From: malenovi@plains.NoDak.edu (Malenovic Nikola V.)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.yugoslavia
Subject: Brana Crncevic, The Man In The Field ( VREME NDA 8 Sep 1992 )
Date: 9 Sep 92 00:36:09 GMT
Article-I.D.: plains.20226
Organization: North Dakota Higher Education Computing Network


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     "Vreme" News Digest No. 50                           September 7, 1992
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    Brana Crncevic, The Man In The Field
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                              AN OLD MAN'S DREAM


    It seems  that Panic was  told that he  must come and  help and that  he
    would  have a  free hand,  but nobody  told that  he must  stay clear of
    Milosevic's war efforts aimed at putting together a Greater Serbia. This
    is  where the  first misunderstandings  cropped up,  especially when  it
    became obvious that  the matter did not pertain to  war only, but to war
    crimes, ethnic cleansing, pogroms, in short, to genocide.

    If the  new Prime Minister Milan  Panic had been better  informed of the
    fate of his  predecessor, he might have tried somewhat  to play down the
    startling similiarities  in political orientations, and  so have avoided
    inheriting  all  his  predecessor's  enemies.  In  this  way,  Panic  is
    announcing   in   a   shorter   form   and   more   directly  Markovic's
    economic-political  project; he  wants to   open up  the country  to the
    world;  and he  is not  interested in  history and  borders but  in free
    trade; and  is even mentioning the  possibility of renewing fundamenatal
    links with the newly-formed countries, even  the idea of a United States
    of  the  Balkans.  Panic  radiates   geniality  and  optimism,  and  his
    self-confidence  borders on  boastfulness. Compared  to Markovic,  he is
    more courageous and decisive and  more prepared to enter into conflicts,
    perhaps because he is not so concerned over the fate of his function and
    political career, and because his Yugoslavia  does not have much left to
    risk or lose.

    But, Panic has  not been called because someone  in Belgrade has learned
    something  or realized  that mistakes  have been  made, even  though two
    years  ago  all  that  which  was  considered  as  pertaining to Serbian
    national interests was obviously better  protected and looked after than
    today. It seems that Panic was told  that he must come and help and that
    he would have  a free hand, but nobody  told that he must stay  clear of
    Milosevic's war efforts aimed at putting together a Greater Serbia. This
    is  where the  first misunderstandings  cropped up,  especially when  it
    became obvious that  the matter did not pertain to  war only, but to war
    crimes, ethnic cleansing, pogroms, in short, to genocide.

    Coming from the United States, Panic could certainly not have been aware
    of who  was who here  and of the  pervading customs. But,  he understood
    better than anyone  else what it meant when a  regime brings infamy to a
    country and its people, and where this had led. Panic knew that the only
    way out lay in making important and fast moves, political sacrifices and
    concessions and  not in bargaining and  transparent manouevres. The fact
    that the world powers might not come  here to enforce law and order, for
    reasons of  their own, cannot be  considered a success and  something on
    which to base the country's future and well-being.

    If  President Dobrica  Cosic did  not believe  that Panic,  at any rate,
    could not carry  things out to the end, and  knowing that something must
    be changed,  he would not have  stood up in his  defence. However, it is
    obvious that the decision to sacrifice  Milosevic has been made and that
    in a  final show of  resistance, Milosevic is  insisting that parliament
    take a vote of confidence in the government.

    It is a happy coincidence that President of the Association of Emigrants
    Brana Crncevic and President of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) Vojislav
    Seselj  have  voiced  an  identical  demand  in  the  name of a group of
    Socialist Party  of Serbia (SPS)  and SRS deputies.  As far as  they are
    concerned the  matter is one of  life and death. Deputy  Minister of the
    Interior  and MP,  Mihalj Kertes  has already  left, and  they are next.
    According  to many  stories, this  trio is  responsible for  most of the
    transactions linked  to the war, armies,  paramilitary formations, arms,
    money  amd mass  re-locations of  the population.  I cannot  claim for a
    fact,  but it  seems that  none of  them have  forgotten their  personal
    interests  and  they  are  certainly  not  overly  concerned or given to
    self-sacrifice. But that part of the story is mere triviality.

    Panic has naturally been accused  of disregarding Serbian interests. The
    Poet in Brana Crncevic still believes  this to be interesting and fresh.
    However, the Satirist has become so  morally and mentally obtuse that he
    no longer notices the exhaustion of a  people led along a path, that he,
    Brana  Crncevic, does  not wish  to depart  from. Even  though many have
    become inured to the situation, Crncevic's case is rather characteristic
    of a mass occurence.

    Brana Crncevic  was poet and  satirist before he  became an official,  a
    deputy and an  operator. Had these two men met  earlier, the first would
    have made fun  of the second. Were they to  meet today, the second would
    attack the first,  or at least hold him in  contempt. The young Crncevic
    was a bohemian and gambler and lived the life of a free man at a time of
    Party exclusiveness  and ideological backwardness. A  time of liberation
    and  a lifting  of all  taboos followed,  only to  have Crncevic  choose
    ideological backwardness and  a government job. His verbosity  is now in
    the  service of  a policy  and world  full of  misconceptions, hate  and
    obtuseness.

    This Kafakaesque change,  can be explained in various  ways, but we will
    consider  the  most  favourable  --  the  dream  of  a Greater Serbia, a
    literary fiction upheld  and urged by old men rather  than by the youth.
    The achievement of  this dream is similar to the  search for treasure on
    the island of Monte Cristo, but much bloodier. Those who are young today
    can make a  momentary mistake, but in principle,  are not susceptible to
    that  kind of  romantic adventure.  They do  not fall  for such  dubious
    patriotism and react much better to  Milan Panic than to Brana Crncevic,
    in spite of the difference in eloquence.

    People like  Crncevic are turned  off by Panic's  vitality, cheerfulness
    and elan with which he is trying to find solutions, and the fact that he
    has not given up and is not  prepared to let circumstances get him down,
    or meet with failure.

    It  remains  to  be  seen  if  the  fear  of further disasters has grown
    sufficiently to  prevent a Parliament  dominated by Crncevic  and Seselj
    from toppling Panic.  It took three days from the  moment the demand was
    made for a confidence vote and until Parliament voted, for Prime Minster
    Panic to recieve support from Montenegro, the entire Serbian opposition,
    and the world.  Panic had the opportunity to  defend himself on Belgrade
    Television's Channel One,  which in itself, was a  sign that his chances
    were good. On TV, Panic was convincing and effective.

    The  Socialists have  started pulling  out and  washing their  hands, in
    order  to say,  in the  end, that   criticism does  not mean  a lack  of
    confidence.  Both  Crncevic  and  Seselj  remained  adamant.  They would
    probably  win a  majority in  Parliament if  the deputies  were to  vote
    according to their  mental capacities. The reader will  know that, which
    the writer  still does not, but  the general belief is,  that Panic must
    pass, and that Cosic will play a key role in the matter. Cosic's suprise
    regarding  the  demand  for  a  vote  of  confidence,  and  a  speech in
    Parliament  would probably  not be  enough. The  deputies must have been
    deeply impressed  by the news  that Cosic had  visited the top  military
    brass on Thursday, a day before the session, and talked to the generals.
    They must have recalled that Prime Minister Panic had played tennis with
    General Panic.

    At the same  time, another testing of strengths was  taking place at the
    round table  and concerned the law  on elections. Somehow, at  this very
    time, the hardline Socialists started giving in and accepted the idea of
    a proportional system,  which had been proposed  by a federal government
    committee. Cosic's message, to the effect  that it would be a good thing
    if things were speeded up, had some influence here. The SPS knows that a
    handing over of authority is in the air.

    Unless Milosevic has  a suprise up his sleeve, these  could be his final
    days. Without his support, nationalist madness will be brought down to a
    tolerable level,  and Seselj and  Crncevic will follow  in the wake.  We
    will not  have the opportunity  of hearing as  often as before,  how the
    Serbs cannot live with anyone in peace, that the world is one and we are
    something else,  that someone must  capitulate, and that  sanctions have
    been  enforced on  us only  because we  are weaker,  otherwise we  would
    punish them, and  that it is better for us  to disappear altogether than
    become civilized and reasonable.
                                                              Stojan Cerovic


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     "Vreme" News Digest No. 50                           September 7, 1992
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