From: imnet2@max.u.washington.edu
Newsgroups: soc.culture.arabic,soc.culture.pakistan,talk.politics.mideast
Subject: ISLAMIC WORLD NEWS (24th)
Date: 24 Jul 92 19:50:20 GMT

************************NEWS UPDATE ****************************************

THE FUTURE OF BOSNIA-HERCEGOVINA

While the Serbs continue the slaughter of innocents in Bosnia-Hercegovina,
governments in Europe and America hide behind every possible excuse they can
find not to stop to it. 'It is a quagmire', runs a familiar line. 'Too
many troops are required to restore peace in the Balkans,' runs another. Such
statements have been taken by the Serbs as a greenlight
to continue their atrocities: in the 120 days since the Serbs embarked
on theirpresent rampage, at least 60,000 people have been killed in the
predominantly Muslim republic, ie, 500 persons per day.
The real rate could be much higher: nearly 70 percent of Bosnia-Hercegovina
is occupied by Serbian forces busy in 'ethnic-cleansing'. Little news has
trickled out of regions under Serbian control.
Given their barbaric practice of blood-drinking, one fears for the worst.
Millions of people, mostly women and children, have been forced to flee
and seek shelter elsewhere.
In European capitals there is more concern about the impact of
large numbers of refugees on their economies than saving them;
perhaps they would rather see these people trapped in Bosnia so that the
Serbian gangs can slaughter them.
The west's concern does not extend beyond sending food aid. Residents of
Sarajevo have repeatedly pointed out to western journalists that they are
not looking for handouts, only guns to defend themselves. Many have
described the handouts as 'insulting'.
The UN, which means the US, and the European Community (EC) have all played
a dubious role in bringing about the current tragic situation in Bosnia-
Hercegovina. Last year when the Serbian-dominated federal army of
former Yugoslavia was rampaging through Croatia, the UN imposed an arms
embargo on all sides.
Nothing could have suited the Serbs better: the Yugoslav army was one
of the best equipped in Europe; its massive stockpiles were freely available
to the Serbs. It was the Croats, and especially the Bosnians, who were left 
defenceless.
Last January, the UN did another favour to the Serbs. Its
resolution for a ceasefire in Croatia enabled the heavily-armed Serbs to move
into Bosnia-Hercegovina, where the leadership was making preparations to hold
a referendum as demanded by the EC before recognition could be granted.
The result of the February 28-29 referendum demonstrated that the
overwhelming majority of the people were in favour of independence.
Even when Europe and the US recognized Bosnia-Hercegovina last April and
it was admitted as a full member of the UN, nobody came to its rescue when
attacked.
All talk has centred around getting food supplies into Sarajevo, as if
that were the burning issue. The people of Sarajevo are not anxious to be
saved from starvation so that they can be butchered by the Serbs;
they would rather prefer to die while defending their honour.
Is there a solution to this tragic Balkan problem?
There is.
If the Serbs' heavy guns and artillery were destroyed by bombing them from
the air and the Bosnians were given adequate weapons so that the two sides
stood on an equal footing, the Serbs' bravery would evaporate. The Bosnians
have not asked for foreign, especially European or American, troops to fight
their battle.
Turkey and Iran have expressed willingness to help; even the Saudis have
offered to pay for the cost of such operations. But none has shown
any daring initiative. This has left the Bosnians at the mercy of the west.
And the west would rather see the bloodyminded Serbian chetniks continue
with their 'ethnic-cleansing' and other barbaric rituals than have a Muslim
State in the midst of Christian Europe.
In this otherwise grim and gloomy situation, there is a single ray of hope:
the suffering of the Muslims of Bosnia and the hypocrisy of western
leaders may yet jolt Muslims out of their complacency.
The western powers will never be friends of the Muslims. The impotence of
the Muslim rulers too stands exposed, yet again.
Largely mountainous Bosnia is ideal territory for guerrrilla warfare.
Regardless of the outcome of the present conflict, the people there will
probably start preparing for a long guerrilla campaign.
Anyone who would prefer to eat grass rather than accept handouts cannot
be defeated so easily.
__________
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EVENT SCAN ###############################################################

             Kosovo: the Balkans' next flashpoint?
By Zafar Bangash

Kosovo, the overwhelmingly Muslim province in what was formerly Yugoslavia,
may become the Serbian expansionists' next target in the already-troubled
Balkans. This fear moved a step closer to reality on June 23 when Serbian
police in combat gear and armoured cars surrounded a theological college
in Pristina, the provincial capital, to prevent delegates from attending
the first open session of the Kosovo parliament, which had been elected on
May 24. The tiny Serbian minority in the province (200,000 out of a
total population of 2.1 million) had boycotted the elections and threatened
to disrupt them, but failed.
The province of Kosovo, populated by Muslims of Albanian descent, has
repeatedly risen up against Serbian oppression, most recently
in January - March 1989. Then, the people were
protesting against Serbian plans to abolish their province's autonomous
status, achieved in 1974 after much struggle. The protest was centred
around the Trepca mines, where Albanian miners went on a three-week
hunger-strike. The province has been troubled ever since.
Disregarding the Kosovars' feelings, the Serbian parliament in Belgrade
amended the constitution on March 28, 1989, stripping Kosovo of all powers
and taking direct control of its police, courts and territorial
defence-forces. They went further: through another amendment,
the Serbian assembly arrogated to itself the power to change laws
affecting Kosovo without even consulting the provincial
assembly.
These bizarre amendments were first bulldozed through Kosovo's parliament
on March 23 by surrounding the building with tanks and forcibly keeping
opponents away from the assembly. In
protest against these repressive measures, several hundred people, all
of them Albanians, died at the hands of the Serbian security forces. Tanks
and helicopter gunships were used to crush their protests. Thousands of others
were arrested throughout the province. When jails in Kosovo overflowed, the
detainees were hauled away to prison camps in Prokupje, near Nis in
Serbia.
While Kosovo has been under Serbian military occupation ever since, there
are growing signs that an even more ruthless crackdown may soon be launched
on the pretext of the Kosovars' insistence on holding their own assembly
session in defiance of Belgrade. The real reason is the pressure piling up
on Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian president, over his disastrous policies
that have brought biting sanctions against Serbia. An external diversion,
one moreover in which Serbian chauvinism could be whipped up, may help
neutralize some of this pressure. The Serbs, however, have needed no
excuse to pursue their expansionist goals, as the people of Croatia and
Bosnia-Hercegovina know all too well.
Kosovars have had a long history of conflict with the Serbs. In 1389, the
Serbs were defeated by the Ottoman Turks in the battle of Kosovo Polje.
That defeat not only ended the short-lived Serbian empire of king Stefan
Dusan, but also paved the way for 500 years of Uthmaniyyah rule in
the Balkans. The Serbs still carry that historic grudge and miss no
opportunity to exact revenge for it. Despite the Serbs' claim to Kosovo,
it was never a part of Serbia. While the Serbs who are Slavs and who
cannot trace their presence in Kosovo beyond 600 years, the people of
Kosovo are descendants of the Illyrians, whose roots go back 5,000 years.
There is also no justifiable reason for Serbian animosity towards
the Kosovars as Muslims. The Uthmaniyyah Turks treated the Orthodox
Church, to which the Serbs belong, even more sympathetically than the
Catholic Church; although Rome, the centre of Catholicism, was
considered a rival to the Uthmaniyyahs' power-base at Istanbul.
Turkish rule in the Balkans was characterized
by religious, social and cultural tolerance. This is borne out by
the fact that large and thriving communities of other religious groups
still existed there when the Turks lost the Balkans in 1912.
The Serbs reoccupied Kosovo in 1913. The Yugoslav State that emerged
at the end of the first world war was essentially a cover for a
'Greater Serbia'. The ruler, king Alexander, was Serbian, as were
the army and civil bureaucracy.
In 1941 when Yugoslavia disintegrated under the German-Italian onslaught,
the people of Kosovo were relieved at the defeat of their erstwhile
Serbian tormentors. The demise of Yugoslavia, though temporary, would have
paved the way for Kosovo's union with neighbouring Albania if it had not
been for the treacherous role played by the Albanian communists, led by
Enver Hoxha.
With the defeat of the Italians in 1943 and the withdrawal of German troops
from the Balkans in 1944, communist Yugoslav forces led by Josef Tito 
took control of Yugoslavia. But they had difficulty subduing the
Albanians in Kosovo. Two brigades of Albanian troops, later increased
to two divisions, were brought into Kosovo. The Albanian forces were
deployed with the understanding that the people of Kosovo would be given
the choice of joining either Albania or Yugoslavia. Once the Albanian
resistance in Kosovo was crushed, however, Tito reneged on this
promise.
To Hoxha it made little difference, since the Albanian communist party was
also subservient to and run by members of the communist party of Yugoslavia.
When Tito fell out with Joseph Stalin, the Soviet dictator, in 1948, Hoxha
at once attached himself directly to Moscow. This honeymoon lasted
until 1961, when Hoxha too fell from grace with the Kremlin bosses, now led
by Nikita Khruschev, Stalin's successor. But Hoxha again survived, this time
as an ally of the Chinese who were competing with the Russians for influence
in the communist bloc.
The Kosovars, meanwhile, continued to press for their rights
within Yugoslavia. It became clear to them very early on that Albania would
not help them achieve their aspirations. Disappointed with Hoxha's
policies, they started to demand equal treatment within the Yugoslav
federation.
This meant that Kosovo should also be recognized as a republic, like
the six other federal units. The Kosovars had compelling reasons:
they were the third largest ethnic group in the country, and Kosovo
was rich in mineral and energy resources. Tito responded by sending in
troops in 1968. When the military policy failed, he decided to assuage
the Albanians' grievances by declaring Kosovo a province with
limited autonomy. These changes were incorporated in the constitutional
amendment of 1974, which also made Vojvodina, the predominantly
Hungarian-populated area in the north of Serbia,
a province.
Tito, born of a Croat father and Slovene mother, skillfully 
balanced the conflicting demands of the various ethnic groups
within Yugoslavia. He knew that as long as the overbearing Serbs were
kept under control, the artificial State of Yugoslavia would hold.
It was with Tito's death in May 1980 that the genie of Serbian chauvinism
was let loose.
Its first target was Kosovo. In 1981, Serbian forces were sent in to Pristina
to crush what was allegedly an Albanian 'irredentist' plot. For demanding the
right to be treated as a republic, the Kosovars were accused of treason
and attempting to break up Yugoslavia, aided by Albania.
Thus, the Serbs once again turned the truth on its head, imposing
their will on Kosovo and even casting covetous looks at neighbouring Albania,
while accusing the Kosovars of trying to break up the State. Hundreds
of people were killed in the 1981 crackdown; thousands of others
were imprisoned.
The Serbs vowed to abolish Kosovo's autonomous status, an objective they
achieved in March 1989. They are, however, still not content. Driven
by their obsession of creating a 'Greater Serbia', they have already
caused havoc in Croatia and are now busy destroying Bosnia-Hercegovina.
All the evidence suggests that Kosovo will be next.
On July 2, Alexander Meksi, the prime minister of Albania, said that his
government would not remain indifferent if the Serbs were to attack Kosovo.
Albania need not worry; the Serbs themselves would drag it in. The conflict
could spread further, involving Bulgaria, Greece and even Turkey. In a larger
Balkan flare-up, Serbia will be the ultimate loser, though not without first
causing a great deal more bloodshed.
One of the ways to prevent this from happening would be for the people of
Serbia to get rid of Milosevic. Despite some stirrings of popular opposition
in Belgrade, however, the  removal does not appear very likely at
present. The unfortunate people of the Balkans may have to endure far more
suffering yet.
were arrested throughout the province. When jails in Kosovo overflowed, the
detainees were hauled away to prison camps in Prokupje, near Nis in
Serbia.
While Kosovo has been under Serbian military occupation ever since, there
are growing signs that an even more ruthless crackdown may soon be launched
on the pretext of the Kosovars' insistence on holding their own assembly
session in defiance of Belgrade. The real reason is the pressure piling up
on Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian president, over his disastrous policies
that have brought biting sanctions against Serbia. An external diversion,
one moreover in which Serbian chauvinism could be whipped up, may help
neutralize some of this pressure. The Serbs, however, have needed no
excuse to pursue their expansionist goals, as the people of Croatia and
Bosnia-Hercegovina know all too well.
Kosovars have had a long history of conflict with the Serbs. In 1389, the
Serbs were defeated by the Ottoman Turks in the battle of Kosovo Polje.
That defeat not only ended the short-lived Serbian empire of king Stefan
Dusan, but also paved the way for 500 years of Uthmaniyyah rule in
the Balkans. The Serbs still carry that historic grudge and miss no
opportunity to exact revenge for it. Despite the Serbs' claim to Kosovo,
it was never a part of Serbia. While the Serbs who are Slavs and who
cannot trace their presence in Kosovo beyond 600 years, the people of
Kosovo are descendants of the Illyrians, whose roots go back 5,000 years.
There is also no justifiable reason for Serbian animosity towards
the Kosovars as Muslims. The Uthmaniyyah Turks treated the Orthodox
Church, to which the Serbs belong, even more sympathetically than the
Catholic Church; although Rome, the centre of Catholicism, was
considered a rival to the Uthmaniyyahs' power-base at Istanbul.
Turkish rule in the Balkans was characterized
by religious, social and cultural tolerance. This is borne out by
the fact that large and thriving communities of other religious groups
still existed there when the Turks lost the Balkans in 1912.
The Serbs reoccupied Kosovo in 1913. The Yugoslav State that emerged
at the end of the first world war was essentially a cover for a
'Greater Serbia'. The ruler, king Alexander, was Serbian, as were
the army and civil bureaucracy.
In 1941 when Yugoslavia disintegrated under the German-Italian onslaught,
the people of Kosovo were relieved at the defeat of their erstwhile
Serbian tormentors. The demise of Yugoslavia, though temporary, would have
paved the way for Kosovo's union with neighbouring Albania if it had not
been for the treacherous role played by the Albanian communists, led by
Enver Hoxha.
With the defeat of the Italians in 1943 and the withdrawal of German troops
from the Balkans in 1944, communist Yugoslav forces led by Josef Tito 
took control of Yugoslavia. But they had difficulty subduing the
Albanians in Kosovo. Two brigades of Albanian troops, later increased
to two divisions, were brought into Kosovo. The Albanian forces were
deployed with the understanding that the people of Kosovo would be given
the choice of joining either Albania or Yugoslavia. Once the Albanian
resistance in Kosovo was crushed, however, Tito reneged on this
promise.
To Hoxha it made little difference, since the Albanian communist party was
also subservient to and run by members of the communist party of Yugoslavia.
When Tito fell out with Joseph Stalin, the Soviet dictator, in 1948, Hoxha
at once attached himself directly to Moscow. This honeymoon lasted
until 1961, when Hoxha too fell from grace with the Kremlin bosses, now led
by Nikita Khruschev, Stalin's successor. But Hoxha again survived, this time
as an ally of the Chinese who were competing with the Russians for influence
in the communist bloc.
The Kosovars, meanwhile, continued to press for their rights
within Yugoslavia. It became clear to them very early on that Albania would
not help them achieve their aspirations. Disappointed with Hoxha's
policies, they started to demand equal treatment within the Yugoslav
federation.
This meant that Kosovo should also be recognized as a republic, like
the six other federal units. The Kosovars had compelling reasons:
they were the third largest ethnic group in the country, and Kosovo
was rich in mineral and energy resources. Tito responded by sending in
troops in 1968. When the military policy failed, he decided to assuage
the Albanians' grievances by declaring Kosovo a province with
limited autonomy. These changes were incorporated in the constitutional
amendment of 1974, which also made Vojvodina, the predominantly
Hungarian-populated area in the north of Serbia,
a province.
Tito, born of a Croat father and Slovene mother, skillfully 
balanced the conflicting demands of the various ethnic groups
within Yugoslavia. He knew that as long as the overbearing Serbs were
kept under control, the artificial State of Yugoslavia would hold.
It was with Tito's death in May 1980 that the genie of Serbian chauvinism
was let loose.
Its first target was Kosovo. In 1981, Serbian forces were sent in to Pristina
to crush what was allegedly an Albanian 'irredentist' plot. For demanding the
right to be treated as a republic, the Kosovars were accused of treason
and attempting to break up Yugoslavia, aided by Albania.
Thus, the Serbs once again turned the truth on its head, imposing
their will on Kosovo and even casting covetous looks at neighbouring Albania,
while accusing the Kosovars of trying to break up the State. Hundreds
of people were killed in the 1981 crackdown; thousands of others
were imprisoned.
The Serbs vowed to abolish Kosovo's autonomous status, an objective they
achieved in March 1989. They are, however, still not content. Driven
by their obsession of creating a 'Greater Serbia', they have already
caused havoc in Croatia and are now busy destroying Bosnia-Hercegovina.
All the evidence suggests that Kosovo will be next.
On July 2, Alexander Meksi, the prime minister of Albania, said that his
government would not remain indifferent if the Serbs were to attack Kosovo.
Albania need not worry; the Serbs themselves would drag it in. The conflict
could spread further, involving Bulgaria, Greece and even Turkey. In a larger
Balkan flare-up, Serbia will be the ultimate loser, though not without first
causing a great deal more bloodshed.
One of the ways to prevent this from happening would be for the people of
Serbia to get rid of Milosevic. Despite some stirrings of popular opposition
in Belgrade, howev3 9L{95&.!nic's removal does not appear very likely at
present. The unfortunate people of the Balkans may have to endure far more
suffering yet.
#######################################################################
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is seeking the support of members who are willing to provide medical relief and
set up development operations in the poor countries of the world.
For more information, please contact Dr. Mohammad Amjad Alvi,
   1530 Albion Rd. Rexdale, Ont. Canada, M9V 1B4.
    Tel. (416) 240-0570, Fax (416) 240-1728
________________

THE ASSOCIATION OF ISLAMIC COMMUNITY GAZI HUSREV-BEG, has set up a
special service to support the struggle in Bosnia.
To find out how to contribute to this effort please contact:

ASSOCIATION OF ISLAMIC COMMUNITY GAZI HUSREV-BEG
[Bosnia-Hercegovina F.]
4146 DUNDAS STREET WEST, ETOBICOKE, ONTARIO M8X 1X3, CANADA

PHONE: (416) 233-5967  FAX: (416) 237-0656
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