From: harelb@math.cornell.edu (Harel Barzilai)
Subject: ELECTION 92: "Stick with the Grassroots"
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Originator: daemon@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
Organization: misc.activism.progressive on UseNet ; ACTIV-L@UMCVMB
Date: Fri, 14 Aug 1992 06:09:52 GMT

    "Historically, such pressure comes about when people form a
    movement outside the mainstream and promote what are initially
    considered "radical" ideas. [..] As more people are educated about
    an issue, the center of opinion shifts, the power base is
    transformed, institutions yield and policies are changed. The
    views that were once considered radical may become mainstream. All
    of the major social justice gains in this country have arisen from
    such movements: civil rights, women's rights and workers' rights.

[Via misc.activism.progressive from PeaceNet's elections.usa]
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Topic 213       Campaign 92:Stick w/ Grassroots 
fbp     elections.usa    5:59 pm  Aug 12, 1992 
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From: Foreign Bases Project <fbp@igc.org>
Subject: Campaign 92:Stick w/ Grassroots 
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/* Written  5:31 pm  Aug 12, 1992 by fbp in cdp:wri.news */ 
/* ---------- "Campaign 92:Stick w/ Grassroots" ---------- */ 
				   
==================================================================
		Campaign 92: Stick with the Grassroots
			   by Rick Jahnkow
==================================================================

    From September/October 1992 (Vol.9 #5) issue of the Nonviolent
    Activist, publication of the War Resisters League, 339 Lafayette
    St., New York, NY 10012.  Subscriptions $15/year.

Rick Jahnkow began his activist career as a student volunteer in the
Eugene McCarthy presidential campaign in 1968. Soon afterwards, he
joined the War Resisters League. He is currently a staff person for
the Committee Opposed to Militarism and the Draft and the Project on
Youth and Non-Military Opportunities in San Diego.

---

IT'S usually easy to make a convincing argument that U.S. presidential
elections are meaningless charades in which the public is given a
choice between Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum. When it comes to
addressing the root causes of serious problems besetting our society,
there is little difference between the Republican and Democratic
parties.

Some argue that it's important to support particular candidates
because of their stand on one issue, but it's almost inevitable that
such strategies backfire. In 1964, for example, Lyndon Johnson was
cast as a "peace candidate" alternative to Barry Goldwater.  To the
dismay of progressives who had supported his election, Johnson
proceeded to escalate the Vietnam War until the deployment of U.S.
forces peaked in 1968. Even conservatives sometimes feel betrayed, as
they do now by George Bush's reversal on taxes and some recent
decisions by Supreme Court justices appointed by conservative
presidents.

Until Ross Perot dropped out of this year's race, many alienated
members of the public were looking at him as a vehicle for
broadcasting an angry anti-incumbent message. Amazingly, even some of
my progressive friends jumped onto Perot's bandwagon, hoping he would
shake up the system like a major earthquake. The problem is, just as
earthquakes aren't selective in their destruction, there are many
things about Perot that could have been disastrous for us all. Aside
from his ambiguity on issues like homosexuality, there is his penchant
for acting covertly when others don't willingly give him what he
demands. As more people became enchanted with Perot, the more they
would have been influenced by his militaristic, top-down,
businessman's approach to solving social and political problems.

The important question is how can we respond effectively to Bush,
Clinton, Perot and the system which gives rise to such "choices?" For
those of us who advocate radical social change, elections always pose
a difficult dilemma. There are debates over whether we should support
the most liberal candidates of the two dominant parties, support
independent candidates, or put energy into third party efforts. Some
contend that we should ignore national campaigns and work only for
local candidates and referenda, that we should limit our participation
to voting on election day, or that we shouldn't even bother voting.

Unfortunately, peace and justice activists frequently lose sight of
the larger, long-term picture.  Yes, we have to be concerned about
appointments to the Supreme Court. Yes, we should be concerned about
how Congress might act on abortion, the budget, military intervention
and civil rights. But we must also be conscious of how social change
is brought about in this country and what must be done to have more
than a fleeting, superficial effect on issues.

We need to remind ourselves that political office- holders in this
country rarely take the lead in promoting change. The institutions
they join, and the power structure they must work within, are deeply
entrenched, rigid and self-perpetuating. They adjust only when
pressure builds to a point where it becomes fatal not to change.

Historically, such pressure comes about when people form a movement
outside the mainstream and promote what are initially considered
"radical" ideas. Such movements rarely achieve their goals without a
long period of struggle. As more people are educated about an issue,
the center of opinion shifts, the power base is transformed,
institutions yield and policies are changed. The views that were once
considered radical may become mainstream.

All of the major social justice gains in this country have arisen from
such movements: civil rights, women's rights and workers' rights.
People with passionate convictions--those who identify with the War
Resisters League, for example--are the ones who help start, organize
and sustain such movements. Without such individuals, there would be
little possibility for meaningful change.

When it comes to electoral politics, we sometimes forget these
dynamics of social change. Along comes an election and many peace and
justice activists shift their involvement from long-term educational
work to working for candidate A or party B. This diverts badly needed
resources from, and causes damage to, our movement-building effort.

Some people think that working for change from within existing
institutions and political parties is an effective strategy. In my own
experience, which has included working in campaigns for mainstream and
third party candidates, I've concluded that it is the least effective
way to bring about change. It results in co- optation of the social
change activist and a lessening of the pressure that is needed to
cause a real shift.

There are always plenty of people with a limited, liberal analysis who
are ready and willing to get involved in electoral campaigns. There
are not enough people who will help build the movements with radical
ideas that are needed to push the mainstream in a progressive
direction. We shouldn't forget how crucial the latter role is, because
no matter what the outcome of the next election, our job as social
change agents will be as urgent as ever.

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