From: malenovi@plains.NoDak.edu (Malenovic Nikola V.)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.yugoslavia
Subject: Pristina Out in the Open ( VREME NDA 15 Sep 1992 )
Date: 15 Sep 92 22:02:57 GMT
Article-I.D.: plains.20376
Organization: North Dakota Higher Education Computing Network


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                  No. 51, September 14, 1992
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    Pristina Out in the Open
    ------------------------


           Albanian separatism  is a hindrance to  Serbia's way out
           of  the crisis.  It  prolongs  the career  of Milosevic,
           slows down the transformation of Serbia into a democracy
           and  thus the  renewal of  autonomy for  Kosovo. It even
                 endangers the survival of Albanians in Serbia

    The Kosovo  Albanian alternative has  united in a  national program. All
    the Albanian parties  in London stood for the  separation of Kosovo from
    Serbia  proper  and  its  proclamation  of  independence. With this they
    entered the battle field.

    The Albanians cannot fool anyone. The liberal parties of Kosovo lost the
    support of  the opposition in Belgrade  when they abandoned the  idea of
    the autonomy  of Kosovo within  the framework of  Serbia and joined  the
    separatists. Maybe  it is from  tactical reasons that  they talk of  the
    independence  of  Kosovo  so  that  at  negotiation  talks  they can get
    autonomy for  it. This isn't  certain at the  moment, but it  is certain
    that  until  the  moment  of  yielding  they  have  gained,  apart  from
    Milosevic, the whole of the Belgrade opposition as opponents.

    The  Albanians cannot  find allies   in Novi  Sad because  the Vojvodina
    Serbs,  beneficiaries of  centuries long  autonomy -  from military  and
    cultural to free cities and territorial  autonomy - do not see Vojvodina
    outside  Serbia.   Naturally  they  do  not   like  the  present  voting
    superiority of  Serbs in the  national assembly, credited  with treating
    Vojvodina as  an economic colony, but  neither do they see  the point of
    the demand  for an independent Vojvodina  except as part of  the Serbian
    conflict between the people of Vojvodina  themselves. Even if it were to
    separate from Serbia, it would not be easy for Vojvodina to hold out for
    long in the rectangle made up of Croatia, Hungary, Rumania and Serbia.

    The  people  of  Vojvodina  are  seeking  for  themselves a legislative,
    executive  and  judicial  autonomy,  as  well  as  status as an European
    region, but not as a state. They  are surprised by DEPOS' desire to take
    the  autonomy  away  from  the  Serbs  in  Vojvodina  and inhabitants of
    Vojvodina and hand it over to the Hungarians as a Northern Backa canton.
    To them this is a strange way of preserving the territorial integrity of
    Serbia.   But   it   is   logical   to   the  Serbian  nationalists.  By
    collectivization  they  politically  equalize  all  Serbs,  which  gives
    "unity" - in  fact a centralized Serbia, as  a governmental levelling of
    the historical  and cultural differences  between them, but  at the same
    time recognizing  other nations differences  and offering them  autonomy
    which  detracts from  the Serbs.  Nationalists always  have trouble with
    democracy  and the  open politics   of development  because they  have a
    horror  of  the  legislative  decentralization  of  power,  the  federal
    political system  and pluralism in  the interpretation of  "the national
    interests of the fatherland". Their involvement with borders is proof of
    their introversion and backwardness.

    When Milosevic with his lawlessness destroyed the autonomy of Kosovo and
    Vojvodina it was  then the way to centralize  military power without any
    intervention in the communist system.  He still stands on this. Albanian
    nationalists in  Kosovo have proved  the justification of  their efforts
    for the  reinstitution of the  autonomy of Kosovo  by the violations  of
    Albanian human  rights and breaking  of the civil  rights of all  Kosovo
    inhabitants. Here they found not only the understanding, but the support
    of the liberal opposition in Belgrade.  By insisting on the upholding of
    human  rights  they  also  gained   the  support  of  the  international
    community, because Yugoslavia is  a signatory of international documents
    on these rights. By moving into  open separatism they fall into the area
    of pure  war politics, and  demand of Europe  that it change  its policy
    based on  the immutability of borders.  This means that separatism  is a
    method of protecting human rights!

    Albanian separatism is a hindrance to Serbia's way out of the crisis. It
    prolongs  the  career  of  Milosevic,  slows  down the transformation of
    Serbia into a democracy and thus  the renewal of autonomy for Kosovo. It
    even endangers the survival of Albanians  in Serbia. In the Balkan mess,
    orthodox Greece,  Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia and  Montenegro will first
    be  united  against  the  Albanians  in  Kosovo  and Albania before they
    quarrel amongst themselves.

    The  easiest  way  for  Belgrade  to  weaken  the  demands of Kosovo for
    secession would be  for the authorities there to  adopt real liberal and
    civil currents, or  if those in power had  evident influence. They would
    certainly  offer Kosovo  autonomy. The  Albanians in  Pristina can maybe
    hope  for  the  independence  of  Kosovo  in  the  case of international
    military  intervention  against  Serbia   because  of  its  politics  in
    Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia. But, Serbia  will now change itself into
    one of the most peace-loving countries in Europe. Belgrade leans towards
    the political formalization of the  military victories of the Krajisnici
    (people  from the  Krajina), convinced  that this  will come sooner from
    negotiations than from digging new trenches.

    Apart from military success, Milosevic in five years of power has had no
    other.  Serbia  is  economically  ruined.  It  is  too  risky for him to
    immediately  open the  Kosovo front  when he  hasn't closed the Sarajevo
    one.  He will  leave Rugova  to  explain  to Europe  how Kosovo  can not
    breathe  without independence,  while in  Belgrade he  will be  publicly
    surprised by such  an approach, proving that he  has become peace-loving
    and cooperative. There will even be early elections!

    Now  Rugova, with  the other  "independent" Albanians  on the  political
    scene  in Serbia,  is completely  alone. In  Europe he  will be met with
    great  reserve  -  amongst  other  things  because  the encouragement of
    separatism  would weaken  the efforts  of the  "federal authorities"  to
    shove Milosevic's war politics from the  front to the lobby of the lower
    republican government. The weakening of Milosevic does not contribute to
    the  explanation  of  the  certainty  of  the  separation of Kosovo from
    Serbia. And Milosevic cannot gain strength without provoking a civil war
    in Serbia. For the time being Rugova  will be strong in Kosovo, but will
    lose strength in Serbia and in the diplomatic circles of Europe.

                                                            Dragan Veselinov


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                  No. 51, September 14, 1992
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