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Subject: OPIN:US Activists Ignore US Pol Prisoners/ATS
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Date: Fri, 24 Jul 1992 20:38:16 GMT


Via The NY Transfer News Service ~ All the News that Doesn't Fit

US Activists Ignore Political Prisoners

via aforum@moose.uvm.edu (autonome forum)

from ARM THE SPIRIT #12 (MARCH - MAY 1992)



                            "Diss'd"

                     by Raymond Luc Levasseur

>From 1976 through 1984, the Sam Melville-Jonathan Jackson Unit
(SMJJ) and the United Freedom Front (UFF) called for the release
of political prisoners and POW's from U.S. prisons. This call,
accentuated through the use of explosives, was integrated with
other issues such as independence for Puerto Rico, an end to
apartheid, and support for liberation movements in Central
America.

In 1985, the first of many trials began for 7 long-time activists
and revolutionaries. Collectively known as the Ohio 7, the first
group trial stemmed from resistance actions attributed to the UFF,
including the bombings of U.S. military facilities.  This trial
resulted in numerous convictions. Subsequently, people were
indicted on sedition and RICO (Racketeer Influenced Corrupt
Organization) charges coming out of SMJJ/UFF actions. This case
resulted in the longest sedition trial in U.S. history and
acquittals for those who remained in the case. I was a defendant
in both cases as were Richard Williams and Thomas Manning.

Between the earlier UFF trial and the Sedition case, there was a
New Jersey state trial in which Tom and Richard were tried for the
1981 shooting death of a state trooper. In a very compelling and
unequivocal testimony, Tom described how he had shot the trooper
in self defense after the trooper tried to kill him with his .357
Magnum. During the court proceedings it was determined that the
trooper had fired a minimum of 6 shots; carried an unregistered,
unlicensed "drop gun" concealed on his person, and was previously
involved in shooting incidents.

Tom testified that Richard Williams was not present at the
shootings. At the trial's conclusion, Tom Manning was convicted on
felony murder. The jury failed to reach a verdict on Richard, with
the majority for acquittal. This lead to a second trial, a
retrial, which began 5 years later on September 30th, 1991, and
ended with Richard's conviction in December.

A year earlier, December 7-10, 1990, a Special Tribunal on the
violation of the human rights of political prisoners/pow's in U.S.
prisons and jails was held in New York City. This event was
convened by 88 sponsoring and endorsing organizations, including
Freedom Now!, a coalition of organizations and individuals pledged
to support political prisoners. Hundreds of activists attended the
event. The Tribunal provided an opportunity and forum to examine
the political claims and conditions of over one hundred political
prisoners. Examination was also given to government claims that
these prisoners are simply terrorists and criminals.

The Tribunal drew numerous conclusions based on the evidence.
Among these findings: U.S. prisons hold substantial numbers of
political prisoners/pow's including "white north american
opponents of U.S. government policies." The Tribunal then issued
the following call to action - "It is of critical importance that
the international human rights community as well as all freedom
loving people bring worldwide attention to the plight of U.S.
political prisoners."

How is it that one year after the Tribunal's findings, the New
Jersey trial of Richard Williams elicited no moral or political
support from those who organized, sponsored, endorsed, or attended
this event? Or from the organizations and individuals affiliated
with Freedom Now!? How did circumstances and attitudes evolve to
the point of adding insult to injury by abandoning Richard
Williams to a relentless attack by the State?

It has been my position, shared with some of my comrades, that we
do not distance ourselves politically from actions claimed by the
SMJJ/UFF. For example, we do not deny bombing the offices of the
South African government in 1982, or the destruction of military
facilities. We think they were necessary and righteous actions
designed to draw the attention of the American people to crimes
being committed by their own government.

This has had repercussions in our ability to build support among
the organized Left and others. Many consider the SMJJ/UFF actions
"dirty" because they involve the use or threat of violence,
including confrontations with the police. These activists won't
even consider extending support to those who do not establish
their "innocence" or repudiate armed resistance. Trying to gain
their favour resembles an appearance before a parole board.

At his recent trial, Richard Williams maintained his innocence
throughout the circumstantial case against him, yet political and
moral support did not materialize. With the exception of a few
individuals who braved the elements and police intimidation, the
Left virtually boycotted the trial. The alternative press, with
the exception of the Canadian Left, did not devote so much as a
single column inch to the trial. Events were not organized or
shared which would draw attention to our comrade's plight. One of
the few bright spots in the midst of this wayward stampede was
defense attorney Lynne Stewart who put forward a valiant effort.

Why the whiteout? Despite the rhetoric of our detractors, the
issue is not one of "guilt" or "innocence". If it were, the
courtroom would have been filled with supporters from that nearby
hotbed of radicalism, New York City. As it was, the courtroom was
filled with state cops making their own political statement. The
real deal with those that renounce us and retreat from trials and
prison battlegrounds is that we are seen as anti-imperialists with
guns. Guns were used to defend ourselves; guns to confront the
enemy, guns that speak for our own liberation and provide support
to others. With no apologies.

Self-defense was clearly established in the New Jersey case.
However, our critics' convoluted logic turns around to a
condemnation: What are we are doing with guns to begin with? The
soft part of the Left filed a superseding indictment behind that
of the State, implicating us as terrorists and criminals. The
guns, our lack of adherence to a particular party line, our
radical ideas (e.g. the liberation of oppressed nations within the
borders of the U.S. empire) are used by others to label the Ohio 7
as renegade workers unworthy of support.

There are those who've just begun to grasp the necessary
understanding and courage to denounce the inherent injustice of 20
year old cases involving our Black Panther and Black Liberation
Army comrades, and others. Yet they don't lift a finger to help
someone on trial now. Anyone who has been chewed up in this so
called "criminal justice" system will tell you support is most
effective in the trial stage. Convictions are extremely difficult
to get reversed, and early support lays the foundation for
protracted support if necessary. A New York judge put it
succinctly when he stated the government has an interest in the
finality of judgements. Final - as in bury them alive, or, in the
case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, execute as soon as convenient.

Much of the North American left suffers from myopia on this issue
of political prisoners. It affects their value judgements.  They
place our value at nil. They see no relationship or kindred spirit
between those who function clandestinely or outside the bounds of
the Empire's laws, and the combatants, armourers, expropriators,
couriers, and propagandists of other anti- imperialist struggles.
Struggles represented by the FMLN, the FSLN, Umkhonto we Sizwe,
the NPA of the Philippines, etc. They merit admiration and
respect. We get ostracized and disrespect.

When Mandela toured the U.S. after his release from prison, I
watched with pride as millions turned out to greet and welcome
him. Nelson Mandela symbolizes antiapartheid resistance and the
defiant spirit of political prisoners. Most Left organizations
expressed enthusiastic support for Mandela - an appreciation for
his sacrifice on behalf of others. It was a very special moment
when Mandela spoke in Harlem. Adding to its significance was
Mandela sharing the stage and place of honour with Black Panther
Party leader Dhoruba Bin Wahad, and former Puerto Rican
Nationalist Prisoners of War. Liberal and conservative politicians
opposed their presence on stage. It is then with some irony that
so many Left organizations, year after year, refused to
acknowledge the political persecution of these comrades. Curious,
that many didn't recognize the connection with the struggle
against white supremacy in South Africa and the fight against
white supremacy in amerikkka.  Disturbing, that at no time prior,
during, or after did anyone acknowledge the reality of U.S.
political prisoners in prison for years, and still in prison
today, for anti-apartheid actions.

The consistency with which the Left ignores political prisoners
can be seen through the experiences of soldiers that refused to
serve in the Gulf War. These working-class women and men took the
risk, bad discharges, and imprisonment. For their commitment and
sacrifice, they received scant support from the various anti-war
groups and coalitions, with the major exceptions of Citizen
Soldier, the War Resisters League, and the anti- imperialist
segment of Viet Nam Veterans Against the War.

Exceptional also is the Puerto Rican Independence Movement, and
the singular example of Leonard Peltier (also, the particular
effort formed around IRA prisoner Joe Doherty). They have made
progress with integrating the lives of political prisoners with
other community and political issues.

However, few prisoners, including anti-imperialist prisoners,
receive organizational support. The demise of Freedom Now! from
competing agendas, personal squabbling, and myriad other self-
induced problems undermined the good intentions and hard work of a
few. It dashed the hopes of scores of political prisoners, long
ago forgotten. This is a continuation of a decades old legacy
which relegates political prisoners to the status of irritant and
minor humanitarian consideration.

The prisoners want and need outside support. We need it to remain
visible and as a vehicle for activism; as a measure of physical
protection and to secure our freedom. Our lifeline is perilously
weak.

The State put a lot of muscle and resources into prosecuting
Richard Williams. Every day, state police ringed the courthouse,
patrolled the building and occupied the courtroom. This was more
than a symbolic demonstration - it was a designed strategy to use
the power of the State to take a man's life. The dichotomy was
striking: a frenzied police power bent on exacting their pound of
flesh, and the wilted response of the Left. There was the depth,
character, and attitude of each in the context of a political
trial.

Neither my comrades, nor I, have asked for awards, promotions, or
pensions. If that's what I wanted, I would have reenlisted with
the U.S. Army rather than join with the unconventional forces.
Some will say I have an axe to grind. No doubt. I began to sharpen
my axe under the war skies of Viet Nam, 25 years ago. I've
continued to hone its edge as my own life was rubbed raw with
oppression.  With me the political is personal.

This is not a criticism of the entire Left. Most of the Left
doesn't even know we exist. For those who have made a difference
in our lives - you know who you are. Neither is it meant to be a
comprehensive analysis. My purpose is to stir the conscience and
inflame the passions; to draw attention to the inherent weakness
of political organizations and movements that cut and run at the
first sight of a courtroom confrontation. All progressive and
revolutionary movements have their activists and seditious
conspirators. Some of us are imprisoned for our commitment. Do you
see us as part of your community, or as casualties of a war you'd
just as soon forget. Do you see us at all? For after all is said
and done, the women and men locked down for their political
beliefs, intent and actions are the United States' political
prisoners.

Raymond Luc Levasseur, January 1992

Write to Ray:

Raymond Luc Levasseur #10376-016
P.O. Box 1000
Marion, IL
62959 USA

                               -30-

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