From: antbh@strix.udac.uu.se (Bernhard Helander)
Newsgroups: sci.anthropology
Subject: Somalia News Update, September 30
Date: 2 Oct 92 20:16:46 GMT
Organization: Uppsala University
NNTP-Posting-Host: strix.udac.uu.se


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        S O M A L I A  N E W S  U P D A T E
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        September 30, 1992
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Somalia News Update is published irregularly via
electronic mail. Queries: E-mail antbh@strix.udac.uu.se
or fax +46-18-151160. All materials may be quoted as long
as the source is stated.
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WHO IS STARVING?

Famine is not an evenly spread evil that affects equally 
all parts of the Somali people. Worst off are members of 
the Rahanweyn and Digil clan-families (clusters of clans) 
in the so-called inter-river area of Somalia. In 
addition, members of the riverine communities along the 
Jubba river are also among the most badly affected. 

The reasons for this relate both to the particular 
standing of these groups in the Somali society, the way 
in which these clans are traditionally organized, and the 
losses of the means of subsistence that they have 
suffered during the course of the civil war.

Rahanweyn and Digil speak a dialect of Somali language 
known as Af-maay. This dialect is largely 
uncomprehensible for most other Somalis and sounds 
"funny" to them. Many Somalis are ignorant about the 
various clans composing the Digil and Rahanweyn and often 
refer to them derogatory as Eeyle - "the ones with dogs". 
Adding to the prejudice, a common ancestor for many 
Rahanweyn and Digil is called Sab. That term to northern 
Somalis denote a particular category of artisans, held to 
be of lowly origins.

Unlike most other Somali clans the Rahanweyn clans have 
always allowed strangers to settle among them, and, over 
time to become incorporated as clan members. In some 
clans the number of such incorporated members is greater 
than that of people born within the clans The effect is 
that the cooperative strength within Rahanweyn clans is 
not as strong as among other Somali groups. In defence, 
for instance, it has always been difficult for Rahanweyn 
clans to mobilize concertedly against armed intrusion, 
because many members of the local clans originally came 
from, and still recognize ties with, the invaders. The 
clans in the inter-river area are also much smaller than 
elsewhere in Somalia. Also, since many vital political 
issues traditionally have been handled by village rather 
than clan-institutions, the clans in the area are simply 
not equipped to deal with a major intrusion into their 
area.

During the reign of Siyaad Barre, state penetration into 
the rural areas were not as effective anywhere as it was 
in the inter-river area. The government had security 
agents and militia palced in every major village. One of 
the effects of this was that, unlike many other parts of 
the country, Rahanweyn and Digil clans were disarmed. All 
forms of resistance were thus easily curbed. In fact 
Siyaad govermnet considered itself in such good control 
of the country that it placed its most vital prison - the
"Labaatan Jirow" - on Rahanweyn ground.

During the last year of Siyad Barre, small groups of ex-
soldiers started to raid transports along the Bur Hakaba-
Baydhabo road. They called themselves unu hadda koyn, "we 
came now". The choice of name reflects an awareness of 
the many other armed movements that at the time were 
waging war against Siyad's regime.

The subsistence economy of the inter-river area is 
different than that of many other parts of Somalia. 
Technically the Rahanweyn and Digil are described as 
agro-pastoralists, meaning that they combine live stock 
breading with sedentary agriculture. This form of 
subsistence is viable in times of peace. However, there 
are features in such an economy that makes it 
particularly vulnerable to war conditions. Primarily this 
is the fact that most people will have a pronounced 
dependency on immobile resources like farms and 
granaries. Another aspect adding to the vulnerability is 
that mobile resources, i.e. livestock, are much less than 
among purely pastoral groups.

Since the overthrow of Siyad Barre, the Rahanweyn and 
Digil have suffered enormously. Wells have been poisoned, 
livestock looted and granaries emptied by armies 
traversing their territory. One report stated that in the 
spring of this year it was impossible to carry out 
agricultural work in the vicinity of Baydhabo beacause of 
the shooting. The local clans have had little or nothing 
to put up against these invaders who really see them as 
second class Somalis. The organisation that Rahanweyn and 
Digil formed, the Somali Democratic Movement, SDM, has 
remained largely unarmed throughout the conflict and they 
have been at the mercy of more powerful groups, such as 
the SNF, USC and SPM. In August this year, the latter two 
organisations formed an alliance in which they reported 
that SDM was also included. A few days later the radio 
station of self-appointed president and chief-antagonist 
of USC, Ali Mahdi, proclaimed that the SDM were not 
included in the treaty between the other two 
organisations. Such conflicting claims to have the 
solidarity of the SDM, simply shows that they are without 
power and arms.  

Many of the refugee camps surrounding Mogadishu have a 
majority of Rahanweyn and Digil inhabitants. Most of 
these have fled to Mogadishu away from their looted 
villages. Unrelated to the groups that control the 
airports and the ports, it is not difficult to understand 
why it is precisely these people that are the last ones 
to be fed when food is scarce.

It is important to remember that the problem in Somalia 
is not a famine that has developed into a civil war, but 
precisely the other way around. And it is the loosers of 
that war that we now see on television.

Bernhard Helander

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* Bernhard Helander                * Telephone: +46-18-182289 (office)      *
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