From: ptg2351@uxa.cso.uiuc.edu (Panos Tamamidis )
Subject: Re: GREEK INVASION IN CYPRUS 1974..cont..
Organization: University of Illinois at Urbana
Date: Wed, 6 Jan 1993 04:12:34 GMT

sera@zuma.UUCP (Serdar Argic) writes:

>"Kennedy"? Is this the joke of the week?

>     "Unless this small  Turkish  Community -forming a part
>      of the Turkish race which  has been the terrible enemy
>      of Hellenism- is expelled from Cyprus, the duty of the
>      heroes of EOKA can never be considered as terminated."
>                        MAKARIOS, Panayia, 4 September 1962


>CYPRUS: A TIME FOR RE-APPRAISAL

>TWO NATIONS IN ONE ISLAND - WE MUST BE FAIR TO BOTH

>*We, the All Party British  Parliamentary Group of the Friends of
> Northern Cyprus,  consider this statement necessary  so that the
> Turkish Cypriot  side of the  Cyprus issue can be  understood in
> Britain.  For too  long the  official channels  of communication
> have been  controlled by the  Greek Cypriots and a  fair hearing
> for Turkish  Cypriot side of  the case is overdue.  An injustice
> has been  done and is still  being done to the  Turkish Cypriots
> and we  believe that fundamental misunderstandings  about Cyprus
> need to be put right.

>SOVEREIGNTY VESTED IN BOTH COMMUNITIES JOINTLY

>Turkish and  Greek Cypriots  have no  common language,  no common
>religion, no  common culture  and no common  heroes. There  is no
>Cypriot nation. In  1960 Britain recognised that each  of the two
>communities   had   a   right  of   self-determination.   Britain
>transferred sovereignty  not to  the Greek  Cypriots but  to both
>communities acting  as equal partners under  a constitution which
>they  had  agreed between  themselves  as  political equals.  The
>numerically weaker  Turkish Cypriots  would never have  made this
>agreement if the  Greek Cypriots had not agreed to  give Turkey a
>legal right to intervene in the last resort.

>VIOLATION BY GREEK CYPRIOTS OF THE CONSTITUTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS

>In   April  1963   the   Greek  Cypriots   ignored  the   Supreme
>Constitutional Court  of Cyprus when  it ruled against  them, and
>its neutral President resigned. At  Christmas that year they then
>attacked  the  Turkish  Cypriot community.  The  Foreign  Affairs
>Select  Committee of  the House  of Commons  unanimously reported
>that "There is  little doubt that much of the  violence which the
>Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial destruction of
>103  of their  villages was  directly inspired  by, or  certainly
>connived at, by the Greek Cypriot Leadership".

>From  that day  forward the  Turkish  Cypriots lived  in fear  in
>fortified enclaves for mutual protection, squeezed into less than
>3% of  the island and excluded  from their rightful place  in the
>state. It was then in 1963 not in 1974, that Cyprus divided.

>TURKEY INTERVENES UNDER TREATY OF GUARANTEE

>Article IV of the 1960 Treaty  of Guarantee gave Turkey the legal
>right  to intervene  if  the 1960  Agreement  was violated.  They
>refrained from doing so despite  the attack of 1963 and refrained
>again when attacks on the  Turkish Cypriots were renewed in 1967.
>Finally, when Greece invaded on 15th July 1974 and tried to annex
>the  island, Turkey  acted and  established an  area in  Northern
>Cyprus where Turkish Cypriots could live free from fear.

>Having created a  bridgehead on 20th July at  Kyrenia, they moved
>in August  to rescue the  Turkish Cypriots of Famagusta.  On 30th
>August 1974 "Die Zeit" reported "The Massacre of Turkish Cypriots
>in Paphos and  Famagusta is the proof of how  justified the Turks
>were to undertake their (August) intervention."

>It is sometimes  argued that having defeated the  Greek and Greek
>Cypriot attack, Turkey should have withdrawn and left the Turkish
>Cypriots to their mercy again. We regard this as unrealistic.

>THE NEED FOR SECURITY

>British  troops, United  Nations troops  and "guarantees"  having
>failed to  protect the Turkish  Cypriots from 1963 to  1974, they
>are justified in regarding Turkish troops on the ground in Cyprus
>as the only reliable guarantee to their existence. For so long as
>the Greek Cypriots fail to  understand this, there is unlikely to
>be an agreement.

>The Greek Cypriot proposals seem to  us to be clear evidence that
>whilst paying  lip-service to federation, they  are still seeking
>to re-establish  their control over  the whole island  which they
>enjoyed,  contrary to  the Constitution  from 1963  to 1974.  The
>Turkish  Cypriots, on  the other  hand have  offered their  Greek
>Cypriot  counterparts, a  genuine federation  based on  political
>equality and power sharing. Their offer should be taken up.

>On 26th January 1989 the Greek Cypriot leader, George Vassilious,
>said "Cyprus is a bastion of  Greece. The number of islands which
>are Greek are many and Cyprus is  just one of them". In our view,
>this  exemplifies the  root problem  in Cyprus.  It must  be made
>clear to  the Greek Cypriots that  Cyprus is not a  Greek island,
>but  an  island which  belongs  to  both  the Greek  and  Turkish
>Cypriots.

>BI-ZONALITY

>The  principle of  bi-zonality was  agreed long  ago between  Mr.
>Denktas for the Turkish Cypriots  and Archbishop Makarios for the
>Greek Cypriots and is fundamental  to progress for the future. It
>means each community can live in  its own area free from fear and
>can  deal with  the  other from  a firm  base.  This will  enable
>members  of  both  communities   to  enjoy  freedom  of  movement
>throughout both territories. Freedom  of settlement and the right
>of property of  members of one community in the  territory of the
>other  will be  regulated by  the competent  authorities of  that
>territory. In view  of their past experiences,  this safeguard is
>particularly  important  for  the  Turkish Cypriots.  So  far  as
>property is concerned, compensation must be paid to those on both
>sides who suffered loss.

>REFUGEES AND MISSING PERSONS

>Turkish Cypriots  were rendered  refugees in  their own  land and
>hundreds of  their loved ones  went missing four times  in recent
>history.

>There are no longer any Cypriots  who can properly be regarded as
>refugees  and both  communities  have resettled  their people  in
>their own  areas. We believe  that all persons missing  from both
>communities since 1963 are probably dead, and the Turkish Cypriot
>people accepted this  long ago. It is cruel to  keep the hopes of
>relatives alive for political purposes.

>IMMIGRATION

>It  is  inhuman  to  expect the  Turkish  Cypriots  to  introduce
>compulsory repatriation for those who  came to help rebuild their
>economy from  ruins in 1963.  They do not  ask this of  the Greek
>Cypriots,  and  there are  according  to  the British  Government
>(Hansard 20.6.88) about 15,000 non-Cypriots resident in the Greek
>Cypriot area. There may well be many more.

>ECONOMIC AID

>International  aid received  for  "all  Cyprus" benefited  almost
>entirely the Greek Cypriot  Community. This together with decades
>of economic  embargo account for  much of the  economic imbalance
>between the two communities.

>We agree  with the Select  Committee that "The  disparity between
>aid  provision   and  need  in   the  two  parts  of   Cyprus  is
>self-evident.  By  most  criteria  the southern  sector,  with  a
>relatively high  GNP, is no  longer eligible for economic  aid at
>all".

>THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY

>It would be  grossly unfair for an application  for membership of
>the Community to be considered  unless agreed by both the peoples
>of  Cyprus.  In  the  mean   time  Article  5  of  the  Cyprus/EC
>Association  Agreement  forbids  discrimination  against  Turkish
>Cypriot individuals or companies.

>THE COMMONWEALTH

>When Cyprus joined the Commonwealth  in 1960 the Turkish Cypriots
>became Commonwealth citizens just as the Greek Cypriots did. They
>are entitled to participate in its  affairs, and it is wrong that
>Cyprus  is  represented in  its  institutions  by Greek  Cypriots
>alone.

>TRADE EMBARGO AGAINST TURKISH CYPRIOTS

>We agree with  the Select Committee on Foreign  Affairs that "The
>Greek Cypriot Government's policy of seeking to impose an embargo
>on much  of the Turkish  Cypriot's trade and  communications with
>the  outside  world  cannot  contribute to  a  settlement."  This
>embargo,  particularly   in  the  field  of   air  transport,  is
>vindictive, and the British Government should cease to be a party
>to it.

>AN AGREED SETTLEMENT

>The Turkish Cypriots accepted the  1986 UN plan, which bought the
>British Government and  the Secretary General endorsed  as a good
>basis for  a settlement, but  the Greek Cypriots rejected  it and
>still hold out  for "better terms". It must  always be remembered
>that whilst  an agreement might  improve the quality of  life for
>Greek Cypriots, futher concessions  by the Turkish Cypriots would
>significantly impair their security.

>Negotiations continue  today under the auspices  of the Secretary
>General,  who receives  the  leaders of  the  two communities  as
>equals.  British Ministers  frequently  discuss  Cyprus with  the
>Greek  Cypriot leader,  but refuse  to meet  the Turkish  Cypriot
>leader.  We  think  that  this  is wrong,  and  contrary  to  the
>principle  that both  sides  of the  case must  be  given a  fair
>hearing at  equal level.  It is not  sufficient that  the Turkish
>Cypriot  leader   can  communicate  through  officials.   In  our
>considered judgement meetings at highest level between H.M.G. and
>the  Greek  Cypriot  leaders  can only  encourage  Greek  Cypriot
>intransigence,  unless  matched  by  similar  meetings  with  the
>Turkish Cypriot leaders.

>RECOGNITION

>The Greek  Cypriots repudiated the 1960  agreements, which formed
>the legal basis of the Republic  of Cyprus, by their conduct from
>1963 to  1974, and by  express declarations in February  1966 and
>June 1967. They  cannot possibly be regarded today  as the lawful
>Government  of the  Republic,  which  was by  its  very nature  a
>bi-communal  state. The  Turkish Cypriots  had no  choice but  to
>establish their own state and  this state should be recognised as
>an independent  state. Resolutions of  the United Nations  to the
>contrary seem to us to ignore this and are counter productive.

>There will be in our opinion  unlikely to be an agreed settlement
>in Cyprus  until the  Turkish and Greek  Cypriots deal  with each
>other as equals, and international policy, which treats the Greek
>Cypriot  administration as  if it  alone were  the Government  of
>Cyprus, impedes this.

>                   WHAT CAN YOU DO TO HELP?

>            ASK YOUR MP TO PRESS FOR EQUAL TREATMENT

>All Party British Parliamentary Group of the Friends of Northern Cyprus

>                 KEITH SPEED, RD, MP (Chairman)

>ANDREW FAULDS, MP    LORD WILLIS   PETER FRY, MP   MICHAEL KNOWLES, MP
>(Vice Chairman)    (Vice Chairman)  (Treasurer)        (Secretary)


>Serdar Argic

>                     'This war quickly developed into one of extermination. 
>                      We closed the roads and mountain passes that might 
>                      serve as ways of escape for the Tartars [Turks] and 
>                      then proceeded in the work of extermination.'
>                                                       (Ohanus Appressian)

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