Path: fmg!axion!uknet!mcsun!uunet!spool.mu.edu!wupost!mont!pencil.cs.missouri.edu!rich
   From: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu (Rich Winkel)
   Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive
   Date: 1 Oct 92 08:15:22 GMT
   Sender: news@mont.cs.missouri.edu
   Followup-To: alt.activism.d
   Organization: PACH
   Lines: 125
   Approved: map@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
   Originator: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
   Nntp-Posting-Host: pencil.cs.missouri.edu

   /** mideast.gulf: 27.0 **/
   ** Topic: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire **
   ** Written 10:42 pm  Sep 27, 1992 by pnmideast in cdp:mideast.gulf **
   From: <pnmideast>
   Subject: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire 

   /* Written 12:05 am  Sep 27, 1992 by newsdesk in cdp:ips.englibrary */
   /* ---------- "THE GULF: Britain's days of empire " ---------- */
   Copyright Inter Press Service 1992, all rights reserved.  Permission to re-
   print within 7 days of original date only with permission from 'newsdesk'.

   Title: THE GULF: Britain's days of empire live on beyond the no-fly zone

   an inter press service feature

   by john roberts

   london, sep 24 (ips) -- twenty years after britain supposedly
   brought its imperial forces home from the gulf, its military
   involvement in gulf matters seems as great as ever.

   british fighter jets patrol the new air exclusion zone over
   southern iraq, its warships routinely patrol gulf waters, it is
   accused by iran of stirring up a major border dispute and it bids
   constantly for arms sales to the region's conservative monarchies.

   the latest pitch, made during a visit to kuwait on a gulf tour,
   came from british defence secretary malcolm rifkind, who signed a
   ''statement of joint intention'' with the kuwaiti authorities this
   week, which is expected to lead in the near future to a major
   purchase of british weaponry by the kuwaiti government.

   the british military role in the region was further underlined
   by rifkind's deputy, armed forces minister archie hamilton, who
   declared that britain was prepared to consider expanding its
   defensive shield over northern iraq in the event of any assault by
   iraqi president saddam hussein against the iraqi kurdish minority.

   hamilton's remarks were significant in that they did not
   represent a response to a sudden emergency, but simply constituted
   a routine answer to the routine question of what would britain do
   were saddam to launch his long-feared offensive against the kurds.

   yet it is this routine presence of british forces that is
   starting to attract attention. in the last two weeks, iran has
   blamed britain and the united states for stirring up trouble in
   the gulf by criticising iranian control over abu musa, a strategic
   island guarding the gulf entrance to the strait of hormuz.

   abu musa was seized by iran in october 1971 while britain was
   completing what was supposed to be its final withdrawal from the
   gulf. abu musa was seen as part of the emirate of sharjah, which,
   under britain's decolonisation plan for the gulf, had been joined
   with five other statelets to form the united arab emirates.

   iran's occupation was followed by a compromise under which it
   agreed to share sovereignty, so that the island's inhabitants
   would remain citizens of sharjah and subject to its laws, while
   iran would be able to maintain a garrison on the island -- and
   would secure half the revenues from any oil and gas produced in or
   around the island and its territorial waters.

   but last april, iran imposed restrictions on the island's
   inhabitants and it has since, taken over direct control of their
   affairs, forcibly severing their links with sharjah. (more/ips)

   the gulf: britain's days of empire live on beyond the no-fly zone(2-e)

   the gulf: britain's days of empire (2)

   initially the uae believed this was a problem best solved by
   quiet bilateral diplomacy. but, gulf sources say, iranian control
   over the island is now absolute and arab states set it as a sign
   of iranian expansionism and a portent of a future revival of
   iranian efforts to dominate the gulf.

   rather than attack the gulf states over the question, teheran has
   consistently said the crisis is a product of western imperialism.
   yet the gulf states now appear more determined than ever to
   strengthen their military links with the west.

   rifkind followed his trip to kuwait by a call on bahrain, where
   british tornadoes were based during the gulf war and which is also
   likely to purchase british weapons.

   bahrain is regarded as a weather vane in the gulf. it recently
   warned that because iranian power was now getting so much
   stronger, the gulf cooperation council (gcc) countries might have
   to consider a rapprochement with iraq as a counterbalance.

   this is not likely to happen. instead the traditional monarchies
   of the gulf are looking to the coalition that fought the gulf war
   to defend them. talks with egypt and syria have been resumed,
   largely as a result of the abu musa crisis, on closer military
   cooperation with the gcc.

   this is the so-called ''six-plus-two formula'' which envisages
   that in times of direct threat to the gulf the six nations of the
   gcc would have their military forces augmented by egypt and syria.

   but for weapons, and instant protection, the gulf states are
   still looking to the u.s. and britain. the united kingdom
   currently maintains a small flotilla in the gulf, the so-called
   'armilla patrol', and has six reconnaissance variants of the
   tornado aircraft (and two aerial takers) based in saudi arabia to
   patrol the skies over southern iraq.

   in turkey, it has eight jaguar strike aircraft (and another two
   refuelling planes) stationed as part of a joint us-french- british
   force to protect the kurds.

   kuwait has yet to decide what it wants to purchase from britain.
   but saudi arabia has bought british tornado jets, as well as
   smaller jets that double as trainers and strike aircraft, and
   kuwait's requirements will be similar. the british will also be
   keen to try to sell kuwait its new challenger ii main battle tank.

   the result of the rifkind visit to the gulf could be some very
   considerable arms sales indeed, while his presence in kuwait,
   particularly at a time when it is wary of renewed claims by iraq
   to kuwaiti territory, can be taken as a clear demonstration that
   britain anticipates maintaining its military presence in the
   region for quite some time to come. (end/ips/ip/jmr/rj/92)

   ** End of text from cdp:mideast.gulf **
Xref: sparky soc.culture.iranian:8427 sci.physics:15650