From: malenovi@plains.NoDak.edu (Malenovic Nikola V.)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.yugoslavia
Subject: Montenegro ( VREME NDA 28 Aug 1992 )
Date: 28 Aug 92 20:44:59 GMT
Article-I.D.: plains.19946
Organization: North Dakota Higher Education Computing Network


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                     No. 47, August 17, 1992
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    Montenegro
    ----------


                             SHOW-DOWN IN PLJEVLJA


    "As a citizen,  I have established that whenever  you come, either alone
    or in  company, you act  as a  stimulus  for new, and  even more intense
    "exploits" by the armed bands. We, therefore,  beg you not to come to us
    with your role  of a peacemaker anymore. We thank  you not to protect us
    any longer," a  citizen of Pljevlja wrote to  Momir Bulatovic, President
    of Montenegro.

    The town of  Pljevlja was held under occupation  by, for the Montenegrin
    authorities, still  "unidentified armed persons".  The post office,  gas
    station,  and  police  station  found  themselves  in  the  hands of the
    "liberators".  All  approaches  to   Pljevlja  were  blocked  and  vital
    facilities in the  city under their control. The  Yugoslav Army garrison
    were  also encircled.  The state  simply was  not functioning and people
    were expecting the worst. But everything  ended after the demands of the
    "unidentified". Militiamen were met,  and several days later Montenegrin
    Defense Minister, Colonel Bozidar Babic  stated from the spot that peace
    had   returned    to   Pljevlja   and   that    "the   borders   towards
    Bosnia-Herzegovina are well secured."

    The Peace in  Pljevlja has been shaky, especially  since the outbreak of
    the  war in  Bosnia-Herzegovina. Pljevlja  had become  a base  for armed
    formations, which were called volunteer units, para-military formations,
    and  by  upset  and  frightened  citizens,  most  frequently bullies and
    criminals.  From this  base, incursions  were made  into the neighboring
    war-zone. Wounds were treated in it,  a breather taken and war booty was
    removed to it. But the 17  percent Moslem population in the municipality
    also found  itself the target of  the bullies. Along with  treats, their
    shops were blown up, there was frenzied shooting in the streets and over
    the heads of  people. They were frequently beaten  up in restaurants and
    forced to  make "voluntary" contributions. The  authorities did not want
    to  know about  any of  this, persistently  claiming that  there are  no
    para-military formations on the  territory of Montenegro., and therefore
    neither  in  Pljevlja,  until  the  moment  when  it  could no longer be
    concealed  and that  systematic ethnic  cleansing of  the territory  was
    being  carried  out,  with  the  possibility  of  the  whirlwind  of war
    spreading over the entire territory  of the just formed Federal republic
    of Yugoslavia.

    The people, especially  Moslems on whom damage was  inflicted or who had
    been mistreated, reported the attackers they had recognized, walking the
    streets with  weapons hung over  their shoulders in  the broad daylight.
    The authorities  again could not  find any evidence  at all ,  much less
    could they identify any of the armed militiamen. They could not find any
    evidence  either against  Ceko Dacevic,  leader of  The Serbian  radical
    Party of Pljevlja, most frequently  reported as having inspired the bomb
    attacks and persecution of Moslems.

    Who knows  how long this  could have gone  on if the  one patrol of  the
    numerous special  police units sent  to Pljevlja to  maintain order, had
    not plucked up the courage to stop  a Mercedes car which Dacevic used to
    cruise around the  town in. People were persistent  in their claims that
    the very  same Mercedes was leaving  ruins behind it, that  it came from
    the Bosnian battlefield, or else, was one of the 56 cars that arrived in
    Pljevlja via  the same channels. Dacevic  was not at the  wheel, but the
    patrol soon found out that the car  was not registered and had the wrong
    license plates  of a stolen  car...The car was  seized and the  next day
    Dacevic appeared in the police station  with papers and a demand for the
    car to be returned to him.

    Dacevic was,  however, detained for  questioning and the  news about his
    arrest spread like fire. As the police tried to establish the facts, the
    crowd  outside the  police station  grew, and  reports about road-blocks
    began  coming in.  At around  11:00 p.m.  the police  decided to release
    Dacevic.

    Dacevic's release  was accompanied by  frenzied shooting from  automatic
    weapons by unidentified persons.

    "Had  they not  released me,  a war  would have  broken out in Sandzak",
    Dacevic said triumphantly.

    The  next   day,  Montenegrin  President   Momir  Bulatovic,  who   came
    accompanied by the Commander of the Podgorica Corps, General Damjanovic.
    Swatted out in Pljevlja, he immediately stated:

    "What happened last night will be additional reason for the disarming to
    be implemented effectively and quickly. "

    Bulatovic and Damjanovic had talks  with party leaders behind closed the
    doors, and, as Dacevic said, even negotiated.

    In Podgorica,  Montenegrin capital, P.M.  Milo Djukanovic informed  at a
    news  conference  about  a  package  of  rigorous  measures and that the
    Minister of Police is already making the first moves in that direction.

    Around 20,000 policemen, under a decision  of the Minister of Police had
    either to  be transferred to another  place of work or  remain without a
    job. They decided to go on strike  and are shortly joined by the people,
    and later also by unidentified armed persons.

    Barricades  are erected  again and  unusually many  people in  cars with
    Gorazde (Bosnia-Herzegovina) license plates suddenly appear in Pljevlja.
    Wild chases begin around the town, with much shooting. Help arrives from
    other Montenegrin towns and the armed men spread the story how they have
    recoilless  cannons on  the border,  while some  eyewitnesses claim they
    even saw  mortars besides the  barricades and many  armed people in  the
    forests.

    The shots are even said to be fired over the head of General Damjanovic.

    At  the  barricades,  shop  owners  were  intercepted  and  looted. Even
    Pljevlja's tamburitza  players were left  without their instruments.  At
    the  patrol  station,  the  armed  men  poured  out  all  the petrol for
    themselves. Cars raced  through the streets of the town  to the sound of
    "gusle" (one-string  Balkan folk fiddle)  and calls for  the massacre of
    Moslems.  The  people  have  already  hidden  in basements, Moslems from
    Balobegovo  Brdo  and  Mocevac,   otherwise  exposed  to  the  strongest
    pressure, are grateful to special  police in civilian clothing, who came
    and advised  them to the  Yugoslav Army barracks  because anything could
    happen. The  women, children and  the helpless went,  but could not  get
    passed the  wire around the  barracks. The Army  simply did not  want to
    receive  them,  sent  them  back  with  the  advice  that  "they  should
    contribute to the  peace, too", and eventually telling  them curtly that
    they cannot enter the barracks.

    It remains what will happen and  whether the announced "disarming at all
    costs", an action which could restore the confidence of the people, will
    actually take place. For the moment,  there are no such actions, because
    the authorities  have not called anything  by its real name  yet, and so
    everything seems to follow some scenario aimed at demonstrating the full
    impotence of  the Montenegrin state to  come to grips with  problems for
    which it is itself to blame.

    The  public  has  been  denied  information  about  how  and in what way
    agreement was achieved  with the armed militiamen, that  is, how it came
    out  that  they  abandoned  their  demands  for  the  replacement of the
    Minister of Police  and P.M. Milo Djukanovic. It is  now even less clear
    who is in charge in Pljevlja,  that is, whether the official authorities
    can undertake anything with regard to disarming without a replay of what
    has  already happened,  but next   time perhaps  with much  more drastic
    consequences. The  moving out of Moslems  therefore continues with equal
    intensity.  And  the  authorities'  argument  that  they  are  not doing
    anything because  they have no  proof, and because  they cannot identify
    anyone false  flat since the  inhabitants of Pljevlja  have informed Mr.
    Bulatovic about everything.

    "As a citizen,  I have established that whenever  you come, either alone
    or in  company, you act  as a  stimulus  for new, and  even more intense
    "exploits" by the armed bands. We, therefore,  beg you not to come to us
    with your role  of a peacemaker anymore. We thank  you not to protect us
    any longer," a  citizen of Pljevlja wrote to  Momir Bulatovic, President
    of Montenegro.

    It  is  difficult  to  say  what  has  really  happening in Pljevlja and
    throughout  Montenegro for  some time  now. Pieces  of the jigsaw slowly
    falling  into place  and it   is already  evident: that  the Montenegrin
    authorities are impotent and will remain so.

    P.M. Djukanovic accused certain generals  who were protecting members of
    para-military formations.  The accusation is also  linked with a already
    soft  statement uttered  by Gen.  Damjanovic in  Pljevlja. That  is, the
    passive attitude of the army in Pljevlja.

    Gen. Damjanovic, known as merciless warrior of the Herzegovina-Dubrovnik
    war zone, calls the armed militiamen  in Pljevlja a "group of citizens",
    their action  - "expressing of  dissatisfaction", and the  outcome - "an
    agreement to the satisfaction of both sides."

    No matter what,  it is clear that processes are  under way in Montenegro
    which could provoke war, not only in multi-ethnic communities.

    The Montenegrin  authorities themselves are still  silent on the illegal
    arming  of  citizens,  but  are  now  finely  aware  that the barrels of
    distributed weapons are pointed at them, and at the people of Montenegro
    and  that they  must work  under blackmail  to the  detriment of  peace,
    security and interests of Montenegro.
                                                            Velizar Brajovic


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                     No. 47, August 17, 1992
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