on the endogenous allocation of decision powers in federal structures abstract this paper provides a political economy explanation of the degree of centralization in economic policy making to determine which policies are to be centralized regions select representatives who then negotiate the degree of centralization and the regional cost shares of centrally decided policies we show that the resulting degree of centralization is suboptimally low voters strategically delegate to representatives who are averse to public spending and hence prefer decentralized decisions in order to reduce their region s cost share when spillovers are asymmetric strategic delegation is stronger at the periphery than at the center

centralized versus decentralized provision of local public goods a political economy approach abstract this paper takes a fresh look at the trade off between centralized and decentralized provision of local public goods it argues that the sharing of the costs of local public spending in a centralized system will create a conflict of interest between citizens in different jurisdictions when spending decisions are made by a legislature of locally elected representatives this conflict of interest will play out in the legislature depending on precisely how the legislature behaves the result may be excessive public spending or allocations of public goods characterized by uncertainty and misallocation across districts the extent of the conflict of interest between districts is affected by spillovers and differences in tastes for public spending thus the relative performance of centralized and decentralized systems depends upon spillovers and differences in tastes for public spending but for different reasons than suggested in the existing literature

divided we reform evidence from us welfare policies abstract divided government is often thought of as causing legislative deadlock i investigate the link between divided government and economic reforms using a novel data set on welfare reforms in us states between 1978 and 2010 panel data regressions show that under divided government a us state is around 25 more likely to adopt a welfare reform than under unified government several robustness checks confirm this counter intuitive finding case study evidence suggests an explanation based on policy competition between governor senate and house

majority rules and incentives a club s majority rule defines the number of members that must approve a policy proposed to replace the status quo since the majority rule thus dictates the extent to which winners must compensate losers it also determines the incentives to invest in order to become a winner of anticipated projects if the required majority is large members invest too little because of a holdup problem if it is small members invest too much in order to become a member of the majority coalition to balance these opposing forces the majority rule should increase in the project s value and the club s enforcement capacity but decrease in the heterogeneity in preferences externalities can be internalized by adjusting the rule with heterogeneity in size or initial conditions votes should be appropriately weighted or double majorities required

majority voting with single crossing preferences we clarify and extend a number of sufficient conditions for the existence of a majority voting equilibrium on one dimensional choice domains these conditions variously stated in the previous literature all impose order restrictions on voter preferences for instance monotone marginal rates of substitution which we show to imply or be equivalent to a general ordinal version of the single crossing condition this simple property is economically intuitive and easily checked in applications this ease of application is demonstrated through an examination of voting models of redistributive income taxation and trade union bargaining behaviour

delegation and threat in bargaining abstract two principals nations appoint one agent each to bargain over the provision of a public good two institutional set ups are studied each with a different level of authority given to the agents here authority means the right to decide the own side s provision if negotiations break down in equilibrium the principals choose agents with preferences differing from their own the low authority equilibrium pareto dominates with regard to the principals the case of the principals deciding on the provisions simultaneously autarchy the high authority equilibrium is pareto dominated by the low authority equilibrium and it may even be dominated by autarchy journal of economic literatureclassification numbers c71 and c72

economic theories of the break up and integration of nations abstract this paper surveys the recent political economy literature on the size distribution of nations the main themes of this literature are 1 a the spread of democracy leads to the creation of too many sovereign states 2 b the extent of factor mobility plays a key role in determining the incentives towards separation or integration 3 c economic integration through the development of international trade may require greater political integration to create and effectively maintain a level playing field in international trade at the same time economic integration by reducing the economic costs of separation increases the incentives towards political separation

inefficiency in legislative policymaking a dynamic analysis this paper develops an infinite horizon model of public spending and taxation in which policy decisions are determined by legislative bargaining the policy space incorporates both productive and distributive public spending and distortionary taxation the productive spending is investing in a public good that benefits all citizens e g national defense and the distributive spending is district specific transfers e g pork barrel spending investment in the public good creates a dynamic linkage across policymaking periods the analysis explores the dynamics of legislative policy choices focusing on the efficiency of the steady state level of

electoral systems and public spending we study the effects of electoral institutions on the size and composition of public expenditure in oecd and latin american countries we emphasize the distinction between purchases of goods and services which are easier to target geographically and transfers which are easier to target across social groups we present a theoretical model in which voters anticipating government policymaking under different electoral systems have an incentive to elect representatives more prone to transfer public good spending in proportional majoritarian systems the model also predicts higher total primary spending in proportional majoritarian systems when the share of transfer spending is high low after dee ning rigorous measures of proportionality to be used in the empirical investigation we e nd considerable support for our predictions

the economics of split ticket voting in representative democracies in u s elections voters often vote for candidates from different parties for president and congress voters also express dissatisfaction with the performance of congress as a whole and satisfaction with their own representative the authors develop a model of split ticket voting in which government spending is financed by uniform taxes the benefits from this spending are concentrated while the model generates split ticket voting overall spending is too high only if the president s powers are limited overall spending is too high in a parliamentary system the authors model can be used as the basis of an argument for term limits copyright 1997 by american economic association

on the determinants of fiscal centralization theory and evidence abstract this paper presents a simple model that unifies most of the results of the literature on fiscal federalism the model describes an economy characterized by two levels of government one public good and a private good the predictions of the model are tested by using a new set of measures of fiscal centralization the main findings are that country size income per capita ethnic fractionalization and level of democracy are negatively correlated with the degree of fiscal centralization the model is tested using ols tobit and semi parametric estimators the paper also shows that the variables included in the regression are helpful in the prediction of changes in the level of centralization

what drives compliance an application of the theory of planned behaviour to urban water restrictions using structural equation modelling abstractthis article presents analysis of households intentions to comply with government constraints on the use of urban water or so called water restrictions the data are drawn from australian cities and was collected during a severe drought structural equation modelling is employed to operationalize constructs taken from the theory of planned behaviour and to answer important policy questions related to compliance the modelled data support the view that attitudes social norms and perceived behavioural control pbc have a positive and significant influence on intentions to comply pbc has the strongest influence on intentions suggesting policy directed at assisting households to meet regulatory criteria might be at least as effective as advertising expenditures aimed at shaping attitudes and norms importantly intentions to comply are also shown to have a positive and significant influence on reported compliance behaviour

budgetary devices for curbing spending prone ministers and bureaucrats in this paper i study asimple game of the budgetary process thegame has three players a spending proneminister who proposes a budget a primeminister who accepts or vetoes and abureaucrat who provides non verifiableinformation about policy the bureaucratis appointed by the spending minister ishow that in this setting public spendingis excessive this result stems from theproposal power of the minister and hisincentive to appoint a spending pronebureaucrat next i examine two devices forcontrolling public spending binding budgettargets imposed by the prime minister anddelegating veto power to a spending aversefinance minister it is shown that thelatter device is more effective than theformer device to curb a spending proneminister because it not only reduces theproposal power of the spending minister but also induces him to appoint lessspending prone bureaucrats

international environmental agreements and strategic voting two anonymous referees have provided very valuable comments and suggestions we have also benefited from discussions at seminars at the universities of bonn dortmund and dresden and at the conferences of euresco the european economic association and the verein fur socialpolitik this paper was partly written while haupt was visiting the economics department at the university of colorado at boulder he is very grateful to the members of the department particularly to eckhard janeba for their hospitality and for stimulating discussions and to the fritz thyssen stiftung for funding his research visit we also thank the deutsche forschungsgemeinschaft dfg for financial support

identifying local tax mimicking with administrative borders and a policy reform abstract this paper exploits an exogenous reform of the local fiscal equalization scheme in the german state of north rhine westphalia nrw in 2003 to identify tax mimicking by municipalities in the neighboring state of lower saxony nds the reform caused municipalities in nrw to increase their business and property tax rates i study within the difference in difference dd and the spatial lag sl frameworks whether municipalities in nds bordering nrw did react to the exogenous tax increases by nrw municipalities the dd and sl results suggest that there are no interactions in tax rates in contrast traditional sl regressions that rely on variation in neighbors demographic and political characteristics for identification provide strong evidence for immediate strategic interactions these results indicate that most of the existing literature overestimates the importance of local tax mimicking

districting and government overspending theories of government spending driven by a common pool problem in the fiscal revenues pool predict that greater districting of a political jurisdiction raises the scale of government this paper presents evidence on this and related predictions from a cross section of city governments in the united states the main finding is that when other plausible determinants of government spending are controlled for greater districting leads to a considerably greater scale of government activity the results also show that at large electoral systems do not and forms of government that concentrate powers in the office of the executive do break this relationship

partial fiscal decentralization and demand responsiveness of the local public sector theory and evidence from norway this paper provides an empirical test of a principal tenet of fiscal federalism that spending discretion when granted to localities allows public good levels to adjust to suit local demands the test is based on a simple model of partial fiscal decentralization under which earmarking of central transfers for particular uses is eliminated allowing funds to be spent according to local tastes the greater role of local demand determinants following partial decentralization is confirmed by the paper s empirical results which show the effects of the 1986 norwegian reform

an economic model of representative democracy this paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office the approach has a number of attractive features first it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by as well as of the people second the model is analytically tractable being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally third it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy

the sources of protectionist drift in representative democracies abstract we analyze a two country two good model of international trade in which citizens in each country differ by their specific factor endowments the trade policy in each country is set by the politician who has been elected by the citizens in a previous stage due to a delegation effect citizens generally favor candidates who are more protectionist than they are the one candidate per country equilibria exhibit a protectionist drift owing to this delegation effect in addition we find an additional source of protectionist drift that we call the abstention effect not only do candidates wish to delegate to more protectionist colleagues but these more protectionist colleagues who can win election prefer still more protectionist candidates than themselves therefore they have an incentive to abstain that is not run for election we show that because of this abstention effect there exists a range of electable citizens all of whom are more protectionist than the median voter s most preferred candidate we extend the analysis allowing two candidate equilibria and the possibility that there are costs and benefits of holding office

parochial interests and the centralized provision of local public goods evidence from congressional voting on transportation projects abstract local public goods financed from a national tax base provide concentrated benefits to recipient jurisdictions but disperse costs creating incentives for legislators to increase own district spending but to restrain aggregate spending due to the associated tax costs while these common pool incentives underpin a variety of theoretical analyses which tend to predict inefficiencies in the allocation of public goods there is little direct evidence that individual legislators respond to such incentives to test for reactions to such incentives this paper analyzes 1998 congressional votes over transportation project funding the empirical results provide evidence that legislators respond to common pool incentives the probability of supporting the projects is increasing in own district spending and decreasing in the tax burden associated with aggregate spending having found that legislators do respond to such incentives i use the parameter estimates to calculate the efficient level of public goods which suggest over spending in aggregate especially in politically powerful districts and large associated deadweight loss

an analysis of the impact of congressional term limits we examine the impact of a six term tenure limit on members of the u s house of representatives the first part of this study develops a methodological framework for simulating the quantitative impact of term limits the second part of this study uses this framework to estimate the effects of term limits on i the value of holding office ii turnover and iii the size of the democratic majority in the house both steady state and transition period effects are explored i introduction the widespread support for term limitations seems to have caught both popular commentators and academic researchers by surprise 1 why do voters want them and what is the likely impact of such legislation a small but growing literature concentrates on the first of these two questions adams and kenny 1986 dick and loft 1993 in contrast this paper addresses the second in particular it investigates the empirical consequences of imposing a twelve year six term tenure limit on the members of the u s house of representatives both the degree and timing of the impact of the alternative regimes are investigated here the issue of timing arises because term limits can have very different effects depending upon how they treat currently serving congressmen we focus our investigation on the two legislative regimes that we believe have the greatest chance of being implemented limited grandfathering and complete grandfathering 2 assuming term limit legislation is passed in 1992 we trace out the time paths of the effects associated with each of these regimes as we shall see there are important transitional differences between the two the paper proceeds as follows section ii addresses the methodology used in this analysis section iii considers the impact of term limits on i the value of holding office ii turnover and iii the democratic majority in the house section iv concludes ii methodology the first concern of this paper is to model the seniority structure of the house in the absence of congressional term limits let n t identify the number of congressmen in their nth term at time t let r define the proportion of congressmen that successfully move from term n to term n l note that there are a number of reasons for not continuing to an additional term besides electoral defeats there are voluntary departures to seek other elective office or private sector employment retirements and deaths given any set of continuation rates r sub 1 r sub 2 and an initial distribution of representatives across terms n sub 1 t n sub 2 t one can construct what the seniority structure of congress will look like any number of periods into the future for instance the number of congressmen in their jth term at time t m is given by mathematical expression omitted where n sub 1 t 1 m j identifies the number of representatives who enter congress in time period t 1 m j t 1 and j and m o ifj m 1 one simply takes the number of congressmen currently serving their j m th term and multiplies this by the appropriate product of continuation rates if j m 1 one needs to identify the number of congressmen who will enter congress in time period t l m since congress always has 435 members the number of arrivals must always equal the number of departures the number of first term congressmen who leave office at the end of time period t is given by 1 r sub 1 n sub 1 t similarly the number of second term congressmen who leave office at the end of time period t is given by 1 r sub 2 n sub 2 t thus the number of representatives who will enter congress in time period t l is given by mathematical expression omitted equations 1 and 2 allow one to recursively solve for n sub 1 t 1 m j for all m j 1 i

the provision of public goods under alternative electoral incentives politicians who care about the spoils of office may underprovide a public good because its benefits cannot be targeted to voters as easily as pork barrel spending we compare a winner take all system where all the spoils go to the winner to a proportional system where the spoils of office are split among candidates proportionally to their share of the vote in a winner take all system the public good is provided less often than in a proportional system when the public good is particularly desirable we then consider the electoral college system and show that it is particularly subject to this inefficiency

offshoring tasks and the skill wage pattern the paper investigates the relationship between offshoring wages and the occupational task profile using rich individual level panel data our main results suggest that when only considering within industry changes in offshoring we identify a moderate wage reduction due to offshoring for low skilled workers though wage effects in relation to the task profile of occupations are not estimated with sufficient precision however when allowing for cross industry effects of offshoring i e allowing for labor mobility across industries negative wage effects of offshoring are quite substantial and depend strongly on the task profile of workers occupations a higher degree of interactivity and in particular non routine content effectively shields workers against the negative wage impact of offshoring

does federalism lead to excessively high taxes the relative strengths of vertical and horizontal tax externalities turn on the balance between the interest responsiveness of the supply of savings and demand for capital the extent to which immobile factors are taxed by the states and the strength of preferences between federal and state expenditures the vertical externality will dominate if the aggregate tax base of the federation is responsible to the state tax instrument tax interactions in federations are more complex than has often been supposed

majority rule and election models abstract this paper surveys the theoretical work that has been done on majority rule and economic models of elections section i provides an overview of the topic section 2 reviews the most important results that have been obtained about majority rule as an abstract collective choice rule section 3 identifies some alternative inferences that can be made from those results section 4 covers some models that include additional features that are present in political institutions where majority rule is used section 5 concentrates on some alternative election models and equilibrium concepts section 6 focuses on election models with abstentions and or candidate uncertainty about voter behaviour section 7 compares and contrasts models where candidates are certain about what the voters choices will be contingent upon about the choices made by the candidates and models where they are uncertain about those choices section 8 closes the survey by identifying some emerging areas of research

paying a visit the dalai lama effect on international trade is political compliance a precondition for healthy trade relations with china the chinese government frequently threatens that meetings between its trading partners officials and the dalai lama will be met with animosity and ultimately harm trade ties with china we run a gravity model of exports to china from 159 partner countries between 1991 and 2008 to test the extent to which bilateral tensions affect trade with autocratic china in particular we investigate empirically whether countries that receive the dalai lama despite china s opposition experience a significant reduction of their exports to china in order to account for the potential endogeneity of meetings with the dalai lama the number of tibet support groups and the travel pattern of the tibetan leader are used as instruments our empirical results support the idea that countries officially receiving the dalai lama at the highest political level are punished through a reduction of their exports to china however this dalai lama effect is only observed for the hu jintao era and not for earlier periods furthermore we find that this effect is mainly driven by reduced exports of machinery and transport equipment and that it disappears two years after a meeting took place

the breakup of nations a political economy analysis this paper develops a model of the breakup or unification of nations in each nation the decision to separate is taken by majority voting a basic trade off between the efficiency gains of unification and the costs in terms of loss of control on political decisions is highlighted the model emphasizes political conflicts over redistribution policies the main results of the paper are i when income distributions vary across regions and the efficiency gains from unification are small separation occurs in equilibrium and ii when all factors of production are perfectly mobile all incentives for separation disappear i introduction following the demise of communism the entire map of europe from the atlantic coast to the urals is being redrawn and issues of separation unification and the redrawing of borders are yet again at the forefront of european concerns many of the issues raised by this process are primarily of a political cultural or linguistic nature however there are also economic considerations that bear on this problem the objective of this paper is to analyze some important economic and political determinants of the process of unification and separation of democratic nations the starting point of our analysis is to suppose that from an economic efficiency point of view separation of nations is never desirable a unified nation is always more efficient since free trade among regions is guaranteed duplication costs in defense and law enforcement are avoided and local public goods provision such as transportation and communication networks or common standards can be coordinated furthermore any benefits of decentralization that might be obtained in a world with several nations may also be achieved within a unified nation by replicating the administrative structure of the world with several

legislative bargaining under weighted voting organizations often distribute resources through weighted voting we analyze this setting using a non cooperative bargaining game based on the baron ferejohn 1989 model unlike analyses derived from cooperative game theory we find that each voter s expected payoff is proportional to her voting weight an exception occurs when many high weight voters exist as low weight voters may expect disproportionately high payoffs due to proposal power the model also predicts that ex post the coalition formateur the party chosen to form a coalition will receive a disproportionately high payoff using data from coalition governments from 1946 to 2001 we find strong evidence ofsuch formateur effects

reconciling voters behavior with legislative term limits a puzzle exists over why voters continually re elect their congressional and state representatives although these same voters often support initiatives to limit the number of terms that their legislators may serve residents of california colorado and oklahoma voted in 1990 to limit the terms of their state legislators to tenures ranging from six to twelve years 1 in california these same voters however re elected 87 of 91 or 96 percent of all incumbent state representatives and senators whose terms they sought to limit 2 among re elected incumbents 67 or 77 percent had served as long as or longer than the maximum term prescribed under their state s term limit initiative voters defeated only two incumbents who would have been removed under the terms of california s tenure restrictions had they been in effect similar voter behavior characterized recent state elections in colorado and oklahoma 3 more generally these seemingly contradictory voter preferences also are apparent in public opinion polls at the federal level while 62 percent of voters immediately prior to the 1990 general elections indicated their intentions to reelect their congressman that same poll showed that only 24 percent said they approve of the way congress is handling its job gallup and newport 1990 pp 36 37 support for term limit initiatives and the low public esteem of legislators as a group both appear to be inconsistent with voters strong preferences for their own representative and the regular reelection of incumbents

comparative politics and public finance we propose a model with micropolitical foundations to contrast different political regimes compared to a parliamentary regime the institutions of a presidential congressional regime produce fewer incentives for legislative cohesion but more separation of powers these differences are reflected in the size and composition of government spending a parliamentary regime has redistribution toward a majority less underprovision of public goods and more rents to politicians a presidential congressional regime has redistribution toward powerful minorities more underprovision of public goods but less rents to politicians the size of government is smaller under a presidential regime this last prediction is consistent with cross country data

the impact of environmental management on firm performance environmental management has the potential to play a pivotal role in the financial performance of the firm many individuals suggest that profitability is hurt by the higher production costs of environmental management initiatives while others cite anecdotal evidence of increased profitability a theoretical model is proposed that links strong environmental management to improved perceived future financial performance as measured by stock market performance the linkage to firm performance is tested empirically using financial event methodology and archival data of firm level environmental and financial performance significant positive returns were measured for strong environmental management as indicated by environmental performance awards and significant negative returns were measured for weak environmental management as indicated by environmental crises the implicit financial market valuation of these events also was estimated cross sectional analysis of the environmental award events revealed differences for first time awards and between industries first time award announcements were associated with greater increases in market valuation although smaller increases were observed for firms in environmentally dirty industries possibly indicative of market skepticism this linkage between environmental management and financial performance can be used by both researchers and practitioners as one measure of the benefits experienced by industry leaders and as one criterion against which to measure investment alternatives

pollution and corporate valuation evidence from china environmental pollution brings severe challenges in the context of a high growing economy of china pollution events bring serious ecological cost to the environment direct costs from sanction an

partisan cycles in congressional elections and the macroeconomy in the postwar united states the president s party has always done worse in the midterm congressional elections than in the previous congressional election republican administrations exhibit below average and democratic administrations above average economic growth in the first half of each term whereas in the latter halves the two see equal growth our rational expectations model is consistent with these two regularities in presidential elections voters choose between two polarized candidates they then use midterm elections to counterbalance the president s policies by strengthening the opposition in congress since presidents of different parties are associated with different policies our model predicts a spurious correlation between the state of the economy and elections our predictions contrast with those of retrospective voting models in which voters reward the incumbent if the economy is doing well before the election our model performs empirically at least as well as and often better than alternative models

market reactions to corporate environmental performance related events a meta analytic consolidation of the empirical evidence research on the relationship between corporate environmental performance cep and corporate financial performance cfp has consistently grown and is gaining widespread attention given the vast body of cep cfp studies recently scholars have begun to take stock of the cumulative results however no study so far has meta analyzed the findings yielded by event studies assessing the stock market reactions to corporate environmental performance related events cep related events this paper sets out to close this gap by synthesizing previous empirical results regarding the stock market impact of positive and negative cep related events results indicate a positive relationship across studies in terms of positive market reactions to positive events and negative reactions to negative events furthermore the findings show that the market reactions are stronger for negative events than for positive events i e asymmetry in the stock market reaction finally this study examines whether methodological artifacts i e differences in the study designs may explain the differences in the findings of the analyzed event studies

estimating the value of proposal power this paper investigates the role of proposal power in the allocation of transportation projects across u s congressional districts in 1991 and 1998 the evidence supports the key qualitative prediction of legislative bargaining models members with proposal power those sitting on the transportation authorization committee secure more project spending for their districts than do other representatives support for the quantitative restrictions on the value of proposal power is more mixed i then empirically address several alternative models of legislative behavior including partisan models informational roles for committees models with appropriations committees and theories of committees as preference outliers

a model of political competition with citizen candidates the authors develop a model of electoral competition in which citizens choose whether or not to run as candidates a winner implements her favorite policy the equilibrium number of candidates depends negatively on the cost of running and positively on the benefits of winning for some parameter values all equilibria under plurality rule have exactly two candidates whose positions are distinct two candidate elections are more likely under plurality rule than under a runoff system the candidates positions are less differentiated under a runoff system there exist equilibria under both systems in which some candidates have no chance of winning

solving the bargaining democracy problem using a constitutional hierarchy for law abstract in the bargaining democracy groups form coalitions that are able to grant benefits to themselves through legislation these benefits may lack popular support a constitutional hierarchy of conflicting laws is proposed to resolve this democratic problem in the hierarchy more rule oriented legislation dominate the hierarchy would create a momentum of the political process towards more rule oriented legislation and policy debate the difficulty of defining a rule operationally is overcome by limiting the task of a constitutional court to simply rank conflicting policy actions in terms of criteria for rules

term limits and pork barrel politics abstract we develop a dynamic model of democratic politics in which both potential office holders and the electorate have heterogeneous ideologies voters have incomplete information about candidate ideologies so they must use information from previous positions taken in office to make informed re election decisions we characterize the effects of term limits on the evolution over time of the ideological positions taken by office holders and derive the implications for voter choice and welfare contributions of our paper include we detail how pork provision by more senior incumbents interacts with term limits to affect electoral outcomes pork provision transfers of resources from districts with junior legislators to districts with more senior legislators induces voters to be more forgiving of extreme location by incumbents especially incumbents in small or poor districts pork provision can explain why re election probabilities in congress exceed those for governors term limits reduce voter welfare when all that matters are the ideological positions taken by the office holder term limits may be advantageous when senior incumbents can extract benefits for their constituencies at the expense of districts with more junior representatives large or rich districts especially value term limits when there is substantial pork provision we characterize the welfare of all voters not just the median voter

term limits and electoral accountability abstract periodic elections are the main instrument through which voters can hold politicians accountable from this perspective term limits which restrict voters ability to reward politicians with re election appear counterproductive we show that despite the disciplining effect of elections term limits can be ex ante welfare improving from the perspective of voters by reducing the value of holding office term limits can induce politicians to implement policies that are closer to their private preferences such truthful behavior by incumbents in turn results in better screening of incumbents we characterize under which circumstances two term or even longer term limits are the optimal institution for voters

does conditionality work a test for an innovative us aid scheme performance based aid has been proposed as an alternative to the failed traditional approach whereby donors make aid conditional on the reform promises of recipient countries however hardly any empirical evidence exists on whether ex post rewards are effective in inducing reforms we attempt to fill this gap by investigating whether the millennium challenge corporation mcc was successful in promoting better control of corruption we employ a difference in difference in differences ddd approach considering different ways of defining the treatment group as well as different time periods during which incentive effects could have materialized we find evidence of strong anticipation effects immediately after the announcement of the mcc while increasing uncertainty about the timing and amount of mcc aid appears to have weakened the incentive to fight corruption over time

bargaining in legislatures bargaining in legislatures is conducted according to formal rules specifying who may make proposals and how they will be decided legislative outcomes depend on those rules and on the structure of the legislature although the social choice literature provides theories about voting equilibria it does not endogenize the formation of the agenda on which the voting is based and rarely takes into account the institutional structure found in legislatures in our theory members of the legislature act noncooperatively in choosing strategies to serve their own districts explicitly taking into account the strategies members adopt in response to the sequential nature of proposal making and voting the model permits the characterization of a legislative equilibrium reflecting the structure of the legislature and also allows consideration of the choice of elements of that structure in a context in which the standard institution free model of social choice theory yields no equilibrium

communication in federal politics universalism policy uniformity and the optimal allocation of fiscal authority the paper presents a positive model of policy formation in federal legislatures when delegates engage in the strategic exchange of policy relevant information depending on the type of policy under consideration communication between delegates generally suffers from a bias that makes truthful communication difficult and sometimes impossible this generates inefficient federal policy choices that are often endogenously characterized by overspending universalism and uniformity building on these findings i develop a theory of fiscal de centralization which revisits the work of oates in a world of incomplete information and strategic communication empirical results from a cross section of us municipalities are consistent with the predicted pattern of spending

stock market s reaction to disclosure of environmental violations evidence from china the stock market s reaction to information disclosure of environmental violation events eves is investigated multi dimensionally for chinese listed companies including variables such as pollution types information disclosure sources information disclosure levels modernization levels of the region where the company locates ultimate ownership of the company and ownership held by the largest shareholder using the method of event study daily abnormal return ar and accumulative abnormal return car are calculated under different event window for examining the extent to which the stock market responds to the eves furthermore statistical significance of the difference in stock market reaction is compared between event firms with different characteristics the relationship between car and its impact factors is examined by multivariate analysis the findings reveal that the average reduction in market value is estimated to be much lower than the estimated changes in market value for similar events in other countries demonstrating that the negative environmental events of chinese listed companies currently have weak impact on the stock market

on government centralization and fiscal referendums abstract several authors have argued that a centralization of fiscal powers in a federation is less likely to occur if citizens have to approve a change in the assignments of responsibilities by a popular referendum this outcome may be due to the fact that logrolling is more difficult under direct than under representative democracy it may also be caused by citizens fear that a centralization of fiscal authority facilitates the extraction of rents by the government or the legislature in this paper we test the hypothesis that centralization is less likely under referendum decision making in the unique institutional setting of switzerland using a panel of swiss cantons from 1980 to 1998 the empirical analysis provides evidence that referendums induce less centralization of fiscal activities

cross border externalities and cooperation among representative democracies abstract this paper analyzes the provision of public goods with cross border externalities by representative democracies the level of provision of each country is decided by a policy maker elected by majority rule at the country level we compare the case in which policy makers set their policies noncooperatively with the case in which they set their policies through coasian cooperation cooperation induces policy makers to internalize cross border externalities but it also induces strategic voters to elect a policy maker who cares less about the public good to reduce their public good contribution the former effect increases public good provision while the latter reduces it we show that once voters incentives are taken into account whether cooperation is beneficial depends neither on voters preferences nor on the magnitude of spillovers nor on the size bargaining power or efficiency of each country instead it depends only on the curvature of the demand for the public good cooperation increases decreases public good provision when the demand function is more less convex than the unit elastic demand function hence the desirability of international cooperation depends mostly on the type of public good considered

uniqueness of stationary equilibrium payoffs in coalitional bargaining we study a model of sequential bargaining in which in each period before an agreement is reached the proposer s identity is randomly determined the proposer suggests a division of a pie of size one each other agent either approves or rejects the proposal and the proposal is implemented if the set of approving agents is a winning coalition for the proposer the theory of the fixed point index is used to show that stationary equilibrium expected payoffs of this coalitional bargaining game are unique this generalizes eraslan 34 insofar as a there are no restrictions on the structure of sets of winning coalitions b different proposers may have different sets of winning coalitions c there may be a positive probability that no proposer is selected

political equilibrium and the provision of public goods this paper treats interest groups peoplein their role as consumers of a public goodand people in their role as taxpayers asthe unit of account for representativevoting each group is allowed to make aneffort to support its preferred candidateand at the margin the effort benefitratio is the political price the group iswilling to pay to secure an additionaldollar of benefits

politics institutions and fiscal performance in a federal system an analysis of the argentine provinces abstract we posit that the fiscal behavior of argentine provinces is determined by a common pool game at two levels within each province and across political units in the latter game the national government has a greater incentive than the provincial governments to internalize the negative externality of fiscal imprudence given relatively strong party discipline the president is able to induce governors from his party to internalize a portion of the externality to a greater extent than opposition governors in argentina party matters for fiscal behavior but it does so for reasons different from those identified in studies of oecd countries

a drawback of electoral competition in most major democracies there are very few parties compared to the number of possible policy positions held by voters we provide an efficiency rationale for why it might be appropriate to limit the proliferation of parties in our model the larger the number of parties the greater the inefficiency of the outcome of electoral competition the reason is that when the number of parties increases electoral incentives push each party to focus its electoral promises on a narrower constituency and then special interest policies replace more efficient policies that have diffuse benefits the analysis provides a possible explanation for the existence of institutional features that limit the extent of electoral competition thresholds of exclusion runoff electoral systems and majoritarian two party political systems jel d82 l15

toxics release information a policy tool for environmental protection abstract this study examines investor reactions to the repeated public disclosure of environmental information about firms in the chemical industry and the effectiveness of this information as a decentralized mechanism for deterring their pollution by allowing investors to benchmark the performance of firms repeated provision of the toxics release inventory led firms to incur statistically significant negative stock market returns during the one day period following the disclosure of that information in the years 1990 1994 these losses had a significant negative impact on subsequent on site toxic releases and a significant positive impact on wastes transferred off site but their impact on total toxic wastes generated by these firms is negligible

does the size of the legislature affect the size of government evidence from two natural experiments this paper makes use of regression discontinuity designs to estimate the effect of the number of legislators on the size of government the results indicate a negative effect i e the larger the size of the legislature the smaller is the size of government this runs counter to conventional wisdom one potential explanation is that more legislators can better control a budget maximizing bureaucracy i present evidence that is consistent with the proposed mechanism

are moderates better representatives than extremists a theory of indirect representation few if any elected representatives are capable of unilaterally implementing their platforms rather they choose between options generated by other actors and or external events we present a theory of voters preferences over representatives who will cast votes on their behalf and show that in this setting voters preferences over candidates platforms will not look like voters preferences over policies we demonstrate that these induced preferences for representation tend to favor more extreme representatives and we present two models of electoral competition in which induced preferences over representatives lead to elite polarization

the right type of legislator a theory of taxation and representation abstract we develop a theory of taxation and the distribution of government spending in a citizen candidate model of legislatures individuals are heterogeneous in two dimensions productive ability in the private sector and negotiating ability in politics when these are positively correlated rich voters always prefer a rich legislator but poor voters face a trade off a rich legislator will secure more pork for the district but will also prefer lower taxation than the poor voter our theory organizes a number of stylized facts across countries about taxation and redistribution parties and class representation in legislatures we demonstrate that spending does not necessarily increase when the number of legislators increases as the standard common pool intuition suggests and that many policies aimed at increasing descriptive representation may have the opposite effect

distributional impact of farm programs and the adjustment dilemma farm program benefits in the united states that it could be regarded as folly to raise the issue again from the earlier work of bonnen schultze and gardner and hoover to more recent analyses by lin johnson and calvin and u s congress the distributional effects of farm programs have been widely discussed by agricultural economists given the history of farm policy legislation it could be argued that the distributional question has not been a major item on the political agenda in the united states

legislative bargaining and coalition formation abstract the finite horizon version of d p baron and j ferejohn s 1989 amer polit sci rev 83 1181 1206 legislative bargaining model is investigated with three or more periods a continuum of divisions is supportable as subgame perfect equilib ria there exist equilibria where coalitions larger than a minimal winning coalition receive strictly positive shares with sufficiently patient players and a sufficiently long horizon any interior distribution is supportable as an equilibrium in contrast a generic uniqueness result applies when introducing heterogenous time preferences the unique backwards induction equilibrium in the perturbed game is nonstationary and neither the original symmetric nor the perturbed game provides guidance for equilibrium selection in the infinite game journal of economic literature classification numbers c73 c78 d72 d78 h49

on the number and size of nations this paper studies the equilibrium determination of the number of countries in different political regimes and in different economic environments with more or less economic integration we focus on the trade off between the benefits of large jurisdictions and the costs of heterogeneity of large and diverse populations our model implies that i democratization leads to secessions ii in equilibrium one generally observes an inefficiently large number of countries iii the equilibrium number of countries is increasing in the amount of economic integration

a political agency model of coattail voting abstract this paper provides a theoretical model for the coattail effect where a popular candidate for one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government i assume a political agency framework with moral hazard in order to analyze the coattail effect in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections i show that coattail voting is the outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians efforts in a retrospective voting environment i assume that an office motivated politician executive or member of congress prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party this correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or to different parties two sided coattail effects then arise on the one hand an executive s success props up while failure drags down her partisan ally in the congressional election which implies a presidential coattail effect on the other hand the executive s reelection itself is affected by a congress member s performance which results in a reverse coattail effect

the reputational penalties for environmental violations empirical evidence abstract this paper examines the sizes of the fines damage awards remediation costs and market value losses imposed on companies that violate environmental regulations firms that violate environmental laws suffer statistically significant losses in the market value of firm equity the losses however are of similar magnitudes to the legal penalties imposed and in the cross section the market value loss is related to the size of the legal penalty thus environmental violations are disciplined largely through legal and regulatory penalties not through reputational penalties

policy volatility institutions and economic growth abstract in this paper we present evidence that policy volatility exerts a strong and direct negative impact on growth using data for 93 countries we construct measures of policy volatility based on the standard deviation of the residuals from country specific regressions of government consumption on output undisciplined governments that implement frequent and large changes in government spending unrelated to the state of the business cycle generate lower economic growth we employ both instrumental variables and panel estimation to address concerns of omitted variables and endogeneity a 1 standard deviation increase in policy volatility reduces long term economic growth by about 0 74 in the panel regressions and by more than 1 percentage point in the cross section

distributive politics and the costs of centralization this paper studies the choice between centralization and decentralization of fiscal policy in a political economy setting with centralization regional delegates vote over agendas comprising sets of region specific projects the outcome is inefficient because the choice of projects is insufficiently sensitive to within region benefits the number of projects funded may be non monotonic in the strength of project externalities the efficiency gains from decentralization and the performance of constitutional rules such as majority voting which may be used to choose between decentralization and centralization are then discussed in this framework weaker externalities and more heterogeneity between regions need not increase the efficiency gain from decentralization

strategic delegation in a legislative bargaining model with pork and public goods abstract this paper examines the incentives of voters to appoint legislators with different preferences from their own the paper adopts an underlying legislative bargaining model proposed by volden and wiseman 2007 in which legislators with heterogeneous preferences divide a fixed budget between a public good and pork projects local public goods we show that voters have an incentive to strategically delegate to affect how the budget is divided at the legislative level when voters preferences for pork are not too strong the incentives for strategic delegation exist to appoint representatives who will direct more money to the public good and not to pork projects this generally results in at least as many representatives as districts that favor the public good the comparative statics predict that when strategic delegation occurs increasing the size of the legislature increases the fraction of the budget spent on the public good

preferences of citizens for agricultural policies evidence from a national survey the increasing costs of agricultural programs is raising concern about the future direction of agricultural policies data from a nationwide survey on public attitudes toward agriculture are used to examine the structure of citizens preferences for government involvement in agriculture and especially for policies to protect family farms estimates of the influence of economic and sociodemographic variables on policy preferences are computed using a multiple indicator model signs and magnitudes of estimated coefficients lend support to the self interest theory of voter behavior results question economic arguments suggesting altruistic motives as a cause of redistributionary agricultural policies

do stock investors value corporate sustainability evidence from an event study this paper analyzes the impacts of index inclusions and exclusions on corporate sustainable firms by studying a sample of us stocks that are added to or deleted from the dow jones sustainability world index over the period 2002 2008 the impacts are measured in terms of stock return risk and liquidity we cannot find any strong evidence that announcement per se has any significant impact on stock return and risk however on the day of change index inclusion exclusion stocks experience a significant but temporary increase decrease in stock return liquidity deteriorates after the announcement day and bounces back significantly near the day of change systematic risk shows little change after announce ments but idiosyncratic risk is higher after announcements the overall results support harris and eitan s the journal of finance41 4 815 829 1986 price pressure hypothesis which posits that event announcement does not carry information and any shift in demand and hence the corresponding price change and liquidity change is temporary

endogenous federal grants and crowd out of state government spending theory and evidence from the federal highway aid program contrary to simple theoretical predictions existing evidence suggests that federal grants do not crowd out state government spending a legislative bargaining model with endogenous grants documents a positive correlation between grant receipts and preferences for public goods this correlation has likely biased existing work against measuring crowd out to correct for such endogeneity the model motivates instruments based on the political power of state congressional delegations exploiting this exogenous variation in grants the instrumental variables estimator reports crowd out that is statistically and economically significant this endogeneity may explain the flypaper effect a nonequivalence between grant receipts and private income jel d70 h40 h77

bargaining and value we present and analyze a model of noncooperative bargaining among n participants applied to situations describable as games in coalitional form this leads to a unified solution theory for such games that has as special cases the shapley value in the transferable utility tu case the nash bargaining solution in the pure bargaining case and the recently introduced maschler owen consistent value in the general nontransferable utility ntu case moreover we show that any variation in a certain class of our bargaining procedure which generates the shapley value in the tu setup must yield the consistent value in the general ntu setup

optimal fiscal federalism in the presence of tax competition abstract this paper models the optimal division of public goods provision between central and regional governments in an economy with interregional tax competition regional provision is inefficient because governments compete for scarce capital by lowering their capital taxes and public good levels to inefficiently low levels on the other hand central provision is inefficient because it is determined by the minimum winning coalition within a legislature the optimal degree to which public good provision should be decentralized depends on a tradeoff between these inefficiencies in our main model complete centralization is never optimal regional governments should supply some public goods

the political economy of policy centralization direct versus representative democracy abstract this paper analyzes policy centralization outcomes in a two jurisdiction model of public good provision choices with heterogeneous policy preferences and interjurisdictional policy spillovers under two alternative political procedures direct referendum and representative democracy we show that policy centralization is more likely to occur if the choice to centralize is made by elected policymakers rather than by referendum in these situations centralized policies converge to the preferred level of the jurisdiction that least favours centralization rather than to a compromise between the two jurisdictions preferred levels

an institutional theory of divided government and party polarization this paper develops a simple model of institutionally driven party competition which may explain the persistence of divided government in the basic model two parties that are solely motivated to win elections compete for two offices the legislature and the executive parties offer positions in a single dimension to a single district sophisticated electorate that understands the institutionally defined relationship between electoral and policy outcomes when parties are risk averse competition for the two offices leads to a prisoner s dilemma the parties can jointly improve on the one shot nash equilibrium in which they adopt convergent positions several extensive form election games are shown to allow the parties to solve their prisoner s dilemma in a subgame perfect nash equilibrium in such an equilibrium parties adopt widely separated positions and divided government and splitticket voting occur with high probability unlike typical voting models in the basic model there is no tendency for electoral equilibrium to produce the expected median voter s ideal policy outcome these results are robust to a variety of extensions including significant sincere voting multiple policy dimensions and defections by incumbent candidates

leadership and conflict we model the choice of leaders of groups within society where leaders influence both the mode of interaction between groups either peaceful compromise or costly conflict and the outcome of these interactions group members may choose leaders strategically instrumentally or they may choose leaders expressively we characterize the equilibria of the instrumental choice model and also argue that leadership elections may overemphasise the role of expressive considerations in the choice of leader and that this may result in increased conflict between groups

legislative representation bargaining power and the distribution of federal funds evidence from the us congress this article investigates the relationship between representation in legislatures and the geographic distribution of federal funds in a legislative bargaining model we demonstrate that funds are concentrated in high representation areas and two channels underlie this result the proposal power channel reflects the role of representation in committee assignments and the vote cost channel reflects the role of representation in coalition formation in our empirical analysis we find that small states relative to large states receive more funding in the us senate relative to the house we also find empirical support for the two channels underlying this relationship throughout the history of federations and international organisations a key consti tutional design question involves how jurisdictions of different sizes are represented in legislative bodies and how their votes will ultimately be weighted large jurisdictions typically argue for delegation sizes or voting weights that are roughly proportional to population whereas small jurisdictions typically argue for an equal number of delegates or votes for each jurisdiction this conflict over representation is presumably driven at least in part by a belief that increased representation strengthens bargaining power in the battle over the geographic distribution of funds authorised by these legislative bodies in this article i analyse the relationship between legislative representation bar gaining power and the geographic distribution of federal funds from both a theoretical and empirical perspective in addition to investigating the existence of a relationship between representation and federal funds i also explore the underlying mechanisms that is i ask which political institutions such as agenda control provided to commit tees and the formation of coalitions under majority rule shape the bargaining power of jurisdictions in central legislatures and thus facilitate the relationship between repre sentation and the distribution of federal spending to provide a framework for analysing these issues i begin by developing a simple theoretical model of a central legislature that determines the crossjurisdiction distri bution of local public goods which are financed by a national tax base both delegation sizes and population are variable allowing me to consider a variety of institutional arrangements for jurisdictional representation legislators represent local interests and given the common pool problem associated with concentrated benefits and dis persed tax costs attempt to increase ownjurisdiction spending but to restrain spending elsewhere the model follows a recent literature on legislative bargaining in which a proposer must secure a majority of votes in order to pass legislation and due to the

delegation effects in representative democracies do they foster extremism abstract we analyze the political equilibria of a model of representative democracy with strategic delegation where the policy which maximizes ex ante the welfare of a citizen is not in general the one he would select ex post if he were elected we show that these effects give rise to an abstention effect which is likely to lead to the unopposed election of extremist representatives and prevents policy convergence in two candidate elections

a structural model of turnout and voting in multiple elections this paper develops a unified approach to study participation and voting in multiple elections the theoretical setting combines an uncertain voter model of turnout with a spatial model of voting behavior we apply our framework to the study of turnout and voting in u s presidential and congressional elections we structurally estimate the model using individual level data for the 2000 elections and quantify the relationships between observed individual characteristics and unobserved citizens ideological preferences information and civic duty we then use the estimated model which replicates the patterns of abstention selective abstention split ticket voting and straight ticket voting observed in the data to assess the effects of policies that may increase citizens information and sense of civic duty on their turnout and voting behavior

on the need for fiscal constraints in a monetary union the desirability of fiscal constraints in monetary unions depends critically on whether the monetary authority can commit to following its policies if it can commit then debt constraints can only impose costs if it cannot commit then fiscal policy has a free rider problem and debt constraints may be desirable this type of free rider problem is new and arises only because of a time inconsistency problem

strategic delegation and voting rules abstract the selection of political representatives depends on the political system principals such as voters or districts may benefit by strategically electing representatives different from themselves while a status quo biased delegate may be a better negotiator an enthusiastic representative has a better chance of being included in the majority coalition a larger majority requirement leads to conservative delegation and hence a status quo bias a poor minority protection does the opposite through strategic delegation the political system also determines whether centralization or decentralization is beneficial

electoral systems and income inequality abstract the goal of this paper is to determine if electoral systems and inequality are linked using high quality data lis database and simple panel methods we show that when the degree of proportionality of a system increases inequality decreases

governance choice on a serial network this paper analyzes governance choice in a two level federation in providing road infrastructure across jurisdictions two models are proposed to predict the choice of centralized or decentralized spending structure on a serial road network shared by two districts while the first model considers simple pigouvian behavior of governments the second explicitly models political forces at both a local and central level both models led to the conclusions that the spending structure is chosen based on a satisfactory comprise between benefits and costs associated with alternative decision making processes and that governance choice may spontaneously shift as the infrastructure improves temporally

rent seeking spillovers and the benefits of decentralization abstract in the presence of spillovers decentralized provision of local public goods may lead to a higher surplus than centralized provision even though localities have identical preferences indeed free riding costs associated to decentralization can be lower than the costs of rent seeking and influence activities under centralization actually centralization yields a higher level of regional surplus only if both the spillover effect from local public spending is sufficiently large and the elasticity of the influence function is sufficiently small

an empirical analysis of participation in us government farm programmes factors affecting the participation of individual kansas farms in government programmes are considered a sample drawn from over 1600 kansas farms for nine years is used in the context of a simultaneous equation tobit regression to investigate the effects of various factors on the probability and expected level of participation in farm programmes the results suggest that differences in farm sizes incomes types and farming practices influence participation in government programmes small sole proprietor livestock operations with low debt levels receive the lowest levels of support conversely large corporate crop farms receive the highest levels of government support