From: efstse@epsilon.eecs.nwu.edu (Serafim Efstratiadis)
Subject: EUROPEAN article on Greece and the Balkans
Organization: EECS Department, Northwestern University
Date: Fri, 11 Sep 1992 18:56:59 GMT

A force of good in a cauldron of turmoil
Jonathan Eyal

At almost every level, Greece is being criticized for complicating the
handling of the Yugoslavian war- ignoring sanctions imposed on Serbia,
persecuting ethnic minorities within its borders, or fuelling a long dispute
with Turkey. The criticism has reached such a crescendo that many wonder
whether admitting Greece into the EC was a mistake. Many of these mutterings
are based on fundamental misconceptions. 

Greece is not suffering from a terminal case of "neurosis" as many of its
detractors allege. The Balkans are still a geographical expression, not a
medical term, and Greece's behavior is perfectly rational, for it is
determined by western Europe's manifest willingness to tackle the problems
of the arena. The end of the Cold War has offered Greece no respite. Instead
of the largely hypothetical danger of a Soviet attack, the Greek government
now has to contend with an exploding Yugoslavia to its north, an utterly
impoverished Albania in the West, and Turkey, whose importance in the region
is enhanced. Turkey is the gateway to the Middle East and the Caucasian
Republics, and is courted by every western government. For the Greeks this
situation has clear strategic implications. 

The Greeks have searched for their security within European institutions.
Suddenly they find these institutions are no longer welcoming. After strenuous
diplomatic efforts, the Greeks were accepted as full members of the Western
European Union at last year's summit. Yet they were also asked to provide 
guarantees that they will never invoke some of the security provisions in this
organization, a requirement at best contradictory and at worst downright
insulting against a full member of the EC. Nevertheless, Prime Minister
Constantine Mitsotakis went out of his way to solve many of the disputes with
Turkey. The leaders of the two countries meet frequently and military incidents
over the Aegean Sea are deliberately played down. Greece, Turkey and ethnic 
communities of Cyprus have just completed yet another round of negotiations
at the UN to sort out the problems of this divided island. The negotiations
failed, but none of the UN Security Council's members blames Greece for this
outcome.

Far from being a thorn in the side of the Balkans, the government in Athens
has contributed to regional security. Nevertheless, Greece is pilloried for
refusing to accept Macedonian independence, a stance which supposedly
threatens to enlarge the Yugoslavian civil war. Nothing could be further
from the truth. First, swift international recognition for every Yugoslav
republic is not necessarily the best solution, as the example of Bosnia now
indicates. More importantly, Greece has never opposed Macedonian independence,
provided the republic change its name. Again, it is easy to dismiss this
demand as trivial. And Greek officials have not helped their case by anchoring
their arguments in historic justifications which appear laughable to any other
European. Yet the reality is more serious. It is not copyright over the name
of Macedonia which is at stake, but security arrangements in the Balkans.

Sandwiched between sworn enemies, Macedonia cannot fail to attract Bulgaria,
Serbia, Albania and Greece into a new competition for spheres of influence,
as it has done often in the past. While Greece is accused of stifling the
republic's independence, Macedonia's other neighbors are advancing arguments
which can be devastating to regional security: Bulgaria recognized
independence, but will not recognize the existence of a Macedonian nation; 
Albania refuses to deal with Macedonian authorities as long as the republic's
ethnic Albanians are not accepted as a separate nation. Seen in the light,
Greek sensitivity to Macedonia's name is hardly the most demanding...
Kiro Gligorov, the Macedonian president, elicited a great deal of sympathy when
his republic first applied for independence. Months later, the picture is
slightly murkier.

Gligorov claims that he cannot contemplate changing his country's name. Yet,
was it wise for the Macedonians to adopt as their coat of arms a Greek
historic symbol, thereby unnecessarily aggravating the conflict? In a region
where history is politics, all Balkan states play with such symbols and Greece
is certainly not the worst offender. Europe promised never to allow another
war on the continent; the Yugoslav war has gone on for more than a year. The
West has vowed to punish any aggressor, yet the lesson in the Balkans is that
an aggressor can defy the world and attract no greater retribution than a
visit from Lord Carrington. Unlike any other EC government, the authorities in
Athens do not have the luxury of debating the finer points of principles and
strategy. With severed overland trading routes and a full scale war on their
frontiers, the Greeks now know they stand alone in a cauldron of turmoil. 

Those who suggest that it was a mistake to accept Greece into the EC are not
only adding to the country's sense of insecurity, but also distorting the very
purpose of the institution which they wish to safeguard. The EC was conceived
as an organization which can transcend national rivalries; the reconciliation
between between France and Germany is touted as its greatest achievement. 
The continuation of this tradition dictates Greece's deeper integration into
the EC, not the country's isolation. Yes, the EC could choose to remain an
exclusive club for the rich, an organization which states join after- not
before- they have solved all their problems. Yet, by doing so, the EC will
forfeit any influence which it may still have over security debates on the
continent. 

The Balkans are gripped by a challenge which transcends the carnage in
Yugoslavia. Bereft of any security structures, an entire region is on a
precipice. Greece, as a country which has made the transition from dictatorship
to democracy and from isolation to European integration, should be supported
in playing a constructive role in the arena. If Greece is isolated, the
Yugoslavian war will turn out a mere foretaste of bigger tragedies. 
Understanding and addressing Greece's fears are a necessary requirement in
stabilizing the Balkans.

=====

Serafim.
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