Newsgroups: talk.politics.mideast,soc.culture.turkish,talk.politics.soviet,soc.history
From: ahmet@eecg.toronto.edu (Ahmet Parlakbilek)
Subject: Baku Massacre (2/2)
Followup-To: soc.culture.turkish
Organization: University of Toronto, Canada
Date: 8 Apr 92 15:17:54 GMT

   The Seym which had been formed by Muslim, Armenian, Georgian 
and Russian delegates elected to the Russian Constituent
Assembly, had become the highest legislative body in Transcaucasia.[13]
Upon the letter sent to General Odiselidze of Georgian origins, by
Vehib Pasha, the commander of the third army, the Seym had
applied for three weeks' time. However, continual reports of the
massacres conducted on the front by the Armenians were coming
through. Odiselidze proclaimed these reports to be exaggeration.
Vehib Pasha announced that the Erzincan Treaty was suspended
beginning from February 5, 1918 and on February l2 he marched
to Erzincan breaking through the Demarcation line as had been
drawn by the treaty.[14]

   When the Turks began marching, Cheidze called the Transcaucasia 
Seym to assembly immediately. The Seym assembling on March 1-3, 
agreed that peace negotiations be undertaken with Turkey, but 
on March 3, 1918 the Brest-Litovsk Treaty had been signed
and according to this treaty Kars, Ardahan and Batum were to be
given back to Turkey. The telegraph received from Karahan bringing 
the news of the treaty resulted in the breaking up of the negotitations, 
moreover, the Seym declared that it did not accept the
Brest-Litovsk Treaty. The Turkish armies marching via Erzincan
(February 13), and Erzurum (March 12) came to the Russo-Turkish
border of 1914 on March 14. Vehib Pasha demanded that Kars-Ardahan 
and Batum be evacuated by means of radio broadcast
and this made things even more difficult for the Transcaucasia
Seym. The Seym, condescending to negotiate, sent quite a big
delegation headed by Chankeli. Resulzade Mehmet Emin Bey, Ibrahim 
Haydarof, Haydar Bey Ayasinzade, Mehmet Hasan Hacinski, Ekber 
Agha Seyhulislamov, and Mir Yakup Mehmediyev were some of
the delegates representing -the Muslims of Caucasia in the total of
43 delegates.[15] During the Trabzon Conference held between March
14-April 14, secret negotiations between Colonel Huseyin Rauf
Bey, the head of the Turkish delegation, and the Muslim delegates
of the Transcaucasian Seym took place. During these secret meetings
it was made known to Rauf Bey that the Caucasian Muslims had
been waiting for the Turkish army, the disputes in Caucasia could
only be solved by the invasion of Caucasia by the Turkish army, Britain
had been organizing the Armenians, and the Bolshevik penetration
would be dangerous for the Muslims. [16]

   In the light of this information, Huseyin Rauf Bey sent a notice
to the head of the Caucasian delegation requesting that the situation
of the Caucasian Republic be clarificd.[17]

   Although the Caucasian delegation opposed, Huseyin Rauf Bey did
not compromise in the matter of Kars-Ardahan and Batum, and
firmly asserted that the Brest-Litovsk Treaty was valid for all Russia,
and in order to make it possible for a treaty to be signed by the two
sides the government forms had to be clarified.[18]

   During the period when the negotiations were being delayed -and
some of the delegates of the Caucasian delegation were sent to
Tiflis for new instructions, the March 31, Baku atrocity took place.
Upon this atrocity the Azerbaijani delegates withdrew from the Seym.
Later the Baku atrocity was discussed in the National Assembly of
Azerbaijan[19] and it was decided that help should be requested from
Turkey. Although, the matter was brought up in the Caucasia Seym,
because of thc Armenian impediment no resolution could be reached.
On the other hand, because of the insistance of the Georgians on their
right on Batum and the Armenians on Kars, Huseyin Rauf Bey gave
an ultimatum (April 6, 1918) to the Caucasian delegation demanding 
the Brest-Litovsk Treaty to be accepted and the Transcaucasian
Republic to become a completey independent government, so that
it would be possible for Turkey to undertake final negotiations.

  One day before the ultimatum, upon the orders of Vehib Pasha
the Turkish army had begun marching and on April 5 Sarikamis
was taken back. Although the Armenian forces under the command
of Nazarbekov tried to show resistence, they were defeated and drew
back.[20] The 1st army corps under the command of Kazim Karabekir
succeeded in taking Kars on April 25.[21] On April 22 the Tiflis Assembly
declared the Transcaucasian Republic.[22] The Turkish army had
taken back Kars-Ardahan and Batum which had not been evacuated
by means of negotiations. Peace talks between Turkey and the newly
declared Transcaucasian Federative Republic were held in Batum on
May 11, 1918. Halil Bey (Mentese), the head of the Turkish delegation, 
upon the orders of Talat Pasha, tried to hinder the establishment
of powerful Armenian and Georgian states neighbouring Turkey. It
could be observed that, Russia and Germany were also intervening
for different reasons. Russia sent a diplomatic note signed by Chiherin 
to Count Von Mirbarch,[23] ambassador to Moscow, declaring
the wish of Russia to send an observer and did not forget to add that,
Russia would not accept the resolutions of the Conference on May
i3, 1918.

    Although Germany was an ally of Turkey, she did not wish the
Baku oil to fall into Turkish hands, therefore, she found it more
profitable to sign a treaty with the Georgians, who did not throw
away this opportunity. On the other hand, it was decided that the
15th Infantry Division, which was in Romania, was to be dispatched
to the Caucasion front. The troops were stationed in the Caucasian
front between May 15-June 28, 1918.[24] Day by day, the conflict
between the Georgians, Turks and the Armenians who constituted the
Transcaucasian Republic became worse. Turkey requested that the
three states forming the Republic  declare independence individually.[25]

   The massacres undertaken by the Bolsheviks and the Armenians,
who were under Shaumyan's rule, had been heard in Turkey and
Halil Bey, the head of the peace delegation of the Batum Conference,
gave a memorandum to the Transcaucasia Peace delegation on May
26, 1918.[26] On the same day in the last meeting of the Assembly of
the Caucasian Republic, the Assembly abolished itself with the
following statement:

           Since there are great differences of opinion on matters of war and
    peace among the nations constituting the Transcaucasian Republic and
    since it is impossible to form an authoritativae government that can take
    action on behalf of all Transcaucasia the Seym is resigning from its
    duties as the partitioning of Transcaucasia has already actualised.[27]

    The Georgians and the Armenians declared their independence
the same day and the Azerbaijanis two days later. Turkey signed the
Batum Treaty with each of the states (June 4, 1918) and put an end
to the war on the Caucasian front.

Conclusion

    Although the war on the Caucasian front had ended, The Republic 
of Armenia, which had entered  the  historical  arena  as  it  had
been politically rccognized by the Ottoman Empire, went on with
its inauspicious policy. The Republic readily accepted the support of
the British, who had invaded Baku according to the Mondros Treaty
of October 4, 1918. The Taschnak Armenian Government became
not only an obstacle to the formation of a barrier in Caucasia against
the Bolsheviks but also an obstacle to the Turks who were fighting in
Anatolia for their freedom against Britain and her allies. In order
to evaluate the atrocities undertaken by the Armenians from 1905
to the end of World War 1, it is necessary to refer to Karibi, who
was a socialist of Georgian origins. Karibi says as follows:

    Until the anpearence of the Armenian revolutionaries and especially
  of the party Tashnaksutyun, Transcaucasia was a land of peace
  and tranquility. In this land there was not even a soul who remembered
  the bloody atrocities that had taken place between the Turks and the
  Armenians. The Armenians, the Turks and the Georgians lived together
  for many centuries and during this period no enmity between them could
  be observed. The Taschnaks came and desired to create a land inhabited
  only by the Armenians for future Armenia. Hostility and enmity was
  created in the patriarchal villages of Caucasia. The Turks responded
  to Armenian fire with fire.[28]

    At this stage of the Turco-Armenian relations, the treachery
of a nation who lived with the Turks is evident. The Armenians who
were called the "Millet-i Sadika" or the "heathen Turks" became
the "local heathen" in the minds of the Turkish nation with the
inhumane massacres they undertook against the Turks. The Turkish
nation adopted the guideline of the Difai Organizaton which had
fought against the Armenian revolutionaries in Caucasia during
1905-1917 which was as follows: "The Tashnak party should have
no doubts that we have not allowed the Armenians to establish their
happiness over the ruins and ashes of our own nation." The Arme-
nians who sowed wind reaped whirlwind.

References:
    [1] See Cihangir Zeyneloglu, Muhtasar Azerbaycan Tarihi(The Abridged 
    History of Azerbaijan), (Istanbul 1924), 193 ff.
    [2] See A. Kurat, Turkiye ve Rusya ( Turkey and Russia) , 332.
    [3] Those who were brought to government were: from the Turks; 
Feth-Ali Han Hoy-lu (Minister of Education), Mehmet Yusuf Caferzade
(Ministcr of Commerce and Industry), Hudadad Bey Melik Arslanli 
(Minister of Highways) and Halil Bey Hasmehmetli (Minister of Control), 
from the Georgians; Gegeckori(Prime minister of the temporary government),
Chenkeli (Minister of Interior Affairs), Meshisvili (Minister of Justice), 
from the Armenians; Karcikyan (Minister of Finance), Ter Gazaryan 
(Minister of Provisions), Agacanyan (Minister of Health), from the 
Russians; Donskoy (Minister of War and Marine), Nerucev (Minister of 
Agriculture). See Mirza Bala, "Kafkasya Istiklali'nin 40. Yildonumu 
Munasebetiyle" (On the 40 th Anniversary of the Independence of Caucasia), 
Dergi 12 (1958) 6-7.
     [4] In this declaration it was stated that: "A government has been 
set up as a result of the agreement reached between all socialist and 
democratic parties and organisations.This government will be in power until 
the General Constituent Assembly of Russia assembles.  If the  conditions  
in  Russia  do not make it possible for the Assembly to gather, this 
government will be in power until the delegates of the General 
Constituent Assembly from Transcaucasia and the Caucasian Front can 
assemble. The Transcaucasian Commissariat which believes in the principle 
of self determination of the nations, declared by the revolutionaries, 
will take action to enable the nations in Transcaucasia to use their 
rights of self determination, swiftly and  justly... The Transcaucasian 
Commissariat will not delay but will swiftly proceed to establish peace..." 
see Mirza Bala, "Kafkasya Istiklalinin 40. Yildonumu"  [7].
     [5] See A.  Kurat,  332.,  Stefanos  Yerasimos,  Turk-Sovyet Iliskileri  
(Turkish-Russian Relations) (Istanbul, 1979) 38-40, Mahmut  Gologlu, Erzurum  
Kongresi (The Congress of Erzurum) (Ankara, 1968) 3, M. Bala, "Kafkasya 
Istiklalinin 40. Yildonumu" 8, M. Bala "Azerbaycan Sovyet Cumhuriyeti'nin 
Mensei Hakkinda" ("On the Origins of the Soviet Socialist Republic of 
Azerbaijan') Dergi 4  (1956) 21.
     [6] See  M. Bala  "Kafkasya  Istiklali'nin 4O. Yildonumu" 6.
     [7] See A. Kurat, 477, 479.
     [8] The Armenian Decree
    The Labour and Pesants' Government of Russia hereby declares to 
the Armenians of the Soviet Peoples' Commissars that it supports thein 
pursuit of their right to self determination until they gain full 
independence. According to the Soviet of Peoples' Commissars, it will 
be possible for the Armenians to exercise their right to self 
determination only after the necessary measures for a referandum are taken. 
The Soviet of Peoples' Commissars have decided upon the following measures:
    1.  The Russian armies that have invaded the Turkish Armenia are to be 
drawn back immediately and territorial forces will be recruited from the 
Armenians, to establish peace  and  order  in  the  area.
    2.  It should be made possible for the Armenians who have defected from 
the Turkish army and gone over to the enemy, and the immigrant Armenians 
living in other countries to return freely to Turkish Armenia.
    3.  It should also be made possible for the Armenians who had been 
deported to the towns of central Anatolia to be brought to Turkish Armenia. 
The Peoples' Commissars are to insist upon these conditions in all future 
negotiations with Turkey.
    4. The temporary govement of Turkish Armenia will consist of 
Armenian Peoples' Commissars, to be elected democratically, and of 
the Armenian Committee.
    5. Stephan Shaumyan, the Extraordinary Temporary Commissar of Caucasia, was
appointed to make any kind of support possible for the people of Turkish 
Armenia and to establish local commissions to draw back the Russian forces in 
Turkish Armenia and hence, to  materialize the first  two decrees.
     Note: The geographic boundaries of Turkish Armenia will be drawn by the 
delegates, who will be elected democratically by tbe Armenians, through 
negotiations with the Muslim and other peoples of the neighbouring areas, over 
the disputed areas and with the attendance of thc Extraordinary Commissar of 
Caucasia.

Head of the Committee of the                    Nation's Commissar
     Peoples' Commissar                        Cagashvili-Stalin
     Ulyanov-Lcnin

See S. Yerasimos, 41-42, M. Bala Milli Azerbaycan Harekati(The 
National Azerbaijani Movement) (Berlin,  1938)  128-129.
     [9] See Husamettin Tugac 137, 139.
     [10] Artin H. Arslanian, "Dunsterville Adventures: A Reappraisal" 
Int. J. Middle East Stud. 12 (1980) 201, 203.
     [11] Lenin's orders were as follows: "We must invade Azerbaijan, the 
land of black gold , in order to help communism flourish." the telegram 
sent to Shaumyan by Lenin after the  massacre was as follows: "We admire 
your firm, decisive policy aiming to supply oil to our revolution. If you 
can make up for the present grave situation with your diplomacy we will be 
victorious." see Suleyman Tekiner, "Bariz Bir Hakikati Ugultuya bogmaya 
Yeltenen kisik Bir Ses" ("A Weak Voice Attempting to Drown a Clear Fact") 
Dergi (Munich, 198O) 
     [12] See A. Kurat, 364.
     [13] See A. Kurat, 462.
     [14] See W.B.D. Allen-Paul Muratoff 429.
     [15] See A. Kurat, 468.
     [16] See A. Kurat, 469.
     [17] "The Imperial Ottoman state is pleased to make it known that, 
she would like to establish good neighbourly relations with the 
Transcaucasian Republic and requests information from the Caucasian 
delegation relating to the nature, structure, political set-up and
form of governmcnt of the new state and would like it to be 
clarified if the new republic is up to the standards of a true state as 
defined by the international regulations. Colonel Rauf" 
See The Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Card 124.
     [18] See A. Kurat, 471, I. Berkuk, "Buyuk Harpte (334) Simali 
Kafkasya'daki Faaliyetlerimiz ve 15. Firka'nin Harekati ve Muharebeleri," 
("The Activities Undertaken in South Caucasia  and the Action and Battles of 
the 15th Squadron during the Great War,") Askeri Mecmua 94 (1934) Historical 
Part: 35 3-4.
     [19] Nasip Bey Yusuf Beyli said as follows in the assembly:"We cannot 
put down the great anarchy that has invaded not only Azerbaijan but also 
Transcaucasia by means of our forces. ln the East the Bolsheviks with our 
age-old enemies have given rise to an even worse situation bringing on 
disaster and trouble to the Turkish nation. Under such circumstances our 
only hope is an outer force to intervene. Being a fervent supporter 
of our independence, I have to inquire about the matter. Facing the disaster, 
we should rejoice that the outer force required to intervene is Turkey, 
who is our brother and friend. Perhaps this fact will not quite please our 
neighbours, but we have no other choice. In the face of their great anarchy, 
similar to us they are also helpless... We cannot take to our death-bed to 
please them. The time has come for our delegation to go to Batum and ask
for help from the Ottoman government in the name of the Transcaucasian 
Turks. However, we should never forget the independent rule of Azerbaijan." 
See Mirza Bala, 132-133.
     [20] See Mucip Kemalyeri, Canakkale Ruhu Nasil Dogdu (How the 
        Canakkale Spirit Came into Being) (Istanbul, 1972) 115.
     [21] See W.E.D. Allen-Paul Muratoff, 435.
     [22] See W.E.D. Allen-Faul Muratoff, 434.
     [23] See A. Kurat, 476, S. Yerasimos 68
     [24] See Suleyman Izzet, "Buyuk Harpte (1334-1918) 15.  Piyade  Tumeninin  Azer-
baycan ve Simali Kafkasya'daki Hareket ve Muharebeleri," ("The Battles and  Action of
the 15 th Infantry Division in  Azerbaijan and Southern Caucasia during the Great War
(1334-1918)") Askeri Mecmua 103 (1936) Historical Part: 44 10, W.E.D. Allen-Paul  Mu-
ratoff, 437.
     [25] See A. Kurat, 476.
     [26] See H. Baykara,  Azerbaycan  Istiklal  Mucadelesi  Tarihi(The History of the Struggle
for Azerbaijani Independence)  255, M. Bala,  "300,000 Gocmen"("300,000  Immigrants")
Azerbaycan 33  (Dec.  1954)  5.
     [27] H. Baykara, 255, see also I. Berkuk. 4.

__________________
     This paper has been presented at "The Symposium of 
Turco-Armenian Relations Through History" at Erzurum, 8-12 October, 1984 
and has been printed in the  proceedings of the symposium. 

Regards,
Ahmet Parlakbilek 
Newsgroups: talk.politics.mideast,soc.history,alt.conspiracy,alt.censorship