compensation and rewards for environmental services cres and efficient design of contracts in developing countries behavioral insights from a natural field experiment the use of economic incentives for biodiversity mostly compensation and reward for environmental services including payment for es has been widely supported in the past decades and became the main innovative policy tools for biodiversity conservation worldwide these policy tools are often based on the insight that rational actors perfectly weigh the costs and benefits of adopting certain behaviors and well crafted economic incentives and disincentives will lead to socially desirable development scenarios this rationalist mode of thought has provided interesting insights and results but it also misestimates the context by which real individuals come to decisions and the multitude of factors influencing development sequences in this study our goal is to examine how these policies can take advantage of some unintended behavioral reactions that might in return impact either positively or negatively general policy performances we test the effect of income s origin low effort based money vs high effort based money on spending decisions necessity vs superior goods and subsequent pro social preferences future pro environmental behavior within madagascar rural areas using a natural field experiment our results show that money obtained under low effort leads to different consumption patterns than money obtained under high efforts superior goods are more salient in the case of low effort money in parallel money obtained under low effort leads to subsequent higher pro social behavior compensation and rewards policies for ecosystem services may mobilize knowledge on behavioral biases to improve their design and foster positive spillovers on their development goals

secular cost changes and the size of government towards a generalized theory abstract baumol s cost disease account of government growth is contrasted with that of kau and rubin who focus on decreasing costs of tax collection over time the apparent paradox wherein the first theory explains government growth by cost increases and the second by way of cost decreases is technically resolved why both theories seem to be able to stand up to empirical tests even though they use similar data is then explained finally public choice analysis is employed to reveal further potential for the ultimate construction of one all embracing secular cost change theory of government growth

a note on distribution in a vote bidding game with general interest and single issue voters abstract this paper explores the strategies of candidates bidding for votes from a population made up of single issue voters and voters who respond in a probabilistic manner

explaining party ideological stances we apply the iterative algorithm by merrill and adams political analysis 9 347 361 2001 to compute the optimal positions of vote maximizing parties along a one dimensional space for a large number of elections this allows us to systematically evaluate factors that push parties toward more centrifugal locations in equilibrium our findings largely corroborate expectations suggested by the theoretical literature albeit with one notable exception the relative size of a partisan constituency reduces rather than enhances the likelihood of a party having an extreme optimal position we then compare derived equilibrium positions with actual party positions with the aim of understanding the nature of electoral incentives and offering insights about party system competition in particular we show that the age of a party the party family to which it belongs post election expectations and internal rules for candidate and leader selection are all factors that increase the probability of a party approaching the position predicted by pure vote maximizing considerations

the variance gamma v g model for share market returns a new stochastic process termed the variance gamma process is proposed as a model for the uncertainty underlying security prices the unit period distribution is normal conditional on a variance that is distributed as a gamma variate its advantages include long tailedness continuous time specification finite moments of all orders elliptical multivariate unit period distributions and good empirical fit the process is pure jump approximable by a compound poisson process with high jump frequency and low jump magnitudes applications to option pricing show differential effects for options on the money compared to in or out of the money copyright 1990 by the university of chicago

issue voting as a constrained choice problem prevalent models of issue voting view vote choice as a choice among party policies choice sets are implicitly assumed to be the same for all voters and their composition is left to researchers discretion this article aims to relax such assumptions by presenting a model with a varying probability of inclusion in the choice set we apply the constrained choice conditional logistic regression to survey data from the 1989 parliamentary election in norway to examine the effects of party identification of voters and electoral viability and policy extremity of parties on individual voters choice set compositions further we look into the effect of parties policy positions on their electoral fates under alternative assumptions about the composition of voters choice sets we find that voters choice set composition conditions both the effects of their policy considerations on vote choice and those of parties policy offerings on their electoral fates

supermajority voting requirements for tax increases evidence from the states abstract this paper measures the effect of state level supermajority requirements for tax increases on tax rates unobserved attitudes towards taxation tend to influence both the adoption of supermajority requirements and tax policy consequently one cannot distinguish between the effect of these requirements and their correlation with these unobserved attitudes a model is presented in which legislatures controlled by a pro tax party adopt a supermajority requirement to reduce the majority party agenda control the propensity of pro tax states to adopt supermajority requirements results in an underestimate of the true effect of these requirements on taxes to correct this identification problem the paper first uses fixed effects to control for unobserved attitudes and then employs instruments that measure the difficulty of amending state constitutions the paper concludes that supermajority requirements have significantly reduced taxes

economic growth strategies the effects of ideological partisanship on interest rates and business taxation in the united states we reformulate the partisanship thesis in light of four claims leveled against it the reformulated version ideological partisanship is based upon the theory that similar rates of economic growth may follow from the different use of policy instruments owing to their role as determinants of investment and growth interest rates business taxation rates and the redistribution of the tax burden between capital gains and earned income are examined we advance models that take into account other views of politics beside the partisan one and test for political influences the united states is characterized by very pronounced partisan differences in national economic policy with democratic administrations seeking to promote growth through a consumption driven while republican administrations promote an investment driven strategy democratic administrations also seek to shift the tax burden toward corporations and owners of capital these findings are examined in light of the comparative political economy literature we conclude that the forms and institutional foundations of left partisan policies differ among democratic capitalist countries

the political economy of publicly provided private goods abstract this paper integrates two different approaches to the analysis of public provision of private goods education health care day care etc while normative public economics has established an efficiency case for such provision the commonly held political economy view has been that it is an economically inefficient phenomenon generated by the political process we establish a political economy framework which in general yields an efficient choice of distributional policy it follows that the central mechanism studied in the normative theory is equally relevant to voting models of decisions on public provision it is shown that under plausible information constraints economically efficient public provision of private goods will be part of politically rational decisions the result is established both within a median voter process and a representative democracy of political parties

an irrational party of rational members the collision of legislators reelection quest with party success in the japan socialist party this study presents a new explanation to a puzzle regarding the reluctance of the japan socialist party jsp to moderate its hard liner marxist platform the author does so by focusing on the pref

tests of a rational theory of the size of government in many countries the political party holding power changes more frequently than the trend growth rates in government spending and taxes shifts of political power are often preceded by rhetoric about meeting needs or cutting taxes which post election performances rarely match yet changes in the size of government up and down occur on average the size of government measured by the share of taxes or spending to output has increased in many countries during the past century but changes in size occur at diffrent rates and at times the relative size of government declines

exploiting ergodicity in forecasts of corporate profitability abstract theory suggests that competition tends to equalize profit rates through the process of capital reallocation and numerous studies have confirmed that profit rates are indeed persistent and mean reverting recent empirical evidence further shows that fluctuations in the profitability of surviving corporations are well approximated by a stationary laplace distribution here we show that a parsimonious diffusion process of corporate profitability that accounts for all three features of the data achieves better out of sample forecasting performance across different time horizons than previously suggested time series and cross sectional models as a consequence of replicating the empirical distribution of profit rates the model prescribes a particular strength or speed for the mean reversion of all returns which leads to superior forecasts of individual time series when we exploit information from the cross sectional collection of firms the new model should appeal to managers analysts investors and other groups of corporate stakeholders who are interested in accurate forecasts of profitability to the extent that mean reversion in profitability is the source of predictable variation in earnings our approach can also be used in forecasts of earnings and is thus useful for firm valuation

a statistical equilibrium model of competitive firms abstract we find that the empirical density of firm profit rates measured as returns on assets is markedly non gaussian and reasonably well described by an exponential power or subbotin distribution we start from a statistical equilibrium model that leads to a stationary subbotin density in the presence of complex interactions among competitive heterogeneous firms to investigate the dynamics of firm profitability we construct a diffusion process that has the subbotin distribution as its stationary probability density this leads to a phenomenologically inspired interpretation of variations in the shape parameter of the subbotin distribution which essentially measures the competitive pressure in and across industries our findings have profound implications both for the previous literature on the persistence of profits as well as for understanding competition as a dynamic process our main formal finding is that firms idiosyncratic efforts and the tendency for competition to equalize profit rates are two sides of the same coin and that a ratio of these two effects ultimately determines the dispersion of the equilibrium distribution

centripetal and centrifugal incentives under different electoral systems inaseminalarticle cox 1990 suggestedthatelectoralsystemswithlargerdistrictmagnitudesprovideincentivesforparties to advocate more extreme policy positions in this article we put this proposition to the test informed by recent advances in spatial models of party competition we introduce a design that embeds the effect of electoral rules in the utility function of voters we then estimate the equilibrium location of parties as the weight voters attach to the expected distribution of seats and votes changes our model predicts that electoral rules affect large and small parties in different ways we find centripetal effects only for parties that are favorably biased by electoral rules by contrast smaller parties see their vote share decline and are pushed toward more extreme equilibrium positions evidence from 13 parliamentary democracies supports model predictions along with testing the incentives provided by electoral rules results carry implications for the strategies of vote maximizing parties and for the role of small parties in multiparty competition

government versus opposition at the polls how governing status affects the impact of policy positions we argue that governing status affects how voters react to extreme versus moderate policy positions being in government forces parties to compromise and to accept ideologically unappealing choices as the best among available alternatives steady exposure to government parties in this role and frequent policy compromise by governing parties lead voters to discount the positions of parties when they are in government hence government parties do better in elections when they offset this discounting by taking relatively extreme positions the relative absence of this discounting dynamic for opposition parties on the other hand means that they perform better by taking more moderate positions as the standard downsian model would predict we present evidence from national elections in germany the netherlands norway sweden and the united kingdom 1971 2005 to support this claim

the role of party reputation in the formation of policy abstract this paper shows that a party can credibly establish a platform more moderate than the ideology of its members and thereby raise the probability that the party s nominee wins the election a lame duck incumbent optimally implements his party s platform in order to maintain his party s reputation for having a moderate platform this increases the likelihood that his party retains power when candidates credibly locate themselves in policy space via this mechanism we show that if candidates are sufficiently impatient then their policies are bounded away from one another the policy convergence result is not robust

effectiveness of electoral systems for reducing government corruption a game theoretic analysis abstract a theoretical model is developed for predicting the relative effectiveness of different electoral systems for reducing government corruption we consider voting games in which parties with known corruption levels and known positions on a major policy question compete for legislative seats we find that approval voting and proportional representation are fully effective in the sense that all equilibria exclude corrupt parties from legislative seats plurality voting is partly effective in the sense that there always exist some equilibria that exclude corrupt parties borda voting is ineffective because for some political situations no equilibria can guarantee the exclusion of corrupt parties journal of economic literature classification number d72

designing payments for environmental services in theory and practice an overview of the issues abstract payments for environmental services pes have attracted increasing interest as a mechanism to translate external non market values of the environment into real financial incentives for local actors to provide environmental services es in this introductory paper we set the stage for the rest of this special issue of ecological economics by reviewing the main issues arising in pes design and implementation and discussing these in the light of environmental economics we start with a discussion of pes definition and scope we proceed to review some of the principal dimensions and design characteristics of pes programs and then analyze how pes compares to alternative policy instruments finally we examine in detail two important aspects of pes programs their effectiveness and their distributional implications pes is not a silver bullet that can be used to address any environmental problem but a tool tailored to address a specific set of problems those in which ecosystems are mismanaged because many of their benefits are externalities from the perspective of ecosystem managers pes is based on the beneficiary pays rather than the polluter pays principle and as such is attractive in settings where es providers are poor marginalized landholders or powerful groups of actors an important distinction within pes is between user financed pes in which the buyers are the users of the es and government financed pes in which the buyers are others typically the government acting on behalf of es users in practice pes programs differ in the type and scale of es demand the payment source the type of activity paid for the performance measure used as well as the payment mode and amount the effectiveness and efficiency of pes depends crucially on program design

party politics governors and economic policy in this article we evaluate the role of elections in governors state tax policy making does it matter for state taxes whether the governor is a democrat or republican and whether she is eligible for re election or faces a binding term limit using a regression discontinuity design and a panel of u s states we find that the manner in which governors of different parties implement different tax policies turns crucially on the incumbent s eligibility for re election re electable democratic governors increase income taxes relative to similarly situated republicans yielding divergence between party policy positions however governors facing a binding term limit exhibit the reverse policy difference resulting in a movement of policy back together

elections coalitions and legislative outcomes predictions of electoral behavior in a multiparty setting should be a function of the voters beliefs about how parties will perform following an election similarly party behavior in a legislature should be a function of electoral promises and rewards we develop a multistage game theoretic model of three party competition under proportional representation the final policy outcome of the game is generated by a noncooperative bargaining game between the parties in the elected legislature this game is essentially defined by the vote shares each party receives in the general election and the parties electoral policy positions at the electoral stage parties and voters are strategic in that they take account of the legislative implications of any electoral outcome we solve for equilibrium electoral positions by the parties and final policy outcomes

a partisan model of government expenditure partisan models of budget politics largely concentrate on the size of government budget deficits and debt but most theories have little to say as to what the effect of party politics on both the size and the composition of budgets is this paper seeks to extend previous literature in two directions first a model of spending preferences is developed that relates actors preferred level and allocation of expenditure to electoral gains from fiscal policies second changes in both total expenditure and the expenditure mix of two budget categories are analyzed for the effect of parties spending preferences as stated in their election manifestos using data on 19 oecd countries from 1971 to 1999 the paper finds support for general partisan hypothesis the results suggest that the actual spending preferences of parties matter whereas they do not indicate that parties of the left consistently differ from parties of the right in their spending behavior

revisiting the concept of payments for environmental services this article revisits the payments for environmental services pes concept and reviews existing pes definitions based on weberian philosophy of science it is argued that an ideal pes type strongly embedded in pes theory is needed to understand their logic many broader empiricist definitions fail to distinguish pes from the larger generic family of positive environmental incentives thus eroding their meaning by excessive vagueness arguably pes definitions should focus on describing a functional tool rather than normatively integrating desirable pes outcomes a modified narrow pes definition is proposed outlining conditionality as the single defining feature avoiding the buyer seller terms and linking pes to offsite externalities extensive explanatory guidelines address many valid conceptual concerns raised in the recent pes literature

politics and economics in weak and strong states abstract while much research in political economy points out the benefits of limited government political scientists have long emphasized the problems created in many less developed nations by weak states which lack the power to tax and regulate the economy and to withstand the political and social challenges from non state actors i construct a model in which the state apparatus is controlled by a self interested ruler who tries to divert resources for his own consumption but who can also invest in socially productive public goods both weak and strong states create distortions when the state is excessively strong the ruler imposes such high taxes that economic activity is stifled when the state is excessively weak the ruler anticipates that he will not be able to extract rents in the future and underinvests in public goods i show that the same conclusion applies in the analysis of both the economic power of the state i e its ability to raise taxes and its political power i e its ability to remain entrenched from the citizens i also discuss how under certain circumstances a different type of equilibrium which i refer to as consensually strong state equilibrium can emerge whereby the state is politically weak but is allowed to impose high taxes as long as a sufficient fraction of the proceeds are invested in public goods the consensually strong state might best correspond to the state in oecd countries where taxes are high despite significant control by the society over the government

what moves parties the role of public opinion and global economic conditions in western europe do western european political parties adjust their ideological positions in response to shifts in public opinion and to changing global economic conditions based on a time series cross sectional analysis of parties ideological dynamics in eight western european democracies from 1976 1998 the authors conclude that both factors influence parties ideological positions but that this relationship is mediated by the type of party specifically they find that parties of the center and right react to both public opinion and the global economy whereas parties of the left display no discernible tendency to respond to public opinion and also appear less responsive to global economic conditions the findings on leftist parties distinctiveness support arguments about these parties long term policy orientations as well as about their organizational structures the authors also find little support for neoliberal convergence arguments

incomplete information and ideological explanations of platform divergence one of the paradoxes of formal spatial voting models is the robustness of the theoretical result that candidates will converge toward centrists positions and the empirical observation of persistent policy divergence of candidates a solution is that candidates are ideological have policy preferences when candidates have policy preferences and incomplete information about voter preferences then platform divergence is theoretically predicted experimental tests of the ideological model are presented it is shown that platform divergence is significant when candidates are ideological and have incomplete information about voter preferences however candidate positions are more convergent on average than the theory predicts suggesting that subjects value winning independently of the expected payment

redistributing income under proportional representation although majoritarian decision rules are the norm in legislatures relatively few democracies use simple majority rule at the electoral stage adopting instead some form of multiparty proportional representation moreover aggregate data suggest that average income tax rates are higher and distributions of posttax income flatter in countries with proportional representation than in those with majority rule while there are other differences between these countries this paper explores how variations in the political system per se influence equilibrium redistributive tax rates and income distributions a three party proportional representation model is developed in which taxes are determined through legislative bargaining among successful electoral parties and the economic decision for individuals is occupational choice political economic equilibria for this model and for a two party winner take all majoritarian system are derived and compared

incentives to cultivate favored minorities under alternative electoral systems a simple model is used to compare under different electoral systems the incentives for candidates to create inequalities among otherwise homogeneous voters by making campaign promises that favor small groups rather than appealing equally to all voters in this game model each candidate generates offers for voters independently out of a distribution that is chosen by the candidate subject only to the constraints that offers must be nonnegative and have mean 1 symmetric equilibria with sincere voting are analyzed for two candidate elections and for multicandidate elections under rank scoring rules approval voting and single transferable vote voting rules that can guarantee representation for minorities in multiseat elections generate in this model the most severely unequal campaign promises

a model of political equilibrium in a representative democracy abstract this paper studies political equilibrium in a two party representative democracy in which the political parties are policy motivated and voters trade off their policy preferences against their party identity it is shown that the parties will in general adopt differing policy positions in equilibrium and that under certain qualifications the winning policy will lie between the more popular party s preferred policy and a certain utilitarian optimum the winning policy will be closer to this utilitarian optimum the less biased the electorate is in terms of party identification

implications of rational inattention abstract a constraint that actions can depend on observations only through a communication channel with finite shannon capacity is shown to be able to play a role very similar to that of a signal extraction problem or an adjustment cost in standard control problems the resulting theory looks enough like familiar dynamic rational expectations theories to suggest that it might be useful and practical while the implications for policy are different enough to be interesting

does classical competition explain the statistical features of firm growth abstract we propose a statistical equilibrium model where the tendency for competition to equalize profit rates results in an exponential power or subbotin distribution the model supports and extends recent evidence on the laplace distribution of firm growth rates

cost sharing versus block funding in a federal system a demand systems approach this paper employs a maximizing framework consistent with the axioms of consumer preference to analyze local government s choice of spending on different social services within this framework it is possible to include both block funding and cost sharing intergovernment transfer schemes canada s movement to block funding from the cost sharing method of financing provincial expenditures on hospitals medical care and post secondary education is analyzed the results indicate that the provincial governments actions are generally consistent with a significant maximizing model of consumer behavior and that the change to block funding had a significant impact on real provincial funding of some previously cost shared social services

the provision of public goods under alternative electoral incentives politicians who care about the spoils of office may underprovide a public good because its benefits cannot be targeted to voters as easily as pork barrel spending we compare a winner take all system where all the spoils go to the winner to a proportional system where the spoils of office are split among candidates proportionally to their share of the vote in a winner take all system the public good is provided less often than in a proportional system when the public good is particularly desirable we then consider the electoral college system and show that it is particularly subject to this inefficiency

a downsian spatial model with party activism a unidimensional spatial model is proposed in this article although its formal structure parallels the spatial model of electoral competition this model examines the decisions of individuals as they choose whether or not to become activists in one of two political parties an individual calculus of participation is developed that is similar to the spatial interpretation of the calculus of voting this calculus is then generalized by examining conditions that may hold for aggregate activism probabilities and the relationship between the two forms is investigated some results are then presented which concern the distributions of activists in the two parties these results in general conform to the existence of party cleavages in which there are two stable equilibrium distributions of activists such that the two parties activists are relatively cohesive internally and relatively distinctive externally finally some suggestions are offered about how this model can be combined with the spatial model of candidate competition to provide a more complete model of elections

an expanded approach to analyzing policy minded candidates a random pivot model is used to expand the theory of policy minded candidates previous results wittman 1977 1983 cox 1984 hansson and stuart 1984 are derived under weaker assumptions new results about candidate strategies in multiple elections are also obtained the thrust of these results supports calvert s 1985 finding that office seeking and policy mindedness are countervailing forces in election contests

implications of quantal response statistical equilibrium abstract this paper explores the foundations and properties of the quantal response statistical equilibrium qrse model developed by scharfenaker and foley 2017 the qrse model provides a behavioral foundation for the formation of aggregate economic outcomes in social systems characterized by negative feedbacks it can approximate a wide range of commonly encountered theoretical distributions that have been identified as economic statistical equilibrium and displays qualitatively similar behavior to the subbotin and asymmetric subbotin distributions that range from the laplace to the normal distribution in the limit asymmetry in the frequency distributions of economic outcomes can be understood as arising from the unfulfilled expectations of entropy constrained decision makers this paper demonstrates the logic of the qrse model in an application to us stock market data dating back to 1926 the model provides a parsimonious explanation for the distribution of rates of return on private equities as well as a behavioral foundation for asset price fluctuations

dynamic parties and social turnout an agent based model1 the authors develop an agent based model of dynamic parties with social turnout built upon developments in different fields within social science this model yields significant turnout divergent platforms and numerous results consistent with the rational calculus of voting model and the empirical literature on social turnout in a simplified version of the model the authors show how a local imitation structure inherently yields dynamics that encourage positive turnout the model also generates new hypotheses about the importance of social networks and citizen party interactions

majority rule and election models abstract this paper surveys the theoretical work that has been done on majority rule and economic models of elections section i provides an overview of the topic section 2 reviews the most important results that have been obtained about majority rule as an abstract collective choice rule section 3 identifies some alternative inferences that can be made from those results section 4 covers some models that include additional features that are present in political institutions where majority rule is used section 5 concentrates on some alternative election models and equilibrium concepts section 6 focuses on election models with abstentions and or candidate uncertainty about voter behaviour section 7 compares and contrasts models where candidates are certain about what the voters choices will be contingent upon about the choices made by the candidates and models where they are uncertain about those choices section 8 closes the survey by identifying some emerging areas of research

competence and ideology we develop a dynamic repeated election model in which citizen candidates are distinguished by both their ideology and valence voters observe an incumbent s valence and policy choices but only know the challenger s party our model provides a rich set of novel results in contrast to existing predictions from static models we prove that dynamic considerations make higher valence incumbents more likely to compromise and win re election even though they compromise to more extreme policies consequently we find that the correlation between valence and extremist policies rises with office holder seniority this result may help explain previous empirical findings despite this result we establish that the whole electorate gains from improvements in the distribution of valences in contrast fixing average valence the greater dispersion in valence associated with a high valence political elite always benefits the median voter but can harm a majority of voters when voters are sufficiently risk averse we then consider interest groups igs or activists who search for candidates with better skills we derive a complete theoretical explanation for the intuitive conjectures that policies are more extreme when igs and activists have more extreme ideologies and that such extremism reduces the welfare of all voters

incumbency effects in political campaigns in this paper we examine two effects of incumbency first an incumbent may have an advantage in creating a favorable image in the eyes of the voters second the incumbent may have to chose a position before the challenger this second aspect of incumbency is modelled as stackelberg leadership in the model two candidates run for election by choosing a position in an ideological spectrum voters care about candidates chosen positions as well as non policy attributes of candidates which we call charisma charismata are not known when candidates choose policy positions they are only revealed on election day so that winning is not usually a certain prospect candidates care about the probability of winning but they also dislike compromising their own ideals

explaining the distribution of firm growth rates empirical analyses on aggregated datasets have revealed a common exponential behavior in the shape of the probability density of corporate growth rates we present clear cut evidence on this topic using disaggregated data we explain the observed regularities proposing a model in which firms ability to take up new business opportunities increases with the number of opportunities already exploited a theoretical result is presented for the limiting case in which the number of firms and opportunities go to infinity moreover using simulations we show that even in a small industry the agreement with asymptotic results is almost complete

an institutional theory of divided government and party polarization this paper develops a simple model of institutionally driven party competition which may explain the persistence of divided government in the basic model two parties that are solely motivated to win elections compete for two offices the legislature and the executive parties offer positions in a single dimension to a single district sophisticated electorate that understands the institutionally defined relationship between electoral and policy outcomes when parties are risk averse competition for the two offices leads to a prisoner s dilemma the parties can jointly improve on the one shot nash equilibrium in which they adopt convergent positions several extensive form election games are shown to allow the parties to solve their prisoner s dilemma in a subgame perfect nash equilibrium in such an equilibrium parties adopt widely separated positions and divided government and splitticket voting occur with high probability unlike typical voting models in the basic model there is no tendency for electoral equilibrium to produce the expected median voter s ideal policy outcome these results are robust to a variety of extensions including significant sincere voting multiple policy dimensions and defections by incumbent candidates

equilibrium in multicandidate probabilistic spatial voting this paper presents a multicandidate spatial model of probabilistic voting in which voter utility functions contain a random element specific to each candidate the model assumes no abstentions sincere voting and the maximization of expected vote by each candidate we derive a sufficient condition for concavity of the candidate expected vote function with which the existence of equilibrium is related to the degree of voter uncertainty we show that under concavity convergent equilibrium exists at a minimum sum point at which total distances from all voter ideal points are minimized we then discuss the location of convergent equilibrium for various measures of distance in our examples computer analysis indicates that non convergent equilibria are only locally stable and disappear as voter uncertainty increases

the campfire programme in zimbabwe payments for wildlife services abstract payments for environmental services pes have been distinguished from the more common integrated conservation and development projects on the grounds that pes are direct more cost effective less complex institutionally and therefore more likely to produce the desired results both kinds of schemes aim to achieve similar conservation outcomes however and generally function in analogous social political and economic environments given the relative novelty of pes what lessons can be learnt and applied from earlier initiatives in this paper we describe the evolution over the first 12 years 1989 2001 of zimbabwe s communal areas management programme for indigenous resources campfire a community based natural resource management programme in which rural district councils on behalf of communities on communal land are granted the authority to market access to wildlife in their district to safari operators these in turn sell hunting and photographic safaris to mostly foreign sport hunters and eco tourists the district councils pay the communities a dividend according to an agreed formula in practice there have been some underpayments and frequent delays during 1989 2001 campfire generated over us 20 million of transfers to the participating communities 89 of which came from sport hunting the scale of benefits varied greatly across districts wards and households twelve of the 37 districts with authority to market wildlife produced 97 of all campfire revenues reflecting the variability in wildlife resources and local institutional arrangements the programme has been widely emulated in southern and eastern africa we suggest five main lessons for emerging pes schemes community level commercial transactions can seldom be pursued in isolation non differentiated payments weaken incentives start up costs can be high and may need to be underwritten competitive bidding can allow service providers to hold on to rents and schemes must be flexible and adaptive

extremism in revolutionary movements abstract a revolutionary entrepreneur strategically chooses the revolutionary agenda to maximize the likelihood of revolution citizens have different preferences and can contribute varying degrees of support we show 1 extremists exert a disproportionate influence over the revolutionary agenda 2 depending on the structure of repression more severe repression can moderate or radicalize the revolutionary agenda specifically increases in the minimum punishment marginal cost of revolutionary effort at its minimum radicalize the revolutionary agenda this presents the elite with a tradeoff between extreme but unlikely revolutions and moderate but likely ones 3 competition between revolutionary entrepreneurs can radicalize the revolutionary agenda

a neo downsian model of group oriented voting and racial backlash we extend the standard downsian framework to suppose that voters consider the identity of each candidate s supporters when deciding whom to support rather than considering only the announced policy positions of the candidates in particular we posit the existence of a class of voters whose support for a candidate reduces support by some other voters for that candidate our most important result concerns the conditions under which the addition to the electorate of new voters on one side of the policy spectrum shifts the equilibrium toward the opposite direction the model can explain why enfranchisement of blacks did not immediately help the election of liberal candidates

optimal districting with endogenous party platforms representation is one of the most important criteria by which to judge electoral systems in this paper i focus on one aspect of representative democracy the formation of electoral district boundaries it is well known that majoritarian systems give rise to highly biased seat vote curves causing representation to be less than ideal what should therefore be the optimal constituency design when the objective is to maximize voters welfare i show that when parties take account of districting while setting platforms then the district design problem reduces to a very simple rule do nothing when voters are risk neutral and when voters are risk averse choose a bias that is against the largest partisan group calibrating the model on data of the u s state legislative elections during the 1990s i show that the welfare gain due to optimal districting is very small

the flypaper effect identifying areas for further research the flypaper effect literature dates back three decades it is overwhelmingly neo classical in approach attempting to improve the median voter demand model and or temper it with public choice supply side perspectives whilst this approach provided valuable early substantial analytical insights more recent papers seem to have contributed only marginally to an understanding of the flypaper effect if indeed it exists at all hence as well as providing a long overdue comprehensive review of the literature on the flypaper effect this paper identifies more productive avenues for further research

explaining variation in the competitiveness of u s senate elections 1922 2004 we develop and test predictions about the factors determining the competitiveness of elections to the u s senate to do so we deliberately abstract away from candidate specific conditions that have often been used to study political competitiveness in order to focus on basic structural features of the electoral landscape in our framework party specific constraints on the ideological positioning of local candidates linked to the national party organization and its contributors interact with the heterogeneity of state electorates to determine the number of highly competitive senate contests three hypotheses emerge from this model 1 the greater the diversity of a party s national legislative delegation the more highly competitive senate elections we will observe 2 states in which the ideological heterogeneity of the electorate is relatively high will exhibit a greater number of highly competitive elections and 3 highly competitive senate contests will be more common in states with closed primaries than in states with open primaries we provide strong evidence in support of the first two hypotheses and some evidence in support of the third

cooperation and punishment under repeated majority voting in light of the extensive theoretical evidence suggesting absence of equilibrium in voting models tullock 1981 asks why so much stability our results suggest the following answer political agents engaged in long term relationships can sustain highly stable allocations if there are strongly held norms for punishment of defectors 1

socially optimal districting a theoretical and empirical exploration this paper investigates the problem of optimal districting in the context of a simple model of legislative elections in the model districting matters because it determines the seat vote curve which describes the relationship between seats and votes the paperrst characterizes the optimal seat vote curve and shows that under a weak condition there exist districtings that generate this ideal relationship the paper then develops an empirical methodology for computing seat vote curves and measuring the welfare gains from implementing optimal districting this is applied to analyze the districting plans used to elect u s state legislators during the 1990s

beyond the median voter preferences district heterogeneity and political representation despite the centrality of the median voter prediction in political economy models overwhelming empirical evidence shows that legislators regularly take positions that diverge significantly from the preferences of the median voter in their districts however all these empirical studies to date lack the necessary data to directly measure the preferences of the median voter we utilize a unique data set consisting of individual level voting data that allows us to construct direct measures of voter preferences we find that legislators are most constrained by the preferences of the median voter in homogeneous districts

location location location the davis hinich model of electoral competition the davis hinich multidimensional model of electoral competition is the foundation for a very broad set of models in economics political science public choice and political economy this essay reviews some of these models and how they build on and extend the original davis hinich model it also presents a new extension that makes individual preferences endogenous to the electoral process the essay concludes with a discussion of the positive and normative implications of endogenous preferences and then returns to the basic theme of the central importance of the early davis hinich papers

the history of ecosystem services in economic theory and practice from early notions to markets and payment schemes article i nfo this paper reviews the historic development of the conceptualization of ecosystem services and examines critical landmarks in economic theory and practice with regard to the incorporation of ecosystem services into markets and payment schemes the review presented here suggests that the trend towards monetization and commodification of ecosystem services is partly the result of a slow move from the original economic conception of nature s benefits as use values in classical economics to their conceptualization in terms of exchange values in neoclassical economics the theory and practice of current ecosystem services science are examined inthelight ofthis historicaldevelopment from thisreview we conclude thatthefocus onmonetary valuation and payment schemes has contributed to attract political support for conservation but also to commodify a growing number of ecosystem services and to reproduce the neoclassical economics paradigm and the market logic to tackle environmental problems

electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization despite common perception existing theoretical literature lacks a complete for mal argument regarding the relationship between the electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization in this paper we build a model that incorporates the disproportionality of the electoral system in a standard downsian electoral competition setup with mainly but not necessarily purely policy motivated parties we first show that in equilibrium platform polarization is decreasing in the level of the electoral rule disproportionality we then argue that the number of parties has a positive effect on platform polarization when polarization is measured by the distance between the two most distant platforms this effect does not hold when polarization is measured by the widely used dalton index constructing a dataset covering more than 300 elections our main theoretical findings are empirically supported pointing towards the electoral rule disproportionality as a major determinant of polarization

competition among institutions abstract economic theory offers two different approaches to the analysis of group formation and the role of institutions general equilibrium approach explores the influence of the economic environment on formation of coalitions game theory explores the influence of institutional rules on equilibrium outcomes we introduce an integrative approach an institution s policy depends on its membership while its membership depends on the policies of all the institutions we present three distinct mathematical approaches to these models highlighting the algebraic nature of the question of existence of equilibrium our apparatus cover many economic and political environments including cases with multiple dimensions and multiple institutions journal of economic literature classification numbers c62 d50 d71 d72 h11 h40 r13 r53

centripetal and centrifugal incentives in electoral systems this paper investigates how electoral laws affect the position taking incentives of parties and candidates it seeks to extend the finding presented in the classical median voter theorem to a wide class of electoral systems or to show the limits of such extension the factors examined are the district magnitude the electoral formula the number of votes each voter is allowed to cast whether voters can cumulate their votes and whether voters can partially abstain i suggest a crude division of electoral systems into those producing predominantly centripetal incentives and those producing predominantly centrifugal incentives among the factors found to produce centripetal incentives at least in noncumulative systems are the following increases in the number of votes per voter outlawry of partial abstention and decreases in the district magnitude in systems allowing the cumulation of votes matters are a bit different

the political economy of inaction abstract this paper develops a simple model of political inaction in a two party democracy i e it shows the conditions under which both parties will prefer to live with an unsatisfactory and inefficient status quo rather than to raise an issue the risk of raising the issue to either party is the fear of ending up with the other party s policy for example by losing the electron regarded as even worse than the status quo the model shows that the problem is likely to be particularly serious the more evenly matched is political competition the more risk averse the parties the less voters trust the parties the more divided is public opinion and the more important the issue the model is illustrated with a number of examples of real world inaction e g on fiscal deficits abortion the transition to socialism and the fall of the weimar republic in general the analysis also suggests that over a range more representation of political viewpoints implies a smaller likelihood of political action so that democracy implies a tradeoff between representation and the capacity for political action

community conservation and a two stage approach to payments for ecosystem services recent revisions to the theory and definition of payments for ecosystem services pes challenge the generally accepted dominance of direct incentives provided in a buyer seller relationship the revisionist thinking insists indirect incentives and a cooperative reciprocal relationship are often more appropriate those characteristics however hark back to the indirect cooperative interventions that constitute community conservation which pes was originally designed as an improvement over in that context this study revisits the criticisms and potential benefits of community conservation we analyze a case study of community conservation in peru and find that it supported an uptake of forest friendly behaviors we take up the suggestion of a two stage approach to pes but refine it based on our results that indicate an important role for cognitive e g education alongside structural interventions e g provision of alternatives and a strong role for social consensus to support conservationist behavior community conservation can provide these elements in a first stage of pes to create a social context conducive to conservation without creating that context first pes could destabilize local resource management norms rather than improve on them with the social context established however a market mechanism can be implemented in the second stage to reinforce the new conservationist behavior

taking stock a comparative analysis of payments for environmental services programs in developed and developing countries abstract payments for environmental services pes are an innovative approach to conservation that has been applied increasingly often in both developed and developing countries to date however few efforts have been made to systematically compare pes experiences drawing on the wealth of case studies in this special issue we synthesize the information presented according to case characteristics with respect to design costs environmental effectiveness and other outcomes pes programs often differ substantially one from the other some of the differences reflect adaptation of the basic concept to very different ecological socioeconomic or institutional conditions others reflect poor design due either to mistakes or to the need to accommodate political pressures we find significant differences between user financed pes programs in which funding comes from the users of the es being provided and government financed programs in which funding comes from a third party the user financed programs in our sample were better targeted more closely tailored to local conditions and needs had better monitoring and a greater willingness to enforce conditionality and had far fewer confounding side objectives than government financed programs we finish by outlining some perspectives on how both user and government financed pes programs could be made more effective and cost efficient

spatial models of political competition under plurality rule a survey of some explanations of the number of candidates and the positions they take this paper surveys work that uses spatial models of political competition to explain the number of candidates and the positions that they take in plurality rule elections

policy responsiveness and incumbent reelection in state legislatures does policy responsiveness on the part of incumbent legislators affect their prospects for reelection recent studies of congressional campaigns demonstrate that incumbents who support policies that are more congruent with their constituents preferences face fewer reelection obstacles the present analysis considers this question in state legislative elections where voter knowledge of legislator activities is generally quite low the findings demonstrate that incumbents positioned farther from the average citizen and toward their party s base are only slightly more likely to be challenged than other incumbents however more partisan voting incumbents do attract challengers capable of raising and spending larger amounts of money interestingly incumbents positioned closer to their party s base actually receive a greater share of the vote in most contested elections only when challengers spend significant amounts of money do we see the positive effects of partisan voting by incumbents diminished overall these findings demonstrate the mechanisms by which policy positions of incumbents in a low information environment affect the challengers that emerge and the level of voter support received

electoral bias and policy choice theory and evidence this paper develops an approach to studying how bias in favor of one party due to the pattern of electoral districting affects policy choice we tie a commonly used measure of electoral bias to the theory of party competition and show how this affects party strategy in theory the usefulness of the approach is illustrated using data on local government in england the results suggest that reducing electoral bias leads parties to moderate their policies

voting competitions with interested politicians platforms do not converge to the preferences of the median voter we examine equilibrium voting strategies for elections with interested politicians facing uncertainty about voter preferences if politicians utilities are defined over the set of strategies that voters select instead of being dependent only on the probability of winning an election equilibrium strategies will diverge instead of converging to the median voter s preferences as long as politicians have different preferences we present conditions i for political compromise and ii for politicians with different utility functions to merge into parties with complete strategic agreement

clientelism and aid abstract using a model of probabilistic voting we analyze the impact of aid on the political equilibrium in the recipient country or region we consider politicians with mixed motives they are interested in promoting social welfare but also value the benefit of holding office we label as clientelistic the politician who most values the benefit of being in power we find that the impact of aid on the political equilibrium and therefore on the quality of policy in the recipient country using utilitarian social welfare as a benchmark ultimately depends on the value of the elasticity of the marginal utility of consumption when elasticity is low the expected policy outcome gets further away from the socially desirable policy set this substitution of policy quality for aid can help to explain the poor performance of aid in improving policy perhaps more surprising is the opposite case which arises for high values of elasticity of marginal utility an increase in aid tilts the equilibrium policy towards the welfare maximizing policy set

are we witnessing a paradigm shift in the analysis of political competition this presidential address assesses the crisis of the downsian model of political competition in light of the mounting evidence on policy divergence and evaluates the possibility that the new theories of politicians quality and political selection provide an alternative theoretical conceptualization of political competition based on a critical review of the literature and on the author s works on content analysis of policy speeches income redistribution politicians quality and political legislation cycles this address concludes that multidimensional downsian models of political competition are adequate to explain policy divergence and points out the serious theoretical and empirical problems that models of political selection have to solve

a stochastic model of the 2007 russian duma election in this paper we consider the nature of local nash equilibrium lne for a model of the 2007 duma election in russia using estimates of valence obtained from sociodemo graphic variables we then extend this sociodemographic valence model by including institutional valences the approval by voters of the various institutions including the president the prime minister the state duma and the federation council we show by simulation that the vote maximizing lne of this general stochastic model were not at the electoral origin the dominant feature of the election was the influence of approval or disapproval of president putin on each voter s political choice

evidence on electoral accountability in the u s senate are unfaithful agents really punished many have questioned whether voters are able to hold incumbent officials electorally accountable through a retrospective voting strategy we examine u s senate elections from 1962 to 1990 in forty one states explaining which incumbents ran for reelection and their success in seeking reelection we find that an incumbent s deviation from her state party platform decreases the probability that she will run for reelection and win if she runs furthermore the electoral mechanism is found to be more efficient when voters are better informed finally we find that our divergent party platform model provides a better fit than the median voter model

policy motivation and party differences in a dynamic spatial model of party competition we present a model of party competition that produces more realistic patterns of results than those often emphasized in the literature reversing downs 1957 we assume that parties win elections in order to formulate policies rather than formulate policies in order to win elections voters are modeled first as having perfect information about candidate positions and then under conditions of uncertainty in simulation experiments we show that policy motivation and voter uncertainty can bring about persistent and predictable party differences in sequential majority rule elections as the degree of voter certainty decreases parties diverge towards their optima whereas increases in voter certainty draw parties towards cycles in which party positions vary but predictable issue stances are maintained on the average

the effects of alternative power sharing arrangements do moderating institutions moderate party strategies and government policy outputs advocates of consensual political institutions i e institutions that promote compromise and powersharing among political parties claim that these institutions promote moderation in government policy outputs to date however there exists little research either theoretical or empirical that evaluates whether consensual institutions promote moderation in parties policy declarations we develop a multiparty spatial model with policy seeking parties operating under proportional representation in which we vary the extent to which government policies reflect power sharing among all parties as opposed to being determined by a single party we determine parties optimal nash equilibrium policy positions and conclude that power sharing does not typically motivate parties to moderate their policy declarations in fact policy positioning under power sharing appears to be similar to or more extreme than under single party dominance consistent with previous research however we find that power sharing does promote moderation in government policy outputs our results have implications for parties election strategies for the design of political institutions and for representative government

do voters affect or elect policies evidence from the u s house there are two fundamentally different views of the role of elections in policy formation in one view voters can affect candidates policy choices competition for votes induces politicians to move toward the center in this view elections have the effect of bringing about some degree of policy compromise in the alternative view voters merely elect policies politicians cannot make credible promises to moderate their policies and elections are merely a means to decide which one of two opposing policy views will be implemented we assess which of these contrasting perspectives is more empirically relevant for the u s house focusing on elections decided by a narrow margin allows us to generate quasi experimental estimates of the impact of a randomized change in electoral strength on subsequent representatives roll call voting records we find that voters merely elect policies the degree of electoral strength has no effect on a legislator s voting behavior for example a large exogenous increase in electoral strength for the democratic party in a district does not result in shifting both parties nominees to the left politicians inability to credibly commit to a compromise appears to dominate any competition induced convergence in policy

elections and income redistribution this paper has analyzed a model of elections in which each candidate selects a reputation for the distribution of income that can be expected if he is elected the first result established that whenever there are three or more groups of voters and no single group has half or more of the voters if the candidates believe that the voters choices are determined solely by the candidates redistributional reputations then there is no electoral equilibrium the candidates expectations about the voters choices were then reformulated using a qualitative response model the next result established that this alternative model leads to the existence of electoral equilibria the remainder of the paper analyzed the nature of these equilibria for any given electorate among other things the results established that there is always a unique equilibrium provided a simple procedure for finding the precise location of this equilibrium and showed that this location implicitly maximizes the sum of the voters utility functions on the possible income distributions the penultimate sections provided some simple examples which illustrate the main results in the paper and a discussion of these results in terms of the politics of redistribution