Madam President, Mr President, the French Presidency of the European Union is starting at a time when the debate on the meaning and future of the construction of Europe is continually increasing in scale. I do not think that I am exaggerating when I speak of a crisis of confidence that exists between many European citizens and the European institutions, or at the very least a malaise and a search for a new European identity. Although we are attracted by the European ideal, we are puzzled or repelled by the reality of Europe. It is a real problem. In this respect, the slogans coming out of the mass rallies such as those held in Seattle, Washington, Geneva and Millau: “the world is not for sale”, “politicians are powerless in the face of globalisation”, “let the people decide” are the overt expression of much more widespread concerns and expectations which are of direct concern to the Europe that we are building. In order to have a hope of starting to meet these expectations, the French Presidency should, in the opinion of my Group, endeavour to issue positive messages in three directions, which are, incidentally, closely related. In the first place, it should express the determination to urge Europe to free itself from the neoliberal model that shapes globalisation at the present time. In the second place, it should prove its determination to favour the restoration of political will, political choice and political responsibility in the face of the power of the markets, the mega-companies and their lobbies. Thirdly, it should encourage the real involvement of the social operators in our various countries as well as the nascent movements of European citizens in the process of framing European policy. Are the objectives of the French Presidency which you have just outlined, Mr President, such as to afford such prospects? A plain ‘no’ would be rather perfunctory and, to tell the truth, rather depressing, but I would not be sincere in responding with a categorical ‘yes’ either, even if a not a non-committal Normandy man. So, while institutional reform is certainly essential, the key issue of the involvement of the citizens in the worksite on which Europe is being built has not, however, been included on the agenda for the intergovernmental conference. The social agenda is a magnificent challenge which we certainly intend to help to take up. In connection with this, you made statements which we might endorse regarding employment as the central objective of European Union policy, the fight against exclusion in all its forms, lifelong training, and the involvement of employees in company decisions. All that remains now is to establish objectives with definite figures and deadlines that can be checked, to set aside adequate funding, and to stipulate what rights employees have to be involved in the management of companies. We also need, Mr President, to specify what is meant by the proposed work for all and the social protection appropriate to the requirements of our time. You emphasise that it is our political will that will support the European social model and, indeed, political will is going to prove necessary in order to put a stop to the subordination of social policy to the rationale of the stability pact and the present endeavours of the European Central Bank. Political will is going to prove necessary in order to reach an agreement among fifteen Member States against social or fiscal dumping or in order to curb the unbridled trend to liberalise public services. Political will is going to prove necessary in order to consider limiting the discretionary power of the Commission in matters of competition policy. Action must be taken at each of these levels, in my opinion, and many others too, in order to promote a model of development in solidarity and a social Europe. Quite rightly, you stressed the Europe of men and women. We agree with the idea of promoting trade, the planned European food safety agency, increasing the safety of maritime transport, highlighting the fight to protect our environment, with the reaffirmed determination to rid sport of commercial criteria and, finally, with including economic and social rights in the Charter of Fundamental Rights. We would like to see this Charter used as a basis for the settlement of future disputes and as an acknowledged reference for a community of values for the entire continent. On the other hand, we are unable to agree – but that will come as no surprise – with anything that contributes to the prospect of fortress Europe. Although we want Europe to be closed to traffickers, we want it to remain open to individuals. Similarly, we are unable to approve of the European Union’s accelerated militarisation, which tends to overshadow real foreign policy initiatives. We consider, with the success of enlargement, the expression of a strong alternative opinion to that of the American superpower on the international scene and within crucial institutions to be the major challenge to civilisation facing Europeans at the present time. In this context, we welcome the prospect of the Euro-Mediterranean Summit, and hope that it will form part of an approach of this kind. More generally, the reports issued, one after another, by international organisations on the state of the world are sounding the alarm: the unacceptable tragedy of AIDS in Africa, the disastrous review of the results in Geneva of the application of the commitments made five years ago in Copenhagen in order to reduce poverty, the continued stranglehold of debt and, at one and the same time, the boom in the financial world which is quite removed from the real economy and people’s real lives. In all these areas, people are waiting for Europe to take action and, to conclude, it is on this last point that I would like, if you would permit me, to address you directly, Mr President. There is one step which, if you were to take it, would most certainly provide one of the positive messages I mentioned at the start of my speech, and which would have an effect in all three of the directions in which we expect the presidency to act. I am referring to a Tobin type measure or something similar, to tax the speculative movement of capital. There are times, as you said before the Bundestag, when you have to be able to take the risk and go off the beaten track. This is the price that has to be paid if we are to engage in the great adventure of the European Community. (Applause)

Political group: GUE-NGL