From: antbh@strix.udac.uu.se (Bernhard Helander)
Subject: Somalia News Update, No 44
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Originator: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu
Organization: Uppsala University
Date: Tue, 29 Dec 1992 06:36:50 GMT

In this issue:
SOMALI WARLORDS MOVING GUNWAGONS FROM MOGADISHU
FRENCH TROOPS WOUND THREE SOMALIS NEAR BAIDOA
SOMALI MUSLIMS SEEK FUNDAMENTALIST ISLAMIC STATE 
SOMALIA-SHAMBLES
GUNMEN LOOT FOOD AS TROOPS LEAVE
SOMALIA-NEXT FAMINE

____________________________________________________________________ 


               S O M A L I A  N E W S  U P D A T E  


____________________________________________________________________ 

No 44                December 27, 1992.               ISSN 1103-1999  

____________________________________________________________________ 
Somalia News Update is published irregularly via electronic mail and 
fax. Questions can be directed to antbh@strix.udac.uu.se or to fax 
number +46-18-151160. All material is free to quote as long as the 
source is stated. 
____________________________________________________________________ 


SOMALI WARLORDS MOVING GUNWAGONS FROM MOGADISHU

By Alistair Lyon 

     MOGADISHU, Dec 21, Reuter - Two Somali warlords started to haul 
their "technical" battlewagons out of Mogadishu on Monday under a 
U.S.-brokered peace deal, a U.S. officer said.  A French military 
spokesman announced plans for 350 French legionnaires and 150 U.S. 
Marines to move into the famished inland town of Hoddur on Friday, 
Christmas Day. U.S. military spokesman Colonel Fred Peck said 
hundreds of Marines would leave Mogadishu at dawn on Tuesday for 
Baidoa, Somalia's famine capital and the launchpad for planned task 
force deployments to other hungry towns. 
     "It's a big convoy packed to the gills with all the equipment 
they need to go north," Peck said. 
     Relief agencies have been pressing the multinational force to 
act swiftly to curb lawlessness and gun rule, particularly in north 
Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia where clan gangs have looted 
food aid meant for the starving.  A U.S. officer said militia leader 
Mohamed Farah Aideed had moved 30 to 40 technicals out of south 
Mogadishu on Monday and his chief rival, Ali Mahdi Mohamed, would 
move a similar number from the north on Tuesday.  "This is a Somali 
agreement and it's being coordinated by the Somalis," said Marine 
Colonel Michael Hagee. "That in itself is a large step forward." 
Freelance bandits and factions not aligned with Aideed or Ali Mahdi 
would be told by radio and newspaper announcements to get their 
technicals out of town fast. 
     "What we are trying to do is to get the factions to bring their 
arms under control so we do not have a confrontation between the 
combined task force and the Somalis," Hagee said. 
     Ali Mahdi and Aideed agreed on December 11 to move "all forces 
and their technicals" outside Mogadishu as part of a seven-point 
peace plan reached two days after the multinational force reached 
Somalia to secure relief routes for the starving. 
     U.S. officials said any technical sighted after the accord had 
taken effect would "automatically be considered a threat." American 
and French troops have in the past opened fire when they have 
perceived a direct threat from technicals. In the latest such clash, 
French troops shot and wounded three Somalis after a battlewagon 
fired on their observation post four km (two miles) northwest of 
Baidoa on Sunday night. "A French sniper stopped the vehicle dead and 
there was an exchange of fire," Colonel Jean-Paul Perruche told 
reporters. He said a French platoon sent to reinforce the post traded 
fire with gunmen one km (600 yards) south of the position. 
     More French troops went in with two U.S. helicopters in support 
and found three wounded Somalis armed with AK-47 assault rifles. 
Seven other gunmen in the pickup had fled. There were no French 
casualties. One Somali had serious stomach wounds. Perruche called 
the attack deliberate but said he did not believe it was aimed 
specifically at French troops. "It seems to me that some people of 
the region of Baidoa are not very happy at the presence of U.S. and 
French forces in this country. Before they had all the power to 
terrorise and rob the people. Now they cannot act like that," he 
said. U.S. and French troops took the famine-hit town of Baidoa, 
dubbed the "City of Death," last Wednesday. Perruche said a joint 
U.S.-French force, under French command, would push on to Hoddur, 150 
km (90 miles) north of Baidoa, on Thursday and enter the town on 
Christmas morning. 


FRENCH TROOPS WOUND THREE SOMALIS NEAR BAIDOA

By Paul Holmes 

     MOGADISHU, Dec 21, Reuter - French troops wounded at least three 
gunmen when they came under attack in southern Somalia, a French 
military spokesman said on Monday. Relief agencies urged U.S.-led 
forces to push into lawless north Mogadishu and force weapons off the 
streets. A French military spokesman said troops opened fire when 10 
gunmen in a "technical" battlewagon charged towards their observation 
post near the inland famine town of Baidoa under cover of darkness on 
Sunday. "It was a concerted attack," said Colonel Jean-Paul Perruche. 
He said a French sniper stopped the vehicle in its tracks. The three 
Somalis, found with Kalashnikovs by French paratroops, were taken to 
hospital, one with severe stomach wounds. No French soldiers were 
hurt and the other gunmen fled. 
     The clash highlighted continued insecurity in Somalia, where 
U.S.-led forces have intervened to keep pillaging gunmen and feuding 
clan militias away from food for victims of Africa's worst famine 
this century. Relief agencies on Monday piled pressure on the U.S. 
military to extend their security umbrella to north Mogadishu, 
nominally controlled by warlord Ali Mahdi Mohamed. "It's literally 
teeming with AK-47s and teeming with technicals," said Mark Thomas, 
spokesman for the U.N. Children.s Fund (UNICEF). "Any military 
presence at all would help as long as it is a show of force. They 
said it would happen soon but would give us no definite date," Thomas 
said.
     U.S. troops who secured Mogadishu port and airport at the start 
of Operation Restore Hope on December 9 have escorted food convoys 
across the bombed out Green Line that divides the capital but do not 
operate patrols in the north. Relief agencies have withdrawn 
virtually all their foreign staff from the enclave because of the 
insecurity. Thomas said the Irish aid agency Goal told a U.S. 
military liaison officer at a daily meeting on Monday that it was 
considering suspending operations in the north. "UNICEF supports what 
Goal said about insecurity. We cannot send more supervisory staff in 
until the situation improves," Thomas told reporters. 
     U.S. Marines and their coalition allies have established 
security bridgeheads for the relief operation in Baidoa and at a 
military airfield in Bali Dogle and on Sunday swept ashore to do the 
same in the southern port of Kismayu. But U.S. commanders say their 
mission is not to disarm a country awash with weapons after two years 
of clan killing and gun rule. Overall commander General Joseph Hoar 
said last week that security would improve as more troops arrived. 
     Sunday's attack on the French observation post, northwest of 
Baidoa airfield, occurred a day after U.S. and French troops seized 
six battlewagons and disarmed 45 heavily-armed gunmen who had massed 
at a compound just outside Baidwa, 250 km (150 miles) west of 
Mogadishu. A Marine patrol in Mogadishu also shot and hit a gunman in 
a technical who trained a machinegun on them near the Green Line on 
Sunday. It was not clear if the man was killed. "We're not in the 
investigation business," said Navy Commander Jim Kudla, a U.S. 
military spokesman. "The squad perceived a direct threat to them, 
they fired and that's it." 


SOMALI MUSLIMS SEEK FUNDAMENTALIST ISLAMIC STATE 

By Keith B. Richburg  
Washington Post Foreign Service  
Copyright 1992 The Washington Post

     MERCA, Somalia - At the run-down port in this steamy coastal 
town, scores of workmen, shirtless and sweating, struggle under 
silver tins of cooking oil and heavy sacks of rice. They are 
unloading a Red Cross barge, under the watchful eye of a handful of 
sullen sentries, some with red-and-white Arab-style kaffiyehs 
covering their heads, all with AK-47 automatic rifles dangling from 
straps on their shoulders. 
     The port guards are members of the Islamic Union Party, or 
Ittihad, Somalia's armed Muslim fundamentalist group, which has 
established a toehold here in this Indian Ocean trading post where, 
according to legend, Islam first touched Somalia's shores. Since 
their arrival here earlier this year, the fundamentalists have been 
credited with establishing a strict security system that has all but 
eliminated wholesale looting of relief food meant for the country's 
millions of starving people. Food still gets stolen in Merca, usually 
from truck convoys the moment they exit this port. But inside the 
port's perimeter, the Union Party exercises strict discipline and 
control. "For security, they are good," said Jama Ali Kahin of the 
Somali Red Crescent relief group. "They are popular because before 
they came there was a lot of looting." 
     Elsewhere around the country, cities have been torn by anarchy, 
looting and clan violence; in the few pockets where the 
fundamentalists have moved in, they generally have managed to impose 
order on the chaos. The Union Party arrived in the small Wadajir 
district of Mogadishu, the Somali capital, six weeks ago and imposed 
its own strict brand of sharia, or Islamic law, and, said Somali 
journalist A.M. Ali, "it was very, very successful - no theft, no 
problem." 
     In accordance with sharia, however, Ali and others said, looters 
captured by Union Party members in Wadajir had their hands amputated. 
"They are harsh, but they are extremely structured and they are 
disciplined," said Rakiya Omaar, a human rights activist and former 
executive director of Africa Watch. "People are sick and tired of 
war, they are sick and tired of looting, and no one is providing 
social services." The Union Party is still considered a minor faction 
in Somalia, a fringe movement at best that so far has attracted 
little popular support. But its method in Merca, in its northern 
stronghold and elsewhere has been to move into locations where there 
is a power vacuum and win converts by demonstrating how a return to 
Islamic fundamentals can bring an end to the kind of violence and 
banditry that have wracked this country for nearly two years. 
     The fundamentalists' goal in Somalia, according to a Union Party 
spokesman here, is to establish an Islamic state based on sharia. 
"Islam and sharia," said spokesman Abdulkadr Abdulle. "We want people 
to obey the sharia." But now, the Union Party feels a threat from  an 
unexpected source: the intervention in Somalia of U.S. and other 
foreign combat troops who have come to protect relief supplies and 
help feed this country's starving millions. The Bush administration 
and U.S. military officials have called the intervention strictly 
humanitarian, a response to the searing images of emaciated, starving 
women and children digging into the ground for a few extra grains of 
rice. But to the Muslim fundamentalists, the intervention is akin to 
an invasion, whose ultimate goal is to crush the budding Islamic 
movement. 
     "Of course it's an invasion - nobody asked us," Abdulle said. 
"Strange enough, the Americans during the Reagan administration used 
to help (ousted dictator Mohamed) Siad Barre. But when the war came 
to Mogadishu, they left. Now they are coming with 30,000 men. Most of 
the guns are from the United States. Most of the mortars that 
destroyed Mogadishu are from the United States." During Siad Barre's 
rule, according to Abdulle, Islam was suppressed as the regime tried 
to impose the ideas of the West. After two years of bitter clan 
warfare that has created one of the modern world's worst famines, 
Abdulle said, "Now, we are seeing the whole society wants Islam as a 
way of life. . . . Everybody is saying they want sharia. We have 
tried capitalism - it failed. We have tried communism - it failed. We 
know there is no other solution but Islam. 
     "That is why the West is intervening," he added. "Because they 
see Islam coming to power in Somalia." His viewpoint is shared by 
other fundamentalists and their sympathizers. "We are very 
suspicious," said Abdikhadir Abdi Gutali, a reporter for Qaran, one 
of Mogadishu's daily newspapers. "We worry they will be here a long 
time, and maybe make a new colony." 
     During the 12 days since the first Marines came ashore, the 
troops have been greeted like conquering heroes. But if there is any 
opposition from any sector, if the initial heady expectations wear 
thin, it will likely come from these fundamentalists. 
     Union Party adherents are not saying they will fight the 
American intervention. They concede that the arrival of U.S. troops 
here is still widely popular among a people beaten down by continuous 
warfare and hunger. But that popularity, they predict, will change. 
"We want to orient our people," Abdulle said as other Muslim clerics 
and Koran scholars seated around him nodded their heads in agreement. 
"If the society becomes ready, maybe we'll fight." 
     Abdulle said the Union Party already is working to turn Somali 
opinion against the U.S.-led intervention. "We know how to propagate. 
We know our society," he said. "We go to the markets. We go to the 
old people. We write." 
     The prospect of Islamic fundamentalists waging a holy war 
against U.S. Marines on a faraway, hostile shore immediately raises 
the image of Beirut in the early 1980s, where U.S. troops first 
arrived as "peace keepers" and later became the target of terrorist 
bombs and mortar attacks. 
     Here in Somalia, the threat looks distant. The intervention is 
still welcomed, the fundamentalist movement still considered small. 
But it is a threat that lurks in the minds of many American military 
and diplomatic policy makers. During the recent Somalia aid 
conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, special U.S. envoy Robert Oakley 
told a reporter he was "sure" the American military presence in 
Somalia would be used as a propaganda tool by the fundamentalists. 
But he said he also was certain that an "overwhelming majority" of 
Somalis would reject the fundamentalist appeal. Other analysts are 
not so certain the fundamentalists can be easily dismissed. They 
point out that in neighboring Sudan, the fundamentalists were 
considered only a minor irritant, but through discipline and sheer 
tenacity they have managed to outlast the old dictatorship and 
establish in its place one of the world's staunchest Islamic 
republics. 
     Here in Somalia, in the view of some foreign and Somali 
analysts, the fundamentalists' anti-American message may find a more 
sympathetic audience depending on how long the U.S. forces stay and 
how effective the troops are at meeting the heightened expectations 
for change. "If they don't meet the expectations of the people, the 
only way to challenge the Americans will be through fundamentalism," 
said Hussein Mursal, a Somali working with the Save the Children 
Fund.  Omaar said the fundamentalists may be a small minority now, 
but "you don't need a lot of people. . . . They are potent. They are 
extremely disciplined, and they are answering deep-seated social 
grievances." 
      "Somali people like the Americans," journalist Ali said. "I 
don't think (the Union Party) or any other organization can fight 
against them. People are welcoming them." But, he added, "maybe in 
the long run, the fundamentalists will grow in number. This 
fundamentalist way of Islam in Somalia has just started." 


SOMALIA-SHAMBLES

By MORT ROSENBLUM  
AP Special Correspondent  Copyright, 1992. 
The Associated Press. All rights reserved.  

     MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP) -- Stripped of their killing gear, the 
Darth Vader war wagons are harmless heaps. The roadside burial mounds 
level off with the rains. Doors once bolted in fear now open, more 
every day. In a moldering hut under the papayas at the United Somali 
Congress compound, a sort of government seat for one of Mogadishu's 
warlords, a green computer screen blinks. 
     Slowly, people are picking up the pieces. But very slowly. 
Despite touches of normalcy, Somalia is in such shambles that those 
who try to help find the country in a league with Humpty Dumpty. "It 
may never be put back together again," said James Fennell, a CARE 
veteran, explaining how betrayal and bloodshed among clans had rent 
the fabric of Somali society. 
     Seifulaziz Milas, a Mozambican sociologist with the United 
Nations, was slightly more hopeful: "Somalia could rebuild itself, 
but not any time soon." While the world looked elsewhere, a half 
million Somali children died or starved past the point of mental 
recovery. The ruling class is dead or in exile. Somalia, in the sense 
of a nation, is gone. Now, Fennell said, outsiders must focus on the 
various pieces: getting farmers home to villages; reopening schools; 
turning on power and water; sweeping the streets of teen-age killers 
and other riffraff. Toward this limited goal, some signs are 
encouraging. 
     The fall's rains were good, filling catchments and soaking 
parched fields which have sprouted lush grain. Donated seed and tools 
are trickling out to farmers. A few former traffic cops in Mogadishu 
are back at work in hopes that someone will finally pay them. Somali 
exiles are venturing home to trade, bringing cigarettes and spare 
parts. Donkey convoys carry garbage to be burned. Pharmacies are 
opening with the rudiments of medicine. Where Islamic mullahs have 
taken charge, kids carry schoolbags instead of AK-47s. 
     Mogadishu's water is back on. A tiny clan fought 11 battles over 
two years to control the city's pumps. The U.N. refused to compensate 
them; they refused to turn the valves. After months, the U.N. agreed 
that clan members would be paid to run the waterworks. 
     Along the Green Line between north and south Mogadishu, the 
well-connected and well-protected are restoring buildings among the 
blackened ruins of the gracefully arabesque whitewashed downtown. If 
a tenuous peace among clans can hold, the Green Line may disappear. 
     Many of these developments are because Somalis are fed up with 
craziness and want something more. Some can be traced directly to the 
arrival of U.S. Marines, followed by other U.S. and multinational 
forces. World attention, at long last, has settled on Somalia. The 
media, along with the aid industry, is also pumping cash into the 
economy. Television and print coverage of Operation Restore Hope, in 
its first stages, should cost about $20 million, as much as the 
largest relief agency, CARE, spent here over the year, Fennell said. 
     The sudden income is a mixed blessing. As people still die by 
the thousands for lack of a handful of food, and entrepreneurs are 
pocketing millions of dollars by cornering the market on essentials 
such as fuel and food staples. Free-spending foreigners have 
distorted an already shapeless economy. 
     At Mogadishu airport, a porter hefted a visitor's bag 200 feet 
to a taxi. Handed a dollar bill, he threw it on the ground. "That is 
no money in my country," he said. He wanted $20. At the Islamic 
orphanage in Baidoa, the visitor gave $20 to the administrator, who 
beamed as though given an extra month's budget. 
     Supplies range from short to non-existent, and profiteers gouge 
outsiders who pay any price. In Baidoa, gas is $40 a gallon and 
rising. But Somalis who benefit from foreign cash are a scant 
fraction of the 6 million people who survived the war and famine and 
now must try to shape themselves into a functioning society. 
     In urban areas, swarms of people amble the streets in search of 
an odd job to help them scrape by another day. With neither industry 
nor government running, the prospect is dim. 
     In the countryside, farmers sit idly by cleared and watered 
fields, waiting until relatives, or relief workers, come through with 
enough seed and a hoe so they can get back to work. Everywhere in 
between, herders follow their camels back toward their traditional 
wild pastures, trusting Allah more than the Marines to keep the 
peace. 
     Before Somalia imploded, two-thirds of its export earnings came 
from livestock. But the fighting wrecked veterinary services, closing 
the crucial Persian Gulf market because of the fear of rinderpest, an 
infectious livestock disease. What happens next depends on how much 
foreign troops can scatter bandit gangs and whether principal clan 
leaders can find common ground for any sort of lasting government. It 
is anyone's guess. For the present, the signs can be read in any way. 
The road to Baidoa is dotted with a dozen makeshift roadblocks, grim 
little checkpoints of junk metal and old tires. Last week, someone 
decorated one with purple boughs of bougainvillea. For travelers who 
had seen the road in another time, it was a cheery note of hope. Two 
days later, the deep purple had faded in the sun to a crisp brown, 
and most of the petals had dropped to the ground. 


GUNMEN LOOT FOOD AS TROOPS LEAVE

By Aidan Hartley 

     MIIDOW, Somalia, Dec 17, Reuter - Somali gunmen began looting 
relief food minutes after the departure of U.S. and French troops who 
escorted it to starving bush villages on Thursday. On their first 
mission into the villages surrounding Baidoa, the inland town where 
they arrived on Wednesday, U.S. Marines and French legionnaires 
accompanied a convoy of 10 trucks carrying grain for the relief 
agency CARE. 
     Troops in four armoured vehicles and trucks mounted with missile 
launchers and machine guns, backed by a Cobra attack helicopter, 
delivered the food to four villages up to 24 km (15 miles) northwest 
of Baidoa. But within minutes of the convoy moving on, Reuter 
reporters saw armed men move in to start removing bags of grain from 
village hut stores. It was this sort of incident that led to the 
U.S.-led armed intervention in Somalia to protect famine relief, and 
it was an indication of the problems the eventual 35,000-strong force 
will face in the gun-swamped country. 
     In the hamlet of Musibe, Reuter photographer Yannis Behrakis 
said he saw several men, one carrying a gun, in a pick-up truck piled 
with bags of food 10 minutes after the troops left. The pick-up 
quickly drove away. "Some villagers came running, waving their hands 
for help. They said the men had come to loot the food the Americans 
had just brought," said Behrakis. 
     In nearby Miidow village, this reporter saw a gunman near the 
village food store which had just been filled with a truckload of 
grain delivered about 30 minutes earlier under armed guard. The man, 
carrying a semi-automatic rifle, ran off when he saw the reporter's 
approaching car. A woman stood nearby shouting in Somali and 
villagers looked agitated. Sidow Ali, who said he was an elder of the 
village, told Reuters through a translator the man was from a gang 
which had come to loot food. 
     "He wanted to take 10 bags of food. When he saw your vehicle he 
ran away...he was waiting for his friends," Sidow Ali said. 

     
SOMALIA-NEXT FAMINE

Copyright, 1992. The Associated Press. All rights reserved.  
By MORT ROSENBLUM 

     AFGOI, Somalia (AP) -- In a headlong rush to save people, aid 
workers have neglected the animals and the farms, exposing Somalia to 
a potentially worse catastrophe next year, agriculture experts warn. 
Already, sleeping sickness and rinderpest are killing cows that 
managed to escape rustlers during two years of war. No one sprays the 
deadly tsetse fly. Veterinary services have collapsed. "They just 
forgot the animals," said Omar Ali Ainanshe, a British-trained 
veterinarian whose drug stocks are down to some human pain pills. 
"Somalia is finished without its livestock." 
     At the same time, irrigation canals off the Shebele and Juba 
rivers are choked with mud. Relief agencies are reaching only a small 
fraction of farmers with seed and tools for the coming rains. "There 
is no coordination, no systematic coverage to get seed to villages," 
said Hassan Khalifa of the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization. 
"Without it, they can plant nothing." Khalifa, a Sudanese agronomist 
with 30 years' experience, works with a Kurdish livestock expert, 
Talid Ali, at FAO's tiny mission in Mogadishu. Both have received 
only modest promises of funding. "You can feed people now, but if you 
don't save their animals and crops, what do they eat next?" Ali said. 
"Two-thirds of Somali exports are livestock. Without this, there is 
no income." 
     The International Red Cross, spotting the problem early, set up 
feeding centers early this year in this bustling crossroads on the 
Shebele, just west of Mogadishu. 
     "We felt that farmers had to keep up their strength," said Horst 
Homborg of the Red Cross. "And we also wanted to attract people back 
to the farms so they did not settle in the city." Other agencies 
agree. "The most important thing now is to get people back to their 
fields so they have food in June and don't have to move again," said 
James Fennell of CARE in Baidoa. Before the September rains, the Red 
Cross distributed seed to 250,000 Somali farmers, and other voluntary 
agencies reached scores of thousands more. Corn and maize should be 
harvested next month. 
     But Khalifa said the donors need a massive program now so that 
farmers can plant before the longer rainy season which begins in 
June. He needs at least $3 million and cannot get it. "We must 
coordinate," he said. "Agencies want to help, but some know nothing 
about Somali agriculture." He said one agency imported the wrong kind 
of seed, which can weaken local varieties. 
     For Ali, saving the livestock is an even greater priority. He 
estimates that $28 million is needed urgently to set up animal health 
facilities and vaccinate cattle against rinderpest. Nearly 80 percent 
of all Somalis depend on camels, cattle, sheep or goats for their 
livelihood. During drought, families survive on milk, meat and the 
cash they earn from selling their animals. 
     An outbreak of rinderpest could deplete Somali herds and spread 
to Ethiopia and Kenya, he said. Since tsetse have not been sprayed 
since 1988, he added, cattle are dying fast from sleeping sickness. 
In Afgoi, the crisis is clear. Over the last two years, more than 
half the cattle in the region were lost to drought, disease or theft, 
according to Ainanshe. 
     Drugs can prevent and cure cattle of sleeping sickness, but none 
are available. "I have had nothing for seven months," the 
veterinarian said. "No rinderpest vaccine since 1990." At the 
livestock market here, herders find the animals offered are in bad 
shape, and they are getting worse. Ali Haj Mohamed lost 40 camels to 
sleeping sickness in the last year. His last 100 suffer from a skin 
disease he cannot treat. Ainanshe knows why: Herders use the wrong 
drug for ticks. There is nothing else. Dore Bale Alim, now who looks 
75 at 60, dropped quickly from rich to well-off, and he is plummeting 
toward ruin.  Before the fighting started, he had 150 cattle. He lost 
40 to sleeping sickness. More died for lack of grazing. He had to 
sell some to survive. Rustlers took a cut. "Now I have 50 head," Alim 
said. "If things continue as they have, I will be down to zero. Then 
we will starve." 


________________________________________________________________ 
Posted by Bernhard Helander in Uppsala, Sweden. 




Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.politics.usa.misc,talk.politics.misc