Mr President, on the eve of the Seattle Conference, I still think it unfortunate that we are going into a fresh round of negotiations before making a serious assessment of the one before. The fact that millions of individuals are affected by the consequences of the decisions which are to be taken there does, however, make this necessary. Those in favour of the liberalisation of trade as the driving force for prosperity are all the less willing to undertake such a report, since there can be no real denial that the situation has become worse in recent years, and inequalities between underdeveloped countries and advanced countries, as well as the development of inequalities even within developed countries, have intensified. When wealth is concentrated at one extreme and there is an increase in unemployment at the other, one may well wonder if the WTO has not primarily served to institutionalise the law of the jungle. As a matter of urgency, a new concept of trade between nations must be promoted, based on solidarity, cooperation, democracy and the promotion of employment and social rights. However, so that all of this does not simply remain a vain hope, decisions must be taken, I believe, in three areas. Firstly, formalise the principle whereby these negotiations must be of use to disadvantaged countries and populations, affirming the right of the European Union and the Member States to defend their development policy and specific agreements with the ACP and the refusal to let the Lomé Conventions be challenged by the WTO. Secondly, insist on the primacy of the interests of peoples in preference to commercial and financial criteria. I have three proposals relating to this. Of course, they are not comprehensive. Firstly, subject WTO regulations to the international charter and conventions governing matters of human rights and social, health and environmental issues. In saying this, I am thinking of Kyoto, Peking and Copenhagen. Next, refuse to continue to liberalise services and, on the contrary, assist the development of cooperation of public services in education, health and transport. Finally, maintain the principle of cultural exception, affording the European Union and the Member States the possibility of preserving their capability of freely determining their audiovisual cultural policy in the name of development of a thriving and enriching diversity. One more proposal: establish the precautionary principle for the environment, health and food safety as an absolute priority. Finally, the third area. Radical democratisation of the structures of the WTO is essential. There must be democratic supervision of the negotiations and of the implementation of agreements. The presence of NGOs, representatives of society and of trade unions, with the status of observers, must be accepted in these negotiations. What is more, all the points negotiated at the WTO must be ratified by the European Parliament and by national parliaments. Today the WTO itself is decreeing the laws, monitoring their application, and settling disputes. I think it is not possible to be both judge and judged. The dispute settlement body must be radically modified.

Political group: GUE-NGL