From: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu (Rich Winkel)
Subject: GULF: Britain's days of empire
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Originator: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
Organization: PACH
Date: Thu, 1 Oct 1992 08:15:22 GMT

/** mideast.gulf: 27.0 **/
** Topic: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire **
** Written 10:42 pm  Sep 27, 1992 by pnmideast in cdp:mideast.gulf **
From: <pnmideast>
Subject: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire 

/* Written 12:05 am  Sep 27, 1992 by newsdesk in cdp:ips.englibrary */
/* ---------- "THE GULF: Britain's days of empire " ---------- */
Copyright Inter Press Service 1992, all rights reserved.  Permission to re-
print within 7 days of original date only with permission from 'newsdesk'.

Title: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire live on beyond the no-fly zone

an inter press service feature

by john roberts

london, sep 24 (ips) -- twenty years after britain supposedly
brought its imperial forces home from the gulf, its military
involvement in gulf matters seems as great as ever.

british fighter jets patrol the new air exclusion zone over
southern iraq, its warships routinely patrol gulf waters, it is
accused by iran of stirring up a major border dispute and it bids
constantly for arms sales to the region's conservative monarchies.

the latest pitch, made during a visit to kuwait on a gulf tour,
came from british defence secretary malcolm rifkind, who signed a
''statement of joint intention'' with the kuwaiti authorities this
week, which is expected to lead in the near future to a major
purchase of british weaponry by the kuwaiti government.

the british military role in the region was further underlined
by rifkind's deputy, armed forces minister archie hamilton, who
declared that britain was prepared to consider expanding its
defensive shield over northern iraq in the event of any assault by
iraqi president saddam hussein against the iraqi kurdish minority.

hamilton's remarks were significant in that they did not
represent a response to a sudden emergency, but simply constituted
a routine answer to the routine question of what would britain do
were saddam to launch his long-feared offensive against the kurds.

yet it is this routine presence of british forces that is
starting to attract attention. in the last two weeks, iran has
blamed britain and the united states for stirring up trouble in
the gulf by criticising iranian control over abu musa, a strategic
island guarding the gulf entrance to the strait of hormuz.

abu musa was seized by iran in october 1971 while britain was
completing what was supposed to be its final withdrawal from the
gulf. abu musa was seen as part of the emirate of sharjah, which,
under britain's decolonisation plan for the gulf, had been joined
with five other statelets to form the united arab emirates.

iran's occupation was followed by a compromise under which it
agreed to share sovereignty, so that the island's inhabitants
would remain citizens of sharjah and subject to its laws, while
iran would be able to maintain a garrison on the island -- and
would secure half the revenues from any oil and gas produced in or
around the island and its territorial waters.

but last april, iran imposed restrictions on the island's
inhabitants and it has since, taken over direct control of their
affairs, forcibly severing their links with sharjah. (more/ips)

the gulf: britain's days of empire live on beyond the no-fly zone(2-e)

the gulf: britain's days of empire (2)

initially the uae believed this was a problem best solved by
quiet bilateral diplomacy. but, gulf sources say, iranian control
over the island is now absolute and arab states set it as a sign
of iranian expansionism and a portent of a future revival of
iranian efforts to dominate the gulf.

rather than attack the gulf states over the question, teheran has
consistently said the crisis is a product of western imperialism.
yet the gulf states now appear more determined than ever to
strengthen their military links with the west.

rifkind followed his trip to kuwait by a call on bahrain, where
british tornadoes were based during the gulf war and which is also
likely to purchase british weapons.

bahrain is regarded as a weather vane in the gulf. it recently
warned that because iranian power was now getting so much
stronger, the gulf cooperation council (gcc) countries might have
to consider a rapprochement with iraq as a counterbalance.

this is not likely to happen. instead the traditional monarchies
of the gulf are looking to the coalition that fought the gulf war
to defend them. talks with egypt and syria have been resumed,
largely as a result of the abu musa crisis, on closer military
cooperation with the gcc.

this is the so-called ''six-plus-two formula'' which envisages
that in times of direct threat to the gulf the six nations of the
gcc would have their military forces augmented by egypt and syria.

but for weapons, and instant protection, the gulf states are
still looking to the u.s. and britain. the united kingdom
currently maintains a small flotilla in the gulf, the so-called
'armilla patrol', and has six reconnaissance variants of the
tornado aircraft (and two aerial takers) based in saudi arabia to
patrol the skies over southern iraq.

in turkey, it has eight jaguar strike aircraft (and another two
refuelling planes) stationed as part of a joint us-french- british
force to protect the kurds.

kuwait has yet to decide what it wants to purchase from britain.
but saudi arabia has bought british tornado jets, as well as
smaller jets that double as trainers and strike aircraft, and
kuwait's requirements will be similar. the british will also be
keen to try to sell kuwait its new challenger ii main battle tank.

the result of the rifkind visit to the gulf could be some very
considerable arms sales indeed, while his presence in kuwait,
particularly at a time when it is wary of renewed claims by iraq
to kuwaiti territory, can be taken as a clear demonstration that
britain anticipates maintaining its military presence in the
region for quite some time to come. (end/ips/ip/jmr/rj/92)

** End of text from cdp:mideast.gulf **

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