median voters or budget maximizers evidence from school expenditure referenda some readers may have found these results of greater interest were we able to confirm the directional hypotheses of the certainty setter model in addition to finding that spending is related to the reversion the much weaker prediction of the uncertainty model yet the failure of the certainty when base elections were optional their infrequent occurrence might be expected under either a median voter or a setter model for those districts that did hold base elections the observations appear consistent with a setter model but are either inexplicable by or inconsistent with a median voter model finally both a the relationship between the number of budget elections and the presence of base elections and b the outcome of mandatory base elections in 1978 provide a set of observations that are challenging to either model a similar challenge was posed by our investigation of budget elections when we called attention to the inadequacy of static full information models rather than resolving the question of the simple setter model against the simple median voter model our results indicate that both may be inappropriate and that endeavors dealing with complexities omitted here are warranted

biased tax price or grant expenditure elasticities abstract minor differences in logarithmic government expenditure function specifications lead to wide swings in elasticity estimates the median voter model is use to identify the biases as well as the appropriate adjustments to bring the elasticities into conformity across model specifications

price and income distortions under separate spending and taxing decisions abstract this paper analyzes the extent to which intergovernmental grants create a discrepancy between the local voter s actual and perceived budget constraints the model is innovative in that it introduces grant illusion due to income misperceptions theoretically distinguishes illusion caused by income distortions from illusion caused by price distortions and separately tests for the magnitude of each empirical analysis identifies both price and income misperceptions as significant determinants of voter behavior these unbiased estimates reveal that previous research has misspecified the budget constraint resulting in overestimation of the stimulative effects of intergovernmental grants on local expenditure

fiscal illusion uncertainty and the flypaper effect abstract the flypaper effect is the empirical observation that increases in intergovernmental aid stimulate greater local government expenditure than do increases in voter income fiscal illusion provides a widely accepted explanation for this asymmetry models of voter behavior under fiscal illusion typically assume that taxpayers consistently misperceive nonstochastic average for marginal tax prices this paper develops an alternative framework in which rational voters recognize marginal tax prices but must make tax and expenditure plans under imperfect information or uncertainty various sources of uncertainty are analyzed and related to the flypaper effect and implications for public expenditure demand theory are discussed

is the median voter decisive evidence from referenda voting patterns abstract this paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions previous tests have relied on cross sectional data while we make use of a pair of california referenda to estimate a first difference specification the referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50 and 67 to 55 respectively we find that voters rationally consider future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules however the empirical evidence strongly suggests that an income percentile below the median is decisive for majority voting rules especially in communities that have a large share of high income voters with attributes that suggest low demand for public services based on a model that explicitly recognizes that each community contains voters with both high and low demand for public school spending we also find that an increase in the share of low demand voters is associated with a lower decisive voter income percentile for the high demand group this two type model implies that our low demand types individuals over age 45 with no children have demands that are 45 lower than other voters collectively these findings are consistent with high income voters with weak preferences for public educational services voting with the poor against increases in public spending on education

two sided uncertainty in the monopoly agenda setter model we extend the romer rosenthal model of representative democracy to a signaling environment in which i only the representatives knows the status quo outcome resulting if her take it or leave it policy proposal is rejected by the voters while ii only the voters know their true preferences over policies a separating sequential equilibrium is shown to exist and to uniquely satisfy a common equilibrium refinement furthermore this equilibrium has the property that relative to the environment where the status quo is known to the voter there is a downward bias in the setter s proposal and an associated upward bias in the probability of the proposal s acceptance by the voter

decision making when choices are complex a test of heiner s hypothesis this paper explores heiner s hypothesis concerning a gap between the cognitive ability of decision makers and the difficulty of decisions the c d gap we discuss the implications of decision heuristics for coefficient estimates when uncertainty is faced by decision makers where the level of uncertainty varies with complexity statistical analysis strongly supports the presence of a c d gap and provides evidence supporting the use of decision heuristics the results of both direct and indirect methods suggest that mixed decision strategies may be used we also find that complexity effects can have important implications for welfare analysis

the median voter model across levels of government the median voter model provides a method of aggregating individual voter s demands to obtain community demand although higher level governments are often assumed to be less responsive to voters than lower level governments it remains an open question whether or not the median voter model which has been found to apply to the lowest tier of the federalist system extends to higher level governments we use the cox specification test to find that the ad hoc model dominates the median model for counties and states the county results are sensitive to the time periods budgetary structure and degree of urbanization

a direct test of direct democracy new england town meetings representative democracies govern most locales in the us making it difficult to compare performance relative to direct democracy new england states however provide an opportunity to test both direct and representative democracy at the local level this article uses revealed preference axioms to compare spending patterns in new england towns and cities against median voter hypothesis benchmarks contrary to previous evidence we find no differences between direct and representative democracy the results suggest that horizontal competition arising from local fragmentation minimize differences between direct and representative local government providing support for wider applicability of median voter based empirical models of local government behaviour in the us

asymmetric information and agenda control the bases of monopoly power in public spending abstract a pervasive empirical finding widely known as the flypaper effect is that lump sum intergovernmental grants generate considerably greater public spending by the recipient jurisdiction than would be predicted by equivalent shifts in personal income in that jurisdiction moreover such observations are inconsistent with standard median voter models of the political process we posit a model in which it is in the interest of suppliers of a collectively provided good not to generate full information to voters about outside aid the empirical results are consistent with flypaper and suggest that voters are very poorly informed about outside grants

the dynamics of technological innovation the case of the pharmaceutical industry abstract this paper examines the mechanisms and dynamics of the process of innovation in companies and sectors of the chemical industry it is based on analysis of science and technology output indicators namely patents and innovations evaluated in terms of originality and in the case of innovations in terms of market success as well radical innovation ri is identified as the kingpin for the evolution of technologies in both the micro and macro economic context not only because it provides a model for imitation but also because it turns out to be more profitable for the innovating companies than incremental innovation at the micro economic level this paper examines the significance of diverse driving forces which lead a company to the launching of projects aiming at ri measures the length of commitment to such projects and describes the dynamic effects generated by the introduction of a successful ri and how they affect the company s subsequent r d and market orientation at the macro economic level this paper identifies the stages of youth growth maturity and decline of the subsectors of the chemical industry examines the distribution of ri and market successful innovations over the development of a sector describes the influence of market demand and capital investment on technological advance and compares the development of national chemical industries the paper concludes with an account of the dynamics of technological innovation in the chemical industry over the period 1930 1985 which is based on the empirical findings of the previous sections

the median voter model in public choice theory the changing perception by public choice theorists about the relevance of the median voter model is a result of excessive extrapolation of the conclusions of theoretical models to the real world early in the 1970s the median voter model was often accepted as implying that the output produced in the public sector was what was most preferred by the median voter this claim is excessive because the median voter model is only a model of demand aggregation under majority rule and has little to say about the supply side of the public sector in the late 1970s many scholars identified several circumstances under which the model would not apply in theory but these critiques of the model were often viewed as reasons to abandon the median voter model altogether the model went from having excessive claims that made the model appear to be more powerful than it really is to excessive claims that made the model appear to be less powerful than it really is these latter claims were often in response to the earlier claims rather than to the model appropriately applied

overlapping jurisdictions substitutes or complements this paper presents a simple model of the demand relationship between the activities undertaken by overlapping governments and uses the framework to estimate the relationship between municipal and county expenditures the empirical results reveal a complementary relationship between county and city general expenditures any public sector expansion effects of monopoly power at the county level will therefore be reinforced by greater municipal spending further expanding the total size of the local public sector on the other hand changes in county police and roads expenditures appear to have no strong stable impact on municipal police and roads expenditures respectively providing no reinforcing or offsetting municipal spending responses to decisions at the county level

the flypaper effect and other anomalies abstract i develop a model in which income both in its own right and as a proxy for other socioeconomic characteristics is an input in the production function for local public services the most obvious example is education though there are other applications as well the comparative statics results from this model yield the following results 1 the observed flypaper effect the tendency for local government to spend a higher fraction of unrestricted grants than income of residents may be due at least in part to the fact that own income but not grants is a substitute for purchased inputs in the technology hence the propensity to spend on purchased inputs out of own income is lower than out of grants 2 the income elasticity of demand for public sector output may be higher than the observed income elasticity of demand for purchased inputs 3 equalization of educational opportunity via wealth neutrality as suggested by feldstein requires major changes in education finance once we recognice the distinction between purchased inputs and output

fiscal illusion and the grantor government empirical studies indicate that unconditional intergovernmental grants have a flypaper effect several authors have modeled recipient government spending under fiscal illusion to explain this phenomenon in short grants reduce the perceived marginal cost of recipient government output this paper develops a more general model of illusion that incorporates the grantor government thereby eliminating inconsistencies encountered in previous models the more general model implies that grant finance increases the perceived marginal cost of grantor government output thus grant induced illusion should have two effects an increase in recipient output and a decrease in grantor output the empirical work supports this hypothesis

on government structure and spending the effects of management form and separation of powers summary this paper contributes to the on going debate over how government form affects spending it broadens the previous focus on elected versus professional management to address the separation of legislative and executive powers the empirical results reveal spending differences between governments with separation of powers and those with unified powers only for southern counties of the us in addition for all regions and time periods professional or elected executive management does not significantly affect either municipal or county spending

a bureaucratic theory of flypaper effects abstract one well documented pattern in local public finance is that in comparison with what is spent out of residents private income a disproportionate amount of lump sum intergovernmental aid is used to increase expenditures rather than to reduce local taxes this paper shows how a bureaucratic model of the type suggested by niskanen bureaucracy and representative government aldine atherton chicago 1971 can be used to explain this behavior an empirical test of the model using 115 small governments in michigan suggests that this bureaucratic model explains capital expenditures well while operating expenditures appear to be better explained by the standard median voter model

the median voter hypothesis evidence from general purpose local governments the median voter hypothesis mvh represents a much used as well as much criticized tool in the hands of public finance economists to evaluate the mvh this paper applies the cox specification test using data from general purpose municipal governments the cox test allows for possible simultaneous rejection of the mvh and all tested models thus providing stricter criteria than applied to date in empirical mvh analyses the test results reveal that the mvh is appropriate for explaining the aggregate behavior of municipal governments but not specific services further the single service and single tax base assumptions are not critical to the empirical mvh performance

political fragmentation party ideology and public expenditures in this paper we propose an original model of competition for effective political power between majority and opposition coalitions the model indicates that the electoral margin of the majority and the fragmentation of both coalitions are key variables that determine their effective political power we estimate the model in the case of the french departements our econometric results support the model and show that the per capita social expenditures in the french departements depend on the effective political power of the majority

searching for leviathan an empirical study in several papers and a recent book geoffrey brennan and james buchanan 1977 1978 1980 have put forth a striking and controversial view of the public sector drawing by analogy on the conventional theory of monopoly in the private sector they envision a monolithic government that systematically seeks to exploit its citizenry through the maximization of the tax revenues that it extracts from the economy from this perspective they develop a fiscal constitution whose central purpose is to constrain leviathan by limiting in various ways its access to tax and other fiscal instruments while the leviathan hypothesis has been the source of lively debate and a wide range of policy proposals it has not been the subject of much systematic empirical work or testing this is a matter of some importance since the policy implications of the leviathan view are disturbing to put it mildly in particular brennan and buchanan virtually stand on their heads many of the basic theorems in public finance for an efficient and equitable tax system if in fact the leviathan view is an inaccurate depiction of the functioning of the public sector the introduction of their policy proposals is likely to make a sorry mess of the fiscal system the leviathan model does however have some straightforward implications for observable fiscal behavior it is the purpose of this paper to examine one of these testable implications brennan and buchanan stress that fiscal decentralization is itself a powerful constraint on leviathan competition among governments in the context of the interjurisdictional mobility of persons in pursuit of fiscal gains can offer partial or possibly complete substitutes for explicit fiscal constraints on the taxing power 1980 p 184 such competition among governments in a federal system that places heavy reliance on local fiscal decisions will greatly limit the capacity of leviathan to channel resources into the public sector in short as indicated by the epigraph to this paper the leviathan model implies that other things equal the size of the public sector should vary inversely with the extent of fiscal decentralization 2

per capita public expenditures and population size a non parametric analysis using french data based on the median voter model we specify a flexible general framework of the effect of municipality size on per capita public expenditures previous literature has recognized that municipality size should have a non linear effect on the quality of public goods provision and to this end different papers have applied a range of alternative parametric specifications using a very large sample of french communes we are able to estimate the effect of municipality size semi parametrically in contrast with the parametric specifications we find evidence of the u shaped relationship between per capita public expenditures and population which is predicted by theory