionalized or not this paper develops a framework for analyzing different policymaking styles their causes and their consequences in latin america finding that lower institutionalization and greater use of alternative political technologies apts are more likely the lower the cost of using these technologies the higher the potential damage they can cause the lower the wealth of the economy and the more asymmetric the distribution of de jure political power moreover strategic complementarity exists in the use of alternative political technologies for instance bribes by the rich and protests by the poor are likely to be countervailing forces and will both occur in polities with weaker political institutions

electoral competition and political selection an analysis of the activity of french deputies 1958 2012 abstract in this paper we study the relation between electoral competition and political selection using a unique dataset containing detailed yearly information about members of the french national assembly from 1958 to 2012 first we innovate by proposing a measure of deputy activity to obtain insight into political selection as we gathered information on the many aspects of deputies individual work we use a nonparametric composite indicator of deputy activity that fully acknowledges the multidimensional nature of parliamentary work we argue that this measure of activity is positively correlated with competence and intrinsic motivation two components of politicians quality second we exploit the large time span of our dataset to study the evolution of the relationship between electoral competition and political selection over time overall our results show that deputies elected in a priori contested districts have a higher overall activity with the intensity of this relationship reaching its peak in the 80 s but constantly decreasing since then

the specification and estimation of dynamic stochastic discrete choice models a survey our main goal is to quantify the returns to a career in the united states congress we specify a dynamic model of career decisions of a member of congress and estimate this model using a newly collected dataset given estimates of the structural model we

schooling political participation and the economy abstract we investigate how the link between individual schooling and political participation is affected by country characteristics using individual survey data we find that political participation is more responsive to schooling in land abundant countries and less responsive in human capital abundant countries even while controlling for country political institutions and cultural attitudes we find related evidence that political participation is less responsive to schooling in countries with a higher skill premium as well as within countries for individuals in skilled occupations the evidence motivates a theoretical explanation in which patterns of political participation are influenced by the opportunity cost of engaging in political rather than production activities

the welfare effects of tax competition reconsidered politicians and political institutions the views on the welfare effects of tax competition differ widely some see the fiscal externalities as the cause for underprovision of public goods while others see tax competition as the means of reducing government inefficiencies using a comparative politics approach we show that tax competition among presidential congressional democracies is typically welfare improving while harmful among parliamentary democracies if under the latter public goods are sufficiently valued the results hold when politicians seek re election because of exogenous benefits of holding office by contrast when politicians hold office only to extract rents tax competition is harmful if politicians are sufficiently patient in the debate on tax competition two extreme views dominate both in the academic literature and in the policy arena in the canonical tax competition model benevolent governments set tax rates without taking into account the effect national tax policy has on other countries tax bases as a result a fiscal externality arises that makes competition harmful in the sense that tax rates are set too low and public goods are under

pay for politicians and candidate selection an empirical analysis abstract a growing theoretical literature on the effect of politicians salaries on the average level of skills of political candidates yields ambiguous predictions in this paper we estimate the effect of pay for politicians on the level of education of parliamentary candidates we take advantage of an exceptional reform where the salaries of finnish mps were increased by 35 in the year 2000 intended to make the pay for parliamentarians more competitive a difference in differences analysis using candidates in municipal elections as a control group suggests that the higher salary increased the fraction of candidates with higher education among female candidates while we find no significant effect for male candidates

incentive contracts and elections for politicians with multi task problems abstract we consider a model with a politician facing a multi task problem while in office the reelection mechanism distorts the allocation of effort in favor of tasks whose outcomes can be measured more precisely than others we show that a combination of elections and incentive contracts can alleviate this inefficiency the incentive contract does not require direct information about the performance of the politician and is self financing across terms

a structural model of turnout and voting in multiple elections this paper develops a unified approach to study participation and voting in multiple elections the theoretical setting combines an uncertain voter model of turnout with a spatial model of voting behavior we apply our framework to the study of turnout and voting in u s presidential and congressional elections we structurally estimate the model using individual level data for the 2000 elections and quantify the relationships between observed individual characteristics and unobserved citizens ideological preferences information and civic duty we then use the estimated model which replicates the patterns of abstention selective abstention split ticket voting and straight ticket voting observed in the data to assess the effects of policies that may increase citizens information and sense of civic duty on their turnout and voting behavior

politicians payments in a proportional party system abstract are there monetary returns to politics this question is approached in this paper as one of few to quantify the monetary returns to holding political office in a country with proportional representation system i apply a difference in difference setting with a carefully chosen control group to rich data on candidates to the swedish national parliament both short and long run effects of being elected on different types of income are estimated results show that yes mostly thanks to relatively high remuneration while still in office politics can yield positive monetary returns in the long run however the effect is instead compositional in the sense that ex politicians receive more pension income and work less

businesspeople in elected office identifying private benefits from firm level returns do businesspeople who win elected office use their positions to help their firms business leaders become politicians around the world yet we know little about whether their commitment to public service trumps their own private interests using an original dataset of 2 703 firms in russia i employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the causal effect of firm directors winning seats in subnational legislatures from 2004 to 2013 first having a connection to a winning politician increases a firm s revenue by 60 and profitability by 15 over a term in office i then test between different mechanisms finding that connected firms improve their performance by gaining access to bureaucrats and not by signaling legitimacy to financiers the value of winning a seat increases in more politically competitive regions but falls markedly when more businesspeople win office in a convocation politically connected firms extract fewer benefits when faced with greater competition from other rent seekers

do better paid politicians perform better disentangling incentives from selection the wage paid to politicians affects both the choice of citizens to run for office and the performance of those who are appointed first if skilled individuals shy away from politics because of higher opportunities in the private sector an increase in politicians pay may change their mind second if the re election prospects of incumbents depend on their in office deeds a higher wage may foster performance we use data on all italian municipal governments from 1993 to 2001 and test these hypotheses in a quasi experimental setup in italy the wage of mayors depends on population size and sharply rises at different thresholds we apply a regression discontinuity design to the only threshold that uniquely identifies a wage increase 5 000 inhabitants exploiting the existence of a two term limit we further disentangle the composition from the incentive component of the effect of the wage on performance our results show that a higher wage attracts more educated candidates and that better paid politicians size down the government machinery by improving efficiency importantly most of this effect is driven by the selection of competent politicians rather than by the incentive to be re elected

the good the bad and the different can gender quotas raise the quality of politicians the debate over political gender quotas is unduly confined to a supposed trade off between diversity and competence we characterize the effects of a political gender quota in a citizen candidate model to find that quotas do increase the overall quality of those elected whenever the rewards from public office are high or the skill premium or political gender discrimination are sufficiently low in such cases high skill women candidates run for office in sufficiently high numbers driving off low skill male and female candidates our model compares quotas with other policies in terms of their impact on the number and quality of those elected

electoral accountability and corruption evidence from the audits of local governments we show that political institutions affect corruption levels we use audit reports in brazil to construct new measures of political cor ruption in local governments and test whether electoral account ability affects the corruption practices of incumbent politicians we find significantly less corruption in municipalities where mayors can get reelected mayors with reelection incentives misappropriate 27 percent fewer resources than mayors without reelection incentives these effects are more pronounced among municipalities with less access to information and where the likelihood of judicial punish ment is lower overall our findings suggest that electoral rules that enhance political accountability play a crucial role in constraining politician s corrupt behavior jel d72 k42 017

an analysis of congressional career decisions 1947 1986 most previous research on congressional career decisions has focused on one of two binary choices between retiring and running for reelection or between running for reelection and seeking higher office but most of the time representatives face all three choices simultaneously employing a mother logit model we estimate the effects of relevant variables both on pairwise comparisons conditional probabilities and on the unconditional probabilities of choosing each one of these three alternatives probably most intriguing is our finding that a member s age has little or no effect upon the unconditional probability of running for reelection the interrelatedness of career options is seen particularly clearly in the case of incumbents who had been redistricted out of their seats when they had an opportunity to run for higher office they were likely to take it only when they lacked such an opportunity were they more likely than other members to opt for retirement

the political resource curse this paper studies the effect of additional government revenues on political corruption and on the quality of politicians both with theory and data the theory is based on a political agency model with career concerns and endogenous entry of candidates the data refer to brazil where federal transfers to municipal governments change exogenously at given population thresholds allowing us to implement a regression discontinuity design the empirical evidence shows that larger transfers increase observed corruption and reduce the average education of candidates for mayor these and other more specific empirical results are in line with the predictions of the theory jel d72 d73 h77 o17 o18

political economy of mechanisms we study the optimal mirrlees taxation problem in a dynamic economy in contrast to the standard approach where the taxation mechanism is operated by a benevolent planner with full commitment power we focus on economies in which policy decisions are made by self interested politicians who cannot commit to policies the society controls politicians using elections we show that the provision of incentives to politicians can be partly separated from redistribution across agents and that political economy constraints can be modeled as introducing additional aggregate distortions in the dynamic mirrlees problem we provide conditions under which the political economy distortions persist or disappear in the long run if the politicians are as patient as the agents the best sustainable mechanism leads to an asymptotic allocation where the aggregate distortions arising from political economy disappear in contrast when politicians are less patient than the citizens positive aggregate labor and capital taxes remain even asymptotically we conclude by providing a brief comparison of centralized

a model of political competition with citizen candidates the authors develop a model of electoral competition in which citizens choose whether or not to run as candidates a winner implements her favorite policy the equilibrium number of candidates depends negatively on the cost of running and positively on the benefits of winning for some parameter values all equilibria under plurality rule have exactly two candidates whose positions are distinct two candidate elections are more likely under plurality rule than under a runoff system the candidates positions are less differentiated under a runoff system there exist equilibria under both systems in which some candidates have no chance of winning

earning through learning in legislatures this inquiry applies gary becker s theoretical notions of general and specific training to the experiential learning that occurs within political institutions in particular the u s congress in the process we isolate economic facets of these legislative experiences that influence the rental value of human capital derived from congressional training we identify four factors that structure legislators post elective wages pre congressional salary year of entry tenure and variables closely related to general training in congress specifically assignment to powerful legislative committees acquisition of broad skill packages investment in expanding skill set proficiencies and to a lesser extent life cycle driven declines in such investments