campaign contributions and congressional voting a simultaneous probit tobit model m any citizens and scholars have been troubled by the influence that special interest groups appear to exert over policymaking as a result of their roles in the financing of political campaigns these concerns inspired the enactment of a number of election law reforms in the 1970s and have led to increasing popular support for public financing of electoral campaigns despite the public attention these issues have attracted few social scientists have attempted to analyze the financial relationships between interest groups and policymakers empirically 1 one such study was reported by durden and silberman 1976 who included contributions from the afl cio political action committee as an independent variable in an equation explaining congressional voting on minimum wage legislation their results indicated that campaign contributions significantly affected voting on that issue the work i have done differs substantially from that of durden and silberman in two ways first i have chosen to examine issues which were of considerably narrower concern than the minimum wage issue in the interest of simplicity i examine issues of concern to just one or a few groups i have also used a different econometric technique if campaign contributions are actually endogenous as seems plausible the single equation estimation technique employed by durden and silberman is subject to a possible simultaneous equations bias for each issue studied i have therefore jointly estimated a two equation system explaining both votes on the bill and contributions from an associated interest group the simultaneous probit tobit model which i use takes into account the dichotomous nature of the variable indicating a congressman s vote the non negativity constraint imposed on the contribution variable and the possibility of correlation between the error terms for the equations explaining these two variables 2 full information maximum likelihood fiml estimates for the model are consistent and asymptotically efficient

political donations and the allocation of public procurement contracts abstract we study whether and when firms donations to political parties induce favouritism in public procurement allocations our analysis builds on a unique comprehensive dataset covering all public procurement contracts and all corporate donations to major political parties in the czech republic over the period from 2007 to 2014 and exploits changes in political control over regional governments within this period for identification purposes we find that firms donating 10 more to a political party gaining losing power witness an increase decrease in the value of their public procurement contracts by 0 5 0 6 importantly and in line with theoretical expectations these effects only arise for contracts allocated under less restrictive procurement allocation processes assessing the underlying mechanisms we show that donating firms receive more small contracts allocated under less regulated procurement procedures face less competition in more regulated and open procurement procedures and tend to win with bids further above the estimated cost of the procurement contract

a spatial model of legislative voting with perceptual error this paper presents a unidimensional spatial model of voting in which members of congress vote based on an imprecise perception of roll call alternatives the model is applied to the senate roll call votes of 1977 to estimate the ideal points of the senators and to examine the role of a liberal conservative dimension in describing votes on economic issues relative to social issues in light of the spatial model the paper argues that standard models of roll call voting are not based on a theory of choice and hence that it is difficult to interpret their results alternatives to standard models based on the spatial model are developed and are used to analyze the role of ideology in deciding a specific economic issue coal strip mining

the specification of models of campaign finance simultaneous models exist in the literature with specifications preferable to those used in either of these papers the more complete models are of course still subject to improvement the measure of ideology used by poole and romer would probably be such an improvement identification of a variable which would remove the anomalous result discussed by jacobson would also greatly improve our understanding of the political process it may be that a radically new approach to estimation will supplant these models however as long as scholars continue to perform estimations of equations such as those presented in 1a 1c above it is incumbent upon them to use the most complete specification available in the literature using less complete specifications may sometimes enable us to answer specific relatively narrow questions but such specifications will not advance our fundamental understanding of the political process

political parties campaign contributions and discrimination political parties can enhance their clout in congress by adding to the seats under their control or by increasing party loyalty interestingly the latter option seems to play a very small role in the two elections studied the democratic party altered their funding decisions based on loyalty during the 1980 election cycle but not in 1982 republicans did not base party contributions on party loyalty in either election although there is less reason to expect them to do so because of their minority status on the other hand both parties reacted to the possibility of additional seats by funneling funds into close races aggregate party contributions table 1 and the party specific models table 2 consistently suggest that money flows into these volatile races

fundamental dimensions of u s trade policy abstract how many dimensions adequately characterize voting on u s trade policy how are these dimensions to be interpreted this paper seeks those answers in the context of voting on the landmark 1988 omnibus trade and competitiveness act the paper takes steps beyond the existing literature first using a factor analytic approach the dimension issue is examined to determine whether subsets of roll call votes on trade policy are correlated a factor analytic result allows the use of a limited number of votes for this purpose second a structural model with latent variables is used to find what economic and political factors comprise these dimensions the study yields two main findings more than one dimension determines voting in the senate with the main dimension driven by economic interest not ideology although two dimensions are required to fully account for house voting one dimension dominates that dimension is driven primarily by party based on reported evidence and a growing consensus in the congressional studies literature this finding is attributed to interest based leadership that evolves in order to solve collective action problems faced by individual legislators

savings and loan and finance industry pac contributions to incumbent members of the house banking committee this paper examines the relationship between campaign contributions from savings and loan and finance industry pacs and membership on the house banking committee the distinguishing features of this paper are that we focus on campaign contributions at an industry level and we use regression analysis to determine whether membership on the house banking committee the committee with oversight responsibility for the savings and loan industry influences the level of contributions received by an individual legislator we find that members of the house banking committee do receive significantly greater contributions from the savings and loan and finance pacs than do other members of congress and that being chairman of the house banking committee also pays a dividend

patterns of political action committee contributions to the 1980 campaigns for the united states house of representatives our most robust findings can be summarized as follows u the spatial location of candidates is important in determining the pattern of campaign contributions many pacs and all pac types except agricultural cooperatives contribute in a manner highly consistent with a simple spatial model there is little giving by an individual pac to candidates at opposite ends of the dimension there is no instance of a pac contributing to incumbents located at each end of the dimension and only to challengers of incumbents in the middle or vice versa contributions against incumbents i e to challengers of incumbents are often spatial mirror images of a pac s giving in favor of incumbents though this statement must be tempered by the fact that the large majority of pacs give relatively little money to challengers few pacs give money to both challenger and incumbent in the same race giving in open seat races is if anything even more spatially consistent than in races where an incumbent is running while many individual pacs exhibit patterns of contributions consistent with the ideological dimension the data for 1980 suggest that there was no particular bias toward one end of the spectrum or the other taking all pacs together essentially eliminates the effect of the location variable in the regressions giving in races with an incumbent on the ballot was overall balanced across the dimension there are however ideological distinctions even among groups as broadly defined as the fec categories for the corporate labor and trade membership health groups the incumbent s location on the ideological dimension is an important explanatory variable even when other factors specific to the incumbent are considered of course ideology matters to nonconnected groups too they just tend to balance each other off in positive money though not in negative on average corporate and trade groups favor conservative incumbents and opponents of liberal incumbents labor pacs do the opposite except for labor pacs party is not an important variable in explaining positive contributions once the incumbent s voting record is taken into account for contributions to challengers however party is significant corporate nonconnected and trade pacs gave to opponents of democrats labor pacs did the opposite the expected closeness of the election is always an important variable both positive money and contributions to challengers increase as the probability of a strong challenge increases this suggests that pacs are sensitive to the potential impact of contributions on electoral outcomes although committee assignments have some importance in explaining campaign contributions by pac categories their net effect is never strong except in the case of cooperatives this is almost certainly because of the diversity of interests represented by pacs in every category except coops which are essentially one giant pac of milk producers we would surmise that competitive forces in the house result in most members having a portfolio of committee assignments that provides maximum advantage vis a vis each member s constituency it would therefore be surprising if overall committee assignments by themselves pointed to significant differences in generating campaign resources being chairman or ranking minority member of a committee has no impact on campaign contributions other things equal seniority as measured by number of consecutive years in office has a complicated role for positive contributions seniority has a nonmonotonic effect with contributions being higher for the most junior and most senior members ceteris paribus than for incumbents with average seniority negative contributions however are not significantly related to seniority

incentives and political contributions two implications from this research are noted first from a researcher s viewpoint our research suggests the importance of age wealth tax rates and marital status as determinants of political contributions by top u s wealth holders therefore these factors should be included in aggregated models that attempt to analyze the relations between such variables as voting campaign expenditures and the outcomes of elections second from politicians viewpoints this research suggests that individual economic variables such as marginal tax rates and wealth are major determinants of individual decisions to contribute to politicians assuming that such contributions reflect votes this research suggests the relative importance of focusing campaign promises on economic variables a strategy that low tax politicians like ronald reagan and george bush may keenly be aware of

a test of the structure of pac contracts an analysis of house gun control votes in the 1980s enactment of the bill was a major victory for the national rifle association which had worked for years to win relaxation of the landmark gun control act of 1968 congressional quarterly almanac 1986 p 82 i introduction every election the same political action committees pacs contribute millions of dollars to candidates for office well informed participants in the political process surely must get value for their money yet empirical research fails to provide systematic evidence that campaign contributions influence congressional roll call votes 1 a mischaracterization of the exchange between pacs and politicians may produce these contradictory results empirical studies of roll call voting typically use pac contributions from only one election cycle earlier studies generally assume prepayment in the prior congress while more contemporary studies assume a spot exchange recent empirical work however suggests another possibility interest groups may buy current influence with money spent over multiple election cycles stratmann 1995 shows that contributions from both the current and the previous election cycles influence floor votes on agricultural price supports snyder 1990 1992 presents evidence that interest groups make long term investments in politicians previous studies by arbitrarily imposing a payment structure may have produced erroneous estimates of the influence of pac money on legislative votes we examine roll call votes on gun control in the u s house of representatives during the 1980s to determine whether pacs make spot market purchases prepay for votes in the prior election cycle or make long term investments we investigate whether pac contributions have a durable long term investment effect as snyder 1992 suggests we consider two types of evidence concerning the campaign contribution contract first we examine the pattern of expenditures by the two dominant interest groups concerned with gun control the national rifle association nra and hand gun control hgc their expenditures provide strong evidence against the spot market exchange hypothesis both groups made significant expenditures in sessions of congress in which no floor vote occurred nor were these expenditures purchasing services such as committee work in a spot market exchange further 1986 nra expenditures are significantly higher for first term representatives which is consistent with long term investments but contradicts a spot exchange since freshmen have the least influence to sell second we include expenditures from both the current and the five previous election cycles as separate independent variables in a model of roll call voting to date no empirical paper tests whether pac money from more than two cycles influences roll call voting and only stratmann 1995 and grenzke 1989 use a model that specifies money from more than one cycle in an equation explaining roll call votes our probit estimates indicate that nra expenditures in the three most recent election cycles and hgc expenditures in the two most recent cycles buy votes the independent effect of expenditures from different cycles suggests that contributions are neither an unqualified one session prepayment nor a spot exchange the influence of nra expenditures two sessions prior to the roll call votes is evidence of a long term investment the literature on the determinants of roll call voting assumes that pac contributions alter representatives votes interest groups might instead simply provide campaign assistance to their supporters to affect the composition of congress stratmann 1991 bronars and lott 1997 if a difficult to quantify variable and thus omitted from regressions signals a representative s true position and interest groups make campaign contributions on the basis of this variable pac contributions might appear to influence votes the pattern of contributions and votes on gun control however indicates attempts by the nra and hgc to influence votes not merely the composition of congress

a general equilibrium model of congressional voting in this paper we specify a model in which congressmen constituents and campaign contributors simultaneously decide on behavior constituents and contributors desire to influence the voting behavior of congressmen congressmen on the other hand want to be elected and vote accordingly we empirically test this model using roll call voting on eight bills dealing with economic regulation and find support for the model our results indicate that part of the voting behavior of congressmen may be explained by noneconomic factors we also find that unions and businesses as campaign contributors are sometimes influential unions are more often influential than is business ideological factors are also important in explaining voting

campaign finance reform and electoral competition using state senate data from 1984 through the beginning of 2002 this paper finds that campaign donation regulations clearly reduce the competitiveness in political races this is reflected in several dimensions conservative estimates indicate that different donation limits are associated with anywhere from a 4 to over a 23 percentage point increase in win margins the regulations increase the probability that only one candidate will run for office and they increase the probability that incumbents win re election campaign finance regulations also tend to reduce the number of candidates who run for office by an average of about 20 percent

the limits of the equity efficiency tradeoff relatively inefficient transfer programs such as public housing food stamps and direct price regulation rent controls minimum wages are sometimes justified by arguments which say that it is possible in this way to transfer more to the poor than would be possible without such programs conversely it is sometimes argued as in the case of gasoline that prices cannot be allowed to rise to equilibrium levels because such increases will hurt the poor most and direct compensation will not actually be paid the argument advanced in this paper is that given enough time the political process will respond to such policies and those who advocate inefficient programs for increasing the wealth of the poor will succeed only in lowering the incomes of both the wealthy and the poor 13 moreover this argument is based on a simple and direct model of the political process one that only requires a weak form of responsiveness to voters intentions while the pareto criterion provides that every inefficient state is dominated by an efficient one it does not usually imply that every efficient state dominates every inefficient one however in our framework this does hold for policy comparisons so that a policy could be judged solely by its implications for efficiency without regard to equity considerations one policy which raised social income relative to another would be preferred by each and every person and so would dominate by the pareto criterion there was no need for the usual compensation principle arguments since compensation was not something that could occur but something that would occur potential improvements become actual improvements through the action of a responsive political system in comparing policies for income redistribution it is only their efficiency implications which are relevant

some talk money in politics a partial review of the literature the financing of political campaigns is an area of active scholarly study i review some of the recent literature and discuss important methodological issues that arise in empir ical research on campaign expenditures and campaign contributions the effects of campaign expenditures and advertising on candidate and ballot measure elections are summarized as are the impacts of contributions on contributors welfare many states have changed their campaign finance laws in the past few years and i describe work that exploits variations in these laws a discussion of the strategies used by interest groups to allocate their campaign contributions provides insights into contributors motives

empirical studies of financial innovation lots of talk little action this paper reviews the extant empirical studies of financial innovation adopting broad criteria we could find only somewhat more than two dozen studies and since some financial innovations are examined by more than one study they cover only seventeen phenomena especially striking is the fact that only two studies offer tests of the broad hypotheses concerning the environmental conditions spurring financial innovation e g regulation taxes unstable macroeconomic conditions and ripe technologies that have been advanced in descriptive articles we offer some tentative conjectures as to why empirical studies of financial innovation are comparatively rare among our suggested culprits is an absence of accessible data we urge financial regulators to undertake more surveys of financial innovation and to make the survey data more available to researchers

committee assignments constituent preferences and campaign contributions committee assignments constituent preferences and campaign constributions the familiar economic model of regulation as developed by stigler 1971 peltzman 1976 and becker 1983 posits an essentially frictionless market process for regulatory policy formation in which a single regulator legislator chooses policy to maximize net support from competing groups in this paper we extend the supply side of this model by considering the effect of legislative institutions and unorganized constituent preferences on the ability of incumbents in the house of representatives to serve specific interest groups we then test this formulation by examining the recent history of interest group campaign contributions to these legislators our theoretical model concentrates on how a legislator allocates time between serving specific interest groups outside his district and serving his constituency we do not model interest group decisions directly assuming simply that they purchase their desired amount of service from the lowest cost suppliers our model sorts legislators by the supply price at which they can serve a particular group this price depends on the preferences of the voters in the legislators district and the productivity of the legislator in producing policy service for each group 1 the empirical section tests the model by examining the pattern of interest group campaign contributions to house incumbents from 1978 through 1984 our regression analysis tends to confirm both implications of the theory first the pattern of campaign contributions from specific interest groups to legislators is shaped by the division of substantive legislative and regulatory jurisdictions represented by the system of house standing committees second voter preferences influence the pattern of contributions by affecting the supply price at which a legislator can offer policy to interest groups legislators with sympathetic or indifferent constituencies are able to offer a lower price and are therefore able to attract larger sums than those with hostile constituencies these results are important for two reasons first the influence of congressional institutions such as committees on policy is not widely accepted while several studies faith levins and tollison 1982 weingast and moran 1983 weingast 1984 grier 1989 and robert 1990 have documented the effects of changes in a particular committee on policies under its jurisdiction this work considers the jurisdiction of only a single committee in each case 2 by examining the linkages between congressional committees and political action committees pacs we investigate whether interest groups act as if committees have power second while the chicago model of regulation emphasizes correctly in our view that policy is the result of vote maximizing calculations and the incremental balancing nature of any equilibrium the model is imprecise about which sets of preferences are most important in determining the levels of policy or the size of changes in policies focusing on committees promotes a parsimonious specification of both the political players members of the relevant committee rather than the entire congress and the pivotal voters committee members constituencies more than the nation determining specific policy outcomes the paper is organized as follows section i reviews some issues on the nature and sources of committee influence in the u s congress the second section incorporates committee assignments into a theory of decision making by interest group investors sections iii and iv describe our data and estimation technique and present the empirical results the fifth and final section discusses some implications and conclusions of this research i committee power in congress legislators differ substantively by virtue of their committee assignments committees in congress and particularly in the house of representatives possess disproportionate power over the policy areas in their respective jurisdictions have the right to hold hearings and recommend budget allocations for the bureaus in their jurisdiction goodwin 1970

how elastic is the government s demand for weapons abstract we estimate the elasticity of the government s demand for specific weapons by econometric analysis of the relationship between quantity and cost revisions across the population of major weapon systems the cost revisions are due in part to technological information generated in the course of research and development the elasticity of demand is 0 55 and is significantly different from both zero and unity thus the government s demand for specific weapons is inelastic but not perfectly inelastic weapons acquisition is evidently characterized by increasing returns the elasticity of total cost with respect to quantity is about 0 75

politics and the rescue of insolvent savings and loans before 1989 the results presented in this paper are consistent with those predicted by public choice economists who believe that regulatory agencies represent the interests of their controlling congressional committees membership on committees is not random congressmen seek committee assignments where they can represent the interests of their constituency congressmen from states where financial institutions are significant will seek membership on their respective banking committees once on those committees congressmen will seek to protect and promote their own constituency in the case of the savings and loan industry insolvent savings and loans received benefits from staying in operation these savings and loans gained another chance to gamble for resurrection being shut down or placed in a management consignment program did not give this option the results presented in our paper indicate that participation in one of the rescue programs is not random savings and loans in states with political power representation on the senate banking committee are less likely to be resolved

conflict of interest and congressional voting a note results of this study are consistent with those of previous voting studies which have shown that party ideology and constituency characteristics are often significant explanatory variables in equations to explain voting no evidence was found to support the hypothesis that congressmen s voting decisions depend upon their private financial interests this suggests the conclusion that much of the concern about apparent conflicts of interest is unfounded but it must be recognized that this study has examined voting on just a few issues and has used data on financial holdings which were lacking in precision as more data becomes available in the next several years we should be able to resolve this question with greater confidence

incomplete information and ideological explanations of platform divergence one of the paradoxes of formal spatial voting models is the robustness of the theoretical result that candidates will converge toward centrists positions and the empirical observation of persistent policy divergence of candidates a solution is that candidates are ideological have policy preferences when candidates have policy preferences and incomplete information about voter preferences then platform divergence is theoretically predicted experimental tests of the ideological model are presented it is shown that platform divergence is significant when candidates are ideological and have incomplete information about voter preferences however candidate positions are more convergent on average than the theory predicts suggesting that subjects value winning independently of the expected payment

commercial policy with altruistic voters in public discussions of policy evidence that import competing sectors earn low or falling incomes is often used to argue for protection this paper rationalizes the apparent effectiveness of this argument in both direct and indirect democracies in direct democracies a small degree of voter altruism leads to protection in the specific factors model when the import competing sector earns little similarly voter altruism creates an incentive in representative democracies for self interested parties to present evidence to legislators on the income of import competing factors this leads to a theory in which campaign contributions buy access to legislators rather than buy votes

scale economies and rent seeking in legislative parties this paper examines equilibrium legislative party size based upon scale economies in producing political outcomes political production finding policies legislators desire and votetrading to pass them has strong scale economies up to but not far beyond a majority of the voters either one or two parties is efficient but a larger number is not a single party s optimal long run strategy is to benefit a dominant majority by avoiding the creation of an effective second party but short term rent seeking is in legislators and leaders interests which eventually causes a second effective party and a stable two party equilibrium estimates of party size for the u s congress suggest considerable short term rent seeking

the effects of logrolling on congressional voting the theoretical public choice literature suggests that vote trading is an important determinant of congressional voting behavior yet empirical voting models do not allow for vote trading these models recognize that observed ideology may influence legislative behavior but do not correct for unobserved ideology this study devises new tests for logrolling and ideology the empirical model controls for logroll agreements and unobserved ideological interest via the correlation of unobserved variables the results reflect the presence of vote trading coalitions on some votes but not on others the results cast doubt on the importance of personal ideological interests of legislators copyright 1992 by american economic association

emporiophobia fear of markets cooperation or competition there is widespread emporiophobia fear of markets and this has important policy implications as it leads voters to demand anti market policies there are many reasons for this anti market attitude however economists could reduce emporiophobia if we stressed cooperation rather than competition in our writings and policy discussions in a sample of introductory textbooks competition is mentioned on average 8 times as often as cooperation the fundamental economic unit is the transaction and transactions are cooperative the benefit of a market economy increased consumer surplus comes from cooperation through transactions not from competition competition in a market economy is competition for the right to cooperate competition is important because it guarantees that the best cooperators will win and because it establishes the efficient terms for cooperation but cooperation is fundamental for most people competition has negative connotations as it focuses on losers while cooperation implies a winwin situation as an example if we say wal mart outcompeted its rivals we think of losing firms being bankrupted if we say wal mart did a better job of cooperating with its customers we think of the benefits created by wal mart economists in our policy and textbook writing should strive to use the second sort of locution not the first other implications involve the morality of the market giving back and characteristics of market failures

ideology and interest groups this paper analyzes the interaction between ideological shirking by legislators and interest group activities in a two stage game between a legislator a challenger and an interest group some comparative statics results are derived in some circumstances campaign contributions decrease as the legislator shirks more they increase with committee power and seniority other things equal an empirical test provides some support for this model the interpretation of those results is made difficult by the methodological problems of ideological shirking measures it is problematic to interpret the standard residual as ideological shirking because it ignores the effect of campaign contributions on legislative voting

the s l debacle public policy lessons for bank and thrift regulation this book describes the period of failures of savings and loan associations and sets out a program of policies to prevent future debacles it explains the regulatory actions and inactions that created the incentives for large numbers of thrifts to make excessively risky and ill conceived and in some cases fraudulent and criminal investments it describes the failure of the accounting system to provide adequate information to regulators and in many cases even to the managers of the thrifts themselves concerning the health and riskiness of individual thrifts it also discusses how the regulatory system that had been conceived in an earlier and highly regulated era was overwhelmed in the deregulated environment of the early 1980s it shows how the reforms that were made in response to the growing crisis were too little and too late and finally it offers a set of policy reforms that could prevent future crises in the savings and loan industry this work should be of interest to political and financial economists

environmental protection a theory of direct and indirect competition for political influence how is it that environmental groups can have a strong impact on environmental policy but without much lobbying this paper develops a model of direct lobbying the government and indirect persuading the public competition for political influence and finds that they are complementary however an increase in the effectiveness of public persuasion or a rise of public environmental awareness induces substitution between the two the findings establish that the empirical phenomenon of lack of political contribution from environmental groups may not be related to financial constraints but to their greater effectiveness in public persuasion and growing public environmental awareness the size of its economic stake and hence the associated lobbying effort and the efficiency of its organization in exerting political influence how then can we explain why some environmental groups have been very successful against polluting industries when the latter s economic stakes seem very high and they lobby more and their interests are more efficiently organized some might suggest that the reason for the success of the environmental movement is that environmental groups have large memberships and can provide block votes 2 however according to olson 1965 a large membership of an interest group is not necessarily an advantage and it is still uncertain whether environmental groups are able to mobilize their members to cast votes based on such affiliations this paper suggests an alternative explanation by developing a theory of direct and indirect competition between special interests for political influence rather than marshalling block votes a primary feature of our framework is that two opposing interest groups an environmentalist group and an industrialist group compete directly and indirectly for political influence in a three stage game the indirect competition takes place in the first stage in which interest groups exert effort in persuading the public to indirectly influence government policy the direct competition takes place in the second stage in which interest groups exert effort in

bureaucratic discretion or congressional control regulatory policymaking by the federal trade commission this paper extends stigler and peltzman s approach to regulation by incorporating a legislature the model yields comparative statics results and hence testable implications the paper then tests between two opposing approaches about regulatory agency behavior the first assumes agencies operate independently of the legislature and hence exercise discretion the second assumes that congress controls agency decisions the recent behavior of the federal trade commission provides the empirical setting substantial evidence is found for the specific predictions of the model including the hypothesis of systematic congressional influence over ftc decisions

are legislators ideologues or the agents of constituents abstract legislatures often make important economic decisions a decade ago economists viewed each legislator as the agent if not of the median voter of some pivotal voter in a party constituency therefore the voting decision of a legislator could readily be predicted if one could measure the preferences of the relevant pivotal voter models where interests on specific issues can be simply linked to votes on the same issues are questionable however since votes will be traded across issues political parties are one important vehicle for organizing such trades a simple empirical test for the united states senate however clearly rejects the notion that the representative is the agent of the median voter or a local party constituency even if vote trades are allowed thus there is ample opportunity for politicians even under reelection constraints to either voice their own ideology or that of idiosyncratic support coalitions the relevant theory and empirical evidence is summarized and some validating tests for european parliaments are suggested

the industrial organization of congress or why legislatures like firms are not organized as markets this paper provides a theory of legislative institutions that parallels the theory of the firm and the theory of contractual institutions like market institutions legislative institutions reflect two key components the goals or preferences of individuals here representatives seeking reelection and the relevant transactions costs we present three conclusions first we show how the legislative institutions enforce bargains among legislators second we explain why given the peculiar form of bargaining problems found in legislatures specific forms of nonmarket exchange prove superior to market exchange third our approach shows how the committee system limits the types of coalitions that may form on a particular issue

macroeconomic policies and their impact upon the farm sector clearly the ultimate goal of macroeconomic policy activism was not achieved on the other hand the performance of the u s economy in the postwar period has not been bad in fact it looks very good in most respects when compared to the performance of the economy during periods of similar length during the years before world war ii one of the most notable achievements of the postwar economy due to or in spite of policy activism depending upon whose arguments you accept has been the moderation of business cycle contractions we experienced seven such contractions between 1947 and 1980 and all save the contraction of 1973 75 have to be classified as mild if not very mild whether the contraction of 1973 75 should be classified as severe or mild is debatable

the theory of economic regulation and public choice and the determinants of public sector bargaining legislation in this study we used the theory of economic regulation and public choice to derive a model to explain the pattern of public sector bargaining laws among the states we find this type of legislation is influenced by the following demand factors 1 the extent of public sector union membership which represents the interest group hypothesis has a positive influence on pro union legislation 2 the extent of employer opposition to unions as measured by unfair labor practice charges against employers in representation elections has a negative effect on bargaining laws 3 two taste variables the salaries of public employees and the percent of nonwhite employment in the state have a positive influence on these laws a result which will be surprising to many people is that the extent of private sector union membership has no significant influence on the passage of public sector bargaining legislation

determinants of automobile pac contributions to house incumbents own versus rival effects this paper examines pac contributions by the big threeu s automakers and japanese auto dealers to houseincumbents a regression model is estimated where paccontributions are a function of a firm s own ties toan incumbent s district as measured by firmemployment and those of rivals for the big three own and u s rival effects are positive further theresults do not indicate the presence of a free ridereffect employment by a foreign subsidiary has no neteffect on u s contributions for the japanesedealers japanese plant employment has a positiveimpact on contributions and that of the big three anegative

what do campaign contributions buy deciphering causal effects of money and votes in the 1987 1988 election cycle political action committees pacs spent 176 6 million on candidates who competed for a seat in the house of representatives what do pacs buy when contributing this money if campaign contributions are rational allocations of a contributor s income campaign expenditures could increase both the probability that the contributor s preferred candidate is elected and the likelihood that if elected the candidate will vote in the interest of the contributor most studies do not find that incumbents expenditures have a significant positive effect on the number of votes incumbents receive 11 14 15 17 29 the evidence that contributions influence congressional votes is mixed most studies find weak or no support for this hypothesis for example kau rubin and keenan 17 find that contributions from businesses mattered in only two of the eight votes they analyzed others argue that campaign expenditures play no important role in the voting decision of congressmen 5 9 12 31 the lack of finding of significant effects of money on votes has been explained with the need for better models to explain campaign contributions 5 however the theoretical developments of for example ben zion and eyton 4 bental and ben zion 3 and baron 2 have not been incorporated in the empirical analysis of the effect of campaign contributions on the voting behavior of legislators empirical models that test this relationship must allow for the endogeneity of campaign contributions for the dichotomous nature of the dependent vote variable and the nonnegativity constraint of campaign contributions most empirical work in this area utilize models that do not incorporate these restrictions in this study i plan to incorporate these aspects of the data generating process into a more detailed model of the effects of campaign contributions on congressional votes of all the reported empirical studies on this issue only chappell 5 uses a model which can properly assess the impact of money on votes chappell finds that campaign contributions do not affect votes in congress when his more detailed econometric technique is used the best test of the theory results if votes have a clear economic payoff to contributors benefits of the votes are concentrated and costs are

contributions to federal election campaigns by government contractors the author develops a theoretical model that determines whether or not a firm sponsors a political action committee and if it does the quantity of funds that the political action committee will disburse the firm is assumed to face supply and demand schedules for political action committee receipts whose positions depend on attributes of the firm such as firm size government sales intensity and market structure two related equations derived from the theoretical model a probit equation for political action committee sponsorship and a disbursements equation are estimated using pooled data on 226 government primarily defense contracting firms during the 1979 80 and 1981 82 election cycles copyright 1989 by blackwell publishing ltd

rent seeking aspects of political advertising political contests have all the usual characteristics of rent seeking games characterized in the recent volume edited by buchanan tollison and tullock 1980 that is to say resources are committed to a distributive contest where the social pie is not necessarily enlarged but rather divided up a policy enacted via a winner take all apportioning since political advertising is one method of influencing electoral outcomes we might expect competitive political advertising to exhibit rent seeking losses of the usual sort the extent of the rent seeking losses associated with political advertising depends upon the extent to which advertising affects voter perceptions of the relative merits of electoral alternatives political proponents may well completely dissipate any electoral rents at stake through their advertising efforts yet still increase social welfare if political advertisments provide sufficiently valuable information to the electorate on the other hand if advertising has no effect on voter perceptions or provides information of dubious value then rent dissipating advertising may generate substantial rent seeking losses

labor pac contributions and labor legislation a simultaneous logit approach labor pacs are used to explore the potential congressional influence of campaign contributions from special interest groups pacs of organized labor are particularly useful for two reasons first a set of labor issues are defined each year by the afl cio and so ad hoc decisions about pertinent legislation are not made by the researcher secondly there are measurable traits of representatives and constitutents that may lead to a predisposition of labor support by combining these two attributes a model is developed to investigate the question of congressional influence

the effectiveness of savings and loan political action committees in recent years political action committees pacs have played an increasingly important role both in contributing to candidates and in influencing voting patterns savings and loan pacs are numerous throughout the country and consist of pacs affiliated with individual institutions and trade associations the question which is addressed in this research paper is the effectiveness which savings and loan related pacs have had on influencing voting patterns

campaign contributions and access an important and pervasive view of campaign contributions is that they are given to promote access to successful candidates under circumstances when such access would not ordinarily be given in this story access is valuable as it offers groups the opportunity to influence legislative decisions through the provision of policy relevant information under complete information regarding donors policy preferences i argue that this model predicts a negative relationship between contributions and the extent to which the groups and the recipient legislators preferences are similar however one of the more robust empirical findings in the literature is that this relationship is positive relaxing the informational assumption on donors preferences i reexamine the access story with a model in which campaign contributions can act as signals of policy preference and the informational value of access to any agent is endogenous

shirking representation and congressional behavior voting on the 1983 amendments to the social security act our central goals at the outset of the paper were three 1 to report on the relative significance of a sophisticated measure of constituent economic interest and a commonly used variable ada score that purports to measure the personal ideology of the candidate 2 demonstrate that the constituent economic interest variable should be adjusted to account for the fact thatvoters not citizens are the only effective principals in influencing a legislator s voting activities and 3 call into question on both theoretical and empirical grounds the claim that legislators shirk their responsibilities to voters by voting their own ideological preferences in order to evaluate our efforts consider table 5 for a large majority 15 of the 18 relevant runs the ideological variable is significant our measure of constituent economic interests does not eliminate the explanatory power of the ideological voting variable but this does not indicate shirking as opposed to shirking we may observe ideological voting because 1 it provides brand name capital 2 it represents the ideological preferences of the constituents or 3 it acts as a measure of median voter economic preferences further ada scores do not allow us to differentiate between these competing explanations for 11 of the 18 models one of the economic variables accounts for a significant portion of the variance in the dependent variables the results derived from our measure of constituent economic interests contradict most findings of the lasi school and raise questions about the validity of the empirical characterization of constituent interests in that research a breakdown of the results by chamber indicates that significant differences in the degree of ideological voting between the house and senate may exist this is important in that most research has focused only on the senate where ideological voting is more prevalent for the house table 5 reveals the constituent economic interest variable isalways significant and in fully one half of the relevant regressions it is theonly significant variable knocking ada out of the race as noted earlier the insignificance of ada is some indication of the absence of ideological shirking though its significance may indicate only measurement error voter ideology or reputational capital in the senate the results are more evenly split though it is clear that the adjusted for reelection constituency economic interest variable is an improvement ada is significant in all 12 senate regressions and the respective economic variables are significant in 5 or just under half this side by side comparison is provocative though it remains to be tested in detail but our preliminary conclusions can be stated as follows first as peltzman 1984 suggested a better specification of economic interest and constituency representation reduces though it does not eliminate the role of the ada variable in the senate second we find evidence that ideological shirking if it exists is much smaller in the house in fact from an institutional perspective it can be argued that economic interests are dominant since house districts are smaller and more homogeneous further the shorter terms for house members may make them more directly accountable to voters and smaller groups of voters may force a lesser reliance on pure ideological campaigning and require a more personal presentation of self

the use and effect of political propaganda in democracies this paper examines the influence of political propaganda on voters and analyses the behavior of the interest groups in the face of the influence being exercised by propaganda semi truths are distributed among the electorate the decision taken by a voter results from his basic opinion and from the parts of information he receives the analysis shows that the greater the likelihood of a certain decision being reached by a fully informed electorate the more probable it is that the same decision will be reached by a rationally uninformed electorate the pecuniary interest of an interest group is however also positively correlated with the probability that the electorate reaches a decision which is agreeable to that interest group it has finally become appar ent that the results of the approach concur well with empirical studies

why is there so little money in u s politics in this paper we argue that campaign contributions are not a form of policy buying but are rather a form of political participation and consumption we summarize the data on campaign spending and show through our descriptive statistics and our econometric analysis that individuals not special interests are the main source of campaign contributions moreover we demonstrate that campaign giving is a normal good dependent upon income and campaign contributions as a percent of gdp have not risen appreciably in over 100 years if anything they have probably fallen we then show that only one in four studies from the previous literature support the popular notion that contributions buy legislators votes finally we illustrate that when one controls for unobserved constituent and legislator effects there is little relationship between money and legislator votes thus the question is not why there is so little money politics but rather why organized interests give at all we conclude by offering potential answers to this question this abstract was borrowed from another version of this item

public choice theory some items for a research agenda to write about the expected development of public choice during the next twenty years is of course impossible for in order to predict the development of the field it would be necessary to know already today the results of future research but then the latter would be unnecessary thus i shall turn to a more modest and rather subjective endeavor namely to sketch some items which might prove fruitful for future research by filling gaps by integrating already existing insights and by extending the domain of public choice i will especially take up in the next section the relationship of public choice theory with constitutional economics law and economics institutional economics and social choice theory following this the relationship of public choice with the analysis of the international system will be discussed section 3 section 4 will take up public choice ideology and information and nondemocratic regimes finally section 5 offers some remarks on the evolution transformation and reform of political economic regimes

innovations new market instruments any measure of the volume of financial innovation would register an explosion in the last ten years for example the swap market has grown from zero to hundreds of billions of dollars in this period the number of traded financial futures contracts has increased from a handful to nearly one hundred the explosion is one of both scale and variety even the british government now issues gilts with non standard coupon rates and conversion features apparently tailored to a whole range of specialised clienteles

the ideological component of senate voting different principles or different principals evidence exists on both sides of the question of whether or not legislator specific ideologically driven shirking of constituent interest occurs in this paper we use a well known model of such shirking by senators as our point of departure and add measures of inter state constituent interests the role of campaign contributions and hence the importance of whether or not senators are up for reelection we find some evidence that the model provides a stronger explanation for senators up for reelection than for those who are not and that campaign contributions help determine voting decisions by these legislators finally accounting for inter state constituent interests shirking is not a significant variable in the voting decisions of senators facing reelection thus it appears that the reelection interests of some senators have been mistaken for ideologically driven shirking

logrolling in the u s congress i introduction a long standing question in political science is whether exchange occurs in legislatures as it is expected in any economy where the intensity of demand varies the issue was originally raised by buchanan and tullock 1962 and expanded by coleman 1966 and mueller 1967 the subsequent literature has produced numerous models of vote trading haefele 1971 riker and brams 1973 koford 1982a much of the work suggests that vote trading leads to chaotic results see for example riker and brams 1973 kramer 1977 and mckelvey 1976 currently vote trading s quantitative importance and optimality are unknown references to logrolling go back to the early literature in political science bentley 1907 refers to it and since then scholars such as mayhew 1966 and ferejohn 1974 have provided primarily anecdotal evidence for logrolling the economic analysis of logrolling has mostly been theoretical and little work has been done to assess the qualitative and quantitative importance of vote trading in legislatures however much might be learned from such analysis given the apparent puzzle that for most roll calls votes on parts of bills only a minority of districts stand to gain yet such proposals get passed until recently vote trading has not been identified empirically stratmann 1992 is the only paper that identifies vote trades statistically and it looks only at vote trades among agricultural interests however it would be interesting to know whether logrolling is prevalent in circumstances other than farm commodity programs we need to identify logrolling coalitions to assess how widespread logrolling agreements are we expect them to be common if the intensity of demand for legislation varies related to the issue of vote trading is the question of what factors determine congressional voting behavior major elements in a legislator s voting decision are constituency interests ideology party and perhaps vote trading one segment of the literature on congressional voting has focused on the role of political parties as an important force determining a legislator s voting decision some authors have argued that parties provide an organizational framework within which logrolling will happen see for example fiorina 1974 koford 1987 weingast and marshall 1988 johnson and stratmann 1992 alternatively lindsay and maloney 1988 suggest that party discipline forces a legislator to vote for or against a piece of legislation the latter view implies that on some issues party affiliation forces the legislator to vote against constituency interests 1 whether party affiliation is a signal to constituencies of one s overall propensity to vote on bills or a means to build coalitions or whether both elements are important is an unresolved question voting along party lines can be due to party loyalty or party pressure promoting the interests of one s constituency or logrolling within the party to answer questions about voting along party lines and about vote trading and coalitions within a quantitative framework one has to distinguish empirically between party loyalty and logrolling coalitions that are organized within a party empirical studies have typically included a party dummy variable in regression equations however if logrolling coalitions are organized within a party such a dummy variable will measure both potential party loyalty or potential party discipline and membership in a logrolling coalition this paper uses a different approach to separate the logrolling variable from the party loyalty variable and so distinguishes between voting for a proposal because of membership in a log rolling coalition organized by a party and because of potential party discipline this paper analyzes a broad range of votes where logrolling has been reported the analysis spans two congresses 1959 to 1962 and examines trades between interests favoring subsidies for city interests labor interests and farm interests

relative agricultural prices and monetary policy an imperfect information rational expectations model of relative price determination is presented this model provides an econometric specification for testing for a causal relationship between money and the relative prices of agricultural commodities test results indicate that variations in the growth rate of the nominal money supply whether anticipated or unanticipated have not been an important influence on the average level of prices received by farmers relative to other prices in the economy over the period 1951 85

legislator voting and shirking a critical review of the literature we set out to critically review the progress in answering two related questions what determines how legislators vote and how can shirking by legislators be measured in the first category the hypothesis that legislators shirk in order to indulge their personal ideological preferences has led researchers astray the theoretical underpinning is shaky on two counts first legislators who indulge their preferences at the expense of their constituents preferences put themselves at a competitive electoral disadvantage second the original two stage procedure used to measure ideological shirking is severely flawed among many other problems the residual measure of shirking implicitly assumes that the median voter is the relevant constituent principal for the legislator agent

campaign contributions as a commitment device we explore the idea that the influence of interest groups in elections may have positive economic effects since the investment decisions of firms determine economic growth and employment voters have a common interest in making their governments commit to policies that encourage private investments however governments may renege on promises for economic stability and choose excessively leftist policies campaign contributions by firms tend to restrain the scope for such opportunism and provide a commitment device this is achieved if firms after the policy is chosen contribute to the governing party or to its rivals

how do senators vote disentangling the role of voter preferences party affiliation and senate ideology this paper develops a methodology for consistently estimating the relative weights in senator utility functions despite the fact that senator ideologies are unobserved the empirical results suggest that voter preferences are assigned only one quarter of the weight in senator utility functions the national party line also has some influence but the senator s own ideology is the primary determinant of roll call voting patterns these results cast doubt on the empirical relevance of the median voter theorem estimation of the model requires only roll call voting data making it widely applicable copyright 1996 by american economic association

market structure and political influence new data on political expenditures activity and success this paper utilizes new data to evaluate the determinants of the political influence of thirty five manufacturing industries on the u s congress during 1976 80 several measures of influence serve to distinguish between political activity and success seller concentration and geopolitical dispersion increase both activity and success but neither industry size nor leading firm size proves significant we test whether political expenditures facilitate obtaining the favors conferred on an industry by its market structure or by influence independent of that strurture statistical inference strongly confirms both roles

a simple explanation for why campaign expenditures are increasing the government is getting bigger abstract this paper shows that most of the large recent increases in campaign spending for federal and state offices can be explained by higher government spending this result holds for both federal and state legislative campaigns and gubernatorial races and across many different specifications the irony is that those who seem most concerned about the level of campaign expenditures are also frequently the ones who most strongly support increasing the size of government evidence is also examined on whether it is the composition and not just the level of expenditures that determines campaign expenditures and whether higher government expenditures similarly results in more candidates competing for office finally by focusing on the symptoms and not the root causes of ever higher campaign expenditures this paper argues that the current public policy debate risks changing the form in which payments are made rather than actually restricting the level of competition

the management of risk in developing country finance the commencement of the international debt cri sis is normally linked to the mexican statement of non payment in august 1982 over the seven years of the crisis the costs have been well documented cornia et al 1987 however after numerous plans and proposals little consensus has emeiged amongst creditors on the appropriate solution strat egy let alone between the creditor and debtor countries indeed the discussions following the latest debt proposals of the us treasury secretary nicholas brady have highlighted the many areas of controversy rather than provided a coherent solu tion to a better functioning financing system 1

the political costs of tax increases and expenditure reductions evidence from state legislative turnover this paper estimates the political costs of increasing taxes and cutting expenditures for members of a legislature it is found that both costs are individually significant but that they are not significantly different this coincides with the first order condition for maximization of the probability of reelection republican legislatures have a higher political cost for taxes thus the party s relative bias toward smaller government is founded in stronger constituent preferences against taxes not for lower spending additionally by being ideologically conservative republicans lower the political costs of taxes while by being more liberal democrats lower the cost of cutting expenditures

relative prices and money further results for the united states empirical results support the hypothesis that agricultural prices respond faster than manufactured product prices to a change in money supply in the united states sims vector autoregression var technique was applied in examining this hypothesis the monte carlo integration method was used to test the significance of the impulse responses generated by the var technique

the relation between forward prices and futures prices abstract this paper consolidates the results of some recent work on the relation between forward prices and futures prices it develops a number of propositions characterizing the two prices these propositions contain several testable implications about the difference between forward and futures prices many of the propositions show that equilibrium forward and futures prices are equal to the values of particular assets even though they are not in themselves asset prices the paper then illustrates these results in the context of two valuation models and discusses the effects of taxes and other institutional factors

are contributors rational untangling strategies of political action committees empirical public choice literature and casual observation suggest that the behavior of political action committees is remarkably unsophisticated meaning that pacs give to those legislators who would support their interests anyway thus it is suggested that contributor behavior deviates from rational behavior which is a cornerstone of economic analysis in this paper a switching regression model is estimated that allows for strategies of pacs to vary for different contribution recipients i analyze the behavior of farm pacs over three election cycles in contrast to previous findings i find that contributor behavior is not inconsistent with rational behavior contributors who attempt to influence the voting behavior of members of congress give the most money to legislators whose constituency interest suggests that they are likely to be undecided on how to vote and pacs give less money to legislators who represent districts with larger farm populations because those legislators are likely to vote in con

government manipulation of constitutional level transaction costs a general theory of transaction cost augmentation and the growth of government transaction costs are pivotal to the ongoing political choice of where to draw the line between the private sector and the public sector contrary to the dominant paradigm politically important transaction costs are actively manipulated in the public sector by those who perceive potential personal gain from such action over time transaction cost changes so created by government decision makers may fundamentally redefine the role and scope of government to analyze the role of transaction costs in the growth or decline of government it is essential to distinguish transaction costs that are unavoidable realworld constraints from those that are contrived in the sense that they are created by government officials use or extension of their existing authority once discretionary power is vested in the government its officials have both the capacity and the incentive to restructure the transaction costs constraining the revision ofgovernrnental authority this restructuring of transaction costs may take two forms 1 altering people s perceptions of the costs and benefits of governmental authority in a given sphere an information cost problem 1 2 altering the cost of acting upon one s perceptions of the costs and benefits of collectivization in order to procure revision of the scope of governmental authority 2

a note on the importance of cost structures for the behavior of political action committees in sum the cost environment in which pacs operate will directly influence both their behavior and their ability to buy political benefits recognition of these effects implies that the conclusions of earlier studies that different pacs follow inherently different strategies or that pacs are not rational in their contributory allocations are premature and indeed insupportable in the absence of cost analysis attention to costs also suggests that some important econometric problems may attend the investigation of pac behavior

evidence on electoral accountability in the u s senate are unfaithful agents really punished many have questioned whether voters are able to hold incumbent officials electorally accountable through a retrospective voting strategy we examine u s senate elections from 1962 to 1990 in forty one states explaining which incumbents ran for reelection and their success in seeking reelection we find that an incumbent s deviation from her state party platform decreases the probability that she will run for reelection and win if she runs furthermore the electoral mechanism is found to be more efficient when voters are better informed finally we find that our divergent party platform model provides a better fit than the median voter model

a simple test of the thesis that committee jurisdictions shape corporate pac contributions the results presented in the previous section tend to confirm the hypothesis that committee assignments shape the pattern of corporate pac contributions this note corroborates existing research on corporate pacs at a significantly lower level of aggregation than the samples on which existing research has been conducted further because a nonparametric test was used rather than the more standard regressional analysis these results should increase our confidence that the essential institutions of government affect and engender responses by economic agents

does additional campaign spending really hurt incumbents the theoretical importance of past investments in political brand name the existing literature ignores the fact that the marginal return to current campaign expenditures depends on the candidate s stock of brand name this simple observation is then used to provide a possible explanation for the negative empirical relationship observed between an incumbent s campaign spending and how well he does

campaign contributions and congressional voting does the timing of contributions matter theoretical and empirical studies do not address whether campaign contributions from more than one election cycle are important for congressional voting behavior further they do not address whether campaign contributions from different periods have different effects on legislative voting behavior this paper analyzes the cumulative effect of campaign contributions over two time periods moreover this paper studies the importance of the timing of contributions for legislative voting behavior ten roll call votes on price supports and quotas for various farm commodities in 1981 and 1985 are analyzed most of the estimated contribution coefficients are statistically significant the results show that without campaign contributions farm interest would have lost in five of the seven votes that were won moreover contributions that were given at approximately the same time as the vote have a larger impact on voting behavior than contributions that the legislator received one or two years prior to the vote copyright 1995 by mit press

the logic of private and collective action since mancur olson s logic of collective action 1965 it is impossible for political scientists to conceive of political participation without reference to his powerful argument linking numbers of participants public goods and participatory outcomes what is puzzling is the poor empirical support for this argument in the domain where it should work best namely explaining business political activity olson thought his arguments principally applicable to economic groups and for the empirical development of his arguments olson drew heavily on business interests the most active segment of the interest group community we explore these arguments with business political activities data by examining the statistical performance of various measures of market structure in determining business political activity and find little empirical support we do offer an alternative basis for business behavior lodged in both private and collective goods that preserves business rationality and also helps explain not only the amount of business political participation but the modes of business participation w hen we think about the paradox of participation one of the formative puzzles of modern political science we tend to think first of voting and citizen participation we think of the large numbers involved the small probability that an individual vote will be decisive and we conclude that no one will vote the puzzle then becomes why so many people do vote to find a solution we tend to plead some sort of diminished rationality such as the costs of voting are too low even to consider carefully or that they are outweighed by the norm of civic duty in this article we examine the paradox of participation in the principal context that olson 1965 considered it for the empirical development of his arguments olson drew heavily on business interests he observed that business was the most active segment of the interest group community and noted that for large numbers of participants seeking pubic goods the dominant choice is to do nothing he argued that business activity derived from multiple markets and related industries segmenting the larger business community into small groups in an oligopolistic market it is rational for the individual firm to participate in association with others or on its own a

the market for congressional votes is timing of contributions everything this study utilizes the timing of campaign contributions to identify whether the objective of political action committees pacs is to influence congressional votes or solely to elect a preferred candidate the results show that pac behavior is consistent with an attempt to purchase congressional votes and to influence elections contributions increase in the weeks surrounding legislative events of importance to pacs and elections the magnitude of increased contributions is examined the article also addresses the lack of legal enforcement mechanisms in vote for contribution agreements it develops hypotheses regarding the timing of contributions as an inexpensive mechanism to assure contractual performance hypotheses are tested regarding pacs incentives to mitigate potential cheating by legislators on such agreements results show that pacs use the timing of contributions as a mechanism to prevent legislators from reneging on vote for contribution trades

representation voluntary retirement and shirking in the last term there is disagreement over whether or not representatives shirk previous studies however have used raw interest group scores thatdo not allow for accurate comparisons over time i take advantageof recently published indexed ada scores by groseclose levitt andsnyder 1999 that adjust for temporal differences to test forshirking i compare results from adjusted ada scores to poole androsenthal s nominate scores with a simple straightforward test ofdyadic representation i provide additional evidence that shirkingexists among voluntarily retiring members of congress