GwendalTsang/DEFT09-parquet huggingface dataset:
First of all I should like to thank the rapporteur, Mrs Hedkvist Petersen, for her work and express my support for this report on the amending of Regulation 91/671/EC. This will make safety belt systems compulsory in cars up to 3.5 tons. Backward facing child seats will also be forbidden unless the airbag is disabled and passengers will have to wear belts in every vehicle fitted with them. My group is gratified that her amendments have been adopted. As a result child seats will apply to children not only below twelve but are also shorter than 150 cm. There is also demand for an “airbag information campaign” to warn against transporting children in seats when the air bag is activated. 'Smart' airbags might be a solution. And finally the manufacturer should give the consumer better information on which seats are best suited to children. The principal aim of the regulation is to reduce the inconsistencies caused by difference in application of the present ordinance in the Member States. As a result the regulation will become more transparent and more predictable. Problems in intracommunal traffic will be solved because legislation in the Member States will be brought into line. There was some discussion on the question to what extent this regulation is a community power or a power of the Member States. After studying this question of subsidiarity carefully, I believe that European legislation is required here to increase transparency in the field of compulsory seat belts and seatbelt use. It is a shared competence based on Article 251 of the Treaty. The fragmented legislation in the Member States cannot be tackled by the implementation of a uniform Regulation at community level. - Hautala Report (A5-173/2001)

Political group: ELDR
Madam President, Equatorial Guinea has unfortunately been a negative example of an African country for decades, but sadly it is not an isolated case. We must recognise quite clearly that we have a very substantial responsibility here. Of course, there are abuses of power, corruption, and dictatorial violations of any attempt at the rule of law in that country. That is absolutely correct and we must vigorously condemn them. Yet on the other hand, we ourselves have a responsibility, because this country – like many other African countries – has become a pawn in the international competition for resources, and unfortunately, this involves European interests as well. The major role played by the oil companies in Equatorial Guinea, but also the diamond trade – and illegal trades such as human trafficking play a part there too – unfortunately destabilise the country as well. Ethnic and political conflicts – although these are generally rooted in ethnic conflicts – are exploited in a cynical policy designed to safeguard resource supplies. For this reason, I think that paragraph 7 of the resolution is extremely important, for we have a responsibility here, and we also have opportunities to exert influence. We genuinely need the proposed report on the oil companies' role. I do not endorse the call for an outright boycott and the cessation of all financial assistance. As a rule, such measures impact not on the dictators, but – if they have any impact at all – on the people of this already benighted country. I completely agree with my Spanish colleague on this point. I believe that we must vigorously condemn the abuse of power. Nonetheless, we must also seek dialogue with President Obiang in order to achieve a situation in which the opposition can gradually resume its work and the exiled politicians can return home. We must also work to ensure that the planned conference on reforming the judicial system can take place. Unless we start with very basic institution–building in this country – as we sought to do in European countries, as in Kosovo and Bosnia–Herzegovina, where conditions are far more straightforward and stable – we will never achieve any success. We cannot apply European standards overnight in Equatorial Guinea; this will take decades of development, which have yet to commence. This is why, as I have already said, the next steps are dialogue with President Obiang, supporting the conference on the judicial system, the release of the opposition, legalising opposition parties, and fresh elections with international supervision. These are the next steps we must take, but it would be disastrous if we now tried to run before we could walk. I therefore recommend a measured approach. Simply imposing sanctions is not a solution. Above all, we should not point the finger at others; we should accept our own responsibility first, and that means examining the role played by our oil companies in what is sadly a very dirty game.

Political group: PPE-DE
Madam President, Africa also exists. We attended the Durban Conference and we must also send a message of hope for the ongoing conflicts in Africa. Furthermore, I am delighted with the unanimity that this prize has inspired and I give it my support, which is no less than you deserve. (Applause) * * *

Political group: PSE
Madam President, information policy is one of Parliament's most important concerns, and I regret having to observe that the documents we send to our visitors' groups, although very splendidly produced, contain information that is seriously out of date. I am alleged to occupy a seat in which I have not sat for five months, and I do think that visitors are being misled when they look at these plans to find out where their MEP sits. At least mine is now occupied by a woman, but in other instances, men are sitting in women's places and vice versa. We should take care that our brochures are really up to date. Mr Bösch has just told me that the details in other material, in which, for example, governments are listed, are positively ancient. I do think we should see to it that this no longer happens in future.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, I too wish first of all to thank Mr Glante for producing an excellent report. The proposal for a directive on the promotion of cogeneration is an important part of the EU’s strategy for energy efficiency and energy savings. Cogeneration will also contribute to a reduction in greenhouse gases, as has been said here. The short-term aim must be to develop the present cogeneration plants and, where possible, to encourage the establishment of high-efficiency plants. The longer-term objective must be to create a framework for ensuring that high-efficiency cogeneration has a key role to play in increasing energy efficiency and savings. The amendments relating to micro-generation, renewable energy sources and district cooling are important in terms of technological development. It is possible to store heat in all size categories for a day or a year, as opposed to what is stated in the Commission proposal and in certain committee opinions. Financial support should not be restricted just to CHP technology based on a useful heat demand. Flexibility in the use of CHP plants must be permitted, as dictated by the time of year, the working day and random variables. Waste heat produced at a cogeneration plant has a potentially wider use than is the case at present. It may also be used, for example, for cooling, water purification and air conditioning. This report is very technical, and the Finnish word ‘suuritehoinen’ (‘powerful’) often mistakenly appears in the Finnish language version. The correct translation is ‘korkean hyötysuhteen’ (‘high-efficiency’). The word ‘suuritehoinen’ would lead the reader to understand that the directive only applied to large installations. The important thing is that the will is there to support high-efficiency technology regardless of size.

Political group: ELDR
Mr President, as part of the mission of the unofficial delegation in Iraq, I was able, along with three other Members, to go to Makhmour in the Northern part of Iraq, which is under Iraqi sovereignty, close to the autonomous Kurdish zone. Makhmour is a refugee camp for Turkish Kurds, of whom there are around 10 000. Because of their support for the PKK at the time, they were unable to find refuge in the autonomous zone and, in the event of war, they are likely to be the first victims. That is why they want to go home, to their Turkish mountains. I would ask Parliament, and I would ask you personally, Mr President, to write to the Turkish authorities, asking them to readmit these villagers whose village was destroyed more than ten years ago. These people want to go home, and they will be the first victims if they are unable to do so. That is why I think this request is fully justified.

Political group: Verts-ALE
I would like to ask Mr Frattini whether, when referring to less favoured areas, this should not only be understood to be the outermost regions but also mountainous regions, because these, too, are penalised for geographical reasons.

Political group: PPE-DE
We voted ‘yes’ in the final vote on the joint motion for a resolution on the Intergovernmental Conference, but would take this opportunity to emphasise our differing positions on a number of issues. We believe that the Commission should have a full Commissioner (with voting rights) for each Member State. We believe that a possible simplified procedure for changing the Constitution in the future must not mean ignoring the demand for ratification in all the national parliaments. We do not believe that it is appropriate to make what is termed the passerelle clause generally applicable. We do not believe that more room should be made for qualified majority voting in the CFSP area. We do not think it necessary to require the Council to divide its activities between, on the one hand, a legislative Council and, on the other hand, other Council constellations.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, Madam President-in-Office, Mr President of the Commission. I intend to focus on foreign and security policy aspects which the European Parliament may care to recommend to the Gothenburg Council. First, I should like to thank the Swedish presidency for its initiatives in the area of conflict prevention and civil crisis management. They are a credit to the tradition of your country and they are right and proper for the European Union. I should like to encourage you, Madam President-in-Office, to bring the project which you have started to a successful conclusion in Gothenburg in the form of a strong, specific programme which can be implemented at once. One of the most difficult tasks, not just for the Council presidency, but for the European Council as a whole in Gothenburg, will be to convey to the American president just how worried and concerned we are about the new policy which he has adopted for the United States of America. We are not just extremely worried about the rocket defence system, the rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and the USA's attitude towards the International Criminal Tribunal; the USA's aversion to traditional cooperation with the European Union is a particularly worrying sign for anyone who sees this cooperation as instrumental when it comes to resolving huge international problems. Madam President-in-Office, my closing point concerns a very sad and dramatic situation emanating from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. We were due to receive Mr Trajkovski, the president of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, here within the hour. He will not be coming – presumably because of the serious situation in his country. And we must take our share of the blame, Madam President-in-Office, for the situation in his country. We must take our share of the blame for the terrorist action of the KLA, which we have failed to disband, despite Security Council Resolution 1244, and which is now attacking this country and undermining its very existence. The European Union must do everything it can, Madam President-in-Office, to put an end to this terrorism and help this country.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, last week in Greenock, on the western seaboard of this Union, three brave women Angela Zetter, Ellen Moxley and Bodil Ulla Roder stood trial on a charge of criminal damage. They had acted to impede the Trident missile system based on the Clyde. Their aim was to prevent what they consider a grave crime under international law. The judge, Sheriff Gimblett directed the jury to acquit them on the ground that the prosecution had not proved they acted with any criminal intent. Her judgement can be appealed. If he appeals, the Lord Advocate of Scotland will have to contend in our highest appeal court for the lawfulness of a defence policy based on weapons of mass destruction. The doctrine of double-effect has no application to weapons which, in their intrinsic design are designed to cause mass destruction. The courage and judicial independence of Sheriff Gimblett – the courage of Angela Zetter and her companions stand in sharp contrast with the petulant failure of the United States Senate to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Like most of my countrymen I am deeply hostile to the use of Scottish waters for Trident. I am proud to represent here a party, the Scottish National Party, which opposes this absolutely. I am glad that the entire Green EFA Group is in solidarity with us on this point. Unsurprisingly, we deplore the Senate’s action.

Political group: Verts-ALE
Madam President, I should like to congratulate Mr Rübig for approaching his report with such an open mind and, of course, to agree that innovation concerns entrepreneurship and employment. However, we need it not just to serve the economy, the knowledge-driven economy in today's society, we also need it to serve the knowledge-driven and cultural society. Because innovation is not just an economic and business factor, it is also an educational and cultural factor. More to the point, it is the result of mutual and complex actions and reactions between education, research, the administration and the public. Innovative procedures presuppose a dynamic social model which is receptive to change. In fact, innovation does not depend solely or exclusively on technological factors, it also depends on organisational factors. A propitious environment is the main requirement, so that new initiatives, new discoveries and scientific applications can be developed, which is why we need social components working together, we need close cooperation between businesses and scientific institutions, as well as schools and universities, and we also need the help of the media if an innovative culture is to mature in our society as a whole. Innovation must be the property of every member of society. That is how our society will work in new directions, opening up new paths. Europe needs an approach to innovation which will directly serve society as a whole. However, we know that there are quite a few negative structural factors which prevent us from progressing as far as we should. We are quite a way behind and I think that this is a bitter but honest admission, which is why we need the measures proposed in the report, together with suitable educational systems that nurture innovation. Innovation is a process of analysis and synthesis and young people – mainly students – need therefore to play a part. We must take care to ensure that we do not just inflict talk and chalk on young people and that they take an active part in the innovative process during their studies and both inside and outside school. We must cultivate this approach at all levels of education. It is important to have cross-disciplinary syllabuses in tertiary education. We must bring the exact and the theoretical sciences close together, however difficult that may seem. We must also understand that we need better penetration of university research institutes and of scientific libraries via the Internet. I should like to highlight this sector in particular, because we are still a long way from having the really efficient network of libraries in Europe that is an absolute must. Finally, we should take steps to provide better protection for intellectual property because this is what can invigorate and foster the incentive for our scientists to innovate. That is why it is also extremely important for us to promote the application of European patent law.

Political group: PSE
Mr President, the Commission’s major contribution to the work of the Convention can only encourage those who believe that Europe needs a Constitutional Treaty before the reunification stage starts. The new constitutional engineering work can only be based on in-depth, responsible dialogue between the representatives of the European and national institutions. The Convention will therefore increasingly have to become a forum not for thrashing out different positions but for finding the best compromise, a compromise which confirms the two forms of legitimacy in Europe – the Community and the intergovernmental. The new Europe, founded on the principles of solidarity and subsidiarity, must be politically strong and have economic credibility. To this end, we need to give it a single voice in foreign policy. It must be a Europe with a small number of effective, well-defined competences, including, in addition to foreign policy, defence, security, immigration control, the single market and the management of the economy. It must be a federation of nation States but not an interfering Superstate. It must be an institution with a stable balance of the powers of the three institutions: Parliament, Council and Commission. Of course, the principle of the six-monthly rotation of the Presidency of the Union will have to be changed. The Commission’s proposal, outlined yesterday in Le Monde and today in this House, is reminiscent of the French model, with the Commission in the role of Mr Raffarin and the Council in the role of Mr Chirac. I wonder whether it might be possible to achieve a compromise whereby there would be a single Commission and Council President, who would be put forward by the Council and elected by two-thirds majority vote in Parliament. One last point. The Europe we are building cannot afford to lose its Judaeo-Christian roots, which are the guarantee of the secularity of the institution. If, in the future, we were to attempt to build a Union without taking into account our history, that would be tantamount to building a castle with no foundations.

Political group: PPE-DE
It is disturbing to note the major rush towards the militarisation of the European Union. The last speaker said that a small-scale NATO is emerging. Many Members, especially citizens in neutral countries, have no say on whether this is what they want. In my own country the vast majority of people are against the militarisation of Europe, especially a Europe that will have nuclear weapons at its disposal, a Europe where the arms industries are exporting arms to places around the world where there are mass and gross abuses of human rights. If we look at the track record of the European Union on its involvement in many conflict areas around the world, we see that the arms industries have been part of that problem. We need to address that. With respect to the neutral countries, some of the wording in this resolution is extremely ambiguous in relation to collective defence. We in the neutral countries are being told that collective defence is not going to be part of it, but of course when we get in so far then there will be no going out. Finally, I was quite amazed to hear Mr Newton Dunn cite the RUC as a good example of policing. If you look at the human rights organisations around the world that have amassed damning reports on that organisation, it is incredible to put it up as an example. I am sure there are good examples, but the RUC is not one of them.

Political group: Verts-ALE
Mr President, I should like to move an oral amendment to Amendment 2, so that it would read: '... the increase in cooperation and interoperability that are the priorities in the field of European defence...'.

Political group: PSE
Madam President, the agenda features an extremely important report by Mrs Buitenweg, yet, with all due respect, we are going through it rather quickly. Especially given that we only voted on her report this week in the parliamentary committee, we have since had very little time to work on amendments for the plenary. But to make matters worse, I have to say that, in this case, Rule 115 applies, which states that, except in the cases of urgency referred to in Rules 50 and 112, a debate and vote shall not be opened on a text unless it was distributed at least 24 hours previously. The latter, Madam President, was unfortunately not the case. As I understand, the French version was still not available this morning. I suggest postponing the debate and vote on this extremely important report to the next part-session.

Political group: PPE-DE
Mr President, Commissioner, Representative of the Council, ladies and gentlemen, the situation that is being negotiated with Mercosur and Chile lends itself to some dangerous suggestions that we should avoid, but it also offers some opportunities that this Union take and some responsibilities that it can assume. We must avoid thinking of this agreement simply as a free trade agreement, which is an almost natural tendency for something that was once just an economic union; today, however, it would be an oversimplification, dangerously favouring just a small elite and not the peoples involved, to whom we wish to propose a global association agreement which in fact has its own political dimension and its own momentum in the processes of cooperation. Latin America, the Mercosur countries and Chile are not just the fourth-largest trading bloc: they are also a continent in which the highest priorities of the European Union’s foreign policy can be fulfilled, and here I am thinking of the fight against poverty, the consolidation of democracy, the fight for human rights and workers’ rights. In its global and political dimensions, this Association Agreement can make a valuable contribution. In this context, it seems deplorable that in the Council’s mandate to the Commission there is no indication of the legal basis of our Association Agreement. We believe it is a fundamental agreement not only for attributing competence, autonomy and responsibility to the European Union’s foreign policy, but especially for managing, at last, to make up our great disadvantage in initiative towards Latin America compared with the United States, for asserting our capacity for political initiative and our competence in our foreign policy towards Latin America. A last point: we must enhance and provide for the participation of civil society. I see civil society not as a trinket, something mundane, a purely aesthetic necessity; I see it as a real, genuine resource in democratic terms, to which Parliament wants to give a say.

Political group: PSE