does the type of political regime matter for trade and labor market policies this article uses cross country data to examine the link between a country s type of political regime and its degree of openness and labor market distortion the analysis indicates that more authoritarian regimes are associated with higher trade protection and greater labor market distortions this supports the view that political authoritarianism may be counterproductive to development in important respects

to harmonize or to compete that s not the question abstract neoclassical public economists stress economic distortions induced by differential taxation and therefore favour harmonization political economists focus on political distortions and therefore reject harmonization however policy choices on the possibility frontier between economic and political distortions tend to be biased economic advisers politicians and interest groups typically favour harmonization harmonization is moreover undermined by incentives to re establish tax differences both activities prevent the possibility frontier from being simply a menu of choice popular referenda and functional overlapping competing jurisdictions focjs are institutions able to reduce political distortions and to shift the possibility frontier

tax perceptions and preferences over tax structure in the united kingdom do voters know their tax liabilities accurately or do they systematically misperceive them could such misperceptions influence voters choices over alternative tax structures proposed by politicians this paper assesses the accuracy of individuals tax perceptions in the uk using micro data from the british social attitudes survey 1995 and tests an empirical model of the determinants of tax structure preferences including tax misperceptions a systematic bias towards over estimation of income and expenditure tax vat liabilities is found and individ uals tax preferences appear to be both dominated by self interest and distorted by tax misperceptions whether using a traditional utility maximisation framework or a variety of public choice frameworks economists agree that consumer voters or taxpayer voters dislike taxes taxes lower the consumption possibility set and thereby utility politicians proposing higher taxes expect to lose votes unless they can persuade voters that the utility gain from the use of those taxes will exceed the tax induced utility loss of course the extent of individuals losses will depend on their circumstances and how revenues are raised the tax structure traditional tax incidence and excess burden analyses and models of political costs associated with the tax structure hettich and winer 1984 1988 each provide guidance on the extent to which different individuals may be expected to suffer and vote differently under alternative tax structures much will depend on attitudes towards and perceptions of specific taxes especially personal income taxes and consumption taxes underlying most such analyses are two common presumptions i tax preferences are dictated by self interest and ii individuals accurately assess their tax liabilities and so make informed choices two largely independent areas of literature have challenged these assumptions first models incorporating altruism

from theory to practice canadian economists contributions to public finance we survey canadian economists contributions to the field of public finance from the mid 1980s to 2016 we highlight the development and extension of the models and tools of public economics and the empirical studies that have deepened our understanding of the efficiency and distributional issues over a wide range of public finance issues we also highlight contributions to the development of policies through commissioned reports and the important role that canadian institutions the canadian tax foundation the think tanks and the federal and provincial departments of finance have played in shaping tax and fiscal policies de la theorie a la pratique contributions des economistes canadiens a la finance publique on examine les contributions des economistes canadiens au domaine de la finance publique du milieu des annees 1980 a 2016 on souligne le developpement et l extension des modeles et des outils d economie publique et les etudes empiriques qui ont aide a approfondir notre comprehension des enjeux d efficacite et de distribution dans un vaste eventail de questions de finance publique on souligne aussi les contributions des rapports commandites au developpement de politiques publiques ainsi que le role important d institutions canadiennes l association canadienne d etudes fiscales les groupes d experts ainsi que les ministeres des finances du gouvernement federal et des gouvernements provinciaux dans le design des politiques fiscales

partial fiscal decentralization and sub national government fiscal discipline empirical evidence from oecd countries recent theoretical research suggests that financing sub national governments expenditure out of own revenue sources is linked to more responsible budgeting because the financial implications of spending decisions then are internalized within a jurisdiction we test this proposition empirically on a sample of 23 oecd countries over the 1975 2000 period and find evidence in line with the hypothesis that greater revenue decentralization measured as sub national governments share of own source tax revenues in general government tax revenue is associated with improved sub national government budget deficits surpluses this finding is cross validated with a novel independent dataset consisting of all 34 oecd member states from 2002 to 2008

searching for leviathan an empirical study in several papers and a recent book geoffrey brennan and james buchanan 1977 1978 1980 have put forth a striking and controversial view of the public sector drawing by analogy on the conventional theory of monopoly in the private sector they envision a monolithic government that systematically seeks to exploit its citizenry through the maximization of the tax revenues that it extracts from the economy from this perspective they develop a fiscal constitution whose central purpose is to constrain leviathan by limiting in various ways its access to tax and other fiscal instruments while the leviathan hypothesis has been the source of lively debate and a wide range of policy proposals it has not been the subject of much systematic empirical work or testing this is a matter of some importance since the policy implications of the leviathan view are disturbing to put it mildly in particular brennan and buchanan virtually stand on their heads many of the basic theorems in public finance for an efficient and equitable tax system if in fact the leviathan view is an inaccurate depiction of the functioning of the public sector the introduction of their policy proposals is likely to make a sorry mess of the fiscal system the leviathan model does however have some straightforward implications for observable fiscal behavior it is the purpose of this paper to examine one of these testable implications brennan and buchanan stress that fiscal decentralization is itself a powerful constraint on leviathan competition among governments in the context of the interjurisdictional mobility of persons in pursuit of fiscal gains can offer partial or possibly complete substitutes for explicit fiscal constraints on the taxing power 1980 p 184 such competition among governments in a federal system that places heavy reliance on local fiscal decisions will greatly limit the capacity of leviathan to channel resources into the public sector in short as indicated by the epigraph to this paper the leviathan model implies that other things equal the size of the public sector should vary inversely with the extent of fiscal decentralization 2

tax structure in a federation abstract does national taxation of a base influence the degree to which the local government will use the same tax base does the tax rate chosen by one local government influence the choices made by another local government the theoretical answer to these questions is often in the affirmative because of vertical and horizontal externalities that result when several governments are operating at the same time in a fiscal system however little empirical information is available this paper estimates the impact of horizontal and vertical externalities on the choice of tax rates by local governments operating in a federation higher national income tax rates and lower poverty rates are found to lead to lower local income tax rates

strategic public policy around population thresholds abstract political economists have long maintained that politicians respond to both re election and financial incentives this article contributes to the latter literature by analysing whether when and how local office holders respond to the economic incentives embedded in exogenously imposed population thresholds leading to an increased number and remuneration of local politicians building on insights from the urban economics and public finance literatures we argue that local politicians may strategically adjust fiscal and housing policies to stimulate in migration when approaching a population threshold where their remuneration increases using data from all 589 belgian municipalities over the period 1977 2016 our results confirm that approaching important population thresholds causes lower local tax rates and the granting of additional building permits particularly for apartments these policy changes occur early in the election cycle and at least for housing policy are restricted to incumbent mayors themselves expecting to benefit from crossing the population threshold

burden sharing in a greenhouse egalitarianism and sovereignty reconciled the allocation of emission entitlements across countries is the single most controversial issue in international climate policy extreme positions within the policy debate range from entitlements based on current emission patterns sovereignty to entitlements based on equal per capita allocations egalitarianism this paper shows that gradual convergence from sovereignty towards egalitarianism could provide a pragmatic solution to the equity debate when combined with international emissions trading the convergence approach stands out for offering the developing countries substantial incentives for participation in the international greenhouse gas abatement effort without imposing excessive burdens on the industrialized countries

the political costs of taxes and government spending the marginal political costs of different types of taxes and government spending as well as voter preferences over different fiscal variables are examined using two different specifications for political cost one based on the probability of incumbent defeat and the other based on the incumbent s percentage of the vote models associated with these two specifications in which voting behaviour depends on disaggregated taxes and government expenditures are estimated using clata from canadian provincial elections the empirical results which indicate that different types of taxes and expenditures have quite different marginal political costs have important implications for models that incorporate voter pref erences

decentralized taxation and the size of government evidence from swiss state and local governments according to the leviathan model fiscal federalism is seen as a binding constraint on a revenue maximizing government the competitive pressure of fiscal federalism is supposed to reduce public sector size as compared to unitary states however empirical results concerning the leviathan hypothesis are mixed this study uses a state and local level panel data set of swiss cantons from 1980 to 1998 to empirically analyze the effect of different federalist institutions on the size and structure of government revenue because of the considerable tax autonomy of sub national swiss governments it is possible to investigate different mechanisms by which fiscal federalism may influence government size the results indicate that tax exporting has a revenue expanding effect whereas tax competition favors a smaller size of government fragmentation has essentially no effect on the size of government revenue for swiss cantons the overall effect of revenue decentralization leads to fewer tax revenue but higher user charges thus revenue decentralization favors a smaller size of government revenue and shifts government revenue from taxes to user charges

tax mix corners and other kinks abstractthis paper models the local tax mix determination process in the presence of statewide fiscal limitations the decentralized government finance archetype and shows how excess sensitivity of local public spending to grants the conventionally and somewhat misleadingly termed flypaper effect arises in the constrained tax mix irrespective of whether lower or upper limits bind and how it cannot in general be taken as a symptom of local government overspending an empirical application to italian province panel data provides consistent evidence of the role of corner solutions produced by two sided tax limits in explaining the sensitivity of local public expenditures to grants

revealed preferences for property taxes an empirical study of perceived tax incidence voting in an election over removal of a homestead exemption is examined to determine different groups perceptions of the incidence of the property tax homeowners in two categories appear to evaluate accurately the effects on them of the homestead exemption renters with higher cost rental contracts are more likely to believe they are significantly affected by the change in the property tax structure these results demonstrate the ability of local governments to discriminate in tax share price across groups of voters copyright 1992 by mit press

demographic structure and the political economy of education subsidies this paper investigates the politico economic impact of a society s age structure on the extent of public funding of education education subsidies serve to internalize positive spillovers of human capital investment but redistribute resources from the working old to the non working young thus creating a conflict of interest between the two generations the political process is characterized by a representative democracy

the political economy of public health expenditure and wait times in a public private mixed health care system this paper investigates the determinants of public health expenditure in a public private mixed health care system where a longer wait time for public care is the major difference between public and private sectors voter preferences for health care vary according to their age and by income and public policy choices are part of a multi dimensional competitive political equilibrium we show how equilibrium public health expenditure and wait times depend on demographics and explain why they are independent of the distributions of income and political influence we also show that population aging may not always lead to more public health expenditure ce texte examine les determinants des depenses en sante publique dans un regime mixte public prive de soins de sante quand un temps d attente plus long est la difference majeure entre les secteurs public et prive les preferences des electeurs dans le monde de la sante varient selon l ge et le revenu et les choix de politique publique sont partie d un equilibre politique concurrentiel multidimensionnel on montre que les depenses en sante publique et les temps d attente en equilibre dependent de la demographie et que cela explique pourquoi elles sont independantes de la repartition des revenus et de l influence politique on montre aussi que le vieillissement de la population peut ne pas toujours entrainer des depenses en sante publique additionnelles

the economics and politics of the structure of public expenditure the paper derives a complete system ofdemand equations for public consumptionexpenditures as the outcome of rationalbehaviour in a model where governmentmaximizes expected electoral support theallocation of expenditures is found todepend not only on the prices of publicservices and total expenditure and tosatisfy the constraints of demand theory which have been the focus of attention ofprevious empirical studies of theallocation of public expenditures but inaddition on the prices of privateconsumption goods the distribution ofvoter incomes and the expected change invoter support from varying the levels ofpublic provision

debt and tariffs an empirical investigation of the evolution of revenue systems abstract this paper presents a theoretical framework where government chooses fiscal structure so as to maximize political support and where the evolution of fiscal systems is determined by changing economic political and administrative factors estimating equations are derived and the model is used to explain the development of revenue structure in canada from 1871 to 1913 a period when major revenue sources consisted of the tariff debt and excises the empirical analysis distinguishes between government plans and ex post observations of public revenues and places particular emphasis on the derivation of hypotheses linking economic political and administrative variables to revenue structure

economic and political foundations of tax structure this paper derives the essential elements of tax systems as the outcome of rational behavior in a model w here government maximizes expected support and where opposition to ta xation depends on the loss in full income the analysis treats the le vel of expenditures as endogenous and integrates the influence of adm inistration costs with that of political and economic factors tax st ructure is shown to be a system of related components in equilibrium a final section compares results to two alternative approaches opti mal taxation and the leviathan model copyright 1988 by american economic association

the politics of progressive income taxation with incentive effects this paper studies majority voting over quadratic taxation and investigates under which conditions marginal progressivity emerges as a voting outcome in our model with endogenous income there is no majority condorcet winning tax schedule we then investigate less demanding political equilibrium concepts in order to see under which conditions the set of equilibria is composed only of progressive tax functions we follow three strategies i reduction of the policy space to the tax functions that are ideal for some voter ii elimination of weakly dominated strategies and the use of mixed strategies in a standard downsian two party competition game iii assumption that political parties interact repeatedly and care about the size of their majority although each approach captures a different aspect of political behavior they point to the same simulation based conclusion that progressivity is more likely to emerge for most distributions of abilities and that it is actually the only possible voting outcome if the distribution is sufficiently concentrated at the middle

the role of tax bases and collections costs in the determination of income tax rates seigniorage and inflation a growing theoretical literature on optimal taxation predicts that governments will set the tax rates on money holdings and on more traditional tax bases to minimize the deadweight losses of collecting government revenue under the presumption that relative collection costs and tax bases have not changed significantly over time the empirical time series seigniorage literature has focused on the theory s tax smoothing implication finding only weak support we show that changes in collections costs and tax bases played an important role in the determination of tax composition and find stronger support for tax smoothing when this is taken into account

redistributive politics a theory of taxation for an incumbent in a democracy in order to maximize votes incumbent politicians design and implement redistributional programs these programs benefit some voters at the expense of others in the simple two group or tax payers and beneficiaries case we identify the nature of vote maximizing transfer policies this model s basic approach is shown to hold for multiple group models as well strategic implications for the organizers of sub groups of the population or group leaders are developed other extensions of the model are discussed

legal constraints and the choice of educational grant structures recent empirical work suggests that legalconstraints are significant in choosingstate educational grant structures unfortunately the literature has not takensuch constraints into account thus callinginto question particular grant structurerecommendations this paper studies theconditions under which a legislature underorder to reform its educational grantstructure prefers foundation grants overdistrict power equalization grants atheoretical model is presented in which thechoice is shown to depend on the legalbasis of the court s decision and theempirical validity of this conclusion isdemonstrated using connecticut data and aseparate model of school districtexpenditure choice

designing tax policy in federalist economies an overview abstract the emerging economic federations of the european union russia and south africa along with the established federations in australia canada and the united states confront the task of designing the institutions for federal fiscal policy this paper reviews the literature on the design of tax policy in federalist economies we conclude that taxation by lower level governments can lead to significant economic inefficiencies and inequities the usual assignment view of federalis recommends central government policies for example resident based taxation or grants in aid to correct these failures these recommendations assume that the central government will act as a benevolent social planner the political economy view of federalism suggests that this assumption is in error and that additional federalist institutions must be considered alternative legislative structures and constitutional rules are considered

pareto efficiency and majority voting why high taxes on the middle class may be desirable in this paper we use a simple median voter model to analyze the effects of tax systems with differing degrees of progressivity we find that relatively high taxes on middle incomes have two important advantages on the one hand they help to ensure that all citizens are better off than they would be in a world without government and on the other hand they reduce the tax level chosen in the election therefore the progression in the middle income range not only ensures that wicksell s requirement of ex post efficiency of the tax system is achieved it may also increase social welfare

defense spending in a neo ricardian world this paper shows that ricardian equivalence no longer holds once we recognize that govern ment acts as an intermediary between generations in the provision of national defence conse quently the level of public debt is positively related to defence spending since this component of government expenditures insures the transferability of bequests as well as protecting savings it is shown that defence spending has an adverse effect on both national saving and the saving rate that has not been considered in the economic growth literature more gener ally the paper emphasizes that in developing a positive theory of taxation the composition of government spending plays an integral role the separation of government expenditures from the methods used to finance them has been an extremely useful assumption employed in economics it has allowed economists to analyse a series of problems which would be much more difficult to study if individual taxpayers were assumed to perceive a link between the tax structure and the expenditure structure of an economy hettich and winer 1988 for example following this tradition develop a positive theory of a tax system this separation has been used most frequently and fruitfully to address the important question do fiscal deficits matter more specifically does the way that government finances its expenditures between taxing and issuing public debt matter in terms of their impact on the real economy barro 1974 employed an overlapping generations model with altruism to show that if individuals are not bequest constrained then government bonds are not perceived as net wealth the recipients of government transfers financed by bonds realize that their descendants will have to finance the debt through higher taxes and so they offset the increase in public debt by increas ing the size of the bequest to their children by the same amount the effect is that interest rates wages and the level of output of the economy are unaltered this result usually referred to as the ricardian equivalence theorem presented a challenge to the profession to find circumstances under which it would not hold and when therefore financing government spending with debt would

public utility regulation and bond ratings this paper investigates the extent to which political factors which vary across state public utility commissions affect electric utility bond ratings the paper focuses on the effects of the commissioner selection method election or appointment and other politically determined variables on bond ratings of privately owned and regulated electric utilities the paper develops a generalization of ordered logit that allows the latent risk measure to have a skewed and thicktailed distribution the distributional assumption underlying the standard logit model is strongly rejected empirically both political variables and financial variables are determinants of electric utility bond ratings and election of the puc has a strong negative effect on bond ratings

how to get the snowball rolling and extend the franchise voting on the great reform act of 1832 this paper suggests a new approach to analyzing the causes of franchise extension based on a new dataset it provides a detailed econometric study of the great reform act of 1832 in the united kingdom the analysis yields four main results first modernization theory receives limited support second the reform enjoyed some measure of popular support third the threat of revolution had an asymmetric impact on the voting behavior of the pro reform whigs and the anti reform tories while the threat might have convinced reluctant reformers among the whig politicians and among their patrons to support the bill it seems to have hardened the resistance to reform among the tories fourth ideology played a critical role nevertheless it also appears that self interest and political expedience explained the votes of many members of parliament

a theory of competition among pressure groups for political influence this paper presents a theory of competition among pressure groups for political influence political equilibrium depends on the efficiency of each group in producing pressure the effect of additional pressure on their influence the number of persons in different groups and the deadweight cost of taxes and subsidies an increase in deadweight costs discourages pressure by subsidized groups and encourages pressure by taxpayers this analysis unifies the view that governments correct market failures with the view that they favor the politically powerful both are produced by the competition for political favors

local governments monopoly power and local tax reform theory and evidence from the u k this paper hypothesises the existence of several sources of monopoly power for local governments when the system of local taxation is reformed by central government in particular we argue that information asymmetries between tax payers and central and local government at the time of reform provide opportunities for local politicians to set tax levels which differ from those expected in a full information setting we predict that compared to pre reform tax levels local tax levels post reform will differ according to four local government characteristics i the size of the seat majority of the ruling local party ii whether the party controlling local government is the same as or is different from the ruling party of central government iii whether the local government structure has one or two tiers and whether the same party controls both tiers and iv the degree of indebtedness of the local authority testing the model on the u k local tax reform of 1990 we find strong evidence consistent with the hypothesis that inter authority differences in local tax levels reflect differences in the degree of local political monopoly power resulting from information asymmetries this monopoly power appears to have been used generally but not exclusively to raise tax levels

vertical externalities in tax setting evidence from gasoline and cigarettes abstract a common feature of federal systems is that tax bases are joint property consequently state and federal tax setting decisions are interdependent our aim here is to put forward a rudimentary theoretical analysis of this phenomenon and to use the theory as a framework for econometrically estimating the magnitude of the responses we find that when the federal government increases taxes there is a significant positive response of state taxes for example a 10 cent per gallon increase in the federal tax rate on gasoline leads to a 3 2 cent increase in the state tax rate

legislators and interest groups how unorganized interests get represented this paper derives a supply price for public policy using a constrained maximization model in the model three sets of agents each have preferences over outcomes organized interest groups offer campaign contributions to improve their own wealth voters offer votes to obtain outcomes closer to their most preferred outcomes and legislators seek both campaign contributions and votes to obtain reelection a given legislator s supply price for policy is shown to depend on the productivity of his effort as determined by committee assignments priority and ability and by the preferences of his unorganized constituency in the home district two extreme assumptions about the effectiveness of campaign spending in eliciting votes are used to illustrate the comparative statics properties of the model the prediction of the model is that interest groups will in general seek out legislators whose voters are indifferent to the policy the interest group seeks thus voters who do have preferences over policy are in effect represented even though they are not organized

a positive model of tax reform this paper is devoted to the explanation of tax policy from a behavioural theoretic point of view it for the first time brings together within a unified framework behavioural determinants of government expenditure taxation and tax reform administrative and compliance costs associated with taxation factors generally neglected in models of taxation as well as tax avoidance evasion deadweight losses and the costs that are involved in the tax reform process itself play a crucial role in the model the paper investigates how these factors influence the development of taxation and expenditure and the occurrence of tax reform

auditing and competitive bidding in the public sector abstract this paper investigates the impact of a ministry s budget size on the choice between auditing a niskanen bureau and employing competitive bidding in the provision of a publicly funded good the ministry s marginal expected payoff increases fastest with budget size for auctioning as opposed to auditing however the ministry is shown to switch from a purely public provision to a competitive provision as the budget size increases even if expected fixed costs favor the audit the study contributes to the literature by extending the niskanen framework and by endogenizing the institutional arrangements for the provision of public sector goods

exit voice and mimicking behavior evidence from swiss cantons previous empirical literature hasshown that in order to overcome agencyproblems voters make inter jurisdictionalcomparisons of fiscal performance whenmaking electoral decisions incumbents therefore anticipate voters feedback by copying fiscal policy decisionsfrom neighbors this paper argues thatfiscal autonomy exit as well as directlegislation voice enrich politicalcompetition reducing thus the influence of electoral competition onfiscal decisions consequently policymimicking does not matter in circumstancesof direct legislation and fiscal autonomywhere the impact of voters on the politicalagenda is particularly strong based onpanel data between 1980 and 1998 we findencouraging evidence supporting ourtheoretical arguments

endogenous public sector budgeting to centralize or not in this paper the impact of budget size on a government s choice to centralize or decentralize the budgetary process is investigated using asymmetric information differing preferences and endogenous budgetary arrangements the central government chooses between a budgetary process that excludes the regional board centralization and one that includes the board decentralization in the determination of program budget levels it is predicted that the central government will decentralize the budgetary process at low and centralize at high overall budget levels switching from decentralization to centralization is predicted to

tax competition and tax structure in open federal economies evidence from oecd countries with implications for the european union tax competition arguments suggest that governments that operate in an open economy such as local governments should not and will not rely on non benefit taxes such as the income tax yet we observe reliance on income taxes by local governments in many countries and such reliance changes over time evidence from a panel data set of 13 oecd countries over the period 1975 1984 suggests that competition between levels of government resulting in a vertical fiscal externality and between levels of government at the same level resulting in a horizontal fiscal externality provide some economic rationale for these changes moreover the evidence indicates that the vertical and horizontal fiscal externalities interact these results have some interesting implications for fiscal policy in the european union particulary as the eu continues to evolve one implication for the eu is that enlargement that increases tax base disparities within the eu and is not accompanied by an eu level income tax will tend to lower national income tax rates although this must be qualified because it also depends on the mobility of the population a second implication is that fiscal expansion of the eu to include an eu levelincome tax may tend to lower the reliance of national governments on income taxes through the vertical externality but may also tend to equalize tax bases across countries and so increase reliance on national income taxes through the horizontal externality

elections and income redistribution this paper has analyzed a model of elections in which each candidate selects a reputation for the distribution of income that can be expected if he is elected the first result established that whenever there are three or more groups of voters and no single group has half or more of the voters if the candidates believe that the voters choices are determined solely by the candidates redistributional reputations then there is no electoral equilibrium the candidates expectations about the voters choices were then reformulated using a qualitative response model the next result established that this alternative model leads to the existence of electoral equilibria the remainder of the paper analyzed the nature of these equilibria for any given electorate among other things the results established that there is always a unique equilibrium provided a simple procedure for finding the precise location of this equilibrium and showed that this location implicitly maximizes the sum of the voters utility functions on the possible income distributions the penultimate sections provided some simple examples which illustrate the main results in the paper and a discussion of these results in terms of the politics of redistribution

explaining international differences in male skill wage differentials by differences in demand and supply of skill this paper explores the hypothesis that wage differentials between skill groups across countries are consistent with a demand and supply framework using micro data from 15 countries we find that about one third of the variation in relative wages between skill groups across countries is explained by differences in net supply of skill groups the demand and supply framework does an even better job at explaining relative wages of low skilled workers

public employees as swing voters empirical evidence on opposition to public reform reform offers economic gains for society atlarge but can represent a threat to theinterests of public employees publicsector reform faces opposition from votersemployed in public sector norwegian dataallow for an analysis this interpretation survey data show that public employeesprefer less reform than the rest of thepopulation the voting behavior of publicemployees is more sensitive to reform thanis that of other voters the swing voterhypothesis and hence shares of publicemployees in a local jurisdiction have anegative impact on the probability ofreform

toward a presumption of efficiency in politics in the preceding pages i have returned time and again to the idea that in the next quarter century the profession will devote more of its resources to an understanding of politics and of political organizations with a presumption that the behaviors and institutions we observe in the real world represent efficient responses to exogenously given constraints and to competitive forces that does not mean of course that normative preoccupations critical evaluations and reformist drives will not continue to motivate a good number of scholars that is to be expected and praised however i believe that in relative terms more attention will come to be given to understanding and less to re designing and reforming in this context the economic approach to politics will flourish and as an important carrier of these research results public choice will continue to play an indispensable role we can already see the future and it is promising

politicians opinions on tax reform this paper examines politicians stated preferences on tax reforms which aim to bring about a given change in revenue the paper starts from a simple framework inwhich politicians are vote maximisers analyses how disequilibria may affect tax choices and considers possible asymmetries in decisions the empirical examination of the problem uses the stated preferences of 637 flemish local politicians for both raising and lowering taxes by the same amount using multinomial logit estimation symmetric and asymmetric effects are found and so the symmetry assumption underlying the standard approach is questioned in the analyses of tax choices