From: malenovi@plains.NoDak.edu (Nikola V. Malenovic )
Newsgroups: soc.culture.yugoslavia
Subject: Serbia In a Cracked Mirror (VREME NDA 13.Apr 1992)
Date: 13 Apr 92 14:35:32 GMT
Article-I.D.: plains.16732
Organization: North Dakota State University, Fargo


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                      No. 29, April 13 1992.
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    Serbia In a Cracked Mirror
    --------------------------


                       A LITTLE CHANGE TO STAY THE SAME


           Announcement  of a  general strike  in Radio  Television
           Belgrade  uncovers  pathological  state  of  the Serbian
                                  Government

    The  Minister  for  Information  in  the  Serbian  Government,  Milivoje
    Pavlovic, announced  new appointments in Television  Serbia as a measure
    to reduce  the tension aroused by  the television. When the  list of new
    appointments was published, what came to  light was the intention of the
    government to  keep its hands on  the media, and its  frantic attempt to
    retain  its war-mongering  tone. Reactions  indicate the  start of civil
    revolt in defence of professional dignity.

    The editorial staff of the  II Programme proved their self-respect when,
    because of these new appointments, they went on strike last Saturday.

    It looks as  though Radio Belgrade II Programme  journalists believed in
    the  beginning that  they could  talk to  Vucelic, who  was appointed as
    Director of Radio  TV Serbia. This desire to come  to terms with him was
    most obviously  shown by Jovan  Arezina, the former  editor-in-chief, at
    press conferences  and public appearances, who  incidentally said he was
    not in political  agreement with some of his  colleagues (but who fought
    for professional dignity in any case) and that the measure of patriotism
    in Radio Belgrade would explode from the amount of patriotism there is.

    At the TANJUG information that  Ljiljana Bulatovic (one of the likeliest
    candidates  for the  post of  editor-in-chief of  the II  Programme) had
    offered  her resignation,  the editorial  staff of  the Second Programme
    expressed their  willingness to accept  a reduced programme.  Repression
    began.  The  passes  of  all  Radio  Belgrade journalists and associates
    ceased to be valid and special  daily lists were introduced for entrance
    to the second  floor of Radio Belgrade, on which  the names of suspended
    journalists  and those  who hadn't  signed a  declaration of  loyalty to
    prevent  them  from  being  fired  from  work,  were  missing. Patriotic
    blackmail was  used, of course:  "at this time,  in the light  of what's
    happening in Bosnia".  The same method is being used  in the endeavor to
    neutralize  the announced  general strike  in Radio-Television Belgrade,
    even though  it had no picture  as to what was  happening in Sarajevo in
    spite of having a man and camera there.

    At the  Writers' Club Slobodan  Selenic asked who  had been patriotic  -
    Studio B who  reported on the happenings in Sarajevo  from hour to hour,
    or the television, which had nothing. The whole revolt boils down to the
    demand of the  journalist that they give precise  information instead of
    taking part in a special counterproductive war.

    One of TV Belgrade's reporters,  Veljko Samolov, at the workers' council
    of  RTV Belgrade  in Dom  Omladine  (Youth  Center) used  one detail  to
    illustrate the character of the "patriotic conception" that is guilty of
    keeping  the  public  in   Serbia  tragically  uninformed.  TV  Belgrade
    "couldn't" announce the confirmed news  that sanctions would be declared
    against Serbia,  cooperation with China was  widely covered when Borisav
    Jovic  was there,  though the  news  that  the Chinese  had sold  oil to
    Croatia  was  not  allowed  to  pass,  so  that once again comprehensive
    coverage of China was reported  when Radoman Bozovic went there (someone
    at this stage called out "to form a government in exile!").

    Already by last Sunday it could be seen that discontent was spreading to
    the First  Programme of Radio  Belgrade. On Monday  the director of  the
    Radio  reduced the  list of  those accredited  to attend  the council of
    journalists of the Radio Belgrade First Programme.

    The Radio Belgrade Second Programme  journalists held a press conference
    and were given  slots on the Independent TV Studio  B, Radio B 92, Radio
    Politika,  Radio  Smederevo,  Novi  Pazar,  Pancevo,  Valjevo, Krusevac,
    Kragujevac in order to address  the public. Many public figures canceled
    their  appearances  on  programs  and  sent  messages  of support of the
    demands  of the  journalists. A  good  part  of these  many messages  of
    support  sent  to  the  addresses  of  the  rebellious  journalists were
    confiscated by  the director of  the Radio. These  journalists say that,
    without there being any need, two well-built policemen were installed in
    the antechamber of  the director's office. One of  the grievances of the
    journalists is  that they have  to prepare programs  in the presence  of
    policemen who  sit in the halls  with machine guns. It  is said that the
    director of  the Radio even  used a gas  mask (there being  one only) on
    March  9.  Rumours  that  the  opposition  would  hang  the  leaders  of
    radio-diffusion  institutions were  spread  before  March 9.  Threats of
    dismissal and removal  to other work positions are  already in practice.
    Vucelic allegedly in his first contact with the II Programme journalists
    said that he  would telephone Ljiljana Bulatovic, and  after this it was
    announced  that Bulatovic  had "offered  her resignation  because of the
    impossibility of working professionally". At one interview she said that
    the Second  Programme of Radio Belgrade  had gambled away its  chance of
    having her as its editor-in-chief.

    Naturally  the rebellious  journalists sarcastically  perceive that this
    maybe  doesn't mean  that she  was not  chosen but  that they  have been
    fired. It  has been made known  that the Radio management  has issued an
    order  that "all  cases of  breaking the  law and  normative acts of the
    company must  be investigated and  action taken against  the responsible
    persons". In this tone were  first exhaled the government's announcement
    and then the announcement of  the Management Board. Serbian President Dr
    Radoman  Bozovic  was  called  "the  editor-in-chief  of  Vojvodina" and
    charged  with having  ruined the  freedom of  the press  in his  term as
    president of the Vojvodina government. The process by which he qualifies
    as editor-in-chief of Serbia has now been disclosed.

    The opposition  has fought in vain  for the liberalization of  the press
    from  its very  beginning. The  journalists revolt  has come  out of the
    premises of  the radio and  television and for  days has taken  place at
    Terazije,  in  the  center  of  Kragujevac,  Novi  Sad  and other towns.
    Persistence has not brought change, in the end the regime sent groups of
    agents  provocateur to  break up  the meetings  and the  whole thing has
    subsided with the illusory promises of the government that it will allow
    the opposition to take part in  the Management Board of Radio Television
    Serbia.

    Demands are being made that all  bids for responsible positions in Radio
    Television  Belgrade  be  canceled,  that  the  government appoint a new
    management board for  Radio TV Serbia due to the  fact that in the first
    instance  it  has  proved  itself  incompetent,  that charges be brought
    against Dobrosav  Bjeletic for illegal  and scandalous interruptions  of
    the programme  on March 9 1992.  Before the final threat  and promise of
    the  Management  Board  that  "financial  status  will be withdrawn" the
    strike  was  obviously  supported  by   all  employees.  A  little  over
    two-thirds of those employed are ready to strike. The general strike was
    announced  on April  8 1992  and now  "time runs  out" for  the ten  day
    ultimatum.

    It  is  surprising  that  the  journalists'  strike  is supported by the
    Serbian Journalists'  Club, which is  considered to toe  the party line,
    for the attack on the "liberals", "urban right-wingers", opposers of the
    eighth  assembly, and  the opposition.  The government  is taking a firm
    stand and calling for a return to  work, proclaiming the strike to be "a
    rude transgression" and demanding the institution of legal measures.

    And the  management board is  announcing taking strict  measures against
    the journalists of  Radio Belgrade Second Programme. The  demands of the
    public have gone further. Radio  Belgrade journalists have sent a letter
    to the European Association of Journalists, the Independent Journalistic
    Trade Union has  announced that it will approach  not only international
    journalistic  organizations  but  the  Serbian  Government  as well. The
    Democratic  Party  has  demanded  that  all  competitions  for editorial
    positions be repeated.

    The Serbian  Renewal Movement warns  that the political  moment does not
    offer the  possibility of off-hand electoral  victory, without abuse and
    despotism, that this type of election deprives RTS of the possibility of
    creating its constitutional  obligation towards professional, objective,
    truthful  and  politically  impartial  provision  of  information to the
    citizens of Serbia  and concludes that this gives  citizens the right to
    withhold subscription payments. It also says that the day of retribution
    is nearing, that an avalanche could be set in motion by a triviality and
    that the consequences could be fearful.  Vuk Draskovic sent word that by
    striking  the  journalists  were   transmitting  to  Serbia  the  needed
    programme of  hope. The reactions  of the Reformists,  Liberals and many
    professional associations  are to follow.  The Serbian PEN  and Writers'
    Club  conclude that  the changes  in cadre  in the  Radio and Television
    represent  a  new  threat  and  delay  in  the  long  awaited democratic
    transformation of Serbia.

    This  civil revolt  is not  without significance,  its aims  are not  of
    little consequence,  it is important to  respect the elementary autonomy
    of the profession and dignity of  public figures, but the main strategic
    demand has  not been presented.  No-one has asked  whether there is  any
    sense in  the state owning  and controlling all  TV and Radio  channels.
    More  serious  governments  are  allowed  one  channel.  The  others are
    independent and  privately owned, and  they are directed  by competition
    and not by  dictation. Last week Slobodan Selenic  recited a sentence of
    King  Ubu:  "With  the  aim  of  personal  enrichment  I'll kill all the
    aristocrats and confiscate  their property." Here is the  beginning of a
    complicated explanation.
                                                             Milan Milosevic


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     "Vreme" News Digest Agency                      No. 29, April 13 1992.
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