From: New Liberation News Service <nlns@igc.apc.org>
Subject: NLNS: Asian Student Movement in 90s
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Originator: daemon@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
Organization: ?
Date: Sun, 24 Jan 1993 07:52:54 GMT

/* Written  6:29 pm  Jan 18, 1993 by nlns@igc.apc.org in igc:nlns.news */
/* ---------- "NLNS Packet 3.7 *** 1/18/93" ---------- */

Critical Reflections: Asian Student Movement in the 90s
C.W. Hang, ASA News

Socialist Confusion
(NLNS)--In the 70s, students dreamt of socialism as an 
alternative to the capitalist and imperialist systems. 
	In Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, millions of people 
died under the hands of Uncle Sam's troops. "Agent 
Orange" was sprayed all over the country, killing plants, 
deforming babies. This genocide was to force the 
Vietnamese people to accept US imperialism. The US 
failed, and students in Asia celebrated--Long live 
socialism!
	To the north of Vietnam, Mao Zedong of China 
inspired millions of young people--not only in China, but 
all over Asia--with such slogans as, "It is a right to 
revolt," "Down with bureaucracy," "Struggle with the 
masses--the workers and the peasants, and learn from 
them!"
	No wonder, his pictures were seen and his books 
were read not only in China, but also in Thailand, India, 
Japan, the Philippines, because his calls for anti-
authoritarianism and anti-imperialism had a ring of truth 
in them.
	In a world which faced the sheer violence of 
imperialism, both in the form of imperial wars against 
liberation struggles and in the form of support to military 
regimes in Asia, Mao was inspiring.
	However, at the turn of the 80s, cconfusion over 
socialism set in. People witnessed the Khmer Rouge on 
televisions, and condemned it as communist terror. The 
victory of Vietnam over an imperialist power was 
followed by its own invasion of Cambodia. And added to 
this was a war fought between two Asian socialist 
countries: China and Vietnam.
	In China, leaders of the Cultural Revolution, the 
"Gang of Four," were arrested and denounced as traitors. 
Mao was criticized. The new Chinese communist leaders 
adopted an "open door policy" to entice western 
investments. What was supposedly the better alternative 
turned out not to be without its own problems. 
	Meanwhile, capitalist forces adopted more subtle 
forms of oppression. In the 80s, rather than launching 
large scale wars against the Third World, imperialist 
forces relied on more indirect control: economic 
imperialism. This tactic includes the economic blockade of 
socialist states and supporting client states in the Third 
World--often military regimes and collaborating with 
local elites to implemet pro-western policies, protecting 
and enhancing the powers of multinational corporations.
	In response to these changes, many leftists and 
progressive student activists in Asia shifted the focus of 
their struggle which was one of internationalist in nature, 
to one more national-centered in character.
	Despite the problems of existing socialist states, 
student activists generally concluded that these problems 
came from miguided practice rather than from socialist 
theory itself. Therefore, they tended not to go into deeper 
discussions into the ccauses of these problems but 
retreated to fighting at the local front, against the local 
ruling class.
	The priority was thus the removal of the local 
repressive regimes rather than the destruction of the 
global capitalist system.

Rise of Liberal Democracy
	There were vigorous student campaigns against 
military regimes and dictatorship in the 80s. This 
includes Korean students and workers bringing down 
Chun Du-hwan in 1987 after 7 years of martial rule; 
Taiwanese students discrediting the "octogenarian 
parliamentarians" in 1990.
	Burmese students fought against 23 years of Ne 
Win's military rule in 1988; Chinese students attacked 
corruption and the lack of democracy in 1989 in 
Tiananmen; Nepali students dismantled the "panchayat 
system" and King Birenda's absolute power in 1990; and 
in Bangladesh, General Ershad was deposed after leftist 
student fronts united to fight against his dictatorship.
	In many of these struggles, students and [other] 
people were jailed, tortured, kidnapped, disappeared, 
threatened under gunpoint, or even massacred. But their 
vision for a democratic society kept their faith and 
energy going.
	What are the lessons to learn from these struggles? 
In several cases, an election mechanism was installed 
(Philippines, South Korea, Nepal, Taiwan, Bangladesh, 
Jordan).
	In response to this, some students enthusiastically 
helped the election of progressive parties (Nepal, 
Thailand), while progressive parties in some countries 
splintered, thereby weakening themselves (Taiwan, 
Korea, Bangladesh). Still others are fraught with 
indecision between electoral politics and armed struggle 
(Burma, Philippines).
	Despite all their differences, what is common among 
student movements in these countries is their central 
goal: to fight for more democratic space in a "liberal 
democracy." This can be easily understood: without the 
basic rights to organize and live freely from military 
terror, how can other struggles be possible?
	

Electoral Trap
	However, the focus on democracy, or "liberal 
democracy" as the major, or as in some cases as the only 
goal of students' struggle is not without problems. As 
time goes by, these problems become clearer.
	The first problem is the limits of "elections" and 
"political freedom" in really empowering the people in 
Third World countries. What is common about electoral 
politics is also money politics: the rich, the privileged, and 
the powerful can easily mobilize support by threats and 
by rewards.
	Huge amounts of resources are put into election 
campaigns just to glorify "local elites," who in turn use 
the benefit of their public office to enrich themselves and 
use part of this money for the next campaign. Therefore, 
by isolating the marginalized from the middle class 
(whereas the military regimes draw opposition from both 
classes), those elected regimes can attack the powerless 
with a free hand.
	These "elected" elites also collaborate with 
international agencies like the World Bank and the 
International Monetary Fund. In the name of "economic 
liberalization" and debt "servicing," they impose policies 
which empower the rich, and deprive and starve the 
poor.
	Thus, there were many more austerity policies 
imposed after "democratic elections" than before. For 
example, in Nepal, economic liberalization policies took 
place after the Nepali Congress Party took power in 1991 
by a narrow margin over the leftists. 
	In addition, after the dictators were [deposed], such 
as in the Philippines and Korea, many students returned 
to "normal studies" and forgot about the sufferings of the 
marginalized. Those more committed were attracted to 
party politics, and so leaving the underclass unorganized.
	The focus on "liberal democracy" also tended to 
play down internationalism, liberation at the local level. 
In the 80s, international solidarity is defined sadly as 
nothing more than giving support to one's own liberation 
movement, rather than struggling together, in different 
places and by different means, for global change.
	Moreover, this electoral fever has an alienating 
impact at the campus level. 
	Student activists today can only make political 
speeches--they no longer like to dance, to laugh, and to 
be humorous. Given that electoral politics is only a facet 
of our culture, the student movement is also condemned 
to become "one-dimensional" rather than multi-faceted.
	Some of the things which attracted students [to] the 
student movement during the 60s and 70s were music, 
yoga, culture and creativity.
	So, why not take back culture and get in touch with 
oneself and other students? If the student movement 
becomes a playground for budding poiticians only, it will 
be disastrous.
	Nevertheless, there are still many movements 
which are successful in mobilizing students, such as 
[those] in Korea, Taiwan and Thailand, which hinge on a 
lot of cultural means.
	Apart from "liberal democracy," the other trend of 
student movements in the 80s was anti-imperialist; such 
as the anti-US bases campaign in the Philippines, [the] 
Korean reunification movement, and also the liberation 
movements in Palestine and East Timor.
	And much like the democratic movement, these 
campaigns were also defined in negative forms; removing 
an external threat or occupation, rather [than] in a clearer 
positive form such as new forms of production, culture, 
economics and politics.
	These problems originated from the lack of deeper 
reflection and development of progressive theories for 
social change since the "socialist confusion" in the late 
70s. In addition, in the 80s, we see a strong assault of the 
right-wing ideology of the "free market," "western 
democracy" and so on, which weaken the ideological 
resistance among the people struggling in the Third 
Worl.

Economic Imperialism
	As mentioned earlier, there has been a shift in the 
imperialist tactic: from that of colonial control to one of 
economic imperialism and "information imperialism."
	In the era of colonial rule, the character of Third 
World struggle was national liberation and armed 
struggle against the French and US imperialists in the 
50s, 60s and 70s. That of Iraquis against the US in the 
Gulf War, and also the Palestinians' struggle against 
Zionism are of this category.
	In these causes, nationalist sentiment can be rallied 
against a foreign threat or domination. However, 
economic and "information imperialism" are more subtle 
than this.
	Economic imperialism is often imposed with the 
collaboration between the international imperialist forces 
(in the form of World Bank, International Monetary Fund, 
transnational corporations, military blocs, General 
Agreement on Trade and Tariff and so on) and the local 
ruling class (landlords, capitalists, politicians).
	Therefore, nationalist sentiments alone cannot 
really attack the point because the local collaborators can 
also be pretending to be nationalistic.
	President Ramos, Marcos, and even Aquino of the 
Philippines and Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia are 
good examples of these. In the name of "nationalism," 
they are still protecting the interests of feudalistic forces 
like big landlords and imperialist forces like big 
agriculture multinationals, paying back huge debts to 
subsidize First World countries, thus depriving their own 
people.
	To tackle economic imperialism, we need to 
redefine the economy. The strategy is two-pronged: 
weakening the dominant economy and building up an 
alternative. Capitalist ecoomy has its own crisis, now 
already showing itself in the recession in the US, 
Australia, Britain, and so on; the weakening of welfare 
states and the social problems which resulted; economic 
rivalry between US and Japan; ad the people's rejection of 
a united Europe. This demonstrates contradictions 
between the ruling class and the people in First World 
countries.
	Third World people and movements can further 
that crisis by a united front. For example, there should be 
a boycott of Third World debt and a unified demand for 
the First World countries to pay back their colonial debt.
	Third World intellectuals should also stop serving 
multinationals and develop instead alternative 
technology for a people's economy. Farmers should stop 
planning for exports and grow food for self-reliance and 
adequacy.
	Students should spread the message that the 
"growth economy model" of the First World not only 
deprived the Third World people, but also assaulted the 
ecology to such an extent that we have to stop such 
insane ecoomics now. Otherwise our children can never 
see a clear sky or swim in a clean river again.
	

Information Imperialism
	In addition, the "information age" is today being 
used to enhance imperialism, as US military might is so 
well projected in the recent Gulf War and its economic 
might in the Earth Summit fiasco. Information has 
become a very important tool of imperialism in our era.
	Curriculum in schools and universities in the Third 
World is dependent on western input. In other words,  
educational institutions reproduce millions of young 
people in the Third World each year to serve imperialist 
designs: more efficient appropriation of resources and 
accumulation of capital.
	Student movements can only deter these trends in 
time, by reforming school curriculum and redefining 
campus life outside the curriculum. However, these 
efforts are usually not continuous and allow much room 
for conservative backlashes, such as by fee-hikes and 
employment of conservative teachers.
	Moreover, mass media has become much more 
efficient in penetrating the Third World, especially into 
middle class families. Thanks to satellite technology, CNN 
news is now nearly becoming the "official" internationa 
news source. As illustrated by the Gulf War, we readily 
see how a misinformation campaign through control or 
manipulation of media can be used to rally economic and 
political support for an imperialist mission.
	Put simply, progressive movements in the Third 
World need not only to have an awareness of this newly 
enhanced power of the imperialist forces, but to think 
about new ways of utilizing this information technology 
for our own side.
	Of course, there is also the need to cultivate an 
alternative culture among the people, using expressive 
theater and songs, rather than the present one-way, mass 
culture. However, in the "transition" towards a new 
society based on people's communities, we still need to 
address the masses through effective communicative 
means.

International Resistance
	The resistance to this military, economic, and 
information-based imperialism is the vision of people's 
alliance: students integrating with the marginalized 
classes for a common struggle, and developing a vision of 
an international network of resistance. 
	To carry out this vision, people need to come 
together. A common problem for many student activist 
groups today is bringing students together. Often we hear 
activists' comments like, "students are apathetic," "they're 
afraid of politics" and so on. How could we bridge this 
gap?
	We have to recognize that sometimes it is not the 
students who are at fault, but the activist groups 
themselves: they are too serious, too alienated, and too 
boring. Instead of facilitating a mutual sharing of ideas, 
some activists just try to impose their own "correct" 
ideology on the newcomers. The problem with such an 
imposition is not that the theories are incorrect, but that 
the generation is one of a stagnation of thinking and a 
killing of creativity--which are most treasurable in a 
student movement.
	In addition, many activists feel it is hard to 
organize the students because they are middle-class. But 
aren't we ourselves originated from the middle class? We 
should be aware of this problem and think about how our 
own consciousness develops, rather than take a fatalistic 
view.
	It is important for student activists to reach out to 
the peasants, workers and other marginalized groups in 
our society, but ultimately who else can organize the 
students if not the students themselves?
	In the process of organizing, students must have 
immersion programs with the oppressed classes in our 
society, to experience for themselves how the 
marginalized see the world and how the forces of 
oppression operate. These experiences should be 
integrated into a deeper analysis of social reality. 
	Increasingly, collectivism rather than hierarchies 
should be developed within organizations. Through 
collectivism, skills, emotions, experiences and thoughts 
could be more readily shared amongst the activists. And 
through collectivism, student groups can enhance 
grassroots participation and democracy.
	Finally, cultural methods should be applied in 
communicating with students and the masses to 
counteract the "culture of silence" (among the underclass) 
and the "materialistic culture" (among the students).
	This is also a self-education process, for the 
activists themselves to learn more about their own 
culture and discover creativity. Students in the 80s are 
especially detached from the underclass. Locally, we have 
lost touch with the grassroots, and globally we have lost 
the vision. This explains why we are not able to "move 
mountains" nowadays, although small successes, like the 
removal of one or two dictators, have been achieved. The 
only way to solve this problem is to tie ourselves to our 
roots again.

ASA News is published by the Asian Student Association, 
and they can be reached  at:
ASA 511 Nathan Road 1/F, Kowloon, Hong Kong; Tel.: 
(852) 388-0515; Fax: (852) 782-5535.

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