From: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu (Rich Winkel)
Subject: Haiti Info #3/ 28 Sept '92
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Originator: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
Organization: PACH
Date: Tue, 29 Sep 1992 00:31:55 GMT

/** reg.carib: 297.0 **/
** Topic: Haiti Info #3/ 28 Sept '92 **
** Written  2:21 pm  Sep 27, 1992 by newslink in cdp:reg.carib **
                COUP D'ETAT COMMEMORATION SPECIAL

                                * * * HAITI INFO * * *

                News direct from the people and organizations 
                of Haiti's grassroots democratic movement

                        28 Sept. 1992, Vol. 1, #3

        TENDREMOS UNA VERSION EN ESPANOL MUY PRONTO PARA          
                LOS COMPANEROS DE AMERICA LATINA Y ESPANA!

Contents:               

1.      Main News Story: "O.A.S. TEAM DOING NOTHING"
        Other news stories
        Profile: Chavannes Jean-Baptiste

2.      Human Rights Report: many examples of continued abuses
        Special: "Last Year's Lessons"
        Development News: "U.S. Rice Deal" and development analysis
        Special:        "Looking at the Evidence One Year Later: 
                        The U.S. Embassy Document"
        About Haiti Info


                        O.A.S. TEAM DOING NOTHING!
                Grassroots and Democratic Sectors Suspicious

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 27 - After two weeks it is clear to many 
that the O.A.S. "civilian mission" was not planned with the 
intention of helping Haiti regain the peace and democracy it lost 
almost one year ago.
        To date, the team has no coordinator and has spent most of its 
time socializing. There have been few briefings and no meetings 
with human rights organizations.
        Even team members admit they are little more than "pawns" and 
"tokens," and harbor doubts about their ability to effect the 
violent and repressive atmosphere.
Interviews with people close to the mission and others have 
revealed a number of disquieting and disappointing details.

The Mandate - What does it mean?
        The actual mandate of the team is not to monitor human rights, 
but "to contribute to a decrease of violence, whatever the 
sourceI," to help distribute humanitarian aide,  and to evaluate 
"progress made toward reaching a political solutionI and 
consequently the possibility of modifying the terms of the 
embargo."
        The mandate has nothing to do with the Oct. 8, 1991, O.A.S. 
resolution calling for the return of the constitutionally elected 
government, and in fact appears to be ready-made for manipulation 
by the de facto regime and their foreign directors. 
        "We're not even allowed to mention the word 'DEMOC,'" one team 
member said, referring to an earlier plan for a  peace-keeping 
force. "This is just a gesture so they can 'save face' for three 
months."

Team Members - One sent home
        The mission was originally to have 18 members, two per 
department. Today there are 16 because one resigned and a second, 
John Kozyn, formerly of the Washington Office on Haiti, was sent 
back to the U.S. after de facto authorities discovered his past 
work as a defender of democracy.
        Also, the mission will not be led by former Jamaican Prime 
Minister Michael Manley. Instead, Colin Granderson of Trinidad and 
Tobago will be Mission Coordinator beginning next week. 
        Some say the de facto authorities rejected Manley for his past 
support of Aristide, but others say Manley objected to the 
mission's ambiguous mandate.
        More disturbing still is the team's ignorance about Haiti and the 
struggle for democracy here. According to a number of people, team 
members were not briefed or given any reading material prior to 
arriving.
        "One person didn't know what Lavalas was," he said. "And if you 
can believe it, there was someone who thought 'Titid' and 
'Aristide' were two different people."
        With the exception of two team members, most have never been to 
Haiti and speak no creole.  Few have done human rights work.
        "It's clear  they don't want effective people," said one 
disappointed observer.

Two weeks of nice meals
        For the past two weeks the team has been "doing a lot of eating 
and drinking." Team members are being paid $4,500 per month and 
may also receive a $100 per diem. 
        The team has not met with any of the many human rights groups, 
peasant or democratic organizations, or even the Presidential 
Commission, and so far has no plan of action and only two cars.

Reaction from Haitian leaders
        Not surprisingly, leaders of democratic, popular, and human 
rights organizations are disappointed and angry.
        "The O.A.S. is not anything we consider serious," said a peasant 
leader the Central Plateau region on a news cassette. "This has 
made the people sleepI We need to organize ourselves."
        A human rights monitor was outraged that Kozyn was ejected from 
the country and said he believes the mission is just a "bluff."
        At a meeting on Sept. 19, over a dozen leaders of popular 
organizations in the South resolved to "follow the O.A.S. people 
and make sure they do not try to deceive us and make sure they 
tell us what they are doing when they come to our areas." W


Other news...

                U.N. OFFICIALLY BACKS ARISTIDE

UNITED NATIONS, Sept. 28 - President Jean-Bertrand Aristide will 
address the General Assembly tomorrow to ask for their support for 
democracy in Haiti. The president last addressed the General 
Assembly a year ago, only days before the coup d'tat.
        U.N. Secretary General Boutros Ghali reiterated his support of 
the president earlier this month when he refused to allow a 
delegate from the de facto regime to attend the 47th Session of 
the General Assembly which opened Sept. 15. 
        (The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank also refused 
to allow the de facto ministers of Finance and Planning into their 
47th annual meeting last week.)
        In a letter earlier this month, President Aristide asked the 
organization to consider joining the O.A.S.-sponsored embargo.  
The U.N. Security Council reportedly discussed the matter but  has 
not made any decisions.
(BACKGROUND FROM AHP)


                EXPLOSION KILLS FIFTEEN

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 18 - An explosion ripped through a 
downtown pharmacy and adjacent storefronts, killing at least 15 and 
wounding over 150 passersby.
        Dr. Rginald Boulos, owner of Vallires Phamarcy, said the 
explosion was the result of an error made in mixing chemicals. 
Numerous individuals and organizations have questioned that 
explanation, however.
        According to eyewitnesses, the explosion flattened a two-story 
building, destroyed four "tap-taps" (pick-ups used as buses) and 
hurled a two-foot thick concrete wall ten feet into the air. 
        Dr. Claude Jean-Fran
ois, constitutional Minister of Health, 
criticized the de facto government for allowing dangerous 
chemicals to be stored downtown and demanded an investigation.
Others have gone further, suggesting the pharmacy was storing 
materials far more lethal than medicines and phamaceuticals.


                BUSINESSPEOPLE BACK BAZIN

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 15 - At least 100 businesspeople met with de 
facto Prime Minister Marc L. Bazin today for the second time this 
month. 
        Previously only a small elite openly supported the illegal 
government. These meetings were the first time so many have 
pledged their support.
        The business leaders, from tourism, industry, commerce,  and 
other sectors, .made commitments to help Bazin's government by 
supporting underprivilideged schoolchildren and building roads.
        There was no mention of the corruption which  plagues the current 
administration.


Note:  Haiti Info is not free, except in cases of extreme need. 
Subscription fees will cover only 20% of costs.   Because of the 
importance of this issue, HIB has decided to send it free again. 
Please subscribe this week. Thank you, The Editors.



                PROFILE: People working for democracy

                        CHAVANNES JEAN-BAPTISTE

        "On Oct. 1 we had a meeting of 80 leaders of our organization and 
we asked ourselves, 'Is it true, could there really have been a 
coup d'tat? What's going to happen next?'
        While we were thinking about it, the military was approaching. 
We had suspected they might come, and we had blocked the roads in 
        order to delay their arrival.
"People were telling me, 'Chavannes, you better leave, you better 
go to Dominican Republic.'
        "But I didn't want to go into exileI They came at ten o'clock and 
they searched until two o'clock. They were making an inventory of 
what we had because, you can imagine, we are an organization which 
has been in existence for 20 years.
        "At four they came back and they started breaking and stealing 
everything. They broke the safe. They took $100,000 cash that was 
all the savings of all the cooperatives around the area.
        "And that's when I realized that I could not stay in the 
country."
        Chavannes Jean-Baptiste is the leader of a national peasant 
organization, Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP). He founded the 
movement twenty years ago as a young man just out of highschool. 
        Jean-Baptiste, the son of a peasant and oldest of eight, was the 
first one in his family to attend school where he studied 
agriculture techniques. 
        MPP grew from four farmers groups to over 2,500 groups with 
almost 40,000 members. Because of its size and vision of 
empowering peasants, MPP was one of the main targets of the 
military following the coup d'tat.
        Soldiers burned cooperative freezers, they smashed computers and 
the print shop. Because they could not lift a large generator, 
they wrecked it. 
        They smashed all the doors of the MPP center and even destroyed 
greenhouses which produced one million trees per year. Losses 
totalled about U.S. $1 million.
        "Papay became a symbol of resistance for peasants and that's why 
the military wanted to destroy it, because they wanted to destroy 
everything that gave the people hope," Jean-Baptiste explained.
        "I started wondering what kind of forces are capable of making 
this kind of thing happen. This coup d'tat is a coup against the 
participation of the Haitian people in the affairs of their 
country. That means people are not supposed to be involved in 
political affairs.
        "Traditionally, it's always been a little group that was involved 
in politics, and this time the people invaded the political scene, 
and that is intolerable to them.
        "When you think about it, the elections were made for Bazin, but 
the Haitian people stood up and said 'We're going to choose!' and 
they chose."
        Jean-Baptiste believes the fact that the Haitian people took 
matters into their own hands was considered "a bad precedent" for 
the region by the national and international elites.
        "A  man who can mobilize people and make a lavalas [a flood, and 
the word used to refer to Aristide's supporters] come down, that 
makes them worried that there could be other lavalases in other 
countries, and who says a lavalas can't happen in the United 
States?
        "That's the control that they have over people in the hemisphere. 
And the fact that people chose their own president in Haiti, it's 
a loss of control. It's almost an insult."
        A  year after the coup d'tat, Jean-Baptiste continues to work 
for the return of democracy, although he was in hiding for five 
months.
        Now he is reunited with his family and is in Port-au-Prince, 
where he receives peasants fleeing repression and serves on the 
Presidential Commission representing President Aristide. He 
believes the president and democracy can be returned to Haiti.
        "With all the maneuvers they have done, they have not been able 
to make the coup d'tat fall into place," he said.
        "The people have reached a level of consciousness that will not 
permit them to accept some things. The people reject the coup 
d'tat.
        "The officials in the international community were behind the 
coup, but they had to call for the return of AristideI Even though 
they consider him the devil, they still have to support his return 
officially."
        As far as the future of MPP is concerned, Jean-Baptiste often 
repeats what a peasant told him:
        "They have ruined our crops, burned our houses and destroyed our 
equipment, but we were the ones who built everything, and we can 
build it all again." W


Human Rights Report:

1. ROMULUS ARRESTED TWICE
JEREMIE, Sept. 25 - Monsignor Willy Romulus was arrested twice 
yesterday. He was later released.
        Soldiers also reportedly cut his phone line and are watching his 
residence.

2. RAPES AND ARRESTS
PETITE RIVIERE, Sept. 18 - Two young women were arrested and 
raped by Section Chief Onondieu Paul on Sept. 15, according to a women's 
organizer here.
        The woman, part of Famn Recheche Sekou (FRS), was forced into 
hiding after protesting a de facto delegation.
"The big bosses were grabbing everyone to participate in the 
festivities," she said. "I tried to persuade people not to go." 

3. BEATINGS AND LAND SEIZURES
MARCHAND DESSALINES, Sept. 16 - Dozens of people have been 
arrested, beaten, and forced to pay for their release in this 
historic town since the beginning of September.
        A peasant leader, whose name is withheld for his protection, said 
at least 13 cases have been documented in just one section.
        Peasants are also being terrorized by a local strongman, Charit 
Joseph, who has been usurping land with the help of soldiers. 
        He said residents are trying to fight through peaceful 
resistance. 
        "People still believe there can be change here," he said, "but 
they realize that the macoutes  continue to oppress them."
        The town is named after revolution leader Jean-Jacques 
Dessalines.

4. LEADER FORCED TO FLEE
LERODIAG, Sept. 23 - Edvard St. Ina, a peasant leader, was chased 
from his home by armed soldiers in the middle of the night 
Tuesday.
        "They were looking for 'Lavalas' and 'MPP' people," said 
Chavannes Jean-Batiste, leader of Papay Peasant Movement  (MPP).
        St. Ina arrived in the capitol with only his clothes. He joins 
over 300 MPP leaders in hiding in Port-au-Prince. Hundreds more 
have been forced to flee their communities since the coup d'tat 
one year ago. 

5. ANTI-500 YEARS PROTESTOR SHOT
SANTO DOMINGO, Sept. 24 - A young lawyer was killed while 
protesting celebrations of the quincentennial.
        The lawyer, Rafael Efrain Ortiz, was reportedly shot by soldiers 
at a large march, to be the site of many official celebrations 
next month.

6. CONFERENCE ON REPRESSION
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 17 - A group of parliamentarians, union-
leaders, and others working for democracy here announced they are 
sponsoring an international conference against repression.
        The conference, scheduled for Oct. 30 through Nov. 1, will 
include delegates from organizations all over the world.

7. ATTACKS ON CHURCH - A YEAR'S WORTH OF VICTIMS
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 26 - Dozens of priests and lay workers have 
been beaten, shot at, arrested and imprisoned repeatedly since the 
Sept. 30, 1991, coup d'tat, according to a report released Sept. 
11 by the Carl Leveque Center, a human rights organization.
        The seven-page report, by no means exhaustive, documents over 
forty cases of repression against priests and another thirty 
attacks on  people and organizations involved with the "Ti Legliz" 
or "Little Church" movement. 
        Many priests have been forced to abandon their parishes. In other 
communities, they are limited to saying mass. If they attempt to 
hold other meetings, soldiers break up the event, beating and 
arresting participants.

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                SPECIAL:  LAST YEAR'S LESSONS

One year after the coup d'tat the following  points are painfully 
clear:

I. What has happened in Haiti was not just an "institutional coup" 
as the Haitian military and their local and international 
supporters, using various propaganda tools,  have foolishly tried 
to convince the world.
        It was a real coup d'tat, particularly bloody, with over 2,000 
dead. It was carried out by a group of fascist soldiers against 
Haiti's first democratically elected president in almost 200 
years, and against the Haitian Constitution. (Art. 134, 1&2)

II. A small clique of corrupt and anti-people-power 
parliamentarians were violently opposed to the reforms of 
President Aristide, such as stream-lining government, ending 
corruption and making the public sector responsible. They made a 
failed attempt to give the coup a pseudo-legal character through 
scandalous and unconstitutional maneuvers. Rather than recognizing 
and denouncing the violent coup, they invented a "presidential 
vacancy," and installed a "provisional president," the puppet 
Joseph  Nerette. But before they could install their puppet, they 
had to get rid of Prime Minister Ren Preval with a parliamentary 
vote, completely illegal and unconstitutional in its form and its 
content. 

III. Since then, the putschists and their acolytes - big business, 
together with their foreign political and business allies - are 
caught in an infernal circle of violations of the constitution 
from which they cannot escape:
        * The nomination of General Raoul Cedras as Chief of Staff;
        * the creation of new government accounting office;
        * the "tri-partite" agreement of the Villa d'Acceuil,
        * and the installation of Marc L. Bazin as "consensus" prime 
minister.
        These are just some of the illegal and unconstitutional acts 
which filled the past 12 months of the de facto regime.

IV. Although they have repeatedly claimed their motives were 
democratic, Cedras, Honorat, Nerette, Bazin & Co. have installed a 
true "regime of terror" unequalled in Haitian history which is 
already rich in dictators and repressive regimes.
        The reports of international human rights organizations pile 
higher and higher: Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, 
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, the list goes onI

V. Corruption is wide-spread and institutionalized:
        * Pillaging the state coffers and institutions is commonplace;
        * in the public administration, anarchy reigns, 
        * and immorality has reached its zenith with the spectacles in 
the Senate, Chamber of Deputies, the church hierarchy, and the 
businesspeople desperately flocking to Bazin's call.

VI. All of this testifies to the advanced stage of decomposition 
of a monstrous system that can no longer function. It has lost its 
ability to regenerate itself and has no other choice but to 
disappear. Attempts to perpetuate this system through falsely 
democratic formulas of so-called "consensus" will only lead to 
disappointment and disenchantment. 



DEVELOPMENT NEWS...

                DEVELOPMENT IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT DEMOCRACY

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 28 - Haiti is facing serious economic, 
social and environmental disasters, according to a newly formed 
umbrella group. 
        Representing over 60 groups from the development, popular, and 
democratic organizations, the Permanent Commission on Emergency 
Aide (CPAU) believes immediate intervention is necessary, and that 
the most important invervention is the restoration of the 
democratically elected government.
        "'Civil society' and the development organizations can never 
take the place of the State," the report says.
        Among some of the programs recommended in the 97-page report 
are strategies to help rice and bean farmers, to strengthen health 
facilities, and to help street merchants. Another plan is to 
coordinate the human rights work in the country.  
        "The numerous violationsI are constant," the report reminds. "All of 
the effortsI should be aimed at the establishment of basic 
rights, a condition necessary for social, economic, and political 
development."
        The cost of the CPAU's recommendations for the initial phase 
only is U.S. $17.5 million. The group is aware money alone will 
not resolve Haiti's problems.  
        "Taking into accountI the level of repression and the 
difficulties confronting grassroots and development groups, the 
range of actions necessary to stop the process of degradation are 
not possible," the report warns. 
        Without a responsible government, programs can do no more than 
"slow the process of degradation." 


                U.S. RICE DEAL: DEMOCRACY AND FARMERS LOSE

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 15 - Dealing a dual blow to both  local 
farmers and supporters of the constitutional government, a U.S. 
company yesterday signed an agreement with the de facto 
government for a joint project in the Artibonite Valley. 
        The project, supposedly aimed at helping boost Haitian rice 
production, will actually enable U.S. rice growers to sell more 
rice to Haiti. Haiti's production has been dropping steadily since 
the introduction of food aid under the U.S. plan "PL 480" about 
fifteen years ago.  
        Agronomists from Texas A&M University are supposed to help 
farmers increase their production by 25 percent, but the agreement 
also calls for bulk imports equalling at least 110,000 bags of 
rice per month from the U.S., one of the world's largest exporters 
because of the farm subsidies.
        A member of the American team was heard to say, proudly, that the 
project will be like "an assembly plant" for rice. "Haitian 
workers will refine and bag the rice," he said. "We're going to 
move the jobs from Texas."
        The Americans were obvious in their support for the de facto 
regime. Douglas Murphy of Erly Industries, Texas, and the newly 
created Rice Corporation of Haiti, accepted signature of Marc L. 
Bazin, even though no country in the world recognizes his 
government.
        "In only three months this administration has been able to bring 
about stability," he said, according to the weekly Haiti Progres.



                SPECIAL:  LOOKING AT THE EVIDENCE ONE YEAR LATER:

                                THE U.S. EMBASSY DOCUMENT

        Nearly one year ago a document began to circulate in Port-au-
Prince. The three typed pages were reportedly prepared by a 
consultant to the U.S. embassy together with a Haitian businessman 
and later "leaked."
        The document lists specific steps for the Haitian de facto 
government and its supporters to follow during meetings with 
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the Organization of American 
States, and U.S. officials. The object of the instructions is 
clear: to insure the coup plotters retain power in Haiti.
        Nobody has ever  proven the origin or authenticity of the 
document. Nearly one year later, however, the parallels between 
the document's recommendations and the actual history of the past 
tragic year offer overwhelming evidence for its validity.
                        *               *               *               *

Conditions for Aristide's Return
        The document acknowledges that the U.S. and O.A.S. publically 
insist on Aristide's return, but that he could return as a 
"figurehead," or for a brief time, only to be quickly impeached.  
        "Mr. A. does not necessarily need to return for some period of 
time until all guarantees were in place," the document says.
        Mentioned as "guarantees" are the following:  increased aid and 
trade deals, an overhaul judicial system (which supposedly would 
require U.S. $100 million for unspecified costs) and 
"professionalization of the army."
        According to the document, "The U.S. has always wanted to do 
this." 
        The "professionalization" of foreign military is considered by 
many to be one of the ways the U.S. and other large countries 
influence and even control small countries.
        Another guarantee is a resumption and increase in foreign aid and 
trade benefits.  
        Four months after the O.A.S. imposed an embargo on all trade and 
non-humanitarian aid, the U.S. eased it for certain companies and 
activities, and resumed much of its non-humanitarian aid. Lately 
there is talk of a further easing for several specific products.
        Trade deals between the two countries continue, regardless of the 
embargo. On Sept. 15 a U.S. company signed an  agreement with the 
de facto government for a rice milling and production project.  
[See page 3.]

Government of "reconciliation"
        Another strategy recommended was the formation of "a new 
government of reconciliationI that would involve all capable 
people from all the parties except the Lavalas [pro-Aristide] 
people."
        When de facto Prime Minister Marc L. Bazin was inaugurated June 
19, he said his was a "government of consensus." His eight 
ministers hail from five parties, but together they represent a 
tiny percentage of the population.  The FNCD, the party which 
backed Aristide's candidacy and the largest single voting bloc of 
the parliament, was not represented.

Media and Lobbying Work
        The document concludes with an urgent appeal for public relations 
work in the U.S. "The next three months are critical," the 
document warns.
        "What is needed presently is a comprehensive, sustained, and very 
discrete approach to U.S. policy-makers and the U.S. media that 
will balance off and negate the propaganda of the Lavalas 
organizationI Information must be channeled to them  and on a 
regular basis and from sources that they will trust and that 
cannot be directly traced back to anyone in Port-au-PrinceI "
        The document recommended the de facto government hire "people 
influential in Latin American affairs" to lobby media, 
Congresspeople, and "think-tanks" (sic) to "bring a positive 
outcome of the current situation."
        One of the first "influential" people the coup plotters rallied 
was former Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights Elliot 
Abrams, also remembered for lying to Congress during the Iran-
Contra hearings.
        Abrams, currently a Senior Fellow at the conservative Hudson 
Institute, is also on the Board of Caribbean/Latin American 
Action, a lobbying group for businesspeople in those regions.
        According to a number of sources, Abrams "worked the halls of 
Congress," sometimes with Haitian and American businesspeople in 
tow, and helped persuade the U.S. to lift the embargo for U.S. 
companies in Haiti.  
        Soon after, the de facto government hired Attorney Robert 
McCandless and Craig Shirley and Associatesa p.r. firm. Both have 
been associated with U.S. government work in the past, including 
Haiti and Contra lobbying efforts.
        Their tasks, according to documents on record with the U.S. 
Department of Justice, were to "change the Administration's policy 
toward Haiti...  [to] campaign in Press and in halls of 
government."
        Finally, there has been a concerted campaign in the U.S. 
newspapers against President Aristide. Jeane Kirkpatrick, also a 
board member of several conservative think tanks, has attacked 
President Aristide in her column.  Ms. Kirkpatrick has never been 
to Haiti. She did not mention where she got her information.
        Syndicated columnist William Raspberry was open about his source. 
His vicious and libelous June 1 column was written with help from 
former D.C. delegate to congress, Walter Fauntroy. What Raspberry 
forgot to mention was Fauntroy's long-standing association with 
and support for  the current de facto prime minister, Bazin.
                *               *               *               *
        The campaign to keep President Aristide and the democratic 
process from Haiti continues. No matter what the supporters of the 
coup d'tat and their "consultants" have planned for the next 
months, they face a man who increasingly symbolizes the struggle 
for democracy troughout the world, and who remains the hope of the 
Haitian people.

(Common Ground returns in #4)

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