Organization: Penn State University
Date: Sun, 6 Sep 1992 14:40:06 EDT
From: Tom Benson <T3B@psuvm.psu.edu>
Newsgroups: alt.politics.clinton
Subject: TEXT: GEORGE BUSH ACCEPTANCE, 8/20/92

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|                         September 6, 1992                          |
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|                            Number   629                            |
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|             COMMUNICATION RESEARCH AND THEORY NETWORK              |
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|            Edited by Tom Benson, Penn State University             |
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CONTENTS --

    --  George Bush: Acceptance Speech, Republican National
         Convention, Houston, Texas. August 20, 1992.

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George Bush
Acceptance Speech
Republican National Convention
Houston, Texas
Thursday, 20 August 1992


Thank you very much, and I am proud to receive, and I'm
honored to accept your nomination for president of the
United States.

May I thank my dear friend and our great leader Bob Dole for
that wonderful introduction.

And let me say this: this nomination's not for me alone;
it's for the ideas, principles, and values that we stand
for.  And my job has been made easier by a leader who has
taken a lot of unfair criticism, with grace and humor, the
vice president of the United States, Dan Quayle.  And I am
very grateful to him.

I want to talk to you tonight about the sharp choice that I
intend to offer Americans this fall, a choice between
different agendas, different directions, and, yes, a choice
about the character of the man you want to lead this nation.

I know that Americans have many questions--about our
economy, about our country's future, even questions about
me.  And I'll answer them tonight.  And first, I feel great
and I'm heartened, I'm heartened, by the polls, the ones
that say that I look better in my jogging shorts than the
governor of Arkansas.

Four years ago, I spoke about missions for my life and for
our country.  I spoke of one urgent mission: defending our
security and promoting the American ideal abroad.  Just
pause for a moment to reflect on what we've done.

Germany has united, and a slab of the Berlin Wall sits right
outside this Astrodome.  Arabs and Israelis now sit face-to-
face and talk peace.  And every hostage held in Lebanon is
free.  The conflict in El Salvador is over, and free
elections brought democracy to Nicaragua.  Black and white
South Africans cheered each other at the Olympics.  The
Soviet Union can only be found in history books.  The
captive nations of Eastern Europe and the Baltics are
captive no more.  And today, on the rural streets of Poland,
merchants sell cans of air labeled "the last breath of
communism."

If I had stood before you four years ago and described this
as the world we would help to build, you would have said,
"George Bush, you must have been smoking something, and you
must have inhaled."

This convention is the first at which an American president
can say the Cold War is over, and freedom finished first.
We have a lot to be proud of.  A lot.  Some want to rewrite
history, want to skip over the struggle, claim the outcome
was inevitable.

And while the U.S. post-war strategy was largely bipartisan,
the fact remains that the liberal, McGovern wing of the
other party, including my opponent, consistently made the
wrong choices.  In the 70s they wanted a hollow army.  We
wanted a strong fighting force.  In the 80s--and you
remember this one--in the 80s they wanted a nuclear freeze,
and we insisted on peace through strength.  From Angola to
Central America, they said, "Let's negotiate, deliberate,
procrastinate."  And we said, "Just stand up for freedom."

And now the Cold War is over, and they claim, "Hey, we were
with you all the way."  Their behavior, really, their
behavior reminds me of the old con man's advice to the new
kid.  He said, "Son, if you're being run out of town, just
get out in front and make it look like a parade."

Make no mistake, the demise of communism wasn't a sure
thing.  It took the strong leadership of presidents from
both parties, including Republicans like Richard Nixon and
Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan.  And without their vision and
the support of the American people, the Soviet Union would
be a strong superpower today and we'd be facing a nuclear
threat tonight.

My opponents say I spend too much time on foreign policy.
As if it didn't matter that schoolchildren once hid under
their desks in drills to prepare for nuclear war.  I saw the
chance to rid our children's dreams of the nuclear
nightmare, and I did.  Over the past four years, more people
have breathed the fresh air of freedom than in all of human
history.  I saw and chance to help, and I did.  And these
were the two defining opportunities--not of a year, not of a
decade, but of an entire span of human history.  I seized
these opportunities for our kids and our grandkids, and I
make no apologies for that.

Now, the Soviet bear may be gone, but there are still wolves
in the woods.  And we saw that when Saddam Hussein invaded
Kuwait.  The Mideast might have become a nuclear powder keg,
our energy supplies held hostage.  So we did what was right
and what was necessary.  We destroyed a threat, freed a
people, and locked a tyrant in the prison of his own
country.

Well, what about the leader of the Arkansas National Guard,
the man who hopes to be commander in chief?  Well, while I
bit the bullet, he bit his nails.  And two days--listen to
this now--two days after Congress followed my lead, my
opponent said this, and I quote directly: "I guess I would
have voted with the majority if it was a close vote.  But I
agree with the arguments the minority made."  Now, sounds to
me like his policy can be summed up by a road sign he has
probably seen on his bus tour:  "Slippery When Wet."

Look, look, this is serious business.  Think about the
impact of our foreign policy failures the last time the
Democrats controlled both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue: Gas
lines, grain embargoes, American hostages blindfolded.

There will be more foreign-policy challenges like Kuwait in
the next four years.  Terrorists and aggressors to stand up
to, dangerous weapons to be controlled and destroyed.  And
freedom's fight is not finished.  And I look forward to
being the first President to visit a free, democratic Cuba.

Who will lead the world?  Who will lead the world in the
face of these challenges?  Not my opponent.  In his
acceptance speech he devoted just 65 seconds to telling us
about the world.  And then he said that America was--and I
quote again--I want to be fair and factual--I quote, being
"ridiculed" everywhere.  Well tell that to the people around
the world, for whom America is still a dream.  Tell that to
the leaders around the world, from whom America commands
respect.  Ridiculed?  Ridiculed?  Tell that to the men and
women of Desert Storm.

Let me, let me just make an aside comment here because of
what you've been reading in the paper.  This is a political
year, but there's a lot of danger in the world.  And you can
be sure I will never let politics interfere with a foreign-
policy decision.  Forget the election; I will do right--what
is right for the national security of the United States of
America.  And that is a pledge from my heart.

Fifty years ago, 50 years ago this summer, I was 18 years of
age.  I see some young people in the audience tonight and I
remember how I felt.  And I believed deeply in this country,
and we were faced with a world war.  And so I made a
decision, to go off and fight a battle much different from
political battles.  And I was scared, but I was willing.  I
was young, but I was ready.  I had barely lived, when I
began to watch men die.  I began to see the special place of
America in the world, and I began to see, even then, that
the world would become a much smaller place, and faraway
places could become more and more like America.

And 50 years later, after change of almost biblical
proportions, we know that when freedom grows, America grows.
And just as a strong America means a safer world, we have
learned that a safer world means a stronger America.

This election, this election is about change.  But that's
not unusual, because the American revolution is never
ending.  Today, the pace of change is accelerating.  We face
new opportunities and new challenges.  And the question is,
Who do you trust to make change work for you?

My opponent says America is a nation in decline.  Of our
economy, he says, we are somewhere on the list beneath
Germany, heading south toward Sri Lanka.  Well, don't let
anyone tell you that America is second-rate, especially
somebody running for president.  Maybe he hasn't heard,
maybe he hasn't heard that we are still the world's largest
economy.  No other nation sells more outside its borders.
The Germans, the British, the Japanese can't touch the
productivity of you, the American worker and the American
farmer.

My opponent won't mention that.  He won't remind you that
interest rates are the lowest they've been in 20 years, and
millions of Americans have refinanced their homes.  And you
just won't hear that inflation, the thief of the middle
class, has been locked in a maximum-security prison.

And you don't hear much about this good news, because the
media also tends to focus only on the bad.  And when the
Berlin Wall fell, I half expected to see a headline:  "Wall
Falls, Three Border Guards Lose Jobs."  And underneath it
probably says: "Clinton Blames Bush."  You don't hear a lot
about progress in America.  So let me tell you about some
good things we've done together.

Just two weeks ago, all three nations of North America
agreed to trade freely from Manitoba to Mexico.  And this
will bring good jobs to Main Street U.S.A.

We passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, bringing 43
million people into the economic mainstream.  And I must
say, it is about time.

Our children will breathe easier because of our new clean-
air pact.  We are rebuilding our roads, providing jobs for
more than half a million Americans.  And we passed a child-
care law, and we took a stand for family values by saying
that when it comes to raising children, government doesn't
know best, parents know best.

I have fought against prejudice and anti-Semitism all my
life.  And I am proud that we strengthened our civil rights
laws, and we did it without resorting to quotas.  And one
more thing of vital importance to all.  Today, cocaine use
has fallen by 60 percent among young people.  To the
teenagers, the parents, and the volunteers who are helping
us battle the scourge of drugs in America:  we say thank
you.  Thank you from the bottom of our heart.

Do I want to do more?  You bet.  Nothing hurts me more than
to meet with soldiers home from the Persian Gulf, who can't
find a job.  Or workers who have a job, but worry that the
next day will bring a pink slip.  And what about parents who
scrape and struggle to send their kids to college, only to
find them back living at home, because they can't get work.

The world is in transition, and we are feeling that
transition in our homes.  The defining challenge of the 90s
is to win the economic competition, to win the peace.  We
must be a military superpower, an economic superpower, and
an export superpower.

In this election, you'll hear two versions of how to do
this.  Theirs is to look inward and protect what we already
have.  Ours is to look forward, to open new markets, prepare
our people to compete, to restore our social fabric--to save
and invest--so we can win.

We believe that now that the world looks more like America,
it is time for America to look more like herself.  And so we
offer a philosophy that puts faith in the individual, not
the bureaucracy.  A philosophy that empowers people to do
their best, so America can be at its best.  In a world that
is safer and freer, this is how we will build an America
that is stronger, safer, and more secure.

We start with a simple fact: Government is too big and
spends too much.  And I have asked Congress to put a lid on
mandatory spending except Social Security.  And I've
proposed doing away with over 200 programs and 4,000
wasteful projects and to freeze all other spending.

The gridlock Democrat Congress said, "No."  So, beginning
tonight, I will enforce the spending freeze on my own.  And
if Congress sends me a bill spending more than I asked for
in my budget, I will veto it fast.  Veto it fast.  Faster
than copies of Millie's book sold.

Now, Congress won't cut spending, but refuses to give the
president the power to eliminate pork-barrel projects that
waste your money.  Forty-three governors have that power.
So I ask you, the American people, Give me a Congress that
will give me the line-item veto.

Let me tell you about a recent battle fought with the
Congress, a battle in which I was aided by Bob Michel and
Bob Dole.  This spring, I worked day and night to get two-
thirds of the House members to approve a balanced-budget
amendment to the Constitution.

We almost had it, but we lost by just nine votes.  Now
listen how.  Just before the vote, the liberal leaders of
Congress convinced 12 members who cosponsored the bill to
switch sides and vote no.  Keep in mind, they voted against
a bill they had already put their names on.

Something fishy is going on.  And look at my opponent on
this issue.  Look at my opponent.  He says he's for balanced
budgets.  But he came out against the amendment.  He's like
that on a lot of issues, first on one side, then on the
other.  He's been spotted in more places than Elvis Presley.

After all these years, Congress has become pretty creative
at finding ways to waste your money.  So we need to be just
as creative at finding ways to stop them.  And I have a
brand new idea.

Taxpayers should be given the right to check a box on their
tax returns, so that up to 10 percent of their payments can
go for one purpose alone:  To reduce the national debt.

But we also need to make sure--we need to make sure--that
Congress doesn't just turn around and borrow more money, to
spend more money.  And so I will require that, for every tax
dollar set aside to cut the debt, the ceilings on spending
will be cut by an equal amount.  And that way, that way, we
will cut both debt and spending, and take a whack out of the
budget deficit.

My feelings about Big Government come from my experience: I
spent half my life in the private sector.  My opponent has a
different experience: he has been in government nearly all
his life.  His passion to expand government knows no bounds.
And he has already proposed--listen to this carefully--he
has already proposed $220 billion in new spending, along
with the biggest tax increase in history, $150 billion.  And
that's just to start.

He says he wants to tax the rich, but, folks, he defines
rich as anyone who has a job.  You've heard of the
separations of powers.  Well, my opponent practices a
different theory: "The power of separations."  Government
has the power to separate you from your wallet.

Now let me say this: When it comes to taxes, I've learned
the hard way.  There's an old saying: "Good judgment comes
from experience, and experience comes from bad judgment."

Two years ago, I made a bad call on the Democrats' tax
increase.  I underestimated Congress's addiction to taxes.
And with my back against the wall, I agreed to a hard
bargain:  One tax increase one time, in return for the
toughest spending limits ever.

Well, it was a mistake to go along with the Democratic tax
increase.  And I admit it.  But here's the question for the
American people.  Who do you trust in this election?  The
candidate who's raised taxes one time and regrets it, or the
other candidate who raised taxes and fees 128 times, and
enjoyed it every time?

When the new Congress convenes next January, I'll propose to
further reduce taxes across the board, provided we pay for
these cuts with specific spending reductions that I consider
appropriate, so that we do not increase the deficit.  I will
also continue to fight to increase the personal exemption
and to create jobs by winning a cut in capital gains taxes.

That will especially help small businesses.  You know they
create two-thirds of the new jobs in America.  But my
opponent's plan for small business is clear, present--and
dangerous.  Beside new income taxes, his plan will lead to a
new payroll tax to pay for a government takeover of health
care, and another new tax to pay for training.  And that is
just the beginning.

And if he gets his way, hardware stores all across America
will have a new sign up: "Closed for despair."  And I guess
you'd say his plan really is "Elvis economics":  America
will be checking into the "Heartbreak Hotel."

I believe that small business needs relief--from taxation,
regulation, and litigation.  And thus I will extend for one
year the freeze on paperwork and unnecessary federal
regulation that I imposed last winter.  There is no reason,
there is no reason, that federal regulations should live
longer than my friend George Burns.  I will issue an order
to get rid of any rule whose time has come, and gone.

And I see something happening in our towns and our
neighborhoods.  Sharp lawyers are running wild.  Doctors are
afraid to practice medicine.  And some moms and pops won't
even coach Little League any more.

We must sue each other less, and care for each other more.
I am fighting to reform our legal system, to put an end to
crazy lawsuits.  And if that means climbing into the ring
with the trial lawyers, well, let me just say, Round 1
starts tonight.

After all, my opponent's campaign is being backed by
practically every trial lawyer who ever wore a tasseled
loafer.  He's not in the ring with them, he's in the tank.

There are other things we need to do to get our economy up
to speed and prepare our kids for the next century.  We must
have new incentives for research and new training for
workers.  Small businesses need capital and credit, and
defense workers need new jobs.  And I have a plan to provide
affordable health care for every American, controlling costs
by cutting paperwork and lawsuits, and expanding coverage to
the poorest of the poor.

We do not need my opponent's plan for a massive government
takeover of health care, which would ration care and deny
you the right to choose a doctor.  Who wants health-care
with a system with the efficiency of the House post office
and the compassion of the KGB?

What about our schools?  What about our schools?  My
opponent and I both want to change the way our kids learn.
He wants to change our schools a little bit, and I want to
change them a lot.  Take the issue of whether parents should
be able to choose the best school for their kids.  My
opponent says that's OK, as long as the school is run by
government.  And I say every parent and child should have a
real choice of schools--public, private, or religious.

So we have a clear choice to fix our problems.  Do we turn
to the tattered blanket of bureaucracy that other nations
are tossing away?  Or do we give our people the freedom and
incentives to build security for themselves?

Here's what I'm fighting for: open markets for American
products, lower government spending, tax relief,
opportunities for small business, legal and health reform,
job training and new schools built on competition, ready for
the 21st century.

Now, OK.  Why are these proposals not in effect today?  Only
one reason: the gridlock Democratic Congress.

Now, I know Americans are tired of the blame game, tired of
people in Washington acting like they are candidates for the
next episode of _American Gladiators._

I don't like it either.  Neither should you.  But the truth
is the truth.  Our policies have not failed; they haven't
been tried.

Americans want jobs.  On January 28, I put before Congress a
plan to create jobs.  And if it had been passed back then,
500,000 more Americans would be at work right now.  But in a
nation that demands action, Congress has become the master
of inaction.

And it wasn't always this way.  I heard President Ford
tonight.  I served in Congress 22 years ago under him.  And
back then, we cooperated; we didn't get personal.  We put
the people above everything else.  Heck, we didn't even own
blowdryers back in those days.

At my first inauguration, I said that people didn't send us
to bicker.  I extended my hand--and I think the American
people know this--I extended my hand to the congressional
leaders, the Democratic leaders, and they bit it.

And the House leadership has not changed in 38 years.  It is
a body caught in a hopelessly tangled web of PACs, perks,
privileges, partisanship, and paralysis.  Every day,
Congress puts politics ahead of principle and above
progress.  Congress and Clinton.

Now let me give you just one example.  February 20, 1991.
It was at the height of the gulf war.  On that very same
day, I asked American pilots to risk their lives to fly
missions over Baghdad.

And I also wanted to strengthen our economic security for
the future.  So that very same day, I introduced a new
domestic energy strategy which would cut our dependence on
foreign oil by seven million barrels a day.

How many days did it take to win the war?  Forty-three.  How
many did it take Congress to pass a national energy
strategy?  Five hundred and thirty-two--and still counting.
I have ridden stationary bikes that can move faster than the
United States House of Representatives and the United States
Senate controlled by the Democrat leadership.

Where does my opponent stand with Congress?  Well, up in New
York at their convention, they kept the congressional
leaders away from the podium, hid them away.  They didn't
want America to hear from the people who really make the
decisions.  And they hid them for a very good reason--
because the American people would recognize a dangerous
combination: a rubber-check Congress and a rubber-stamp
president.

Governor Clinton and Congress know that you've caught on to
their lingo.  They know when they say "spending" you say,
"oh, oh."  So now they have a new word, "investment."  They
want to "invest" $220 billion more of your money, but I want
you to keep it.

Governor Clinton and Congress want to put through the
largest tax increase in history, but I will not let that
happen.  And Governor Clinton and Congress don't want kids
to have the option of praying in school, but I do.  Clinton
and Congress don't want to close legal loopholes and keep
criminals behind bars, but I will.  Clinton and Congress
will stack the judiciary with liberal judges who write laws
they can't get approved by the voters.

Governor Clinton even says Mario Cuomo belongs on the
Supreme Court.  Now, wait a minute though.  Now wait.  Maybe
not a bad idea.  If you believe, if you believe in judicial
restraint, you probably ought to be happy.  After all, the
good governor of New York can't make up his mind between
chocolate and vanilla at Baskin Robbins.  If he's there, he
won't have another court decision for 35 years.  And maybe
that's all right, too.

Are my opponent and Congress really in cahoots?  Look at one
important question: Should we limit the terms of Congress?
Governor Clinton says no.  Congress says no.  And I say yes.

We tried this.  Look, we tried this once before, combining
the Democratic governor of a small Southern state with a
very liberal vice president and a Democratic Congress.
America does not need "Carter II."  We do not want to take
America back to those days of malaise.  But Americans want
to know, where's proof that we will have better days in
Washington?

I'll give you 150 reasons, and that's how many members of
Congress are expected to leave Washington this year.  Some
are tainted by scandal; the voters have bounced them the way
they bounced their own checks.  But others are good members,
Republican and Democrat.  And they agree with me: The place
just doesn't work any more.

One hundred and fifty new members, from both parties, will
be coming to Washington this fall.  And every one will have
a fresh view of America's future.  And I pledge today to the
American people, immediately after this election, I will
meet with every one of these members, before they get
attacked by the PACs, overwhelmed by their own staffs and
cornered by some camera crew.  And I will lay out my case,
for change.  Change that matters, real change that makes a
difference.  Change that is right for America.

You see, there is a yearning in America, a feeling that
maybe it's time to get back to our roots.

Sure we must change, but some values are timeless.  I
believe in families that stick together, fathers who stick
around.  And I happen to believe very deeply in the worth of
each individual human being, born or unborn.  And I believe
in teaching our kids the difference between what's wrong and
what's right, teaching them respect for hard work and to
love their neighbors.  And I believe that America will
always have a special place in God's heart, as long as he
has a special place in ours.  And maybe that's why I've
always believed that patriotism is not just another point of
view.

There are times in every young person's life when God
introduces you to yourself.  And I remember such a time.  It
was back many years ago, when I stood watch at 4 a.m.  up on
the bridge of a submarine, the _U.S.S. Finback._ And I would
stand there and look out on the blackness of the sky, broken
only by the sparkling stars above.

And I would think about friends I lost, a country I loved,
and about a girl named Barbara.  I remember, I remember
those nights as clearly as any in my life.  You know, you
can see things from up there that other people don't see.
You can see storm clouds rise and then disappear.  The first
hint of the sun over the horizon and the first outline of
the shore far away.

Now, I know Americans are uneasy today.  There is anxious
talk around our kitchen tables.  But from where I stand, I
see not America's sunset, but a sunrise.

And the world changes for which we've sacrificed for a
generation have finally come to pass and with them a rare
and unprecedented opportunity to pass the sweet cup of
prosperity around our American table.

Are we up to it?  I know we are.

As I travel our land, I meet veterans who once worked the
turrets of a tank and can now master the keyboards of high-
tech economy.  I see teachers, blessed with the incredible
American capacity for innovation, who are teaching our
children a new way to learn for a new century.

And I meet parents, some working two jobs with hectic
schedules, who still find new ways to teach old values to
steady their kids in a turbulent world.

And I take heart from what is happening in America, not from
those who profess a new passion for government, but from
those with an old and enduring faith in the human potential.
Those who understand that the genius of America is our
capacity for rebirth and renewal.  America is the land where
the sun is always peeking over the horizon.

And tonight I appeal to the unyielding, undying, undeniable
American spirit.  I ask you to consider, now that the entire
world is moving our way, why would we want to go back their
way?  I ask not just for your support for my agenda, but for
your commitment to renew and rebuild our nation by shaking
up one institution that has withstood change for over four
decades.

Join me in rolling away the roadblock, join me in rolling
away the roadblock at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue,
so that in the next four years, we will match our
accomplishments outside by building a stronger, safer, more
secure America inside.

Forty-four years ago, in another age of uncertainty, a
different president embarked on a similar mission.  His name
was Harry S. Truman.  And as he stood before his party to
accept their nomination, Harry Truman knew the freedom I
know this evening, the freedom to talk about what's right
for America and let the chips fall where they may.

Harry Truman said this: "This is more than a political call
to arms.  Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to
win this new crusade and keep America safe and secure for
its own people."

Well, tonight I say to you, Join me in our new crusade to
reap the rewards of our global victory, to win the peace, so
that we may make America safer and stronger for all our
people.

May God bless you, and may God bless the United States of
America.  Thank you very much.

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Xref: sparky alt.politics.clinton:5033 talk.politics.misc:44999 alt.rush-limbaugh:4635 alt.politics.elections:12916