From: delisle@eskimo.celestial.com (Ben Delisle)
Subject: Theocracy In America?
Summary: Xian take over of American government and politics, and take over of the GOP
Organization: -> ESKIMO NORTH (206) For-Ever <-
Date: Thu, 12 Nov 1992 22:49:55 GMT

I got this from a Libertarian type mailing list >
Thought I should pass this along to you all.    >
Looks like troubble.                            > 
>>>>include mail/xi.file.111292.14.06
Date: Thu, 12 Nov 92 10:25:52 PST 
Subject: Theocracy in America?
[forwards removed]
[forwards removed; feel free to forward on, but remove headers first.]
[Reproduced without permission from the Denver Post, October 25, 1992]

"We are going to place Pat Robertson on city councils, school
boards and legislatures all over this country"
		-- Pat Robertson

Born Again Politics
The Religious Right and the GOP
Story by Claire Martin

When Pat Buchanan announced, "There is a religious war going on in
our country for the soul of America" at the Republican National
Convention last August, he was surrounded by GOP delegates who
knew exactly what he was talking about.

Forty percent of those delegates came to the convention through
campaigns orchestrated by members of the Christian religious right
-- a collective term for fundamentalist, Pentecostal, evangelical
and charismatic Christian Republicans who believe in a narrow,
literal interpretation of the Bible.  Most are newcomers to
politics, elected through campaigns conducted through churches,
fighting for dramatic changes at every level of government.

They see themselves in a holy war, "Godly people" crusading
against abortion-rights activists, gay and lesbian civil rights
activists, family leave advocates, divorce, working women and
feminists, sex education programs and school curricula that ignore
creationism and other Bible-based teachings, including prayer.

Most Americans have ignored the religious right, or dismissed it
as a minority fringe.  But the religious right is a powerful
group, with a formidable political network that crosses state
lines and an agenda to reconstruct this country's government from
school boards to the Oval Office.

When national campaign efforts foundered -- the 1988 presidential
bids of televangelist Pat Robertson (now president of the
Christian Coalition) and former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke
(whose campaign manager, Billy McCormack is now the Christian
Coalition's Louisiana director) -- the religious right shifted its
attention to local elections.

After successfully placing candidates during 1990 local elections
in California and Virginia, the religious right has multiplied its
efforts.  This year, though a network of Christian-based advocacy
and education groups, it has coordinated campaigns and ballot
initiatives throughout the country.  Some examples:

  o  Christian conservatives in Colorado network with Christian
conservatives in Oregon, Missouri, Maine and Florida, sharing
strategies to promote anti-gay rights initiatives.  Two brochures
advocating the Colorado and Oregon initiatives are almost
identical.

  o  In Iowa, Phyllis Schlafly's Eagle Forum and a Michigan member
of the Christian Coalition are working with the Iowa religious
right to defeat a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Iowa
Constitution.

  o  Republican caucuses in Colorado, Washington, Louisiana,
Kansas, Michigan, Arizona, Oregon and other states were dominated
by religious right delegates.  They approved extremely
conservative party platforms, alienating many mainstream
Republicans.  The Washington state platform recommends outlawing
witchcraft and yoga, and the Republican national platform calls
for a barrier on the U.S.-Mexico border.

  o  Throughout the United States, hundreds of religious right
candidates with no previous political experience won 1992 primary
elections and caucuses, often to the surprise of longtime GOP
politicians.

Most of the religious right candidates -- including state
legislature candidate and Fort Collins evangelical pastor Dan
Nygaard -- won primaries in counties where religious right groups
conducted election training seminars and distributed campaign
guides laced with biblical references.  (Although Nygaard's First
Christian Church hosts a Citizens for Responsible Government
seminar, he says he didn't attend it and decided on his own to run
for office.)

"It is a much more widespread phenomenon than most of us realize,"
says Chip Perlez of Political Research Associates, a political
watchdog organization in Boston.

"The Christian Right is much more powerful in the Rocky Mountain
West and the West Coast than it is in the East or the traditional
Bible Belt.  This is a particular brand of fundamentalist
Christianity that's much more radical than the Bible Belt
Christians."

With a November ballot that focuses on several of the religious
right's key issues -- gay rights, school vouchers and limited
taxes -- as well as elections featuring newcomers with ties to
conservative Christian churches, Colorado is among the states that
the religious right apparently has targeted in 1992.

"I would say the national Christian Coalition is interested in a
state whose ballot had any issues or any concerned candidate with
true moral standards -- and by `moral standards' I mean biblical
standards, really -- that are what we consider traditional family
values," says David Nelson, director of the Christian Coalition's
Colorado chapter.

"The national Christian Coalition would be more interested in the
results of that state's election than a state where none of the
issues are being discussed or elected on."

"One reason the religious right is hard to get a handle on, and a
reason that the national media was surprised in Houston (at the
GOP national convention), was that they fly under the radar," says
David Crane, vice president of People for the American Way, the
liberal Washington, D.C. organization that monitors the religious
right and other groups.

"They work on obscure elections, not state house or congressional
races.  They focus on school boards, planning boards and hospital
boards -- elections where turnout traditionally is very light.
Everyone looks at David Skaggs and the national picture.  But the
interesting thing is these stealth races -- elections that people
pay no attention to.  Those are the models for what's going on.
One day, people are going to wake up and find the religious right
running schools, city councils and their congressional districts."

That is what some see happening in San Diego County, Calif.  In
1990, the religious right backed a slate of nearly 90 candidates,
including the local director of the Christian Coalition, for
school boards, county council, hospital boards and other offices.

Two-thirds of those candidates were elected, largely through
campaigns conducted through fundamentalist churches.  The
candidates rejected the usual publicity of public debates, media
interviews, candidate forums and sample questionnaires.

Instead, volunteers for religious right candidates put fliers on
cars in certain church parking lots, and campaigned by telephone
using church directories.  Volunteers distributing leaflets were
instructed, in writing, to "be quiet about the flier project."

One religious-right candidate, Tony Snesko, played down his
religious beliefs during the Poway city council campaign.  After
his election, he began quoting scripture to support his opposition
to gay-right initiatives.

The success of largely unknown and inexperienced candidates
astonished many San Diego citizens, spurring the formation of the
Mainstream Voters Project, a nonpartisan watchdog group.

"Our concern was that we had people elected to school boards,
hospital boards, city councils, planning boards and other boards
who did not campaign visibly at all," said Rita Collier, a San
Diego resident who helped form the Mainstream Voters Project.

"It wouldn't have been so surprising if they hadn't been elected.
Who'd have cared?  But when they were elected, you began wondering
how they were elected, and as we looked into it, we found an
underground campaign network among fundamentalist churches: phone
banking, fliers in parking lots and less-visible means of getting
out the word on candidates who, for the most part, had no previous
experience."

The newly elected board immediately had an impact on county
policies.  In Escondido, home of the Christian Voters League, a
majority religious-right school board came within one vote of
stripping an abstinence-based sex education course of all
information on birth control.

In other San Diego school districts, newly elected conservative
board members objected to using federal Department of Agriculture
surplus foods for school breakfast programs.

"They said it was socialism and if we feed these children at
school, it takes away from parental responsibility," Collier said.

In November, about 200 religious-right candidates are on the San
Diego ballots.  The Christian Coalition also supported 16
candidates for the California legislature, with contributions
ranging from $12,000 to $102,000.  Twelve of the 16 candidates
will be on the ballot.

"We expect the religious right to export their San Diego tactics
around the U.S., to other communities that might be ripe for
takeover," Crane says.  "Colorado and Oregon could become the next
San Diegos."

Christian Coalition Executive Director Ralph Reed, Jr. says San
Diego is "a model of what Christians and evangelicals and
pro-family Roman Catholics are attempting to do around the
nation."

"We're trying to generate as large a voter turnout as possible
among our constituency by communicating with them in a way that
does not attract the fire of our opponents," Reed told 1,000
people at the 1991 Road to Victory conference sponsored by the
coalition.

During the past two years, the Christian Coalition sponsored Road
To Victory conferences, where Christian Coalition officials pass
out detailed manuals on the Republican delegate selection process
in each state.  This year Reed is distributing 40 million voter's
guides to "pro-family" issues and candidates in dozens of
elections, including Colorado candidate races and ballot
initiatives.

Local political activists in Colorado and other states are trained
in seminars taught by the Christian Coalition Leadership School,
Focus on the Family, Citizens for Responsible Government and other
Christian groups.  Instructional pamphlets like Dan Dazlich's "A
Christian Guide to Colorado's Political System" explain the
election process.  The seminars emphasize intense last-minute
campaign blitzes that target conservative church congregations.

"I think this will be the most effective coordinated activity by
evangelical Christians that we've ever seen," Reed told The
Washington Post earlier this month.

>From these seminars spring "pro-family" candidates and delegates
with tremendous support from local church congregations.  With
most of Colorado's 35 evangelical ministries (including Focus on
the Family) based in Colorado Springs, the religious right is
especially powerful there.

Marcy Morrison, a Colorado Springs Republican, probably was the
first Colorado candidate who realized the power behind her
opponent for the District 22 state legislative seat.

Newcomer Ken Gray was a graduate of the Christian Broadcast
Network University's law school (now Regent University law
school), which Pat Robertson established as a Bible-based law
school.  His campaign targeted evangelical churches.

Gray's primary campaign materials stressed his family values, but
failed to discuss his anti-abortion stance -- something that Gray
reserved for "targeted" audiences, he said at a New Life Church
anti-abortion seminar.

At the May GOP caucus in Colorado Springs, Gray walked away with
50 percent of the delegates -- unprecedented for an inexperienced,
unknown candidate, and something "that gave us our first clue,"
Morrison said, "that we were in trouble."

Although mainstream Republicans dismissed Morrison's fears, she
campaigned vigorously, spending twice as much as Gray.  She won by
27 votes.

Other Colorado Republicans, including incumbents Bonnie Allison,
Stan Johnson and Marlene Fish, were defeated by newcomers.  Penn
Pfiffer, Lynn Watwood, Dan Nygaard, Pat Miller, Bryan Day, Bob
McDonald, Drew Clark and Victor Mote all ran "pro-family"
campaigns closely linked with conservative churches, and beat
opponents who wrote them off.

"He came out of nowhere," Alllison said of Watwood, an attorney
who has worked for the Rutherford Institute and Colorado for
Family Values.

"When I polled people in June, I was winning 2-to-1.  My
supporters assumed I'd be okay.  Watwood got to his followers, and
they all voted."

Allison has since endorsed Democratic candidate Mike Feeley, and
changed her party affiliation to Independent.

"I think it's great that people are getting involved," says Dudley
Brown, deputy campaign manager for Republican evangelical pastor
Bryan Day's congressional campaign against David Skaggs.

"If school vouchers, pro-family values and limited government are
the tenets of what you call the religious right, then I think
people should be happy to be associated with it," Brown said.
"The question is, if (the religious right) tries to impose (its)
religious beliefs on others, then we have to be careful not to
make a state-sponsored religion.  But debate about all this is
pretty healthy."

>From Byran Day to Lyn Watwood, newcomer "pro-family" Republican
candidates are opposed to abortion and gay rights, and in favor of
school vouchers, limited government and legally requiring a
balanced budget.  Those are the issues that matter most to their
targeted constituents.

"When people talked to me, they asked how I felt about vouchers or
abortion," says Morrison.

"Especially abortion, over and over.  They didn't discuss
experience or background or positions on other issues because they
weren't interested.  As soon as I said I didn't think government
should be involved in abortion, it was the end of the
conversation."

Abortion is a key issue for the Eagle Forum, Concerned Women for
America, Focus on the Family, Iowa's Stop ERA, and other religious
right groups.  Lon Mabon's Oregon Citizens Alliance, which is
backing the state's anti-gay rights Measure 9 this November, also
has sponsored two unsuccessful anti-abortion ballot measures.  The
OCA also has opposed legislation for family leave and
pre-kindergarten programs, objecting that the programs were
anti-business and anti-family.

Anti-abortion activists, led by Schlafly's Eagle Forum, also are
the chief opponents of Iowa's Equal Rights Amendment.  Marlene
Elwell, a Michigan Republican who was the Midwest coordinator for
Robertson's 1988 presidential bid, directs Iowa's Stop ERA
campaign.  A "Stop ERA" fund-raising letter, written by Robertson
described the Iowa ERA as a "feminist agenda" that encourages
women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice
witchcraft and become lesbians."

In Colorado, Amendment 2's advocates include Colorado for Family
Values, former U.S. Sen. Bill Armstrong and University of Colorado
football coach Bill McCartney, both opponents of abortion;
Concerned Women for America; the Eagle Forum; Traditional Values
Coalition; and the Christian Coalition.  The ultimate goal, CFV
chairman Will Perkins says, is to have a Constitutional amendment
restricting homosexuals.

"We operated a stealth campaign," CFV's Tony Marco told Christian
American (the Christian Coalition's bimonthly newsletter),
explaining CFV's signature gathering strategy for putting
Amendment 2 on the November ballot.

"We went under their radar.  They never knew what strength we
had."

Since then, Marco also has advised and shared material with
gay-rights opponents in Tampa, Fla., Portland, Maine, and
Columbia, Mo.  Anti-gay right brochures in those states, as well
as Colorado and Oregon, liberally quote Paul Cameron, a Nebraska
psychologist who believes people who are HIV-positive should be
tattooed on their foreheads.  (Cameron's controversial research on
homosexual behavior caused both the American Psychological
Association and the Nebraska Psychological Association to drop
Cameron's membership, which CFV blames on political pressure from
gays.)

Tampa activists, led by Florida Christian Coalition director Tom
Scott, and Portland activists succeeded in putting their
initiatives on local ballots.  Columbia activists are having
trouble collecting enough signatures to qualify for an initiative.

"It's fascinating what's happening around the country," says Eric
Niewoehner.  "We're mobilizing a section of society that hasn't
been involved in politics, working with lay representatives from
churches that have historically been low-key.  Conservative
Christians here have almost had a disgust for politics in the
past.  Now we're getting together, working on issues.  Sex
education.  Pro life.  The school prayer issue.  I'd rather have
these issues in an election because then people will show up (who)
are more issue-based."

Voters almost never turn out en masse for local elections or party
precinct caucuses.  Few know the names of local school board
members, or attend neighborhood precinct meetings.  Often if you
want to be a delegate or make sure your candidate has enough
support to get on the ballot, it's as easy as showing up at a
meeting.

"In some precincts, you can take over a caucus with only five
people," says Denver Republican Diane Dillingham, who has hosted
two precinct meetings where she was the only attendee.

"Send 40 people from your church, and you can control the caucus."

With the help of caucus and candidate election seminar leaders,
that's exactly what the religious right did this year.  Throughout
the U.S., conservative Christians gained control, or near-control,
of Republican caucuses and conventions in at least 12 states,
including Colorado.

Kansas Republicans estimated that 84 percent of their precinct
delegates were members of the religious right.  Fifty-four of more
than 300 delegates in Kansas were arrested in 1991 Operation
Rescue protests.

In Colorado, religious right delegates composed between 40 percent
and 50 percent of caucuses along the Front Range, targeting
"certain counties -- Boulder, Jeffco, Weld and Larimer," says
Republican Chris O'Dell.

"If they don't control the party machinery up there now, they will
soon."

Nelson says his local Christian Coalition office has nothing to do
with the success of conservative Christian candidates.  He credits
other groups, including Citizens for Responsible Government, a
Christian anti-abortion group that distributed leaflets in
congregation parking lots on the Sunday preceding the August
primary and plans to repeat that tactic in November.

"I don't call the Christian Coalition that effective," says Day
staffer Dudley Brown.  "I was a delegate to Houston.  I think that
was the Republican Party, right there.  There are liberals in the
party that are calling that extreme.  Look at our platforms.
Always conservative.  Always have been.  Did the religious right
nutty zealots do all that?  No.  It's been around for a while."

Although religious right candidates usually take pains to
disassociate their campaigns from the Christian Coalition, it is
Robertson's organization that ignited those campaigns and whose
agenda goes beyond ensuring a public forum for its issues.

Robertson has said that he wants the religious right to control
the Republican Party by 1996.  That would save a country
controlled by a "tightly knit cabal whose goal is nothing less
than a new order for the human race under the domination of
Lucifer and his followers," Robertson wrote in his 1991 book, "The
New World Order."

The alternative to the current U.S. government system, according
to many conservative Christians, is Christian Reconstructionism, a
movement founded by Californian Rousas John Rushdoony.  Christian
Reconstructionism is based on the belief that civil law would be
grounded in a literal interpretation of the Bible

Rushdoony is a regular on Robertson's "700 Club," envisions a
theocratic United States.  Churches, not welfare systems, would be
responsible for the poor.  Private schools would replace public
schools.  Whipping and capital punishment would punish prisoners,
replacing prisons.  That vision appeals to many who consider
themselves "pro-family" and anti-government.

"They're trying to turn the country into a theocracy, and we're
not going to let it happen," Anne Witte, a moderate Republican in
Washington state, told the Seattle Times.  Republicans formed the
New Agenda, a pro-choice, pro-controlled-growth group to counter
the impact of religious right Republicans

Other mainstream Republicans responded to the religious right by
re-registering as Democrats or Independent.  Many are pessimistic:
"Wait and see," said on Colorado Springs Republican.  "They're
going to make a dent in textbooks, they'll censor everything but
the books they consider acceptable."

Members of the religious right say that such changes are what this
country needs.

"It's obvious we need new people in government, and the Christian
have been in the background for too many years," the Colorado
Christian Coalition's Nelson says.

"The fact they're getting involved now is good for everybody.  We
talk about traditional family values and morality, and the country
needs both.  We used to be PG-rated, and now we're an X-rated
society."

To maintain the momentum, the activism will continue after
Election Day.  Focus on the Family and the Rocky Mountain Family
Council are sponsoring a Community Impact Seminar in Colorado
Springs next month to provide "practical guidance on how to speak
on behalf of family concerns."

The same seminar, held last month in Denver, provides "the
Biblical basis for political activism," according to a promotional
letter about the event.  The letter described Focus on the
Family's "expanded involvement in the public policy arena," which
the organization describes as educational and nonpartisan.

Mainstream Republicans question whether such seminars violate laws
limiting the politics of tax-exempt churches.  Dillingham admires
the religious right's campaign coordination, but questions their
forums.

"They say all they're doing is educating, not advocating, but
where does educating become advocating?" she asked.

"We need to explore where they break down the traditional
separation of church and state, like training sessions in their
church, like the tacit compliance of ministers when pamphlets are
passed out, or passing out "voters guides" in churches that are
tax exempt but clearly indicate which candidate to vote for."

Other Republicans think it's too late to ask those questions.

"I think there elections are a warning in neon light to
Republicans," says Republican Claire Traylor.

"Either we wake up to it and do something else, or we organize to
reconstruct our party to it represents a broad base, the old
values, and eliminate some of these new things being promoted by
what I think is a small minority.  But Lord knows if it's small
anymore.  We may have already lost the battle in Colorado.  You
and I don't know that.  We'll find that out in the election, I
guess.



The Organizations

While Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition is usually identified
with the religious right, dozens of other organizations espouse
the same values and causes.  These organizations are among the
most prominent groups in Colorado and nationwide.  The national
groups generally associated with state and local affiliates that
may have different names.  Membership figures were not available
for all the organizations.



American Family Association

President: Rev. Don Wildmon.  National Membership: 450,000

Wildmon also has formed the American Family Association Law
Center, which provides legal assistance in religious-right causes.
AFA provided financial and organizing support to the Take Back
Tampa Political Committee, which is fighting a Tampa, Fla., gay
rights ordinance.  It also is active nationally in challenges to
the National Endowment for the Arts.



Christian Action Network

Founder: Martin Mawyer, a former Moral Majority official

Their current issue: "educat(ing) the American public on what Bill
Clinton has promised the homosexual community" and working to
repeal gay-rights ordinances in Colorado and Oregon.  Creators of
an anti-gay rights/anti-Clinton television commercial that is
airing nationally on commercial and Christian television stations.



Christian Coalition

President: Pat Robertson.  National membership: 400 chapters in 46
states, with 175,000 members.

The coalition sponsors annual Road to Victory conferences to
educate members on campaigning for local and state elections, as
well as Christian Coalition Leadership School seminars throughout
the United States to train political activists to conduct civic
and partisan campaigns, hoping to train 25,000 activists by 1995.
The group also supports efforts to overturn gay-rights ordinances,
challenge public school textbooks and library books, oppose family
leave and some federal assistance programs, including federally
funded school breakfasts.



Citizens for Excellence in Education

President: Bob Simonds.

CEE's mission is to elect members of the group to all 16,000
school boards throughout the United States.  Simonds also founded
the National Association of Christian Educators and has published
pamphlets and booklet, including "How to Elect Christians to
Public Offices," a questionnaire for school-board candidates.  CEE
also mounts challenges to public school textbooks and library
books.  In the 1991-1992 school year, CEE activists objected to
"Little Red Riding Hood," J.D. Salinger's "The Catcher in the
Rye," John Steinbeck's "Of Mice and Men" and other books, basing
those objections on perceived references to satanism, occultism
and New Age beliefs.



Colorado for Family Values

Chairman: Will Perkins

CFV began in 1991 to defeat a legislative initiative to protect
homosexuals from harassment and discrimination, and a Colorado
Springs gay-rights initiative.  CFV is the driving force behind
Amendment 2, and has assisted in anti-gay rights campaigns in
Oregon, Columbia, Mo., Portland, Maine, and Tampa, Fla.  CFV's
board of directors include Sharon Bath, who attended the 1991
Christian Coalition "Road to Victory" conference; Barbara Sheldon
of the Colorado chapter of the Traditional Values Coalition; Randy
Hicks of Focus on the Family; the Rev. Leon Kelly, the anti-gang
activist; and Bert Nelson, president of the Colorado chapter of
Concerned Women for America.



Concerned Women for America

President and founder: Beverly LaHay.  Membership: Given as
500,000 to 600,000 nationwide.

This ultraconservative anti-feminist, anti-gay rights group
supported U.S.  Supreme Court nominees Robert Bork and Clarence
Thomas, and has actively mounted grass-roots campaigns in many
state and local elections.  CWFA is fighting Iowa's Equal Rights
Amendment and gay-rights measures in Colorado, Oregon, Georgia,
Florida and Maine.  The group also has challenged public-school
textbooks and library books for failing to promote biblical
values.


Eagle Forum

President and Founder: Phyllis Schafly.  National Membership:
Given as 50,000 to 80,000

This organization was active in locally based battles against
abortion right, day care, family leave and other issues,
especially the 1992 battle to defeat Iowa's ERA.  An offshoot of
the Eagle Forum successfully campaigned in Jacksonville, Fla., to
have the school board adopt "Teen Aid," a sex-education curriculum
that advocates abstinence as the only form of birth control.  A
Planned Parenthood suit against the program claims it is
religiously based, inaccurate and fails to meet state statutory
requirements for sex education.  Eagle Forum, with Colorado's
Focus On The Family, also was active in pressuring the Alabama
state school board to ban HIV/AIDS education material from
state-approved school materials.



Focus On The Family

President: James Dobson.

This group is based in Colorado Springs and has a $60 million
annual budget.  It is active nationwide in supporting
anti-abortion and anti-gay rights candidates.  Focus on the Family
has several associate coalitions of special-interest groups who
purpose, Dobson has said, is to ensure legislators "can no longer
write off the concerns of conservative Christian families."

Active in opposing gay-rights and equal-rights amendment
ordinances, and in challenges to public school textbooks and
library books, Focus On The Family sponsors Community Impact
Seminars, "encouag(ing) Christian involvement at a grassroots
level," in Colorado and other states.



National Empowerment Television

Director: Paul Weyrich, co-founder with Jerry Falwell of Moral
Majority.

NET stresses issues important to the religious right, featuring
programs with high-ranking government officials including cabinet
secretaries and U.S.  Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.



Rutherford Institute

Co-founder: R.J. Rushdoony

The institute is based at Virginia Beach, Va., near the Christian
Coalition national headquarters.  Rushdoony is a leading Christian
reconstructionist who advocates restructuring civil law to be
grounded on a literal interpretation of the Bible.  The institute
focuses on anti-abortion rights and "religious liberty" cases
advocating public prayer, including creationism in public-school
curricula.  Rutherford Institute materials are used by gay-rights
opponents in Colorado and Oregon.



Traditional Values Coalition

President: Lou Sheldon.  Membership: 7,000 conservative Christian
churches in California and representatives in other states,
including Colorado, where TVC of Colorado chairman Barbara Sheldon
is an executive board member of Colorado for Family Values.

TVC is a formidable force in California, campaigning against
abortion and gay-rights laws.  Working with other "pro-family"
groups, Sheldon has announced plans to conduct 40 to 50 seminars
throughout California "to train our public affairs representatives
to go back to their churches and educate people before talking
about voter registration.



"You can have Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson stand in front of a
bank of microphones and endorse our candidates, or you can quietly
send out a pro-family slate that tells our community who the
candidates are our ballot."
		-- Ralph Reed, Jr.

"America is at a crossroads.  Either she returns to her Christian
roots or she will continue to legalize sodomy, slaughter innocent
babies, destroy the minds of her children, squander her resources
and sink into oblivion.
		-- Pat Robertson

"We want as soon as possible to see a majority of the Republican
Party in the hands of pro-family Christians by 1996."
		-- Pat Robertson

"It's very naive to think that there's a peaceful co-existence
today (between liberals and conservatives), and the bottom line
is, it's either us or them.
		-- The Rev. Billy Falling, Christian Voters League


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