GwendalTsang/DEFT09-parquet huggingface dataset:
Madam President, our colleague and friend Laura González began her speech with a quotation from the Argentinean writer, Julio Cortázar, about the prostitution of the words democracy and sustainability, but this House has not forgotten where Chernobyl is and is aware that Mr Castro’s Cuba is full of democrats, as we all know. Mr Lannoye is proposing a report that has two-fold merit in that it seriously and vigorously tackles the problem of sustainable development, but without fundamentalism and with the necessary flexibility to accept the majority of the amendments tabled by the political groups. The amendments that I tabled, which were incorporated into the rapporteur’s text, aim to improve the efficiency of the management of funds contributed by the Union and to achieve greater transparency and, all in all, better use of the available resources. I would like to highlight the most important aims in the report as being combating poverty and fostering sustainable development, providing channels for globalisation that has a human, rather than a virtual face, a commitment to rational resource management, all within the context of the necessary promotion of democracy, the rule of law and combating corruption at all levels, not only in developing countries, but particularly in the Western world. With this report, the European Parliament is making a clear commitment for the issues that are still unresolved since Rio to be resolved in Johannesburg, and for that summit to rectify the mistakes made at the Durban Summit, scarcely a year ago, when bitter and futile controversy meant that the desired progress could not be made in achieving the objectives that had been set.

Political group: PPE-DE
Mr President, the unfortunate people of Burundi are continuing to pay through periodic killings, through arbitrary arrests and through torture. The ethnic opposition is constantly intensified by the leaders of armed gangs, official or unofficial, that were created and supported, it must be remembered, for decades by the former Belgian colonising power and by the French tutelary power. The resolution provides a great deal of moralistic and paternalistic advice for the Burundi leadership, the leaders of the factions and its neighbours. Yet more than advice is needed, as the European powers have an overwhelming responsibility for what has happened and what is happening in Burundi, just as they have a more general responsibility for all of Africa, of which Rwanda and Burundi are to some extent the sad symbols. They have an overwhelming responsibility for having ruined Africa through the trafficking of slaves, through colonialist pillaging and then through another form of pillaging, which continues today. While Parliament provides moralising advice, the major British, French and Belgian capitalist groups and many others continue to take their stipend, even from the poorest countries, and the little information that filters through from many parts of Africa where ethnic conflicts and mining riches go side by side show that it is very rare to find a situation where behind the local warlords there are no capitalist groups trying to get their hands on the riches the land has to offer. Rather than improving the fate of the local population, these riches are the cause of its misfortune. I am well aware that material aid, even a great deal of it, would not be enough to overcome all of the problems that are an extension of the past. However, if Europe wanted to, it could provide sufficient aid to allow the refugees to return, provide the Burundi people with acceptable housing and living conditions, and enable them to build infrastructures, hospitals and schools, thus creating jobs. The resolution does allude to aid, in particular for the economic reconstruction of the country, but it gives much more attention to the financing of African forces working to restore and maintain peace and the despatch of a mission of European senior military officials to meet their counterparts in the Burundi regular army. Yet in neighbouring Rwanda some years ago, the presence of French senior military officials not only did not prevent the genocide but actually encouraged it and perhaps even armed the butchers. Thus, even if this resolution had some effect, it would certainly not wipe away the traces of blood that the presence of major European capital has left in Burundi and more generally in the African continent.

Political group: GUE-NGL
Mr President, I want to reiterate the concern that colleagues, particularly Irish colleagues, have mentioned about this MOX shipment back from Japan. The real difficulty is that we have no forum, as Members of this democratically elected assembly, where we can discuss our concerns and fears, be they real or perceived, and agree or disagree amongst ourselves in a democratic way on this issue. Hence we must keep raising this issue on occasions such as this. Could I appeal to you, Mr President, to consider, when Commissioner Palacio brings forward her nuclear package this autumn, that the very least that should be afforded to us in this Parliament and in national parliaments is the right of communication and consultation and full discussion on these matters, so that all our views for and against such issues can be properly aired. I appeal to you, Mr President, to ensure that we proceed in that way.

Political group: PPE-DE
Mr President, I too find it sad, as well as quite unnecessary, that we should have this dispute about the budget. It is hard to understand why the Council should disregard Parliament’s powers and not implement the revision of the multiannual budgetary agreements, or financial perspectives, as might otherwise have been anticipated and as was done in the case of previous enlargements. Parliament has certainly shown great understanding for the fact that the difficult negotiations concerning the new Member States’ portion of the budget for agriculture and for the Structural Funds are not to be reopened, but we have indicated that what is required must be examined under the heading of internal policy, or expenditure category 3, for there are a number of problems and, if we do not adjust the budget in the next few years, high-priority areas such as the social dialogue, internal security, training, police cooperation and the creation of a secure working environment could suffer as a result, and we should be unable to fulfil our political priorities. Allow me to give an example. Many ordinary people fear that enlargement will mean competition from the new Member States in the shape of businesses that do not care two hoots about the working environment. The new Member States must of course implement EU legislation on the working environment, but what really counts is what is happening out there among businesses. There is a need to change the culture and to bring about greater awareness, both among businesses and employees, of the need for a secure working environment, and that is something we can do through our agency in Bilbao and by way of the social dialogue. What it requires, however, is an adjustment of the budget, partly because the pre-accession aid in the shape of the Phare programme will dry up as from the end of this year, so the work will in actual fact come to nothing if we do not take action. The Council must respect Parliament’s powers, Article 272 of the Treaty and the Interinstitutional Agreement. Anything else would be unacceptable and a declaration of war.

Political group: ELDR
Mr President, I should also like to thank Commissioner Fischler for the explanations he has given us, which have been extremely useful. But I must confess, Commissioner, that I am somewhat disappointed at the lack of force in what you had to say about this commitment to phase out subsidies for farm exports, which is absolutely essential. According to the press, since last December this type of compensation has risen very substantially in the meat sector. I must also point out that in 2001 this reduction was closely connected to the rise in the value of the dollar and not to any reform of agricultural policy; and I must also say that there have been substantial increases in the amounts of subsidies for all products not included in Annex I. This is a situation that concerns me and I should like to ask Commissioner Fischler if he thinks it realistic that these reforms of the CAP that he has been talking about will be carried out in good enough time to be able to gradually eliminate these export subsidies?

Political group: PSE
Mr President, a feature of the current situation is the anger and the frustration of the men and women of all our Member States. They are angry and frustrated at the sclerosis that exists in the decision-making processes of the European Union and indeed the United Nations. It is time we got our act together and resolved these decision-making problems. The President-in-Office here this morning declared that the Council was surprised at the events of the last two weeks. I cannot understand how the Council or anybody else could be surprised. Has no one in the Council been reading the paper for the last 25 years? Do they not know that we have armed the perpetrators of this genocide for the last 25 years? The people of East Timor believed us when we told them we would protect them if they voted and they came out in their thousands and thousands to vote for independence. We failed to protect them. How many more times do we say “never again” before we actually take a decision to ensure that when we make a promise like that we will keep that promise and plan to keep that promise? It is not good enough for us to wring our hands and declare we are sorry. We have to make sure it never happens again.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Mr President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, if I have understood the President-in-Office’s speech correctly, I think I perceive a vision behind it which allows us to preserve the momentum from the Intergovernmental Conference. I think we have to see whether there is indeed still a chance of reaching a decision before the European elections. It will be very difficult to sustain public awareness of what has been agreed by the Convention and the Intergovernmental Conference thus far, but not been formally recorded, until December of this year. We have to be aware that if there is no Constitution, there will also be no Charter of Fundamental Rights. Consequently, citizens will not be voting for the Commission President in the European elections, there will be no such mandate given and no participation for the national parliaments. Instead, a defence union will be formed outside the framework of the European Union, with all that entails for NATO, the transatlantic alliance and access for all European Member States of the European Union. I think that would put us back on track for creating a Europe of individual alliances, and gradually returning to the situation that existed in 1914. For this reason, Mr President-in-Office, I think you hold a great deal of responsibility. Whatever happens, we cannot allow the decision-making mechanisms in the Council to exceed the thresholds established at Nice. Indeed, we must stay below that threshold at all stages of the negotiations, because our ability to act must be preserved and cannot be allowed to end in a half-hearted compromise. We also need an appropriate balance between large and small states. I think that the large states of Spain and Poland, which are so important to the European Union, must be treated with proper consideration, but they must also be made aware that they share responsibility for ensuring that the European Union continues to develop. I trust your diplomatic skills will produce an appropriate response from these countries. (Applause)

Political group: PPE-DE
I voted against the Maat report because it does not do enough to protect the welfare of animals. It is a disgrace that animals are transported alive to be slaughtered. Even if this is to happen journeys must be a maximum of eight hours and then it must be in properly maintained vehicles, with food and water. This report as voted is a bitter disappointment, as is the Commission's original ill-prepared proposal.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, Mr Väyrynen’s comments just now about concentric circles remind me a little of a hole with circles drawn round it, looking at Switzerland and Europe. I hope this hole will be filled sometime in the next few years with the accession of Switzerland to the European Union. For then we would not have to negotiate and decide seven different agreements but all this would be a matter of course. I very much hope we will make progress in this regard over the next few years. But perhaps these seven agreements are a preparation for that debate and I very much hope that just as Parliament will be approving these seven agreements by a large majority tomorrow – or so I assume – the Swiss people will also approve them by a large majority on 21 May in order to make it clear that Switzerland is part of Europe. I would like to say a few words about the agreement on scientific and technological cooperation because I myself have been repeatedly involved in that area of cooperation with Switzerland over the past few years. I warmly welcome that agreement because basically it means that Switzerland will take part in the European Union’s framework research programme on an equal footing. To that end, it will pay a contribution in line with its GDP yet participate fully in the programme. That is a major advantage for both sides. Yet there is one drawback: it is the European Parliament and the Council that decide the content of this programme, not Switzerland. That means that Switzerland, like Israel, Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland, which also take part in this framework research programme, can only participate in something that is decided over their heads. They have no say as regards its content. So I would propose that we take our time preparing the sixth framework research programme and that we at least hold informal talks with the Swiss parliamentarians – just as we do with Israel, Norway and so on, i.e. states which do not belong to the EU but which do take part in the framework research programme. That is something the European Parliament could organise. Parliament could take the initiative and invite parliamentarians from these countries, so that we can know in advance what input the Swiss can contribute, what problems they may have, what proposals they may have. In fact, this would also be a step towards bringing Switzerland and the European Union closer together. I would very much hope we could do that. Aside from that, let me thank Mr Carraro again for this excellent report. Anyone who wants to learn will find a great deal of information in his report. Once again, many thanks and I hope we will adopt it by a large majority tomorrow.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, I therefore propose removing the obligatory aspect of my proposal and at the same time clarifying the content in the following format: ‘calls on the Member States to introduce the gender dimension into the broadcasting of sporting competitions’. (The President established that there were no objections to the oral amendment) (Parliament adopted the resolution) *** Report (A5-0159/2003) by Karin Jöns, on behalf of the Committee on Women's Rights and Equal Opportunities, on breast cancer in the European Union (2002/2279(INI)) (Parliament adopted the resolution) *** President. – That concludes the vote. ***

Political group: GUE-NGL
Mr President, I should like to give Mr Bösch the highest praise for a splendid report, which is both penetrating and thorough, and I should like to say to Mrs Schreyer, who is my favourite Commissioner: you should ask someone else to write your speeches instead of coming out with the nonsense we have heard this evening. It is unacceptable. There has been a great deal of criticism of OLAF of late, and rightly so, but OLAF must not be made a scapegoat for the Eurostat case, for example. The Commission must not use OLAF as a dustbin for all the cases it does not feel like dealing with itself. Even if a case has been forwarded to OLAF, that does not release the Commission from its obligation to act. OLAF must be fully independent, and we must admit that we were wrong to set OLAF up as an administrative part of the Commission. The secretariat of the Supervisory Committee must be fully independent of the Commission. The staff working for OLAF must be independent of all the institutions, and it is important that staff are not allowed to apply for posts in the Commission afterwards, because we have of course seen examples of cases being shelved because people had to go back to the Commission. I telephoned OLAF about Eurostat in the spring of 2002, after Dorte Schmidt-Brown had contacted me for the first time. OLAF told me that it had neither the time, the inclination nor the staff to look over the Eurostat case. In their words, Dorte Schmidt-Brown was a hysterical woman who should try to relax a little. It was not until Parliament became vociferous on the subject that the investigations picked up speed. It is very worrying that OLAF only prioritises investigations that have the interest of Parliament or the press, and it is also very worrying that OLAF does not take whistle-blowers seriously. I hope that we do not see any more of this kind of case. It is absolutely crucial that we are able to rely on OLAF’s objectivity, and that people work quickly and effectively in the future, but I should also say that OLAF is not known for being the sharpest tool in the box.

Political group: GUE-NGL
Mr Solana, it has been said many times in this House that prevention is better than cure. Of course it is, but there is no reason why Europe cannot equip itself with the means to intervene when prevention proves unsuccessful. In any case, it is prevention that I would like to discuss today. War is threatening to break out again in the Gulf. As you know, the Iraqi Government has refused to abide by United Nations Resolution 1284, and this is likely to lead, within the next six or seven weeks, to a refusal to issue entrance visas to the committee monitoring the destruction of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. If this happens, the United States’ Government and the British Government have given it to be understood that they will resort to military intervention. A visit to Iraq and meetings with the Iraqi leaders and leading figures, particularly Mr Tarek Aziz, convinced me that there is actually a possibility of persuading the Iraqi Government to cooperate in enforcing Resolution 1284. However, the responsible authorities of the Western countries need to make it clear that, once the mission of the United Nations committee has been successfully completed, the embargo will be lifted and normal trade relations will be able to be resumed. I would like to know what you and Europe are doing, Mr Solana, or what you intend to do in the near future, to stave off this threat of war. Today, we have the chance to prevent it; tomorrow it may be too late. I would also like to know whether, in this context, it would not be possible to do something to induce the Iraqi Government to take a humanitarian step and to release some information regarding the 615 missing Kuwaitis, or to set them free if this is within their power.

Political group: PPE-DE
Madam President, Commissioner, the fruit and vegetable production that concerns us today is concentrated in the countries of southern Europe and accounts for 13% of the final agricultural production of the whole European Union, reaching 25% in most of the producer countries. In several provinces in southern Spain the proportion is over 80% and it is the only driving force for development and employment in the rural areas. In addition, this produce has lost Community preference and has to compete abroad without the shelter of compensation that the traditional continental products enjoy, through roughly 70% of the EAGGF appropriations. Commissioner, this sector seems to be the hard currency used in preferential agreements with third countries and in the subsequent reviews of their protocols, with the added disadvantage that these countries produce without the economic, social and environmental conditions we have in Europe, but with the same timetables as our own producing areas. This situation is neither fair nor equitable, because it is neither fair nor equitable to have to compete abroad without the protection that continental products enjoy. Neither is it fair and equitable if the budget neutrality set at EUR 1 900 million in Agenda 2000 is not fulfilled because of internal obstacles and penalties incurred through the regulations. In conclusion, I believe this proposal clearly leaves room for improvement, and the report by Mr Jové, whom I most sincerely congratulate, sets the standard for doing so. This would be both appropriate and fair.

Political group: PPE-DE
Mr President, I should like to congratulate my colleague, Mrs Vlasto, on her report. The Lisbon agenda is an important one for the economy and future of Europe and the European Union. A great deal of promise was held out at that time and there is a lot of very positive rhetoric about the process and the things that we want to do. But there is a lot of talk and spin, rather than substance. Many of the projects of substance in the process are a continuation of those schemes, such as liberalising the energy markets, which were in hand before. I note with keen interest comments such as in paragraph 14, which calls on the Member States to reduce the tax burden on employment. I wish that my own Member State had followed that advice instead of putting up the tax on employment in the last budget. I support warmly the comments about stressing the importance for small businesses of a genuine opening of the markets in telecommunications, energy, postal services and transport. This is a worthy aspiration. We are working hard to do it but we are not making fast enough or satisfactory enough progress. I also welcome the call from the Commission for a study on the impact on various kinds of enterprises for each legislative proposal. The Commissioner knows well of my concern about business impact costs and the proposals. That is why I am also concerned about Parliament and our propensity to put down amendments which add costs. That is why my amendment is about examining the costs of our amendments.

Political group: PPE-DE
Mr President, Commissioner, when Thursdays arrive and we deal with the situation of human rights in the world, I am put in mind, to some extent, of what the Wailing Wall must be like. Its sad inheritance of colonialism and neo-colonialism obliges the European Union to take a firm, very brave and decisive stance, in order to aid the re-establishment of democracy in various parts of the world, such as Latin America, which currently faces the problem of Guatemala with its fight against the impunity of military figures, Africa or, in this case, Burma. As has been said, the truth is that the situation in Burma is getting worse; it is incredible that there is still this persecution of such an important leader of democracy as Aung San Suu Kyi and that the Democratic League cannot operate normally in its work for the re-establishment of democracy, especially when there is still economic investment in that country which is taking advantage precisely of that lack of freedom, that lack of union rights there. We therefore believe that the European Union is obliged to take strong action at international level so that, both through sanctions and through imposing a negotiation with leaders of the democratic opposition, democracy and the normal development of the right to freedom of the people of Burma may be restored and so that we can stop talking about situations which remind us with such sadness of the facts of the past. We therefore reaffirm the importance of this resolution and the firm commitment of the Commission and the Council in this direction.

Political group: GUE-NGL