From: bond@jupiter.sun.csd.unb.ca (Girish Bonde)
Subject: The Indus Tradition and the Indo-Aryans
Keywords: aryan, indus, vedic.
Organization: University of New Brunswick, Fredericton, N.B., Canada.
Date: Mon, 31 Aug 1992 11:47:33 GMT


In the last month, I posted the article "The Myth of the  Aryan  Inva-
sion  of India" written by David  Frawley which clearly shows that the
Aryan invasion theory is nothing but a figment concocted  by  European
historians in 19th century. Recent archaeological researches have com-
pelled the abandonment of that view of the Vedic civilization that was
popularised by European scholars and successfully echoed by their fol-
lowers. New archaeological and geological research has shown that  the
Saraswati  river,  which originally flowed somewhat parallel to Indus,
dried up around 1900 B.C. The existance of Saraswati, which  was  over
five  miles wide, has been proven by land, ground and water surveys in
Bharat i.e. India and the river is still found flowing underground  in
some  regions  of  Rajasthan, a north-western state in Bharat. The dry
banks of the Saraswati are visible through satellite photographs  from
the Himalayan foothills to Marot in Pakistan. This has proved that the
ruins of the Indus civilization-  including  large  urban  sites  like
Ganweriwala  and  Rakhigarhi,  which are comparable in size to Mohenjo
Daro and Harappa- are aligned not along the Indus river,  but  to  the
east  on  now  dry  banks  of the Saraswati. The Saraswati is the most
prominant river in the 'Vedas' which proves that the people  who  gave
us  Rig  Veda  must  have already been living in Bharat many centuries
before the Saraswati went dry around 1900 B.C. The astronomical refer-
ences  from  the  'Vedas'  and  the  new archaeological evidences have
further strengthened this view that the Aryans were the original inha-
bitants of Bharat and not invaders.

Following is the forthcomming  paper  "The  Indus  Tradition  and  the
Indo-Aryans"  by Subhash Kak which will be published in "Mankind Quar-
terly". Subhash Kak has published more than 40 papers on  Indian  stu-
dies  and history since 1986. He has conducted a considerable research
on the Indus script. He is very close to deciphering this script  into
a Sanskrit like or  Vedic language. In this  paper, he has  shown that
the Indus tradition was essentially  Indo-Aryan  which in turn  proves
the falsity of the 'Aryan invasion theory'.

Any comments/serious discussion is welcome.

-Girish.
======================================================================

Extracts from a paper to appear in MANKIND QUARTERLY, VOL 32, 1992.

"THE INDUS TRADITION AND THE INDO-ARYANS"
-----------------------------------------

by Subhash C. Kak, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, USA

Introduction

The earliest Indian literature has astronomical allusions to events of
the  3rd  millennium B.C. and earlier (Tilak 1893, Sengupta 1947, San-
tillana and Dechend 1969, Kak 1987b, Frawley 1991).  The  setting  for
the hymns of the Rigveda is the area of Sapta Saindhava, the region of
Punjab bounded by the Indus and the Ganga rivers.  There are also geo-
graphical  references  in the Rigveda that are of chronological value.
In the past 5000 years north India has undergone  major  tectonic  and
hydrological  upheavels,  and so it becomes possible to correlate cer-
tain geographical references to different time epochs.  Other signifi-
cant  references  are  to  sea-going vessels and to settlements on the
Sarasvati (Ghaggar-Hakra river, which is now dry)  that  also  provide
significant clues.  The archaeological record suggests that this river
turned dry around 1900 B.C.

The  genealogies of the  Puranas  and the later  Vedic literature also
reach back at least into the third millennium B.C. (Pargiter 1922, Roy
1983).  This later literature, starting with the  Satapatha  Brahmana,
describes  an expansion  of the  civilization outside of  the original
area of the Indus and the Sarasvati valleys.  There  are  also  refer-
ences to geophysical changes in the later Vedic literature.

Archaeological investigations have also shown that the Indus  cultural
tradition  represents the beginnings of the Indian civilization.  This
tradition has been traced back to about 6500 B.C. in remains that have
been  uncovered  in Mehrgarh and other sites (Jarrige and Meadow 1980,
Possehl 1982, Kenoyer 1989, Shaffer 1991).  It reached  its  flowering
during  the  period  2600-1900  B.C.,  called  the  Harappan age, when
several cities and towns were established and writing,  based  on  the
so-called  Indus script, was used.  In the 1970's it was found by M.R.
Mughal (1982) that most of these towns and  settlements  were  on  the
banks  of  the  Sarasvati river.  One of the most striking insights of
the continuing studies is that "there were several  ethnic  groups  in
the  Indus  Valley throughout the third and second millennium B.C., of
which the Harappan was only one.  Rather than  an  area  dominated  by
Harappan  culture,  the  Indus Valley saw the development of a complex
cultural mosaic of related but distinct ethnic  groups"  (Shaffer  and
Lichtenstein  1989).  Hydrological changes and the socio-economic evo-
lution of the groups led to an abandonment of large areas of the Indus
valley.   The  tradition  continued in a state of decline to 1000 B.C.
and perhaps later.  A second urbanization began  in  the  Ganga-Yamuna
valley around 900 B.C.  The earliest surviving records of this culture
are in Brahmi script.  This second urbanization is generally  seen  at
the  end  of  the  Painted Gray Ware (PGW) phase ( 1200- 800 B.C.) and
with the use of the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) pottery.   Late
Harappan  was  partially  contemporary  with  the PGW phase.  In other
words, a continuous series of cultural developments link the two early
urbanizations of India.

The restructuring of society that occurred between the  two  urbaniza-
tions  is partially mirrored in the restructuring of the Indus script.
The Brahmi script, which was in use throughout India during the  reign
of  Asoka  [reigned 269- 232 B.C.], was highly  systematic, reflecting
clearly the theories of Indian grammarians.  Literary evidence as well
as  signs  on  early punch-marked coins suggests that writing in India
during the second urbanization goes back much before the middle of the
first  millennium  B.C.  The punch-marked coins that go far back to at
least the seventh century B.C. (Mitchiner 1973) use a Harappan  weight
standard.   It appears that the coins were originally issued as silver
blanks by traders and the weights checked by  traders.   The  checking
was  represented  by marks that are strikingly similar to the Harappan
signs.  By the sixth century B.C. the kings began  putting  their  own
issuing  marks  on  the  coins.   These pictorial marks were generally
representative of the meaning of the king's name.   The  Indus  script
uses  many  more  signs  than  Brahmi and it is generally written from
right to left, in a direction opposite to  that  of  Brahmi.   On  the
other  hand,  there are instances of both the scripts being written in
the boustrophedon  style, that is, written in opposite  directions  in
alternate  lines.   But  the change in the normal direction of writing
does indicate a fundamental shift.   Whether  this  shift  took  place
between  the  two urbanizations or just prior to the Mauryan empire is
not clear.

The spread of the Indian civilization, as indicated  by  the  literary
and  the archaeological records, can further be checked by an analysis
of the processes that might have supported this spread.  Ammerman  and
Cavalli-Sforza  (1984) argue for the parallel situation in Europe that
the spread there of farming after 7000 B.C.  could be seen as a diffu-
sionary  process brought about by a combination of cultural diffusion,
and population growth and displacement, which they call  demic  diffu-
sion.   Sokal, Oden, and Wilson (1991) have published genetic evidence
supporting this model.   Genetic  variation  across  the  Indian  sub-
continent suggests that a diffusion model might be at the basis of the
spread of the Indian people as well.

We also call attention to the dating of 4th  millennium  B.C.   for  a
copper-based  head  found  in Delhi (Hicks and Anderson 1990).  It has
been argued by Hicks and Anderson that the head represents  Vasishtha,
who  is  one  of the authors of the Rigvedic hymns, or his king Sudas.
This dating supports the traditional chronology of the  Vedic  litera-
ture.

The evolution and restructuring of the ethnic  groups  (Shaffer  1991)
can  be  seen in the archaeological record.  No evidence for any break
in the Indian tradition due to any  invasions  has  been  found.   Jim
Shaffer (1984) who sums up the archaeological evidence summarizes:

Current archaeological data do not support the existence of  an  Indo-
Aryan  or European invasion into South Asia at any time in the pre- or
proto-historic periods.  Instead, it is possible to document  archaeo-
logically  a series of cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural
development from pre-historic to historic periods.   The  early  Vedic
literature  describes not a human invasion into the area, but a funda-
mental restructuring of  indigenous  society  that  saw  the  rise  of
hereditary social elites...  The Indo-Aryan invasion(s) as an academic
concept of the 18th and 19th century  Europe  reflected  the  cultural
milieu of that period.  Linguistic data were used to validate the con-
cept that in turn was used to interpret archaeological  and  anthropo-
logical data. [page 88]

Since the Indo-Aryans were the dominant group in northern India by the
late 2nd millennium B.C., one is compelled to the conclusion that they
must have been one of the ethnic groups in the Indus and the Sarasvati
valley areas as early as 6500 B.C.

In this essay we show that there is enough convergence in the archaeo-
logical  evidence  about  the Indus tradition and the literary and the
geographical evidence of the Vedic literature  to  conclude  that  the
Indus  tradition  was essentially Indo-Aryan.  Nevertheless, since the
Indus tradition was characterized by several  ethnic  groups  (Shaffer
1991, Kenoyer 1991), it is very likely that several languages, some of
them non-Indo-Aryan, were also present in the  area.   Our  conclusion
that the Indo-Aryans represented the Harappan ethnic group is based on
our analysis of the Indus script which seems to have been used for  an
Indo-Aryan language (Kak 1987a, 1988, 1989, 1990) and on the geograph-
ical evidence from the Vedic literature.  A considerable part  of  our
paper  is, therefore, devoted to a review of our analysis of the Indus
script.   Astronomical  evidence  already  summarized  elsewhere  (Kak
1987b,  Kak  1991)  will not be reviewed.  But it should be noted that
such evidence also supports the conclusions of this paper.

Further Parallels and Convergence

At this point it is not possible to clearly  know  why  Indus  writing
disappeared for centuries.  The answer to this puzzle is bound to be a
complex one, and related to the decline of the Harappan  cities.   The
decline  of Mohenjo-Daro was most probably caused by rising water lev-
els due to the forcing upwards of a large section of the  Arabian  Sea
coastline  by  a tectonic shift or by the natural damming of the Indus
river.  Furthermore, sedimentation and tectonic movement  led  to  the
capture  of the Sarasvati system by the Sutlej river of the Indus sys-
tem and the Yamuna river of the Ganga system (Francfort 1986, Gentelle
1986,  Kenoyer  1991).  This led to the drying up of the Sarasvati and
the Drishadvati rivers, in whose valleys most of the Harappan  settle-
ments  were situated.  This disruption to the economy of the heartland
also caused cities like Harappa to decline.  Now a  fundamental  shift
was  taking  place  in the economic life of the Harappans.  Theirs had
been a dual economy based on agriculture and pastoralism.  The  emerg-
ing  society  was  more  intensely  focused on agriculture.  There was
therefore an emigration away from the earlier towns to new communities
in  less  arid  regions.   The  new  economy did not at first generate
surplus wealth to lead to urban centres of the same  size  as  in  the
earlier age.  Eventually new powerful cities were established due east
at Kaushambi, Atranjikhera, and Mathura.

The evidence from the Vedic literature also speaks of a gradual  relo-
cation from the area of Sapta Saindhava which is practically identical
to the Harappan domain.  During the Rigvedic period Sarasvati  is  the
most  important  river.  This fact itself forces one to date the hymns
to the latest of the beginning of 2rd millennium  B.C.   The  earliest
Vedas  describe a society that is partly urban and partly agricultural
and pastoral like the Harappan society.  This may be seen most  easily
from  the many occupations listed in Yajurveda.  The Rigveda describes
fortified towns.  Rigvedic ritual requires construction af altars  out
of  bricks.  On the other hand, some scholars interpret certain struc-
tures in the lowest layers of the Harappan ruins as fire altars.   The
Bra  hman as, which are appendices to the Vedas, describe the phase of
slow expansion to the east,  a  region  that  was  originally  densely
forested.   They,  in turn, are followed by  Aranyakas  and  Upanisads
that capture the  cultural  transformation,  also  paralleled  in  the
Harappan  evidence,  that  values  living in forests and small farming
communities.

That the Vedic people were literate is indicated partially by a refer-
ence  to the mark of eight that occurs in the Rigveda itself (X.62.7).
Chandogya Upanishad has several references to  syllable  counts  (e.g.
II.10)  and  to  analysis  of words in terms of vowels and consonants.
Aitareya  Aranyaka, of the  period of forest dwelling, also  describes
the  distinction between vowels and consonants (II.3.1) and has refer-
ence  to  writing  (V.3.3).   Several  Upanishads  describe  different
aspects of the alphabet.

Some scholars have argued that the Indus tradition could not be  Indo-
Aryan  because  no  representation  of horse has been found in remains
prior to 2000 B.C. in India.  Indeed horses have been rare  in  Indian
iconography even in the later historical period when they had undoubt-
edly reached India.  On the other hand there is evidence of a presence
of horses in Iran that goes back to 3000 B.C.  And since the Harappans
had trade links with Sumer, Iran and other regions  they  surely  knew
the animal.  Scholars have argued before that the horse must have been
relatively rare in Rigvedic culture notwithstanding its importance  in
the  hymns as the symbol of speed.  This appears true of later periods
of Indian history as well.  Rigveda mentions horses for drawing chari-
ots  and  there  is  no mention of riding in battle.  This fact itself
indicates that the Aryans could not  have  had  horses  in  any  large
numbers.  The horse often stands for the sun in Rigvedic hymns.

The Indo-Aryan Expansion

The reason that the Indo-Aryan invasion theory to explain  the  spread
of  their  languages  in  India  survived so long is because questions
about the process supporting the hypothesis were not asked.  The  sim-
ple  question  to  ask is: How did the small bands of invading peoples
completely overwhelm the original languages  of  a  huge  geographical
area which was perhaps the most densely populated region of antiquity?
And if the invasion was massive what  was  the  original  location  of
these  people, and what made these people leave this supposed homeland
on a total emigration that no evidence of their stay in this  homeland
is  to  be  found  now? In both cases the protagonists, under pressure
from conflicting evidence, tried to present their hypotheses in a form
that  would  be  unfalsifiable.   Thus  it has been claimed that Indo-
Aryans may have started arriving even before  the  Harappan  civiliza-
tion,  but  they  came  in large numbers only in the second millennium
B.C.

We now consider parallels with the work of Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza
(1984)  on  the spread of farming in Europe.  According to this model,
which bridges archaeology and  population  genetics,  introduction  of
farming  led to increase in fertility rates and in population density.
Their study indicates that the rate of this demic diffusion was  about
1  kilometer  a year.  Renfrew has postulated that these early farmers
were Indo-Europeans who started out from Near East around 7000 B.C.

We hypothesize a similar process of demic diffusion  at  work  in  the
Indo-Aryan  expansion across the Yamuna-Ganga plains and beyond.  Con-
sidering the same rate of expansion of 1 kilometer/year as in  Europe,
one  would  expect the Indo-Aryans to reach the Bay of Bengal from the
Punjab region in about 2500 years.  If we accept the traditional  date
of  c.  3000  B.C.  for the composition of the later parts of Rigveda,
this agrees with the rise of the Indo-Aryan  city  states  in  eastern
India  in  the  first millennium B.C.  But we do not propose here that
this traditional dating of Rigveda be accepted, because we do not know
how the text might have suffered interpolations over centuries and how
long before c. 1000 B.C. it was put into its final form.

Conclusions

The archaeological evidence about the Sarasvati river  provides  us  a
chronological  framework.   Literary  references  in  the  early Vedic
literature compel the conclusion that before this river dried  up  its
settlements  were of the Vedic people.  But the settlements before its
drying up are those of the Harappans.  Furthermore, as pointed out  by
Mughal  (1982),  the Sarasvati valley area was the bread-basket of the
Harappans.  This indicates that the large urban centers of Harappa and
Mohenjo-Daro  may  have  served as gateway cities at the borders (Rat-
nagar 1982).  These parallels suggest strong links between the  Harap-
pans  and  the Indo-Aryans, a conclusion that the independent study of
the Indus script has corroborated.  Since the Harappan phase is merely
one  manifestation  of the Indus tradition that shows great continuity
and goes back to at least 6500 B.C., we conclude that  this  tradition
was partly Indo-Aryan.  These conclusions agree broadly with the trad-
itional chronology of India and allow us to see why  the  findings  of
Hicks  and Anderson (1990) should not come as a total surprise.  While
our reconstruction only  emphasises  that  the  Indo-Aryans  may  have
reached  the Indus area sometime before c. 2600 B.C., we would like to
suggest that the nature of the continuity of the Indus tradition indi-
cates  that  they  may  have  been present as one of the ethnic groups
right from 6500 B.C.

We also repeat that the Harappan people, in themselves,  comprised  of
several  ethnic  sub-groups.   It  is conceivable, therefore, that the
settlements in the Sarasvati valleys were different in the details  of
their  culture and their belief system from the urban Harappans in the
cities.  The earliest Indian literature does talk of struggles between
various groups and such a conflict may have occurred between the urban
and the rural groups.  Such a struggle may  have  contributed  to  the
transformation of the Harappans and their eventual dispersal.
======================================================================

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