Mr President, this is not a just war. Liberal Democrats have consistently argued in this House that war would be justified only as a last resort, if inspections had failed and if it were explicitly authorised by the UN Security Council. We prefer the force of argument to the argument of force. Nonetheless, much as we abhor Saddam Hussein's regime, we deeply regret that as we breakfasted in Brussels the bombs were falling on Baghdad. I hope, for the sake of the Iraqi people and for the sake of our troops doing their duty as professional soldiers, that this war will be as swift and as bloodless as possible. In the absence of UN legitimacy and moral authority there is a duty on the countries prosecuting this war to do so in a way that is consistent with international norms and conventions. That means not using disproportionate force, not using the cluster bombs that drop small mines around the place, not using the incapacitating gas such as that used in the theatre in Moscow, not using the devastating MOAB bomb where air burst and mushroom clouds caused mass destruction. They might also take care not to litter the Iraqi desert with depleted uranium. (Applause from the Group) Once this war is over it will be imperative that the United States and the United Kingdom shoulder their responsibilities in rebuilding rapidly a peaceful, stable and prosperous Iraq for the inhabitants who have suffered so terribly under our sanctions regime. This will require the lifting of sanctions and immediate humanitarian aid. It means uniting the different communities of Iraq and the building of stable institutions to secure the future. Beyond that, they also need to establish a criminal tribunal for the crimes of the Iraqi regime and they must give back control of the oil fields to the Iraqi people. If those countries can bring the same conviction and determination to the solution of the Israeli-Palestine conflict and the same zeal to eliminating their own weapons of mass destruction, as they demand of the Iraqis, then we might make progress. It is important that the US does not act unilaterally in deciding the fate of Iraq. Once this war is over, the European Union must be a standard bearer for humanitarian values. We must be broadminded and generous and assume fully our responsibilities in the rebuilding of Iraq. This is not the moment to haggle with the USA over the cost of reconstruction. Europe must play its part with no hidden agenda. As our heads of state and government meet this weekend they must discuss how we can limit the economic fallout of the war for Europe's economy, how the ECB can stand ready to act swiftly to restore confidence in our currency if needed, and how governments can show a renewed commitment to the reforms needed to revive Europe's economy. They must also discuss, and be prepared to discuss when the crisis is over, why Europe has failed over Iraq. It could yet be that this crisis will prove a turning point if our heads of state and government finally accept the need for a common foreign policy and a single EU seat at the UN Security Council, because Europe's troubled tribalism means that Washington wins the day. If there is a lesson to be learned from this crisis in London, Paris, Berlin and Madrid, it is that if we had a common foreign and security policy our world view would prevail. (Applause)

Political group: ELDR