Organization: Central Michigan University
Newsgroups: bit.listserv.seasia-l
Date:         Sun, 24 Jan 1993 07:57:43 EST
From:         Elliott Parker <3ZLUFUR@CMUVM.CSV.CMICH.EDU>
Subject:      Asian student movements (fwd)

=======================  Forwarded  Message  ===========================
Date: Sat, 23 Jan 93 23:55:17 PST
From: New Liberation News Service <nlns@igc.apc.org>
Message-Id: <9301240755.AA02287@igc.apc.org>
Subject: NLNS: Asian Student Movement in 90s

/* Written  6:29 pm  Jan 18, 1993 by nlns@igc.apc.org in igc:nlns.news */
/* ---------- "NLNS Packet 3.7 *** 1/18/93" ---------- */

Critical Reflections: Asian Student Movement in the 90s
C.W. Hang, ASA News

Socialist Confusion
(NLNS)--In the 70s, students dreamt of socialism as an
alternative to the capitalist and imperialist systems.
        In Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, millions of people
died under the hands of Uncle Sam's troops. "Agent
Orange" was sprayed all over the country, killing plants,
deforming babies. This genocide was to force the
Vietnamese people to accept US imperialism. The US
failed, and students in Asia celebrated--Long live
socialism!
        To the north of Vietnam, Mao Zedong of China
inspired millions of young people--not only in China, but
all over Asia--with such slogans as, "It is a right to
revolt," "Down with bureaucracy," "Struggle with the
masses--the workers and the peasants, and learn from
them!"
        No wonder, his pictures were seen and his books
were read not only in China, but also in Thailand, India,
Japan, the Philippines, because his calls for anti-
authoritarianism and anti-imperialism had a ring of truth
in them.
        In a world which faced the sheer violence of
imperialism, both in the form of imperial wars against
liberation struggles and in the form of support to military
regimes in Asia, Mao was inspiring.
        However, at the turn of the 80s, cconfusion over
socialism set in. People witnessed the Khmer Rouge on
televisions, and condemned it as communist terror. The
victory of Vietnam over an imperialist power was
followed by its own invasion of Cambodia. And added to
this was a war fought between two Asian socialist
countries: China and Vietnam.
        In China, leaders of the Cultural Revolution, the
"Gang of Four," were arrested and denounced as traitors.
Mao was criticized. The new Chinese communist leaders
adopted an "open door policy" to entice western
investments. What was supposedly the better alternative
turned out not to be without its own problems.
        Meanwhile, capitalist forces adopted more subtle
forms of oppression. In the 80s, rather than launching
large scale wars against the Third World, imperialist
forces relied on more indirect control: economic
imperialism. This tactic includes the economic blockade of
socialist states and supporting client states in the Third
World--often military regimes and collaborating with
local elites to implemet pro-western policies, protecting
and enhancing the powers of multinational corporations.
        In response to these changes, many leftists and
progressive student activists in Asia shifted the focus of
their struggle which was one of internationalist in nature,
to one more national-centered in character.
        Despite the problems of existing socialist states,
student activists generally concluded that these problems
came from miguided practice rather than from socialist
theory itself. Therefore, they tended not to go into deeper
discussions into the ccauses of these problems but
retreated to fighting at the local front, against the local
ruling class.
        The priority was thus the removal of the local
repressive regimes rather than the destruction of the
global capitalist system.

Rise of Liberal Democracy
        There were vigorous student campaigns against
military regimes and dictatorship in the 80s. This
includes Korean students and workers bringing down
Chun Du-hwan in 1987 after 7 years of martial rule;
Taiwanese students discrediting the "octogenarian
parliamentarians" in 1990.
        Burmese students fought against 23 years of Ne
Win's military rule in 1988; Chinese students attacked
corruption and the lack of democracy in 1989 in
Tiananmen; Nepali students dismantled the "panchayat
system" and King Birenda's absolute power in 1990; and
in Bangladesh, General Ershad was deposed after leftist
student fronts united to fight against his dictatorship.
        In many of these struggles, students and [other]
people were jailed, tortured, kidnapped, disappeared,
threatened under gunpoint, or even massacred. But their
vision for a democratic society kept their faith and
energy going.
        What are the lessons to learn from these struggles?
In several cases, an election mechanism was installed
(Philippines, South Korea, Nepal, Taiwan, Bangladesh,
Jordan).
        In response to this, some students enthusiastically
helped the election of progressive parties (Nepal,
Thailand), while progressive parties in some countries
splintered, thereby weakening themselves (Taiwan,
Korea, Bangladesh). Still others are fraught with
indecision between electoral politics and armed struggle
(Burma, Philippines).
        Despite all their differences, what is common among
student movements in these countries is their central
goal: to fight for more democratic space in a "liberal
democracy." This can be easily understood: without the
basic rights to organize and live freely from military
terror, how can other struggles be possible?


Electoral Trap
        However, the focus on democracy, or "liberal
democracy" as the major, or as in some cases as the only
goal of students' struggle is not without problems. As
time goes by, these problems become clearer.
        The first problem is the limits of "elections" and
"political freedom" in really empowering the people in
Third World countries. What is common about electoral
politics is also money politics: the rich, the privileged, and
the powerful can easily mobilize support by threats and
by rewards.
        Huge amounts of resources are put into election
campaigns just to glorify "local elites," who in turn use
the benefit of their public office to enrich themselves and
use part of this money for the next campaign. Therefore,
by isolating the marginalized from the middle class
(whereas the military regimes draw opposition from both
classes), those elected regimes can attack the powerless
with a free hand.
        These "elected" elites also collaborate with
international agencies like the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund. In the name of "economic
liberalization" and debt "servicing," they impose policies
which empower the rich, and deprive and starve the
poor.
        Thus, there were many more austerity policies
imposed after "democratic elections" than before. For
example, in Nepal, economic liberalization policies took
place after the Nepali Congress Party took power in 1991
by a narrow margin over the leftists.
        In addition, after the dictators were [deposed], such
as in the Philippines and Korea, many students returned
to "normal studies" and forgot about the sufferings of the
marginalized. Those more committed were attracted to
party politics, and so leaving the underclass unorganized.
        The focus on "liberal democracy" also tended to
play down internationalism, liberation at the local level.
In the 80s, international solidarity is defined sadly as
nothing more than giving support to one's own liberation
movement, rather than struggling together, in different
places and by different means, for global change.
        Moreover, this electoral fever has an alienating
impact at the campus level.
        Student activists today can only make political
speeches--they no longer like to dance, to laugh, and to
be humorous. Given that electoral politics is only a facet
of our culture, the student movement is also condemned
to become "one-dimensional" rather than multi-faceted.
        Some of the things which attracted students [to] the
student movement during the 60s and 70s were music,
yoga, culture and creativity.
        So, why not take back culture and get in touch with
oneself and other students? If the student movement
becomes a playground for budding poiticians only, it will
be disastrous.
        Nevertheless, there are still many movements
which are successful in mobilizing students, such as
[those] in Korea, Taiwan and Thailand, which hinge on a
lot of cultural means.
        Apart from "liberal democracy," the other trend of
student movements in the 80s was anti-imperialist; such
as the anti-US bases campaign in the Philippines, [the]
Korean reunification movement, and also the liberation
movements in Palestine and East Timor.
        And much like the democratic movement, these
campaigns were also defined in negative forms; removing
an external threat or occupation, rather [than] in a clearer
positive form such as new forms of production, culture,
economics and politics.
        These problems originated from the lack of deeper
reflection and development of progressive theories for
social change since the "socialist confusion" in the late
70s. In addition, in the 80s, we see a strong assault of the
right-wing ideology of the "free market," "western
democracy" and so on, which weaken the ideological
resistance among the people struggling in the Third
Worl.

Economic Imperialism
        As mentioned earlier, there has been a shift in the
imperialist tactic: from that of colonial control to one of
economic imperialism and "information imperialism."
        In the era of colonial rule, the character of Third
World struggle was national liberation and armed
struggle against the French and US imperialists in the
50s, 60s and 70s. That of Iraquis against the US in the
Gulf War, and also the Palestinians' struggle against
Zionism are of this category.
        In these causes, nationalist sentiment can be rallied
against a foreign threat or domination. However,
economic and "information imperialism" are more subtle
than this.
        Economic imperialism is often imposed with the
collaboration between the international imperialist forces
(in the form of World Bank, International Monetary Fund,
transnational corporations, military blocs, General
Agreement on Trade and Tariff and so on) and the local
ruling class (landlords, capitalists, politicians).
        Therefore, nationalist sentiments alone cannot
really attack the point because the local collaborators can
also be pretending to be nationalistic.
        President Ramos, Marcos, and even Aquino of the
Philippines and Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia are
good examples of these. In the name of "nationalism,"
they are still protecting the interests of feudalistic forces
like big landlords and imperialist forces like big
agriculture multinationals, paying back huge debts to
subsidize First World countries, thus depriving their own
people.
        To tackle economic imperialism, we need to
redefine the economy. The strategy is two-pronged:
weakening the dominant economy and building up an
alternative. Capitalist ecoomy has its own crisis, now
already showing itself in the recession in the US,
Australia, Britain, and so on; the weakening of welfare
states and the social problems which resulted; economic
rivalry between US and Japan; ad the people's rejection of
a united Europe. This demonstrates contradictions
between the ruling class and the people in First World
countries.
        Third World people and movements can further
that crisis by a united front. For example, there should be
a boycott of Third World debt and a unified demand for
the First World countries to pay back their colonial debt.
        Third World intellectuals should also stop serving
multinationals and develop instead alternative
technology for a people's economy. Farmers should stop
planning for exports and grow food for self-reliance and
adequacy.
        Students should spread the message that the
"growth economy model" of the First World not only
deprived the Third World people, but also assaulted the
ecology to such an extent that we have to stop such
insane ecoomics now. Otherwise our children can never
see a clear sky or swim in a clean river again.


Information Imperialism
        In addition, the "information age" is today being
used to enhance imperialism, as US military might is so
well projected in the recent Gulf War and its economic
might in the Earth Summit fiasco. Information has
become a very important tool of imperialism in our era.
        Curriculum in schools and universities in the Third
World is dependent on western input. In other words,
educational institutions reproduce millions of young
people in the Third World each year to serve imperialist
designs: more efficient appropriation of resources and
accumulation of capital.
        Student movements can only deter these trends in
time, by reforming school curriculum and redefining
campus life outside the curriculum. However, these
efforts are usually not continuous and allow much room
for conservative backlashes, such as by fee-hikes and
employment of conservative teachers.
        Moreover, mass media has become much more
efficient in penetrating the Third World, especially into
middle class families. Thanks to satellite technology, CNN
news is now nearly becoming the "official" internationa
news source. As illustrated by the Gulf War, we readily
see how a misinformation campaign through control or
manipulation of media can be used to rally economic and
political support for an imperialist mission.
        Put simply, progressive movements in the Third
World need not only to have an awareness of this newly
enhanced power of the imperialist forces, but to think
about new ways of utilizing this information technology
for our own side.
        Of course, there is also the need to cultivate an
alternative culture among the people, using expressive
theater and songs, rather than the present one-way, mass
culture. However, in the "transition" towards a new
society based on people's communities, we still need to
address the masses through effective communicative
means.

International Resistance
        The resistance to this military, economic, and
information-based imperialism is the vision of people's
alliance: students integrating with the marginalized
classes for a common struggle, and developing a vision of
an international network of resistance.
        To carry out this vision, people need to come
together. A common problem for many student activist
groups today is bringing students together. Often we hear
activists' comments like, "students are apathetic," "they're
afraid of politics" and so on. How could we bridge this
gap?
        We have to recognize that sometimes it is not the
students who are at fault, but the activist groups
themselves: they are too serious, too alienated, and too
boring. Instead of facilitating a mutual sharing of ideas,
some activists just try to impose their own "correct"
ideology on the newcomers. The problem with such an
imposition is not that the theories are incorrect, but that
the generation is one of a stagnation of thinking and a
killing of creativity--which are most treasurable in a
student movement.
        In addition, many activists feel it is hard to
organize the students because they are middle-class. But
aren't we ourselves originated from the middle class? We
should be aware of this problem and think about how our
own consciousness develops, rather than take a fatalistic
view.
        It is important for student activists to reach out to
the peasants, workers and other marginalized groups in
our society, but ultimately who else can organize the
students if not the students themselves?
        In the process of organizing, students must have
immersion programs with the oppressed classes in our
society, to experience for themselves how the
marginalized see the world and how the forces of
oppression operate. These experiences should be
integrated into a deeper analysis of social reality.
        Increasingly, collectivism rather than hierarchies
should be developed within organizations. Through
collectivism, skills, emotions, experiences and thoughts
could be more readily shared amongst the activists. And
through collectivism, student groups can enhance
grassroots participation and democracy.
        Finally, cultural methods should be applied in
communicating with students and the masses to
counteract the "culture of silence" (among the underclass)
and the "materialistic culture" (among the students).
        This is also a self-education process, for the
activists themselves to learn more about their own
culture and discover creativity. Students in the 80s are
especially detached from the underclass. Locally, we have
lost touch with the grassroots, and globally we have lost
the vision. This explains why we are not able to "move
mountains" nowadays, although small successes, like the
removal of one or two dictators, have been achieved. The
only way to solve this problem is to tie ourselves to our
roots again.

ASA News is published by the Asian Student Association,
and they can be reached  at:
ASA 511 Nathan Road 1/F, Kowloon, Hong Kong; Tel.:
(852) 388-0515; Fax: (852) 782-5535.

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