local government structure and public expenditures the law of 1 n postulates a positive relationship betweenthe number of democratically electedrepresentative districts and governmentspending strong support for thisrelationship exists in legislatures in theunited states at both the state andnational level and across countries fewstudies have examined this relationship atthe local level despite the fact that localgovernments operate under constraintssimilar to those faced by representativelegislatures using a sample of georgiacounties we find the number of countycommissioners to be positively correlatedwith county government expenditures indicating support for the law of 1 nat the local level

do conditional cash transfers for schooling generate lasting benefits a five year followup of progresa oportunidades conditional cash transfer cct programs link public transfers to human capital investment in hopes of alleviating current poverty and reducing its intergenerational transmission however little is known about their long term impacts this paper evaluates longer run impacts on schooling and work of the best known cct program mexico s progresa oportunidades using experimental and nonexperimental estimators based on groups with different program exposure the results show positive impacts on schooling reductions in work for younger youth consistent with postponing labor force entry increases in work for older girls and shifts from agricultural to nonagricultural employment the evidence suggests schooling effects are robust with time

districting and government overspending theories of government spending driven by a common pool problem in the fiscal revenues pool predict that greater districting of a political jurisdiction raises the scale of government this paper presents evidence on this and related predictions from a cross section of city governments in the united states the main finding is that when other plausible determinants of government spending are controlled for greater districting leads to a considerably greater scale of government activity the results also show that at large electoral systems do not and forms of government that concentrate powers in the office of the executive do break this relationship

the effect of legislature size on public spending evidence from a regression discontinuity design what is the effect of legislature size on public spending an answer to this question is provided by weingast et al j polit econ 89 4 642 664 1981 whose law of 1 n posits that an increase in the number of elected representatives always leads to an increase in public spending because elected politicians regard the tax base as a common pool from which they can finance specific projects for their constituencies and these specific constituencies internalize the full benefits of the projects but only bear a fraction of the costs projects are financed from the common tax base fiscal inefficiency will increase with the number of representatives in this paper i test the validity of the law of 1 n using a dataset of 9325 german municipalities between 2008 and 2010 through the application of a regression discontinuity design many of the methodological pitfalls of previous studies can be avoided and a valid estimation of the causal effect of legislature size on public spending for german municipalities can be determined the results do not corroborate the positive findings of previous studies which generally supported the implications of the law of 1 n for the years 2008 2010 i find a negative effect of legislature size on public spending in german municipal councils

antebellum tariff politics regional coalitions and shifting economic interests abstract throughout u s history import tariffs have been put on a sustained downward path in only two instances from the early 1830s until the civil war and from the mid 1930s to the present this paper analyzes the political economy of tariff reductions in the antebellum period tariff politics was highly sectional the north supported high tariffs the south favored low tariffs and the west was a swing region in the 1820s a coalition between the north and west raised tariffs by exchanging votes on import duties for spending on internal improvements president andrew jackson delinked these issues by vetoing several internal improvements bills the nullification crisis led to the compromise tariff of 1833 which phased out tariffs above 20 percent over a 9 year period by this time transportation improvements gave the west access to foreign markets giving the region a stake with the south in maintaining a low tariff equilibrium thus the west s changing position on trade policy helps explain the

supermajority rule and the law of 1 n this paper investigates the impact of a supermajority rule on the law of 1 n which posits that a larger number of districts increases the size of government our analysis suggests that supermajority rule despite the claim that it restrains excessive spending increases the 1 n effect because qualified majorities require logrolling to attract additional members using data from us states from 1970 to 2007 we find that the adoption of a supermajority rule has a robust worsening effect on the fiscal commons problem identified by the law of 1 n

the cost of poverty alleviation transfer programs a comparative analysis of three programs in latin america summary a common criticism of antipoverty programs is that the high share of administrative nontransfer costs substantially reduces their effectiveness yet there is surprisingly little rigorous empirical evidence on program costs improved information and a better understanding of the costs of such programs are crucial for effective policymaking this study proposes and implements a replicable methodology for a comparative cost analysis of three similar poverty alleviation programs in latin america and assesses their cost efficiency the findings underscore that any credible assessment of cost efficiency requires a detailed analysis of program cost structures that goes well beyond simply providing aggregate cost information

bargaining in bicameral legislatures when and why does malapportionment matter malapportionment of seats in bicameral legislatures it is widely argued confers disproportionate benefits to overrepresented jurisdictions ample empirical research has documented that unequal representation produces unequal distribution of government expenditures in bicameral legislatures the theoretical foundations for this empirical pattern are weak it is commonly asserted that this stems from unequal voting power per se using a noncooperative bargaining game based on the closed rule infinite horizon model of baron and ferejohn 1989 we assess the conditions under which unequal representation in a bicameral legislature may lead to unequal division of public expenditures two sets of results are derived first when bills originate in the house and the senate considers the bill under a closed rule the equilibrium expected payoffs of all house members are surprisingly equal second we show that small state biases can emerge when 1 there are supermajority rules in the malapportioned chamber 2 the senate initiates bills which produces maldistributed proposal probabilities and 3 the distributive goods are lumpy we thank seminar participants at new york university the university of pennsylvania and the 2002 annual meeting of the american political science association for helpful comments james snyder and michael ting gratefully acknowledge the financial support of national science foundation grant ses 0079035 stephen ansolabehere gratefully acknowledges the support of the carnegie corporation under the carnegie scholars program this paper was written while michael ting was at the university of north carolina at chapel hill and he thanks the department of political science there for their support

instruments randomization and learning about development there is currently much debate about the effectiveness of foreign aid and about what kind of projects can engender economic development there is skepticism about the ability of econometric analysis to resolve these issues or of development agencies to learn from their own experience in response there is increasing use in development economics of randomized controlled trials rcts to accumulate credible knowledge of what works without overreliance on questionable theory or statistical methods when rcts are not possible the proponents of these methods advocate quasirandomization through instrumental variable iv techniques or natural experiments i argue that many of these applications are unlikely to recover quantities that are useful for policy or understanding two key issues are the misunderstanding of exogeneity and the handling of heterogeneity i illustrate from the literature on aid and growth actual randomization faces similar problems as does quasi randomization notwithstanding rhetoric to the contrary i argue that experiments have no special ability to produce more credible knowledge than other methods and that actual experiments are frequently subject to practical problems that undermine any claims to statistical or epistemic superiority i illustrate using prominent experiments in development and elsewhere as with iv methods rct based evaluation of projects without guidance from an understanding of underlying mechanisms is unlikely to lead to scientific progress in the understanding of economic development i welcome recent trends in development experimentation away from the evaluation of projects and toward the evaluation of theoretical mechanisms jel c21 f35 o19

a general equilibrium model of congressional voting in this paper we specify a model in which congressmen constituents and campaign contributors simultaneously decide on behavior constituents and contributors desire to influence the voting behavior of congressmen congressmen on the other hand want to be elected and vote accordingly we empirically test this model using roll call voting on eight bills dealing with economic regulation and find support for the model our results indicate that part of the voting behavior of congressmen may be explained by noneconomic factors we also find that unions and businesses as campaign contributors are sometimes influential unions are more often influential than is business ideological factors are also important in explaining voting

supermajority rule the law of 1 n and government spending a synthesis i develop models in which a minimum winning coalition decides on the level of government spending where the coase theorem holds amongst members of the winning coalition an increase in the supermajority requirement has potentially conflicting effects on spending a higher requirement increases the tax price internalized by the minimum winning coalition but also increases the number of districts included in this coalition i develop separate models in which the spending in question consists of i a nonexcludable good ii a distributive consumption good iii infrastructure spending and iv a transfer payment a supermajority rule has no effect on spending for nonexcludable goods and ambiguous effects on spending for distributive projects and infrastructure spending an increased supermajority requirement does unambiguously reduce transfer spending i also relate the supermajority rule to the law of 1 n if the coase theorem holds and a minimum winning coalition forms an increase in the number of districts n has precisely the same effect on overall expenditure as a decrease in the supermajority requirement thus the ambiguous spending effects stemming from supermajority rule carry over into this version of the law of 1 n

local intergovernmental competition and the law of 1 n this article proposes an empirical framework based on a synthesis of the seminal law of 1 n and leviathan theories which models the relationship between government spending and the number of jurisdictions in a federal system as determined by the interplay of the costs related to centralized government which fall as the number of jurisdictions increases and the costs of distributive politics which rise as the number of jurisdictions increases using a panel of u s state and local government spending data empirical tests based on this combined framework show that the effect of intergovernmental competition predicted by the leviathan model is partially offset by the law of 1 n this result helps explain the inconsistent findings in the previous empirical literature

how to succeed at increasing spending without really trying the balanced budget amendment and the item veto congressional efforts at budgetary reform generally contain procedural impediments designed to limit profligate spending in particular the line item veto and the balanced budget amendment are intended to limit the ability of legislators to pursue their constituents interests through pork barrel politics at the expense of the broader public interest however assuming that legislators remain motivated by local constituent interests we argue that these reforms will promote unexpected results the supermajorities requires by the line item veto and the balanced budget amendment include incentives for log rolling that promote and may indeed increase pork barrel spending

indexation and monopolistic competition in labor markets abstract this paper investigates macroeconomic implications of monopolistic competition in labor markets predetermined wage contracts with cost of living adjustment are assumed although full indexation always insulates a perfectly competitive economy from nominal shocks it does not insulate a monopolistically competitive economy from nominal shocks in monopolistically competitive labor markets complete insulation is achieved under less than full indexation price uncertainty affects nominal wages and thus output under full indexation price uncertainty reduces the unconditional mean of output while under no indexation price uncertainty is likely to increase the unconditional mean of output

reciprocity and resistance to comprehensive reform comprehensive reforms often fail despite being beneficial to society politicians may block comprehensive reforms in an attempt to form vote trading coalitions in which they benefit from a piecemeal reform at the expense of others because formal commitment devices for vote trading are frequently missing trust and reciprocity among legislators can play an important role for vote trading we investigate in a laboratory experiment whether legislators will impede comprehensive reforms in an attempt to form vote trading coalitions even if formal commitment devices for vote trading after reform failure are missing we find that open ballots allow for vote trading without commitment based on trust and reciprocity in turn legislators frequently reject efficient comprehensive reforms in such institutions

food standards are good for middle class farmers we estimate the causal effect of food standards on vietnamese pangasius farmers wellbeing measured by per capita consumption expenditure we estimate both the average effects and the local average treatment effects on poorer and richer farmers by instrumental variable quantile regression our results indicate that large returns can be accrued from food standards but only for the upper middle class farmers i e those between the 50 and 85 quantiles of the expenditure distribution overall our result points to an exclusionary impact of standards for the poorest farmers while the richest do not apply standards because the added gain is too small

standing tiebout on his head tax capitalization and the monopoly power of local governments much of the public finance literature argues that localgovernments behave competitively due to residents ease of exitand entry the model presented here challenges this widespreadconclusion though it is costless to relocate to anotherlocality the presence of tax capitalization makes it impossiblefor land owners to avoid monopolistic pricing of public servicesby moving land owners can only choose between paying the taxdirectly or paying it indirectly in the form of a lower sale valuefor their housing if they exit in consequence the only realcheck on local governments comes through imperfectly functioningelectoral channels

the law of 1 n revisited distributive politics legislature size and the costs of collective action the foundational model of distributive politics predicts a positive relationship between the number of legislative districts and the level of inefficiency of projects approved by the legislature weingast shepsle and johnsen s law of 1 n this relationship has been tested extensively in the empirical literature with mixed results this article presents a model wherein passing the omnibus legislation typical of distributive politics is a costly process the model predicts a nonlinear relationship between legislature size and spending as increasing the size of the legislature also increases the costs of collective action results from an empirical exercise based on u s state legislatures 1962 2014 are consistent with the proposed model showing a 1 n effect which diminishes at the margin as the legislature s size increases especially in the lower chamber

targeting the poor evidence from a field experiment in indonesia the brief summarizes the targeting the poor evidence from a field experiment in indonesia for the period december 2008 january 2009 this paper reports an experiment in 640 indonesian villages on three approaches to target the poor proxy means tests pmt where assets are used to predict consumption community targeting where villagers rank everyone from richest to poorest and a hybrid defining poverty based on ppp 2 per capita consumption community targeting and the hybrid perform somewhat worse in identifying the poor than pmt though not by enough to significantly affect poverty outcomes for a typical program elite capture does not explain these results instead communities appear to apply a different concept of poverty

the effects of logrolling on congressional voting the theoretical public choice literature suggests that vote trading is an important determinant of congressional voting behavior yet empirical voting models do not allow for vote trading these models recognize that observed ideology may influence legislative behavior but do not correct for unobserved ideology this study devises new tests for logrolling and ideology the empirical model controls for logroll agreements and unobserved ideological interest via the correlation of unobserved variables the results reflect the presence of vote trading coalitions on some votes but not on others the results cast doubt on the importance of personal ideological interests of legislators copyright 1992 by american economic association

instability of collective decisions testing for cyclical majorities the issues of cyclical majorities and instability of collective choices have been in the fore front in the discussion of social choice mechanisms cycling lack of equilibria and so called chaos theorems have been prevalent in the public choice literature whether cycling actually occurs in processes that are decided by majority rule has been a long standing question however cycling has not been made quantifiable nor has it been clear how one would determine empirically whether majorities are cyclical in this paper cycling has been given an empirical meaning this paper provides a method to test for cyclical majorities and applies it to decisions made in the us congress the test results indicate stability and the presence of persistent winners and losers in congress

rational expectations and price rigidity in a monopolistically competitive market this paper analyses monopolistically competitive markets under incomplete information facing unanticipated disturbances firms determine their prices before they have information about other firms prices and form their expectations about the average price rationally if the market becomes very competitive in the sense that the price elasticity of individual demand is close to infinity then the average price is completely insensitive to short run unanticipated disturbances in the intermediate case if a cost disturbances are uniform and b demand and cost disturbances are correlated then the average price is sensitive to cost and insensitive to demand

the law of k n the effect of chamber size on government spending in bicameral legislatures recent work in political economics has examined the positive relationship between legislative size and spending which weingast et al 1981 formalized as the law of 1 n however empirical tests of this theory have produced a pattern of divergent findings the positive relationship between seats and spending appears to hold consistently for unicameral legislatures and for upper chambers in bicameral legislatures but not for lower chambers we bridge this gap between theory and empirics by extending weingast et al s model to account for bicameralism in the context of a baron ferejohn bargaining game our comparative statics predict and empirical data from u s state legislatures corroborate that the size of the upper chamber n is a positive predictor of expenditure whereas the ratio of lower to upper chamber seats k exhibits a negative effect we refer to these relationships as the law of k n as the two variables influence spending in opposite directions

lobbying and agricultural trade policy in the united states the authors study whether political campaign contributions influence agricultural protection in the united states in the manner suggested by the political economy model of grossman and helpman 1994 this is the first attempt to test this model using agricultural data the authors test the model using a detailed cross sectional data set of agricultural protection subsidies and political action committee pac contributions in the late 1990s the model is qualitatively affirmed by the data they make a novel attempt to solve a puzzle about the model s quantitative implications also found in recent studies this solution makes the simple model consistent with the complicated decisionmaking process in real world government the results imply the underpinnings of a political economy equilibrium that will be hard to dislodge

the industrial organization of congress or why legislatures like firms are not organized as markets this paper provides a theory of legislative institutions that parallels the theory of the firm and the theory of contractual institutions like market institutions legislative institutions reflect two key components the goals or preferences of individuals here representatives seeking reelection and the relevant transactions costs we present three conclusions first we show how the legislative institutions enforce bargains among legislators second we explain why given the peculiar form of bargaining problems found in legislatures specific forms of nonmarket exchange prove superior to market exchange third our approach shows how the committee system limits the types of coalitions that may form on a particular issue

political preferences for the pork barrel a generalization this paper provides a rational explanation for the observation of oversized coalitions often approaching unanimous size in the realm of distributive policies distributive policies are those which concentrate benefits in specific geographic areas states congressional districts while spreading costs through general taxation the explanation offered here that legislators may rationally prefer universalism to hard ball coalition politics generalizes earlier work of weingast and fiorina in particular it extends their results to pork barrel politics i e projects that are economically inefficient and demonstrates how packages of economically inefficient projects can nevertheless be politically popular the main theoretical feature that induces preferences for universalism is uncertainty over the composition of winning coalitions and consequently the desire for the political insurance that universalism provides

the heterogeneous impact of conditional cash transfers the honduran praf experiment randomly assigned conditional cash transfers to 40 of 70 poor municipalities within five strata defined by a poverty proxy using census data we show that eligible children were 8 percentage points more likely to enroll in school and 3 percentage points less likely to work the effects were much larger in the two poorest strata and statistically insignificant in the other three the latter finding is robust to the use of a separate regression discontinuity design heterogeneity confirms the importance of judicious targeting to maximize the impact and cost effectiveness of ccts there is no consistent evidence of effects on ineligible children or on adult labor supply

congressional voting on term limits between 1990 and 1995 twenty three states unilaterally imposedterm limits on their own delegations tocongress in 1995 the house ofrepresentatives defeated a constitutionalamendment that would have limited the termsfor all of congress only weeks later thesupreme court struck down the individualstate laws in 1997 the house againbrought the issue to a vote which alsofailed this paper models congressionalvoting on term limits with a simple gamewithin an interest group theory withlegislators as imperfect agents ofconstituents the game foremost predictsthat members from term limited states wouldbe more likely to support term limits inthe first vote but no more likely on thesecond vote the empirical section employsprobit multinomial logit and orderedprobit maximum likelihood estimations toconfirm the stated hypotheses among otherresults in particular both the joint andconditional probability of a yea on thefirst vote and a subsequent nay on thesecond vote is higher for members fromstates that had unilaterally self imposedterm limits the results are robust tomodel specification estimator andalternative sampling implications areproposed in the concluding comments

changing the price of pork the impact of local cost sharing on legislators demands for distributive public goods abstract the provision of public services through national legislatures gives legislators the chance to fund locally beneficial public projects using a shared national tax base nationally financed and provided local congestible public goods will be purchased at a subsidized price below marginal cost and may be inefficiently too large as a consequence an important assumption behind this inefficiency is that national legislators in fact demand more of the locally beneficial project as the local price for projects declines this paper provides the first direct test of this important assumption using legislators project choices following the passage of the water resources development act of 1986 wrda 86 we find legislators chosen water project sizes do fall as the local cost share rises with a price elasticity of demand ranging from 0 81 for flood control and shoreline protection projects to 2 55 for large navigation projects the requirement of wrda 86 that local taxpayers contribute a greater share to the funding of local water projects reduced overall proposed project spending in our sample by 35 and the federal outlay for proposed project spending by 48

taxes torts and the toxics release inventory congressional voting on instruments to control pollution i introduction governments can choose from a wide variety of policy instruments to control pollution including tax and subsidy schemes marketable permits information provision programs liability systems with well defined property rights and command and control selection of emission standards or technologies economists throughout the 1980s devoted significant effort to modeling the relative merits of these instruments the question of why politicians would prefer one manner of controlling pollution over another also attracted attention starting with buchanan and tullock s 1975 positive theory of externality control in which polluters find direct regulatory controls on emissions more profitable than pollution taxes theories of instrument selection have been developed in which politicians choose policies based on the relative costs and benefits to shareholders workers and environmentalists are affected by the constraints imposed by political institutions and are driven to select the most efficient policy instrument to achieve a given level of redistribution 1 to date however there have been few empirical tests of what drives instrument selection in environmental policy there is a large empirical literature devoted to explaining the level of support for environmental programs in congress most articles focus on the degree to which a legislator s stand on a given environmental bill can be explained by narrow district interests generally the material interests of constituents or by ideology either constituents or the member s own policy preferences studies of voting on environmental legislation by ackerman and hassler 1981 crandall 1983 pashigian 1985 and yandle 1989 offer evidence that legislators actions are in part explained by the district or state level impacts of proposed legislation on their constituents kalt and zupan 1984 find that after controlling for constituents material self interest in proposed strip mining legislation the ideology of constituents and the personal ideologies of their representatives influence voting on this aspect of environmental preservation as grier 1993 demonstrates debate over the general role of the legislator s specific ideology in voting continues in studying votes in the house and senate on the proposed size of the superfund during debate over the program s renewal hird 1993 concludes that congressional voting on superfund is found to represent legislator s environmental and liberal ideologies as much as if not more than narrowly defined self interest he links the importance of ideology to voting on superfund in part to the bill s symbolic environmental appeal in environmental legislation the final impact of a bill on industry and the environment often depends on issues resolved through technical amendments downs s theory of rational ignorance and arnold s theory of the degree to which constituents will link congressional actions with real world outcomes predict that members of congress may be less constrained by general constituent interests on amendment votes since these votes are less likely to be covered in the media than are final legislative votes as denzau and munger 1986 and grier and munger 1991 note groups with specific interests such as affected industries may find it less costly to persuade a member of congress to vote their way on a measure if the representative s constituents are supportive of or indifferent to the measure in the case of technical amendments affected parties may be more influential than on highly visible votes because the lack of media coverage translates into a lower probability that the vote will become a major campaign issue in future elections this implies that voting on the instruments to control pollution will be driven in part by the specific district level costs and benefits of these measures while voting on the final passage of a bill will be more driven by general constituent interests

term limits causes and consequences this paper consults multiple literatures to specify andevaluate the economic rationales for term limitation particularly on congress i first consider theories that aroseto explain among related issues why individual states mightunilaterally self impose term limits on their own delegationsto congress next i consider two main lines of argument foruniversal limits both of which begin with the empiricalphenomenon of high and rising congressional tenure first supporters of term limits argue that higher tenure biaseslegislatures toward inefficiency big government highspending second higher tenure creates inefficient anti competitive conditions in the legislative election market term limitation would remedy these inefficiencies by virtue ofdecreasing average tenure these claims are then evaluated inlight of the evidence amassed in the literature based on theliterature reviewed this paper finds that while term limitswill reduce average tenure there is no evidence to suggestthat term limits will affect the underlying causes of theseinefficiencies further research on a more general reform which would strike deeper at these underlying causes isimplied

the effects of congressional appropriation committee membership on the distribution of federal research funding to universities i introduction in 1994 members of the republican party pledged to seek legislation to impose term limits on members of congress this pledge stemmed from the popular belief that senior members of congress tend to promote personal interests or are more influenced by lobbying efforts that may not be representative of their constituents today term limits continue to be discussed but have not been enacted instead many members have focused their energies toward minimizing the time spent on any particular committee of congress believing that tenure on a committee is a more serious concern than simple tenure in congress implicit in these concerns is the issue whether as incumbent politicians plan to retire they will behave differently and if so whether tenure on a congressional committee exacerbates this behavior this article explores the role of membership on the appropriations committee on the distribution of federal research funding to universities specifically it explores whether funding is diverted to these universities because politicians use their position on a committee to promote personal or constituent interests previous research on shirking compares the voting records of politicians on certain issues with demographic and economic characteristics of the politicians constituents this article explores the issue of shirking differently i explore how membership on congressional appropriations committees affects the distribution of federal research funding to universities i look at two types of relationships between the members and the universities first i consider the relationship between members and the universities that are located in the members districts states in the case of senators second i examine the relationship between members and their undergraduate alma mater i use district representa tion to proxy favoritism that reflects a politician s constituents given that in most instances an alma mater affiliation is not the same as district representation i use alma mater affiliation to proxy favoritism that reflects the politician s personal interests federal research funding accounts for more than 60 of research funding received by research universities previous research has shown a positive impact of federal funding on research outcomes see adams and griliches 1998 arora and gambardella 1997 connolly 1997 payne and siow 2002 and payne 2001 except for payne and siow 2002 however these articles do not consider that political diversion of funds may promote or detract from research productivity as with any other federal program this article concentrates on the impact of membership on the house and senate appropriations committees because they wield the greatest power in the allocation of funding 1 using a panel data set spanning 26 years i explore how changes in the composition of the appropriations committees affects the distribution of research funding after controlling for the heterogeneity that exists across different universities the results suggest that both district representation and alma mater affiliation matter thus there is evidence of shirking for personal interests and evidence of members representing their constituents with respect to the representation of one s constituents the strongest results suggest that public universities benefit from representation on both the senate and house committees private universities however only benefit from representation in the senate with respect to alma mater affiliations the results suggest again that public universities benefit from representation on both the senate and house committees private universities also benefit from representation on both the senate and house committees the results also suggest that the tenure of the member on the committee matters as does whether the member is a part of the majority party in power in the congressional chamber

districts diversity and fiscal biases evidence from the american states abstract this paper argues that the configuration of legislative districts and not merely the number of districts matters for fiscal performance district configuration mediates the extent of constituent diversity both across and within districts both dimensions of diversity affect the political calculus associated with pork barrel politics empirical findings for the american states reveal statistically and quantitatively significant effects of constituent diversity on state government spending together the analysis and evidence emphasize the conditional nature of the law of l n in the united states this point acquires practical relevance from the constitutional mandate for decennial redistricting in all jurisdictions based on geographic representation

what do campaign contributions buy deciphering causal effects of money and votes in the 1987 1988 election cycle political action committees pacs spent 176 6 million on candidates who competed for a seat in the house of representatives what do pacs buy when contributing this money if campaign contributions are rational allocations of a contributor s income campaign expenditures could increase both the probability that the contributor s preferred candidate is elected and the likelihood that if elected the candidate will vote in the interest of the contributor most studies do not find that incumbents expenditures have a significant positive effect on the number of votes incumbents receive 11 14 15 17 29 the evidence that contributions influence congressional votes is mixed most studies find weak or no support for this hypothesis for example kau rubin and keenan 17 find that contributions from businesses mattered in only two of the eight votes they analyzed others argue that campaign expenditures play no important role in the voting decision of congressmen 5 9 12 31 the lack of finding of significant effects of money on votes has been explained with the need for better models to explain campaign contributions 5 however the theoretical developments of for example ben zion and eyton 4 bental and ben zion 3 and baron 2 have not been incorporated in the empirical analysis of the effect of campaign contributions on the voting behavior of legislators empirical models that test this relationship must allow for the endogeneity of campaign contributions for the dichotomous nature of the dependent vote variable and the nonnegativity constraint of campaign contributions most empirical work in this area utilize models that do not incorporate these restrictions in this study i plan to incorporate these aspects of the data generating process into a more detailed model of the effects of campaign contributions on congressional votes of all the reported empirical studies on this issue only chappell 5 uses a model which can properly assess the impact of money on votes chappell finds that campaign contributions do not affect votes in congress when his more detailed econometric technique is used the best test of the theory results if votes have a clear economic payoff to contributors benefits of the votes are concentrated and costs are

retrospectives cost benefit analysis and the classical creed cost bene t analysis provides the dominant economic approach with whicheconomists talk to each other to government bureaucrats and to the general laityabout the desirability of public programs and investment projects cost bene tstudies have pushed economic thinking into public debates and reciprocally havebrought an uncommon level of public scrutiny to the technical deliberations ofeconomists precisely because cost bene t analysis addresses serious real world decisions this widely used and frequently abused tool of applied economics has had a bumpyhistory last year newspaper headlines across the country announced that apentagon investigation had found systematic manipulation of net bene t estimatesat the army corps of engineers for example grunwald 2000 the corps hasbeen the political godfather of cost bene t analysis in the united states but ithas also long been suspected of an institutional bias in favor of projects that canadd signi cantly to its own budget allocations re ecting on the early record of

public choice principles of redistricting this paper uses fundamental principles of public choice mainly the median voter theorem to develop a simple theory of redistricting the focus is on how closely policy outcomes correspond to majority rule the main results are 1 potential policy bias in favor of nonmajority groups is structurally linked to the number of legislative seats and the population and the structure of most states puts them very close to the theoretically maximum bias 2 random districting which might seem like the essence of neutrality does not eliminate policy bias on average 3 traditional principles of compact contiguous districts that respect existing political boundaries stressed in the supreme court s shaw v reno decision minimize the chance of nonmajoritarian outcomes our analysis also offers a gerrymandering explanation for the positive relation between seats and spending that is usually taken as support for the law of 1 n

you get what you pay for schooling incentives and child labor abstract can schooling promotion deter child participation in hazardous forms of child labor we examine two interventions intended to promote schooling and deter child labor for children associated with carpet factories in kathmandu the first intervention provides scholarships for school related expenses the second provides the scholarship and an in kind stipend conditional on school attendance paying for schooling expenses promotes schooling but only at the beginning of the school year when most schooling expenses occur the scholarship combined with the conditional stipend increases school attendance rates by 11 decreases grade failure rates by 46 and reduces carpet weaving by 48 financial support lasted one year effects on schooling and weaving do not persist past the year of support you get what you pay for when schooling incentives are used to combat hazardous child labor

tests of institutional versus non institutional models of local public expenditure determination are institutional or non institutional factors more important determinants of local public expenditure decisions employing data that allows us to directly identify the entire distribution of voter expenditure demands we estimate models of deviations of actual expenditures from the expenditure demand of defensible benchmarks namely the median voter s expenditure demand and the mean of voters expenditure demands three competing paradigms are employed to specify these models namely a non institutional model the reform government movement s explanation of how institutions affect local government decisions and a transactions cost model of this same phenomenon predictions from these three competing models differ in many respects comparisons of results from estimating models of expenditure deviations are found to be generally more consistent with the non institutional model than with either of the two institutional models these results suggest that a competitive local public service market helps limit the ability of governments to tax and spend in excess of the demands of the median or mean voter

school subsidies for the poor evaluating the mexican progresa poverty program abstract this paper evaluates how the progresa program which provides poor mothers in rural mexico with education grants has affected enrollment poor children who reside in communities randomly selected to participate in the initial phase of the progresa are compared to those who reside in other control communities pre program comparisons check the randomized design and double difference estimators of the program s effect on the treated are calculated by grade and sex probit models are also estimated for the probability that a child is enrolled controlling for additional characteristics of the child their parents local schools and community and for sample attrition to evaluate the sensitivity of the program estimates these estimates of program short run effects on enrollment are extrapolated to the lifetime schooling and the earnings of adults to approximate the internal rate of return on the public schooling subsidies as they increase expected private wages

the cotton influence index an examination of u s cotton subsidies given the lack of a bill or amendment specific to cotton we introduce a cotton influence index to capture legislators influence in championing the cause of the cotton growers during the hearings of the farm security and rural investment act of 2002 regression analyses reveal a relationship between cotton influence index and campaign contributions cotton farmland party affiliation and ideology tobit analysis indicates a significant relationship between different actions and participations by representatives to advance the interest of cotton that is components of this index and their future cotton political action committees pacs contributions to them copyright 2006 oxford university press

customer markets and price sensitivity this paper investigates the behavior of prices in customer markets of the phelps winter type under uncertainty it is shown that the responsiveness of prices to short run demand and cost changes depends crucially on whether the marginal customer is price risk averse or price risk loving if he is price risk averse loving then the customer market price is less more flexible than the monopoly price competition makes the customer market price more rigid flexible if the marginal customer is price risk averse loving the scope of rigid customer market prices is wide if near rational behavior of customers and the adjustment cost in the consumption process are taken into consideration copyright 1989 by the london school of economics and political science

the political economy of benefits and costs a neoclassical approach to distributive politics this essay offers a rational political explanation for the notorious inefficiency of pork barrel projects with an optimization model of legislative behavior and legislative institutions the model emphasizes the economically arbitrary from a welfare point of view importance of the geographic incidence of benefits and costs owing to the geographic basis for political representation we explore the implications of a legislator s objective function and derive conditions under which a representative legislature will select an omnibus of projects each of which exceeds the efficient scale

does the size of the legislature affect the size of government evidence from two natural experiments this paper makes use of regression discontinuity designs to estimate the effect of the number of legislators on the size of government the results indicate a negative effect i e the larger the size of the legislature the smaller is the size of government this runs counter to conventional wisdom one potential explanation is that more legislators can better control a budget maximizing bureaucracy i present evidence that is consistent with the proposed mechanism

a little help may be no help at all size of scholarships and child labour in nepal in the empirical literature on child labour and income transfer programmes evidence has been lacking on whether and how the size of transfer influences the impact on child labour this paper fin

the relationship between congressional spending and tenure with an application to term limits whether term limits would increase or decrease federal spending depends on the reason for the causal relationship between tenure and spending we investigate this subject by empirically studying congressional spending and tenure for all united states house and senate members who entered congress between the 94th and 102nd congresses 1975 1992 as our measure of congressional spending we use the national taxpayers union s congressional spending scores our study finds that a statistically significant relationship exists between congressional spending and tenure for some groups of congressmen we then test three hypotheses relating tenure and spending no single hypothesis is consistent with all of our empirical results nevertheless the small sizes of the empirical effects estimated in this study suggest that term limits would have an inconsequential impact on the level of federal spending at least via the moral hazard mechanisms described in this paper

effects of public policy on child labor current knowledge gaps and implications for program design many policy instruments can be used to address or affect child labor even if they are implemented to achieve other objectives from a theoretical point of view however the impact of these policies on child labor is undetermined this paper discusses the evidence generated by rigorous evaluations on the impact on child labor of labor market programs conditional and unconditional transfers and microcredit among other social programs and interventions the study finds that although transfer programs generally tend to reduce child labor other policies risk increasing child labor especially if they affect households productive opportunities the findings also point to knowledge gaps that should be addressed in future evaluations while progress has been made over the past decade there is still much to learn about the effects of public policy on the labor participation of many children in developing countries

testing explanations of strategic voting in legislatures a reexamination of the compromise of 1790 a difficult yet prevalent problem in legislative politics is how to assess explanations when observable actions may not represent true and unobserved legislator preferences we present a method for analyzing the validity of theoretical historical accounts that unifies theory history and measurement we argue that approaches to testing accounts of legislative behavior which are theoretically and historically agnostic are not always best and present an approach which 1 forms an explicit explanation of behavior here a simple dynamic voting game that yields estimable parameter constraints and 2 tests these constraints using a customized empirical model that is as consistent as possible with the explanation we demonstrate the method using legislative voting data from the first congress 1789 1791 using the idea of sophisticated equivalents from voting theory we subject the traditional account of the compromise of 1790 to a statistical test and find that there is reason to doubt the claim that legislators of the time believed the specified log roll was taking place the results suggest that the capital location and assumption issues were resolved independently

deviations from constituent interests the role of legislative structure and political parties in the states this paper investigates the determinants of state spending over 1960 1990 recent empirical studies suggest that state government expenditure is greater than the electorate desires our main finding is that expenditure was positively related to the number of seats in a state s legislature this is consistent with the hypothesis that logrolling leads representatives to spend more than their constituents would like we also find that political parties do not have a pronounced effect on overall levels of expenditure but do influence the composition of spending in particular democratic control of state government is associated with higher levels of welfare spending

the flypaper effect identifying areas for further research the flypaper effect literature dates back three decades it is overwhelmingly neo classical in approach attempting to improve the median voter demand model and or temper it with public choice supply side perspectives whilst this approach provided valuable early substantial analytical insights more recent papers seem to have contributed only marginally to an understanding of the flypaper effect if indeed it exists at all hence as well as providing a long overdue comprehensive review of the literature on the flypaper effect this paper identifies more productive avenues for further research

the choice of municipal government structure and public expenditures numerous empirical studies have attempted to measure the effect of varying government structures on public expenditures i argue that these prior may have produced biased estimates as they are predicated on the assumption that government structures are exogenous

logrolling in the u s congress i introduction a long standing question in political science is whether exchange occurs in legislatures as it is expected in any economy where the intensity of demand varies the issue was originally raised by buchanan and tullock 1962 and expanded by coleman 1966 and mueller 1967 the subsequent literature has produced numerous models of vote trading haefele 1971 riker and brams 1973 koford 1982a much of the work suggests that vote trading leads to chaotic results see for example riker and brams 1973 kramer 1977 and mckelvey 1976 currently vote trading s quantitative importance and optimality are unknown references to logrolling go back to the early literature in political science bentley 1907 refers to it and since then scholars such as mayhew 1966 and ferejohn 1974 have provided primarily anecdotal evidence for logrolling the economic analysis of logrolling has mostly been theoretical and little work has been done to assess the qualitative and quantitative importance of vote trading in legislatures however much might be learned from such analysis given the apparent puzzle that for most roll calls votes on parts of bills only a minority of districts stand to gain yet such proposals get passed until recently vote trading has not been identified empirically stratmann 1992 is the only paper that identifies vote trades statistically and it looks only at vote trades among agricultural interests however it would be interesting to know whether logrolling is prevalent in circumstances other than farm commodity programs we need to identify logrolling coalitions to assess how widespread logrolling agreements are we expect them to be common if the intensity of demand for legislation varies related to the issue of vote trading is the question of what factors determine congressional voting behavior major elements in a legislator s voting decision are constituency interests ideology party and perhaps vote trading one segment of the literature on congressional voting has focused on the role of political parties as an important force determining a legislator s voting decision some authors have argued that parties provide an organizational framework within which logrolling will happen see for example fiorina 1974 koford 1987 weingast and marshall 1988 johnson and stratmann 1992 alternatively lindsay and maloney 1988 suggest that party discipline forces a legislator to vote for or against a piece of legislation the latter view implies that on some issues party affiliation forces the legislator to vote against constituency interests 1 whether party affiliation is a signal to constituencies of one s overall propensity to vote on bills or a means to build coalitions or whether both elements are important is an unresolved question voting along party lines can be due to party loyalty or party pressure promoting the interests of one s constituency or logrolling within the party to answer questions about voting along party lines and about vote trading and coalitions within a quantitative framework one has to distinguish empirically between party loyalty and logrolling coalitions that are organized within a party empirical studies have typically included a party dummy variable in regression equations however if logrolling coalitions are organized within a party such a dummy variable will measure both potential party loyalty or potential party discipline and membership in a logrolling coalition this paper uses a different approach to separate the logrolling variable from the party loyalty variable and so distinguishes between voting for a proposal because of membership in a log rolling coalition organized by a party and because of potential party discipline this paper analyzes a broad range of votes where logrolling has been reported the analysis spans two congresses 1959 to 1962 and examines trades between interests favoring subsidies for city interests labor interests and farm interests

the political economy of the fair labor standards act of 1938 this paper examines the congressional passage of the american minimum wage law the fair labor standards act of 1938 voting on the act is modeled as a function of the concentration of the constituencies for minimum wage legislation north south differentials and legislator ideology it is shown that the house radically altered the final content of the bill abandoning a proposed wages and hours board with discretionary powers to determine minimum wages in favor of a flat rate following the objections of several interest groups north south divisions over the bill had little influence over congressional voting and the influence of constituent groups increased relative to legislators ideology as the bill became an important election issue

overlapping jurisdictions substitutes or complements this paper presents a simple model of the demand relationship between the activities undertaken by overlapping governments and uses the framework to estimate the relationship between municipal and county expenditures the empirical results reveal a complementary relationship between county and city general expenditures any public sector expansion effects of monopoly power at the county level will therefore be reinforced by greater municipal spending further expanding the total size of the local public sector on the other hand changes in county police and roads expenditures appear to have no strong stable impact on municipal police and roads expenditures respectively providing no reinforcing or offsetting municipal spending responses to decisions at the county level

logrolling under fragmented authoritarianism theory and evidence from china this paper provides a rigorous theoretical and empirical analysis of the effect of logrolling between interest groups on social welfare in a non democratic political system in particular we focus on china where bureaucratic interest groups are separate vertical organizations reaching down from beijing to the provinces and cities the key question in this paper is what are the effects of the logrolling of parochial interest groups on state policies and social welfare in autocracies we address this question both theoretically and empirically the theory predicts a specific distortion in resource allocation because of logrolling while the empirical results confirm the theoretical prediction we find policy outcomes under logrolling are characterized by excessive spending on all the interest groups preferred goods and insufficient spending on public goods we test the existence of logrolling between the ministry of civil affairs and ministry of health in china our result shows logrolling between the two ministries lead to inefficiencies in social security and health care policies

imperfect information and the meltzer richard hypothesis standard majority voting models predict that redistribution is positively linked to the mean to median income ratio but empirical evidence is mixed this paper shows that the different empirical reactions to rising mean to median income ratios can be rationalized in a simple romer roberts meltzer richard framework with imperfect information in such a model it is important to consider the source of rising mean to median ratios income growth of the poor can lead to less redistribution as more agents perceive themselves to be rich which tends to reduce the support for redistribution an empirical application reveals that the model can explain a substantial part of the first reagan tax cut

why so much stability one of duncan black s 1958 more important contributions was a classically simple proof that with complex issues and majority voting a stable outcome is unlikely this very simple proof that there would normally be no motion which can get a majority against all others and hence that any possible outcome is dominated by another has been elaborated and made more precise by later work without most improbable conditions endless cycling would be expected this is particularly true when logrolling is present as it normally is if we look at the real world however we observe not only is there no endless cycling but acts are passed with reasonable dispatch and then remain unchanged for very long periods of time thus theory and reality seem to be not only out of contact but actually in sharp conflict it is the purpose of this article to demonstrate that our existing theory when properly looked at does indeed imply a relatively stable outcome to voting in some cases however this stability will not be a true equilibrium because a random member of a large set will be chosen and then that random outcome will be left unchanged for long periods of time it does not dominate all other outcomes but is retained merely because of its particular history there are already several possible explanations for the observed stability in the literature we will take them up as they become relevant to the general line of reasoning i should however warn the reader that my own previous work including joint work with buchanan will play a major role here this may simply reflect egotism but i think that some of the early work which is now partially forgotten can provide solutions for more modern problems much recent public choice work has involved spatial models and these models frequently ignore logrolling the reason presumably is that it is very hard to put logrolling in a two dimensional diagram we shall begin considering such special models and assume that the issues are the sort that does not lead to logrolling and then turn to more complex logrolling problems with respect to the first situation in which logrolling does not occur there is already one possible explanation for the observed stability in the literature

political interaction in the senate estimating a political spatial weights matrix and an application to lobbying behavior many motivations exist that cause legislators to behave strategically when voting these include logrolling towing the party line or political favor trading however it has proven difficult in the existing literature to uncover the magnitude of the interaction among politicians this paper takes a spatial approach to the problem using a spatial autoregressive model to not only uncover the magnitude of interactions but also the direction of the interactions in contrast to most applications of spatial econometrics i allow the elements of the spatial weights matrix to be estimated as parameters the political spatial weights matrix is calculated for 96 senators in the 110th u s congress furthermore in a marginal effects simulation i calculate the overall effect on voting from flipping a senator s vote allowing flipped votes to have a cascading effect i apply these measures to study political fundraising mildly suggesting that political interest groups direct donations to senators with the most influence

legislative voting and the economic theory of politics empirical studies of legislative voting have multiplied since the mid 1970s early work 13 distinguished two modes of representation delegates who vote as voters want and trustees who use their own judgment more recently researchers have considered only delegates claiming that legislators who use their own ideology are shirking following principal agent theory representatives are conceived as conduits through which citizens transmit and express interests empirical work on this question however has found that the legislator s ideology explains more variation in vote choices than is explained by measures of constituent interest the seeming contradiction has led some 9 10 17 to reject the economic theory of legislator behavior as erroneous the truth is that no such theory has ever been fairly stated much less tested estimating equations have been ad hoc and the usual approach to measuring ideology has imposed correlation between the equation error and an explanatory variable 8 in both cases the result is

do education and health conditions matter in a large cash transfer evidence from a honduran experiment the paper analyzes a new honduran conditional cash transfer experiment bono 10 000 in which 150 poor villages of 300 were treated the transfers were much larger in size than an earlier experiment galiani mcewan 2013 but yielded smaller full sample effects on school enrollment child labor participation and measures of health service use one explanation is that bono 10 000 did not apply conditions to children only one child in eligible households was subject to the education condition and young children and mothers were only subject to health conditions in the absence of older children consistent with this we find a large effect on enrollment and a nearly off setting one on child labor among only children and smaller and insignificant effects on children in larger households we only find significant effects on health service use among children and mothers in the absence of older children despite a much smaller household transfer the heterogeneity does not appear to be driven by correlated variables such as household size child age or poverty

agenda control and reciprocity in sequential voting decisions we study how reciprocity affects the extent to which a chair can exploit her control over an agenda if a committee votes sequentially on a known series of binary proposals we show in a parsimonious laboratory experiment that committee members form vote trading coalitions favoring early proposals not only when the sequence of proposals is exogenously given but also when a chair controls the sequence of proposals vote trading occurs even though chairs manipulate the agenda in their favor punishment for chairs exploiting agenda control is weak as chairs reciprocate support by others more frequently than nonchairs jel c92 d71 d72

legislative organization and government spending cross country evidence abstract the law of 1 n posits that an increase in the number of elected representatives fuels excessive government spending despite its wide acceptance as a stylized fact the law of 1 n has received only limited empirical scrutiny and the existing evidence for the american states provides mixed support for the thesis this paper examines the law of 1 n in bicameral and unicameral legislative structures using a cross section of democratic countries the results indicate that legislative size matters under both legislature structures but bicameralism dampens the 1 n effect relative to unicameralism

a note on price rigidity pledging stable prices under sluggish information diffusion and costly search abstract this note presents a model of rigid price equilibrium based on sluggish information diffusion and costly search with exogenous shocks firms can pledge non contingent prices before the realization of a particular state of nature and such a pledge reduces the search cost of consumers the model suggests that firms make the rigid price pledge in equilibrium under a wide range of conditions

free trade fair trade strategic trade and protectionism in the u s congress 1987 88 what conditions led the one hundredth congress of the united states to enact fair trade and strategic trade policies into law during 1987 88 political partisanship is an important force with democrats supporting and republicans opposing all types of trade intervention otherwise the coalitions of support for and opposition to the various trade policies differ particularly in the senate in that body international business is associated with support for fair trade policies and with opposition to classical protectionism while domestic u s business is associated with support for classical protectionism liberalism is strongly associated with support for fair and strategic trade policies but is not associated with classical protectionism in the house of representatives the long standing protectionist coalition remains an influence few forces in support of free trade remain in u s politics changing international market conditions rapidly affect the making of u s trade policy

family networks and school enrolment evidence from a randomized social experiment we present evidence on whether and how a household s behavior is influenced by the presence and characteristics of its extended family using data from the progresa program in mexico we exploit information on the paternal and maternal surnames of heads and spouses in conjunction with the spanish naming convention to identify the inter and intra generational family links of each household to others in the same village we then exploit the randomized research design of the progresa evaluation data to identify whether the treatment effects of progresa transfers on secondary school enrolment vary according to the characteristics of extended family we find progresa only raises secondary enrolment among households that are embedded in a family network eligible but isolated households do not respond the mechanism through which the extended family influences household schooling choices is the redistribution of resources within the family network from eligibles that receive de facto unconditional cash transfers from progresa towards eligibles on the margin of enrolling children into secondary school

what should government do problems of social cost externalities and all that public choice as a field introduced the framework for a methodical economic analysis of political markets the output of these markets of course is reflected by the role that government plays that is specifically true with respect to the organization of economic activity gordon tullock has studied a myriad of aspects of this topic for more than half a century we examine his answers to the question of what should government do and how they have influenced and are still impacting the discussion on the proper role of government in the economy

centralized vote trading this paper presents a model of centralized vote trading in a legislature in this model legislators trade only with party leaders who set prices at which they will buy needed vote changes and sell promises to pass or defeat particular bills each legislator trades away votes on bills of little concern to him and of high concern to leaders and purchases promises from the leaders to pass or defeat particular bills of high concern to the legislator relative to the price the leguslator must pay

legislature size and government spending in italian regions forecasting the effects of a reform we analyze the effect of different legislature size on per capita regional expenditure in italy according to the theory legislature size has an indefinite effect on government spending because logrolling and transaction costs may have canceling effects we find a large and significantly positive effect of the number of legislators we use these findings to forecast the effects of the increase in the number of legislators that is taking place in some regions a 10 increase in legislature size commands on average a 12 increase in per capita regional expenditure

sugar co operatives in maharashtra a political economy perspective abstract the origins of the powerful sugar lobby in maharashtra date back to the 1950s post independence cooperatives formed an integral part of the congress vision of rural development with local initiative a special status was accorded to the sugar cooperatives and the government assumed the role of a mentor by acting as a stakeholder guarantor and regulator persistence of the maze of regulations instituted five decades ago despite its stated rationale being thwarted suggests that it is maintained by entrenched vested interests this paper calls for a fresh start with minimal regulations the teething problems and initial market failures that may occur cannot be worse than the continuing saga of government failure

short versus long coalitions electoral accountability and the size of the public sector this article examines the policy consequences of the number of parties in government we argue that parties externalize costs not borne by their support groups larger parties thus internalize more costs than small parties because they represent more groups this argument implies that the public sector should be larger the more parties there are in the government coalition we test this prediction using yearly time series cross sectional data from 1970 to 1998 in 17 european countries we find that increasing the number of parties in government increases the fraction of gdp accounted for by government spending by close to half a percentage point or more than one billion current dollars in the typical year we find little support for the alternative claim that the number of legislative parties affects the size of the public sector except via the number of parties in government

politics and public goods in developing countries evidence from the assassination of rajiv gandhi abstract this paper employs an instrumental variables strategy to identify the effect of party ideology on policy outcomes exogenous variation in party representation is generated by the assassination of the leader of the congress party which occurred midway through india s national elections in 1991 and dramatically increased the probability of congress victory for a subset of constituencies representation by the congress party leads to a substantial increase in the provision of public goods favored by the poor consistent with the party s expressed populist agenda among the salient changes are increases in the availability of drinking water and primary education and declines in agricultural and industrial electrification and telephone coverage i compare these effects to those obtained using a regression discontinuity design and find that the latter yields little effect of congress representation on public goods allocations

the impact of government structure on local public expenditures though the relationship between local government structure and expenditure has received considerable attention there is little consensus as to how the features of representative government affect local expenditure an exception is city council size which has consistently been found to be positively related to spending previous results rely on cross sectional estimation which may be subject to omitted variable bias this paper analyzes three components of municipal governments the form of government the size of the city council and the election method of city councilors once fixed effects estimation is employed the positive relationship between city council size and expenditure disappears