From: HYESCKW@hkucc.hku.hk
Subject: Source: FEER article OCRed by Benjamin Yoong
Organization: OSU Physics Dept.
Date: Mon, 23 Nov 1992 17:37:01 GMT

26 NOVEMBER 1992
FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW
p.31
 
The 5th Column
 
Tide of democracy
By Martin Lee
 
On Wednesday, 14 November, the Hongkong Legislative Council (Legco) voted
strongly in favour of the limited democratic reforms proposed by new Governor
Chris Patten.
 
The Legco vote, which was supported by virtually all of the democratically
elected legislators but opposed by the ultra-conservative appointees of the
former Sinologist Governor Lord Wilson, marks the end of the colonial era in
Hong Kong. The large margin by which the proposals were approved demonstrate
that the democratic-tide which has swept through East Asia has reached the
shores of Hong Kong.
 
Despite the overwhelming support within Hongkong for democratisation, a sector
of the business community led by pro-Peking businessman-cum-politician Vincent
Lo has come out firmly against introducing even the smallest measure of
political reform.
 
In opposing the Governor's long-overdue reforms, these businessmen speak of a
false dichotomy between democracy and prosperity, arguing that the advent of
the former would mean an end to the latter for Hongkong. For the business
leaders of the most capitalist economy in the world to side with the Chinese
Communist Party against political reform in Hongkong is extraordinarily
short-sighted and runs against the mood of business leaders elsewhere in Asia.
 
Twenty years ago, East Asia was characterised by fragile, authoritarian regimes
caught in the crossfire of the Cold War and worried about internal threats from
various insurgencies playing upon popular grievances. In this ocean of
uncertainty, Hongkong was an island of sanctuary, where the rule of law held
sway and Hong Kong Chinese proved what they could do if given economic and
civil freedoms.
 
Today, however, the situation has changed. Japan vies for power and influence
with the US. Although they are far less modernised and cosmopolitan than
Hongkong, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand and the Philippines have progressed
from authoritarian to representative government, and others are moving steadily
in that direction. With few exceptions, virtually every econmically advanced
nation in East Asia -- as in the West -- has recognised that prosperity and
democracy are not mutually antagonistic but are, in truth, inseparable. Indeed,
in many of these countries business has helped lead the way in demanding more
freedoms for the people.
 
Alas, this has not happened in Hong-Kong, In order to preserve its privileged
political position in the territory and to curry business favours with Peking,
a sector of the business community wants to keep the political system of
Hongkong frozen within its outdated colonial structure.
 
These dinosaurs have somehow failed to realise that, just as free markets and
free trade are the lifeblood of Hong Kong's economic successo, so a free market
of ideas and free competition in the political sphere are the keys to
successful government. Protectionist economics leads only to stagnation and
wasteful mal-distribution of resources; similarly, protectionist politics
wastes the talents of the people, erodes governmental effectiveness, and
thereby breeds social instability.
 
Protectionist politics that serve only to benefit vested interests are par-
ticularly dangerous in Hongkong because of the scourge of corruption. History
has taught us that without democratic and accountable government, we will never
be able to maintain the rule of law, and without the rule of law, Hongkong will
experience a surge in the corruption and guanxi (politics based on personal
contacts) that is endemic in China. Such corruption would threaten the free
competition that is the very foundation of our business success.
 
When they drafted the Joint Declaration in 1984, the British and Chinese
governments recognised this fact, and both agreed that only a government
elected by and accountable to the people of the territory would be able to
maintain Hong Kong's success. Hence, in the Joint Declaration the two
governments explicitly promised to allow "Hongkong people to rule Hong Kong
with a high degree of autonomy" through a legislative council that is to be
fully elected by 1997.
 
The problem was that no sooner was the ink dry on the Joint Declaration than
both Britain and China began to backslide from their commitments. Foolishly
seeking to appease Peking, Britain ignored the Joint Declaration's promise of a
fully elected legislature and resolutely opposcd the introduction of any
democratic reforms.
 
Faced with the damage caused by eight years of broken promises Patten has
decided that it is only possible to take a small step towards fulfilling the
Joint Declaration. All but forgotten in the midst of Peking's rhetoric is the
fact that Patten's reforms would still leave Legco with only one third of its
members democratically elected by 1997 -- a far cry from what was promised in
1984 and from what the Hongkong public would like to see.
 
When, now, Peking and its allies in the business community in Hongkong come out
to attack Patten's modest democratic reforms, it seems their real disagreement
is with the Joint Declaration itself.
 
For our businessmen to oppose the Joint Declaration's promises of autonomy and
democracy is to display an appalling lack of faith in the people of Hongkong
who have made their success possible. If anyone has an interest in seeing
Hongkong maintain its prosperity, we do. It is precisely because we plan to
remain here long after the last colonial governor has returned to Britain that
we are so keen on Patten's reforms -- and, indeed, we believe they do not go
nearly far enough. With the rest of the modernised nations of East Asia, we
know that only a firmly rooted democratic system will bring us the stability
necessary to continue our extraordinary economic success.
 
* Martin Lee is chairman of the United Democrats of Hongkong and an elected
  Legislative Councillor.