Mr President and Commissioners, I am speaking English not out of distaste for two languages that I like very much – French and Swedish – but because it was the working language of the mission. Thank you very much for your kind words. It is my pleasure to give the first presentation of the final report of the EU Election Observation Mission to Zimbabwe here in the European Parliament, an institution that has taught me so much and been such a joy to work in. “These were not perfect elections,” said the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai drily. Indeed, in the view of our 190 election observers with experience of seven observation missions as an average, the pre-election period was one of the worst they had ever been in, while the actual election days, the polling, voting and count were among the best they had been. What should one make out of such a schizophrenic picture, where, on one hand politically-motivated violence and intimidation cost more than 30 people their lives, with many more being threatened, persecuted, injured, raped and tortured, and, on the other, where the voters turned out nevertheless in record numbers, giving the opposition party almost half of the votes? All along in our mission I refused to use the term 'free and fair elections', because it is not applicable. It is too blunt an instrument, in such a complex process as the one we witnessed in Zimbabwe. Our mission had, therefore from the beginning stressed that we were not only there for the election process, but that our final report would also attach great attention to the post-election phase. In this phase, the role and responsibility of President Mugabe, whose mandate lasts another two years, is crucial. I underlined this in a conversation with him as well as in my public statements in Zimbabwe, saying that after revolution comes nation-building, after elections reconciliation. Our hope was that, in spite of the extensive violence and intimidation campaign for which the ruling Zanu-PF had by far the greatest responsibility, the people, aided by a large international and national monitoring presence, could cast their votes in a relatively free, fair and non-violent environment on election day. Thereby the period after the elections would be essential, and so would the role of the president and the Zanu leaders, and they would hopefully contribute to a climate of reconciliation and calm. To a certain extent our strategy proved to be right. People did vote in great numbers. Violence and intimidation did not seem to scare them off from the polling stations. Many also openly showed their sympathies for the opposition parties. It is not that we were partisan, we had our code of conduct of professionalism and strict neutrality, but we did want the people to feel that their vote was secret, that on election day the President and the peasant are equal, and that democratic elections are the power of the people. There was much violence and terror in the run-up to the elections and we condemn it. But I would also like to stress that there was much more non-violence in the form of the millions of people who wanted to exercise the democratic right to vote. The main opposition party, while challenging the results in 20 constituencies, has also accepted the results of the elections. I believe that the people of Zimbabwe, who cry out for peace and law and order, progress and a decent life, deserve a better deal. Allow me now to summarise our conclusions and recommendations in four points: It is imperative that the government moves swiftly to re-establish the rule of law and to allow the police and prosecution services to act against those who have been involved in or encouraged political violence or other human rights abuses. A new independent election organisation above partisan interest, and with sufficient human and financial resources to operate effectively is needed. The government must also allow the courts to determine the outcome of any challenge to election results in particular constituencies, and must respect their decisions. The European Union should endeavour to ensure that international observers are deployed in good time for the presidential election scheduled to take place in 2002. The European Union should make a particular effort during the coming weeks and months to monitor events in Zimbabwe closely and provide assistance and support where appropriate. I am glad to hear that both the presidency and the Commission also take this line. For that purpose, our central election unit in Harare will remain for some time, as well as 25 EU observers deployed through the country. Add to that our 14 heads of mission who will be on red alert. Let me use this opportunity to pay tribute to the Election Unit, to the EU observers including friends from Norway and Kenya who were integrated into our mission, as well as five Members of the European Parliament. The Commission, of course, responded in a swift and commendable way to the decision of the Council, and the continuous cooperation and dialogue throughout the process has been invaluable. Let me end by saying that the EU mission was a high-profile one, very well received among the people in general to a point that would be the envy of several Member States, including mine, Mr Patten. The mission can also be seen as an efficient conflict-prevention exercise. It was quickly on the spot, in great numbers spreading calm and peace; it was operational in no time, with a good national coverage and with a sustainable strategy also for the post-conflict phase. Our mission was an act of commitment to the people in Africa and to democracy worldwide. I see the mission to Zimbabwe as a natural consequence of our support for the struggle for African independence and of our wish to build a strong partnership with a peaceful and democratic Zimbabwe. (Applause)

Political group: PSE