the private wage sector in cote d ivoire homogeneity or heterogeneity one dominant feature of economic development is change in the structure of the economy some sectors expand while others shrink in response to changes in output markets considerable adjustments must take place in factor markets as well development will therefore proceed more speedily when barriers in the factor markets are minimal whether or not barriers in the labor market exist macroeconomic discussions of labor markets usually assume uninhibited flows between sectors 13 similarly a large literature on earnings of wage workers has treated the wage sector as a homogeneous part of the labor market yet if the wage sector is heterogeneous model estimates have no empirical meaning and policy recommendations have no foundation

the power of parties evidence from close municipal elections in norway we show that small shifts in representation can affect policy in proportional election systems using data from norway we find that a larger left wing party leads to more property taxation higher child care spending and less elderly care spending while local public goods appear to be a non partisan issue these effects are partly due to shifts in bloc majorities and partly due to changes in the left right position of the council keeping the majority constant the estimates on spending allocations are rather imprecise but they are consistent with evidence on politicians fiscal preferences and patterns in media attention this article is protected by copyright all rights reserved

do parties matter estimating the effect of political power in multi party systems abstract when there are more than two parties policy outcomes are typically the result of a bargaining process we investigate whether changes in political power for various parties have an effect on tax policies we use an instrumental variable approach where close elections provide the exogenous variation in our variable of interest voting power in order to isolate close elections in a proportional election system we develop a new simulation algorithm using data from german municipalities in the state of bavaria our estimation results suggest that political power does matter for policies somewhat surprisingly the center left party spd is found to lower all three locally controlled taxes whereas the greens increase both property taxes considerably these results remain robust across a range of specifications our partisan effect for the spd is also confirmed by a simple regression discontinuity estimation using mayoral elections

new parties and policy outcomes evidence from colombian local governments abstract in many democracies increasing political competition has changed the traditional party system and brought new parties into the political arena this study examines whether the presence of politicians from new parties affects the size of government measured by public spending and tax revenue the study focuses on colombian municipalities where new parties have been numerous and successful in recent years regression discontinuity estimates show that public spending and tax revenues are significantly higher in municipalities governed by a mayor from a new party using information about local politics and the features of the new parties i argue that this result is not associated with new party ideology but instead relates to new parties having lower probability of reelection which raises the incentives to increase short term rent seeking

the effect of legislature size on public spending evidence from a regression discontinuity design what is the effect of legislature size on public spending an answer to this question is provided by weingast et al j polit econ 89 4 642 664 1981 whose law of 1 n posits that an increase in the number of elected representatives always leads to an increase in public spending because elected politicians regard the tax base as a common pool from which they can finance specific projects for their constituencies and these specific constituencies internalize the full benefits of the projects but only bear a fraction of the costs projects are financed from the common tax base fiscal inefficiency will increase with the number of representatives in this paper i test the validity of the law of 1 n using a dataset of 9325 german municipalities between 2008 and 2010 through the application of a regression discontinuity design many of the methodological pitfalls of previous studies can be avoided and a valid estimation of the causal effect of legislature size on public spending for german municipalities can be determined the results do not corroborate the positive findings of previous studies which generally supported the implications of the law of 1 n for the years 2008 2010 i find a negative effect of legislature size on public spending in german municipal councils

ideology and taxation in latin america this paper examines the impact of ideology on tax revenues in latin america using a panel of seventeen countries from 1990 to 2010 as a first approach a fixed effects model is used to identify the impact of government ideology on taxation left leaning governments are associated with increases in total tax revenues and income tax revenues of 2 2 and 1 3 percent of gdp respectively there is no effect on revenues from vat or social security taxes to deal with endogeneity problems an event study methodology is used to track the behavior of revenues around the time of the shifts to the left a comparison of revenues immediately before and after the shift in government ideology shows that revenues and income tax revenues increase by 1 3 and 0 8 percent of gdp

top income shares in oecd countries the role of government ideology and globalisation this paper investigates how government ideology and globalisation are associated with top income shares in 17 oecd countries over the period 1970 to 2014 we use top income shares of the world wealth and income database wid globalisation is measured by the kof index of globalisation static and dynamic panel model results show that the top income shares increased more under right wing governments than under left wing governments the ideology induced effect was stronger when globalisation proceeded more rapidly globalisation was positively correlated with income shares of the upper middle class p99 p90 but negatively with income shares of the rich top 1 in the overall sample we show that the relationship differs between anglo saxon countries and other oecd countries globalisation was more pro rich in anglo saxon countries than in other oecd countries government ideology does not turn out to have a statistically significant effect on top income shares in anglo saxon countries after the 1980s whereas ideology induced differences in the distributional outcomes continued in other oecd countries

the implications of competition among jurisdictions does tiebout need politics the paper investigates whether compensation among local jurisdiction is by itself sufficient to ensure efficient provision of local public goods jurisdictions have fixed boundaries and each has an entrenched government with the power to tax and supply the public good residents can move costlessly among jurisdictions it is shown that competition among numerous jurisdictions is not sificient to guarantee public sector efficiency though residents can vote with their feet land is immobile hence governments can unsurp some land rents for their own ends increasing the number of jurisdictions limits but cannot completely eliminate the ability to exercise discretionary governmental power

divided we reform evidence from us welfare policies abstract divided government is often thought of as causing legislative deadlock i investigate the link between divided government and economic reforms using a novel data set on welfare reforms in us states between 1978 and 2010 panel data regressions show that under divided government a us state is around 25 more likely to adopt a welfare reform than under unified government several robustness checks confirm this counter intuitive finding case study evidence suggests an explanation based on policy competition between governor senate and house

political representation and public contracting evidence from municipal legislatures abstract this study examines how partisan representation in multiparty legislatures affects direct expenditures contract allocation design and selection of politically connected firms as suppliers in public procurement for identification i exploit quasi random variation in partisan electoral outcomes near the effective representation thresholds in czech proportional municipal elections my regression discontinuity estimates suggest that partisan representation matters for public procurement for instance if local level political parties barely enter legislatures at the expense of the national parties municipalities decrease their direct procurement spending and allocate fewer contracts to the corporate donors of the national parties fewer contracts are awarded especially in pre election years and in auctions restricting competition among procurement suppliers the results are not associated with higher government fragmentation or selection of more competent candidates but rather with reduced political power of the national parties

money politics and the post war business cycle abstract the political economy literature has enshrined as stylized fact the view that lower inflation and temporarily lower growth follow the election of republican presidents and has emphasized political manipulation of monetary policy as an explanation support for the monetary explanation comes in econometric work that largely ignores identification issues that dominate the literature on measuring the effects of monetary policy we generalize a standard vector autoregression framework to accommodate discrete political party variables we find almost no support for the view that political effects on the macroeconomy operate through monetary policy and only weak evidence that political effects are significant at all

party politics governors and economic policy in this article we evaluate the role of elections in governors state tax policy making does it matter for state taxes whether the governor is a democrat or republican and whether she is eligible for re election or faces a binding term limit using a regression discontinuity design and a panel of u s states we find that the manner in which governors of different parties implement different tax policies turns crucially on the incumbent s eligibility for re election re electable democratic governors increase income taxes relative to similarly situated republicans yielding divergence between party policy positions however governors facing a binding term limit exhibit the reverse policy difference resulting in a movement of policy back together

an empirical study of federal law versus local environmental enforcement a potential problem with local enforcement of national legislation is the varying degrees of implementation that the decentralized structure may create to study the severity of this problem induced by the mismatch of local and national incentives i look at the enforcement of the swedish environmental code which is enforced at the local level i measure enforcement in terms of environmental fines issued in each of sweden s 290 municipalities i argue that the green party values the tradeoff between business friendliness and environmental concerns differently from other parties using both a difference in differences approach and iv i find that municipalities with the green party in the ruling coalition issue more fines than other municipalities this is problematic from an efficiency and equality perspective the result suggests that politicians do not only affect environmental policy but also that for a given policy they can affect the outcome through implementation and enforcement

credibility and policy convergence in a two party system with rational voters the traditional approach to modeling political parties behavior based upon the contribution of anthony downs 1957 assumes that the parties unique objective is to win elections thus they maximize their popularity the crucial implication of this assumption for a two party system is that if the two parties have the same information about voters preferences full convergence of policies results from electoral competition this is the crucial implication of the median voter theorem more generally it may be argued that different parties are motivated differently because they represent different constituencies parties may not care only about winning elections per se but also about the quality of the policies resulting from an election in this case the candidates of the two parties view winning an election not only as a goal per se but also as a means of implementing a better policy for their respective constituencies this paper shows that electoral competitions imply dynamic inconsistency if the voters are modeled as rational and forwardlooking agents and parties do not care exclusively about being elected but also about which policy to implement once elected the dynamic inconsistency arises as follows the parties have an incentive to announce convergent platforms to increase their chances of election however if the elected party is not committed to its electoral platform it has an incentive to follow its most preferred policy rather than the policy announced in its platform if voters are rational they account for this incentive thus in general in a one shot electoral game the only timeconsistent equilibrium is one in which no convergence is possible the two parties follow their most preferred policies and the voters rationally expect this outcome full convergence of parties platforms results only as a limiting case when the parties are completely indifferent with respect to the quality of the policies resulting from the election thus these results differ from the existing literature on ideologically motivated politicians for instance donald wittman 1977 1983 randall calvert 1985 which implicitly assumes the possibility of binding commitments to electoral platforms complete or partial policy convergence can be the outcome of political competition if the interaction between the parties and the voters is modeled as an infinitely repeated game in fact if the candidates have concave objective functions the welfare maximizing policy rule implies a complete convergence of parties policies however this cooperative and agreed upon policy may or may not be sustainable as a subgame perfect equilibrium depending on parameter values in particular it depends on the discount rates of the two parties the degree of polarization of their preferences and the relative popu graduate school of industrial administration carnegie mellon university pittsburgh pa 15213 and national bureau of economic research cambridge ma 02138 this paper is based upon a chapter of my unpublished doctoral dissertation at harvard university i am greatly indebted to jeffrey sachs for directing my attention toward these issues and for many conversations i also wish to thank andrew abel dilip abreu olivier blanchard ramon caminal andrew caplin alex cukierman morris fiorina benjamin friedman herschel grossman howard rosenthal and the referees for very useful comments the responsibilitv af anv n mtnkieis af calrirp nfnlv mine the result of policy convergence in a two party system is more general than the median voter theorem for discussions of convergence results not at the median see john ledyard 1984 peter coughlin 1984 coughlin and shmuel nitzan 1981 melvin hinich 1977 for earlier work on spatial competition see richard mckelvey 1975 hinich ledyard and peter ordeshook 1972 1973 and the references quoted therein the present paper focuses on the result of convergence rather than on the median voter theorem per se

does electoral accountability affect economic policy choices evidence from gubernatorial term limits this paper analyzes the behavior of u s governors from 1950 to 1986 to investigate a reputation building model of political behavior we argue that differences in the behavior of governors who face a binding term limit and those who are able to run again provides a source of variation in discount rates that can be used to test a political agency model we find evidence that taxes spending and other policy instruments respond to a binding term limit if a democrat is in office the result is a fiscal cycle in term limit states which lowers state income when the term limit binds

do political parties matter evidence from u s cities are cities as politically polarized as states and countries no is the answer from our regression discontinuity design analysis which shows that whether the mayor is a democrat or a republican does not affect the size of city government the allocation of local public spending or crime rates however there is a substantial incumbent effect for mayors we investigate three mechanisms that could account for the striking lack of partisan impact at the local level and find the most support for tiebout competition among localities within metropolitan areas

intergovernmental grants as signals and the alignment effect theory and evidence this paper provides a simple political agency model to explain the effect of political alignment between different tiers of government on intergovernmental grants and election outcomes key features of the model are i rational voters interpret public good provision as a signal of incumbent competence and ii realistically grants are unobservable to voters in this setting the national government will use the grant as an instrument to manipulate the public good signal for the benefit of aligned local incumbents and challengers then aligned municipalities receive more grants with this effect being stronger before elections and the probability that the aligned local incumbent is re elected is higher these predictions are tested using a regression discontinuity design on a new data set on italian municipalities at a second empirical stage the national grant to municipalities is instrumented with an alignment indicator allowing estimation of a flypaper effect for italian municipalities

do parties matter for economic outcomes a regression discontinuity approach a long standing issue in political economics is to what extent party control makes a difference in determining fiscal and economics policies this question is very difficult to answer empirically because parties are not randomly selected to govern political entities this article uses a regression discontinuity design namely party control changes discontinuously at 50 of the vote share which can produce near experimental causal estimates of the effect of party control on economic outcomes the method is applied to a large panel data set from swedish local governments with a number of attractive features the results show that there is an economically significant party effect left wing governments spend and tax 2 3 more than right wing governments left wing governments also have 7 lower unemployment rates which is partly due to that left wing governments employ 4 more workers than right wing governments jel c21 d72 d78 h71 h72

party affiliation and public spending evidence from u s governors this paper investigates whether the party affiliation of governors democrat or republican has an impact on the allocation of state expenditures exploiting gubernatorial election results from 1960 to 2012 and a regression discontinuity design rdd we find that democratic governors allocate a larger share of their budget to health hospitals and education sectors we find no significant impact of the political party of governors on total spending only on the allocation of funds the results are robust to a wide range of controls and model specifications jel d72 h75 h72

elected or appointed how the nomination scheme of the city manager influences the effects of government fragmentation abstract empirical research on the causal effect of government fragmentation derives diverse results one reason for this diversity might be that studies are typically settled in a variety of institutional environments to assess the extent to which the local political system might shape the effects of fragmentation this study measures the causal effect of a change in the nomination scheme of the city manager on the council size effect i combine a regression discontinuity design with a difference in differences approach in a large panel dataset of german municipalities the study finds that when the manager is appointed by council there is no significant council size effect but that there is a negative effect when the manager is elected by voters for those expenditure categories over which the manager has the most discretion these findings suggest that the nature of the political system does indeed matter

the value of school facility investments evidence from a dynamic regression discontinuity design author s cellini stephanie riegg ferreira fernando rothstein jesse abstract despite extensive public infrastructure spending surprisingly little is known about its economic return in this paper we estimate the value of school facility investments using housing markets standard models of local public goods imply that school districts should spend up to the point where marginal increases would have zero effect on local housing prices our research design isolates exogenous variation in investments by comparing school districts where referenda on bond issues targeted to fund capital expenditures passed and failed by narrow margins we extend this traditional regression discontinuity approach to identify the dynamic treatment effects of bond authorization on local housing prices student achievement and district composition our results indicate that california school districts underinvest in school facilities passing a referendum causes immediate sizable increases in home prices implying a willingness to pay on the part of marginal homebuyers of 1 50 or more for each 1 of capital spending these effects do not appear to be driven by changes in the income or racial composition of homeowners and the impact on test scores appears to explain only a small portion of the total housing price effect c 2010 by the president and fellows of harvard college and the massachusetts institute of technology

the causal effect of coalition governments on fiscal policies evidence from a regression kink design proportional election systems are widespread across countries and often lead to coalition governments this creates interest in how the form of government single party or coalition governments causally influences fiscal policies it is difficult to estimate this causal effect empirically because the form of government is not randomly assigned to political units i overcome this problem by using a regression kink design which exploits that there is a slope change in the treatment probability at the 50 vote share of the strongest party this method is applied to a large panel data set of german local governments i find that contrary to the theoretical prediction coalition governments significantly decrease expenditures

the hunt for party discipline in congress ttt e analyze party discipline in the house of representatives between 1947 and 1998 the effects of 1 v party pressures can be represented in a spatial model by allowing each party to have its own cutting line on roll call votes adding a second cutting line makes at best a marginal improvement over the standard single line model analysis of legislators who switch parties shows however that party discipline is manifest in the location of the legislator s ideal point in contrast to our approach we find that the snyder groseclose method of estimating the influence of party discipline is biased toward exaggerating party effects

does the size of the legislature affect the size of government evidence from two natural experiments this paper makes use of regression discontinuity designs to estimate the effect of the number of legislators on the size of government the results indicate a negative effect i e the larger the size of the legislature the smaller is the size of government this runs counter to conventional wisdom one potential explanation is that more legislators can better control a budget maximizing bureaucracy i present evidence that is consistent with the proposed mechanism

choosing electoral rules theory and evidence from us cities this paper studies the choice of electoral rules in particular the question of minority representation majorities tend to disenfranchise minorities through strategic manipulation of electoral rules with the aim of explaining changes in electoral rules adopted by us cities particularly in the south we show why majorities tend to adopt winner take all city wide rules at large elections in response to an increase in the size of the minority when the minority they are facing is relatively small in this case for the majority it is more effective to leverage on its sheer size instead of risking to concede representation to voters from minority elected districts however as the minority becomes larger closer to a fifty fifty split the possibility of losing the whole city induces the majority to prefer minority votes to be confined in minority packed districts single member district rules serve this purpose we show empirical results consistent with these implications of the model

fragmented fiscal policy abstract this paper explores on a panel of 19 oecd countries the role of fragmentation in determining fiscal outcomes over the 1970 95 period we first define the notion of fragmentation of fiscal policy making as the degree to which the costs of a dollar of aggregate expenditure are internalized by individual decision makers empirically this notion has two key logical components the number of decision makers and the rules of the game or the budget process in turn the number of decision makers can refer to the number of parties in a coalition or the number of ministers in the cabinet we test all these determinants against each other and against perhaps the oldest explanation of all ideology we show that cabinet size and to a lesser degree coalition size and ideology are significant and robust determinants of fiscal outcomes in particular transfers are the budget items most affected by these factors

divided government versus incumbency externality effect quasi experimental evidence on multiple voting decisions abstract this paper explores the causal relationship between vote outcomes in different elections we ask 1 does the partisan identity of the mayor influence the voter s decision in subsequent town council elections 2 do voters condition their vote for the mayor on the result of the last council election the analysis mainprod type flply relies on a regression discontinuity design focusing on close election outcomes based on municipal level data for germany we find that the party of the mayor can receive a significant bonus in the next town council election moreover voters punish mayor candidates of parties that performed strongly in earlier council elections throughout the paper we highlight how these findings can be related to an incumbency externality effect and to the theory of divided government

explaining variation in the competitiveness of u s senate elections 1922 2004 we develop and test predictions about the factors determining the competitiveness of elections to the u s senate to do so we deliberately abstract away from candidate specific conditions that have often been used to study political competitiveness in order to focus on basic structural features of the electoral landscape in our framework party specific constraints on the ideological positioning of local candidates linked to the national party organization and its contributors interact with the heterogeneity of state electorates to determine the number of highly competitive senate contests three hypotheses emerge from this model 1 the greater the diversity of a party s national legislative delegation the more highly competitive senate elections we will observe 2 states in which the ideological heterogeneity of the electorate is relatively high will exhibit a greater number of highly competitive elections and 3 highly competitive senate contests will be more common in states with closed primaries than in states with open primaries we provide strong evidence in support of the first two hypotheses and some evidence in support of the third

can foreign stock investors influence policymaking foreign portfolio stock investors fpsis often attach political criteria to their investment choices sometimes in the hope of pressuring policymakers in boycotted markets to adjust their policies

do voters affect or elect policies evidence from the u s house there are two fundamentally different views of the role of elections in policy formation in one view voters can affect candidates policy choices competition for votes induces politicians to move toward the center in this view elections have the effect of bringing about some degree of policy compromise in the alternative view voters merely elect policies politicians cannot make credible promises to moderate their policies and elections are merely a means to decide which one of two opposing policy views will be implemented we assess which of these contrasting perspectives is more empirically relevant for the u s house focusing on elections decided by a narrow margin allows us to generate quasi experimental estimates of the impact of a randomized change in electoral strength on subsequent representatives roll call voting records we find that voters merely elect policies the degree of electoral strength has no effect on a legislator s voting behavior for example a large exogenous increase in electoral strength for the democratic party in a district does not result in shifting both parties nominees to the left politicians inability to credibly commit to a compromise appears to dominate any competition induced convergence in policy

local favoritism in at large proportional representation systems abstract pork barrel spending is typically attributed to the strategic behavior of political elites hoping to be electorally rewarded by voters residing in their districts such behavior is expected to depend on the incentives imposed by the electoral system we estimate the causal effect of local representation in a closed list proportional representation system where individual candidates have no clear electoral incentive to favor their hometown using data from norwegian regional governments we still find a hometown bias we document that municipalities with a representative on the regional council from the same party as the regional governor tend to obtain more funding for local investments citizens also tend to vote more often for parties whose gubernatorial candidate is from their own hometown consistent with expectations of particularistic benefits a possible explanation is that regional council members are often recruited from local politics and remain loyal to their roots we find no evidence that regional council experience affects politicians future career prospects at the local level

electoral rules and minority representation in u s cities of minority representation majorities tend to disenfranchise minorities through strategic manipulation of electoral rules with the aim of explaining changes in electoral rules adopted by u s cities particularly in the south we show why majorities tend to adopt winner take all city wide rules at large elections in response to an increase in the size of the minority when the minority they are facing is relatively small in this case for the majority it is more effective to leverage on its sheer size instead of risking conceding representation to voters from minority elected districts however as the minority becomes larger closer to a fifty fifty split the possibility of losing the whole city induces the majority to prefer minority votes to be confined in minority packed districts single member district rules serve this purpose we show empirical results consistent with these implications of the model in a novel data set covering u s cities and towns from 1930 to 2000

dynastic political rents economic benefits to relatives of top politicians we exploit close elections in swedish municipalities to test whether relatives of politicians who become mayors obtain economic benefits we find no benefits for the siblings of new mayors but the

assessing the importance of tiebout sorting local heterogeneity from 1850 to 1990 this paper argues that long run trends in geographic segregation are inconsistent with models where residential choice depends solely on local public goods the tiebout hypothesis we develop an extension of the tiebout model that predicts as mobility costs fall the heterogeneity across communities of individual public good preferences and of public good provision must weakly increase given the secular decline in mobility costs these predictions can be evaluated using historical data we find decreasing heterogeneity in policies and proxies for preferences across i a sample of u s municipalities 1870 1990 ii all boston area municipalities 1870 1990 and iii all u s counties 1850 1990

the tiebout model bring back the entrepreneurs several recent papers in the literature have reformulltlated the nature of equilibrium in ifiebout mo lels by alssliuim ing an exogenous number of communities inflexible commullity l ou alaries anti in pirticular inactive lantlowners and developers ihis paper argues that these assumptions are unwarranted and resul1t iin in eterminate solutions and incorrect analyses determinate lon1g run1 solutions require equilibrium in intercommui land markets which in turn require giving lantlowners and or entrepreneurial leveloelers an active role in the models the role of politics in these models and its juxtaposition with entrepreneurial activities are also analyzed

how do senators vote disentangling the role of voter preferences party affiliation and senate ideology this paper develops a methodology for consistently estimating the relative weights in senator utility functions despite the fact that senator ideologies are unobserved the empirical results suggest that voter preferences are assigned only one quarter of the weight in senator utility functions the national party line also has some influence but the senator s own ideology is the primary determinant of roll call voting patterns these results cast doubt on the empirical relevance of the median voter theorem estimation of the model requires only roll call voting data making it widely applicable copyright 1996 by american economic association

the effects of public spending externalities abstract we conduct a positive analysis on the effects of externalities produced by government spending to this effect we estimate using u s data an rbc model with two salient features first we allow government consumption to directly affect the marginal utility of consumption second we allow public capital to shift the productivity of private factors we provide an identification analysis that supports the strategy adopted for estimating the parameters governing these two channels on one hand private and government consumption are robustly estimated to be substitute goods because of substitutability labor supply reacts little to a government consumption shock so the estimated output multiplier is much lower than in models with separabilities on the other hand our results point towards public investment being unproductive

spatial models of political competition under plurality rule a survey of some explanations of the number of candidates and the positions they take this paper surveys work that uses spatial models of political competition to explain the number of candidates and the positions that they take in plurality rule elections

women in politics evidence from the indian states abstract this paper uses panel data from the 16 larger states in india during the period 1967 2000 to study the effects of female political representation in the state legislatures on public goods policy and expenditure it finds that politicians gender affects policy but that their social position i e their caste should be taken into account as well female legislators in seats reserved for lower castes and disadvantaged tribes invest more in health and early education and favor women friendly laws such as amendments to the hindu succession act which was designed to give women the same inheritance rights as men they also favor redistributive policies such as land reforms in contrast female legislators from higher castes do not have any impact on women friendly laws oppose land reforms invest in higher tiers of education and reduce social expenditure the causal effect of female legislators is estimated using close elections between women and men

party cues in elections under multilevel governance theory and evidence from us states this is the authors accepted refereed and final manuscript to the article the final publication is available at www elsevier com

single party rule public spending and political rents evidence from finnish municipalities in this paper i investigate the differences in public spending and extraction of political rents between single party and coalition governments common pool theories predict that coalitions tend t

are we witnessing a paradigm shift in the analysis of political competition this presidential address assesses the crisis of the downsian model of political competition in light of the mounting evidence on policy divergence and evaluates the possibility that the new theories of politicians quality and political selection provide an alternative theoretical conceptualization of political competition based on a critical review of the literature and on the author s works on content analysis of policy speeches income redistribution politicians quality and political legislation cycles this address concludes that multidimensional downsian models of political competition are adequate to explain policy divergence and points out the serious theoretical and empirical problems that models of political selection have to solve

intrahousehold bargaining female autonomy and labor supply theory and evidence from india standard models of labor supply predict that unearned income decreases labor supply we propose an alternative noncooperative household model in which a woman s unearned income improves her autonomy within the household which raises her gains from working and can increase her labor supply we find empirical support for this model using women s exposure to the hindu succession act in india as a source of exogenous variation in their unearned income exposure to the hindu succession act increases a woman s labor supply by between 3 8 and 6 1 percentage points particularly into high paying jobs autonomy increased by 0 17 standard deviations suggesting that control of income is a potential channel for these effects thus policies that empower women can have an additional impact on the labor market which can further reinforce autonomy increases

the effects of class size on student achievement new evidence from population variation abstract i identify the effects of class size on student achievement using longitudinal variation in the population associated with each grade in 649 elementary schools i use variation in class size driven by idiosyncratic variation in the population i also use discrete jumps in class size that occur when a small change in enrollment triggers a maximum or minimum class size rule the estimates indicate that class size does not have a statistically significant effect on student achievement i rule out even modest effects 2 to 4 percent of a standard deviation in scores for a 10 percent reduction in class size

short versus long coalitions electoral accountability and the size of the public sector this article examines the policy consequences of the number of parties in government we argue that parties externalize costs not borne by their support groups larger parties thus internalize more costs than small parties because they represent more groups this argument implies that the public sector should be larger the more parties there are in the government coalition we test this prediction using yearly time series cross sectional data from 1970 to 1998 in 17 european countries we find that increasing the number of parties in government increases the fraction of gdp accounted for by government spending by close to half a percentage point or more than one billion current dollars in the typical year we find little support for the alternative claim that the number of legislative parties affects the size of the public sector except via the number of parties in government

parties politics and regulation evidence from clean air act enforcement does local federal regulation respond to the preferences of local congressional representatives for example do republican congressmen reduce local enforcement of clean air laws in their districts we use facility level panel data on clean air act inspections over 1989 2005 to study the causal effect of a congressman s party affiliation on local enforcement random assignment of electoral outcomes is obtained with a regression discontinuity design we find that new republican vs democratic representatives significantly depress inspection rates for local polluting facilities in the first year after their election jel d73 q52 q53

shades of brown and green party effects in proportional election systems small parties play an important role in proportional election systems for exam ple the emergence and electoral success of environmental and anti immigration parties have constituted one of the central changes in the political landscape in europe over the last three decades but we do not know if this has actually had any implications for policy since no methods exist for credibly estimating the eect of legislative represen tation in proportional election systems because party representation is not randomly assigned both observable and unobservable factors in uence policy outcomes as well as party representation using a part of the legislative seat allocation that is as good as random i estimate the causal eect of party representation on immigration policy environmental policy and tax policy i use data swedish municipalities where key poli cies for each policy area are under direct jurisdiction of the municipal councils the results show that party representation has a large eect on the rst two policies but not on the tax policy

how do electoral systems affect fiscal policy evidence from cantonal parliaments 1890 2000 using a new data set on swiss cantons since 1890 we analyze how the adoption of proportional representation affects fiscal policy in line with economic theory we show that proportional systems shift spending toward broad goods like education and welfare benefits but decrease spending on geographically targetable goods like roads we find little evidence that proportional representation increases the overall size of government an analysis of the underlying theoretical mechanisms reveals that proportional representation increases electoral turnout left wing representation and political fragmentation these changes in political representation explain a substantial share of the rise in education spending but a small share of the rise in welfare spending or the decline in road expenditures jel h4 h11 i38

public funding for startups in argentina an impact evaluation a broad literature has found that the misallocation of entrepreneurial talent has strong effects on productivity to investigate whether the government can improve entrepreneurial activity we analyze a policy aimed at promoting innovative startups through the provision of funding and technical assistance to potential entrepreneurs in buenos aires argentina we conduct a survey and use regression discontinuity methods to identify the effects of the policy we find significant effects on enterprise creation and survival as well as on employment overall we show that small scale public policy can help entrepreneurs overcome a wide variety of barriers to firm entry and improve the allocation of their entrepreneurial talent