Francesco/who-killed-jfk huggingface dataset:
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 10]
# Top Secret## IntroductionThe judgment of NOSENKO's *bona fides* entailed the distillation of the huge volume of counterintelligence information assembled in connection with his case, including the product of his lengthy interrogations, the analysis of KGB operations which he related, the results of file checks of thousands of individuals involved, comparison of his assertions against collateral information from all sources and with counterintelligence records on the KGB and related matters. The examination herein reduces this volume of material to manageable proportions, to essential elements of NOSENKO's claims, in order to permit comparison of his statements with matters of known fact and to permit application of reasonable judgment. Conclusions are drawn from the examination of each major period in his claimed biography. The final conclusions represent the aggregate of conclusions independently drawn from the examination of each major period in his claimed biography.1# Top Secret0001273TS No. 197124Copy 10
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 11]
# Top SecretCONTENTSPAGEIV KGB ENTRY (ca. 1953)61Date of Entry62Role of General KOBULOV64Eligibility67Processing for Entry68Initial Service70Other Aspects Relevant to KGB Service72Summary and Conclusion74V AMERICAN EMBASSY SECTION OF AMERICAN DEPARTMENT (ca. 1953-June 1955)75Operations Against American Correspondents75KGB Files77NOSENKO'S Agents78Operations Against U.S. Army Attache Personnel81Custody of Case Files83NOSENKO'S Agents84NOSENKO's Targets87[MICKELSON] 0687[MEARNS] 0688[RICHARDS] 0689[FELCHLIN] 0690[BENSON] 0693[STROUD] 0693[MULE] 06 06,06,0694[BENSON, MULE and STROUD] Expulsion95[CARDELLA] 06.97[VAN LAETHEM] 06.97Additional Reporting99Summary and Conclusion99VI SEVENTI DEPARTMENT (June 1955-January 1960)101Introductory Comment101NOSENKO's Agents104Soviet Citizen Agents104Homosexual Agents YEFREMOV and VOLKOV110Summary112(ii)TS No. 197124Top SecretCopy![illegible]10/BR
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 12]
# Top SecretCONTENTSIntroduction 1Summary of Case 3I FOUNDATIONS OF NOSENKO'S CLAIMS 11NOSENKO's Statements About Himself 11Soviet Officials' Statements 20The Product of NOSENKO's Debriefing 21Positive Intelligence Information 21Counterintelligence Information 22Significant KGB Operations NotDirectly Related to NOSENKO'sClaimed Service 24"The KGB Agent in Paris"(Sgt. Robert Johnson) 24"SASHA" (Identity Unknown) 28"The KGB Agent in the British Admiralty"(William VASSALL) 30The KGB Audio Attack on the West GermanEmbassy 31"ANDREY" (Dayle W. SMITH) 33Edward Ellis SMITH 37II EXAMINATION OF NOSENKO'S BONA FIDES 41Notes for the Reader 41III PRE-KGB BIOGRAPHY 45Birth to 1945 45Moscow Institute of International Relations(1945-ca. 1950) 48Naval RU Service (Ca. 1951-ca. 1953) 49Summary and Conclusion 58(i)
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 13]
# Top SecretSummary of CaseThe NOSENKO case opened on 5 June 1962 in the corridors of the Palais des Nations in Geneva during the United Nations Disarmament Conference. A Soviet official approached an American diplomat with the suggestion that they get together for a talk the following day. The diplomat advised CIA of the appointment, explaining that he thought the approach so unusual that it might be an offer of cooperation or defection. He said he believed the Soviet to be Yuriy Ivanovich NOSENKO, a member of the Soviet Disarmament Delegation.Later meeting with the American diplomat, the Soviet official identified himself as NOSENKO and stated he was a KGB counterintelligence officer sent to Geneva to ensure the security of the Soviet delegation. He knew that the American had previously served in Moscow and erroneously believed that he was the "American Rezident" in Geneva. NOSENKO stated that he needed approximately 900 Swiss francs immediately to cover KGB operational funds which he had squandered on liquor and a prostitute in Geneva. He offered for this amount to sell two items of information to American Intelligence. These were the identity of a former American Embassy employee in Moscow who was a KGB agent "near ciphers" in the Washington area, and the identity of a Soviet in Moscow who, although ostensibly a CIA agent, was actually controlled by the KGB. In reply, the American explained that he was not an intelligence officer, but that he could place NOSENKO in contact with an appropriate U.S. official in Geneva later that same day.That evening NOSENKO was met by a CIA officer and a three-hour meeting followed at a CIA safehouse in Geneva. Describing himself as a KGB major experienced in operations against the American Embassy in Moscow and against tourists and other travellers to the Soviet Union, NOSENKO told the CIA officer of his financial difficulties and repeated his offer to sell3Top Secret0001275TS No. 197124Copy 10
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 14]
Top Secret> [Figure: Photograph of Yuriy Ivanovich NOSENKO, a man wearing a suit and tie.]> ![Photograph of Yuriy Ivanovich NOSENKO]Yuriy Ivanovich NOSENKO0001274TS No. 197124Copy 10Top Secret
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 15]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)the two items of information. He said that the need for money was his immediate motive for contacting CIA, although in the ensuing discussion he also expressed dissatisfaction with the Communist regime in the Soviet Union.NOSENKO met CIA representatives four more times in Geneva in June 1962. With the second meeting on 11 June, his earlier expressed reservations disappeared almost entirely. He answered most questions put to him on KGB organization and operations. His knowledgeability was almost exclusively limited to the KGB Second Chief Directorate (responsible for counterintelligence and security within the USSR). NOSENKO seemed to be what he claimed to be: a KGB officer in a sensitive position with knowledge of important KGB operations.NOSENKO returned to Moscow on 15 June, having promised to do everything within certain limits to collect information on matters indicated to be of interest to CIA The only restrictions he placed on his cooperation were his absolute refusal to permit operational contact with him inside the USSR and his request that no mention of his collaboration be communicated to the American Embassy in Moscow. He promised to notify CIA via an accommodation address when he came to the West again.NOSENKO again accompanied the Soviet delegation to the Disarmament Conference in Geneva in January 1964. Since last meeting with CIA he had been promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel and had become the Deputy Chief of the largest department in the Second Chief Directorate. At the first of the new series of meetings on 23 January he announced that he had decided to defect to the United States. He cited as reasons his continuing dissatisfaction with the Soviet regime and the fact that he probably would have no further opportunities to travel to the West in the foreseeable future. Although he implied that he wanted to defect as soon as possible, he agreed to remain in place in Geneva while arrangements for his reception were being made in Washington. NOSENKO had brought a large amount of new information, much of it in scribbled notes, on KGB opera- tional activity which he had collected in the 18 months since his last meeting with CIA.# Top Secret
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 16]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)On 4 February, four days before the date tentatively selected for NOSENKO's defection, he reported that he had received a cable from KGB Headquarters ordering his immediate return to Moscow to participate in a KGB conference on foreign tourism to the Soviet Union. That night exfiltration plans were implemented and NOSENKO was driven across the border to Germany where his debriefing was resumed in a Frankfurt safehouse. The decision was reached on 11 February to bring NOSENKO to the United States, and in the early evening of 12 February he and his CIA escorts arrived in Washington via commercial aircraft, thence to a safehouse in the Washington area.At the request of the Swiss and Soviet Governments, NOSENKO met on 14 February with representatives of their respective Washington Embassies in the offices of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. He told both that he had defected on his own free will after careful consideration and that he had no desire to return to the Soviet Union. In answer to the questions of the Soviet representatives, he orally renounced his status and rights as a citizen of the USSR.CIA completed its initial debriefings of NOSENKO on 18 February, and on 24 February he was introduced to representatives of the FBI for questioning. At about the same time, there was a marked change in NOSENKO's comportment. While outwardly cooperative during most debriefing sessions, it became increasingly difficult to get him to respond to specific questioning. His free time in Washington and nearby cities was punctuated by drinking bouts, crude behavior, and disputes with his security escort. He explained his behavior by saying that he was under great tension as a result of his defection, abandonment of his wife and children, and the disgrace that he had brought to his family name, and on this basis CIA acceded to NOSENKO's demand for a vacation. On 12 March, NOSENKO left Washington with a CIA case officer and two CIA security guards for a two-week visit to Hawaii. There his behavior deterioriated still further. He drank heavily and almost constantly; he consorted with a number of prostitutes, he was loud and crude in public places; and he spent money extravagantly and conspicuously.5Top Secret0001276TS No. 197124Copy 10
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 17]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)During NOSENKO's absence from Washington, consultations were held with the FBI regarding steps to be taken to restrict his movements and activities. This Agency was concerned that his behavior would attract undesirable attention and publicity, perhaps police arrest, and that doubts about his *bona fides*, which were becoming known to a widening group in the U.S. Government, might be inadvertently revealed to NOSENKO himself. The FBI on 1 April indicated it would "not interpose objection" to the CIA plan to limit NOSENKO's freedom of movement, and the Acting Attorney General, the Department of State, and the White House were advised.On 4 April NOSENKO was driven to a new safehouse in a Washington suburb, and told that this safehouse thenceforward would be his regular place of residence. Since that time NOSENKO has had contacts with CIA personnel only, has been under full-time guard, and has not been permitted access to news media.Intensive interrogation of NOSENKO, including a polygraphic examination, was begun on 4 April 1964 in order to obtain information which he had been reluctant to divulge earlier, and to clarify contradictions in what he had already reported. The polygraph examination results were inconclusive. This phase of the interrogations was terminated on 24 April 1964.Despite the searching nature of the questions and the implicitly and explicitly expressed doubts of his veracity, NOSENKO asserted that he was willing to answer, or to try to answer all questions put to him. Because more information pertinent to the question of his *bona fides* was needed, a new series of interrogations was begun in mid-May 1964. Different interrogators were introduced and questioning was resumed in a neutral, non-hostile manner. The period of neutral questioning continued until mid-November 1964.After further consultations with the FBI, a round of hostile interrogations began on 26 January 1965. Between then and 5 March, NOSENKO was questioned for a total of about 140 hours by individual interrogators and interrogation teams, and he was directly challenged on many of his previous assertions. He admitted that certain of his earlier statements had been incorrect, and that he could not explain contradictions
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 18]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)in his testimony. Nevertheless, NOSENKO maintained he had been basically truthful, and that he had come to the United States solely for the reasons he had originally given. These interrogations were suspended on 5 March 1965.Questioning of NOSENKO during the summer and autumn of 1964 and the interrogations of January and February 1965 concentrated on the period of his claimed service in the American Embassy Section of the American Department, KGB Second Chief Directorate, from January 1960 to January 1962. Among the reasons for selecting this particular period were the comparatively large amount of collateral information available against which NOSENKO's statements could be checked; the importance of the Embassy and its personnel as critical KGB Second Chief Directorate targets; their importance from the standpoint of American security; and the extent of NOSENKO's claimed knowledge of the activities of the Embassy Section, of which he claimed to have been Deputy Chief.In keeping with a Soviet practice with which NOSENKO was familiar, CIA asked NOSENKO in February 1965 to sign a series of interrogation reports, so-called "protocols", most of which concerned the period of his claimed service in the American Department. These were written by the CIA interro- gators, and they were designed to set forth NOSENKO's exact statements and meaning on various specific subjects. The protocols were in no way presented to NOSENKO as documentary portions of a "confession", but rather as distilled and final statements of what he did and did not know concerning particular topics. NOSENKO was asked to read each page of each protocol carefully and to sign his name at the bottom to indicate that he understood and agreed with its contents; he was allowed the use of a dictionary and was permitted to ask any questions and make any changes that he wished. (Amendments were entered by the interrogators and were initialed by NOSENKO.) NOSENKO was asked, after reading each page and after completing the entire protocol, whether he understood what was written there and whether there were any more changes he wished to make. He was then asked to sign and date the statement, "I have read and understood this report and certify it as correct", at the end of the final page. With one exception, he did so calmly and without objections. In one or two instances he remarked that his statements were presented in such a manner as to make them.7# Top Secret0001279TS No. 197124Copy 10
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 19]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)look foolish, but he was not able to suggest any changes of fact or presentation which would make them more accurate. Commenting on the use of interrogation reports, NOSENKO said on 4 March 1965: "My life story is absolutely correct. Anything I have signed is absolutely correct. I absolutely understand what I am doing when I am signing any paper. This is an official document, and I fully understand what I'm doing when I sign it as being absolutely correct."Further questioning was conducted from 26 July until 14 August 1965 with the participation of Petr DERYABIN, a former KGB officer. These interrogations, held in Russian, were for the purpose of using DERYABIN's KGB experience to obtain a clearer understanding of NOSENKO's claimed personal and professional background.During the period 19-25 October 1966, NOSENKO was questioned for seven days on specific aspects of selected topics ranging from his identity to his involvement in and knowledge of specific KGB operations. Questioning was in both Russian and English. Although the interrogations identified topics and time periods in NOSENKO's accounts which contained the greatest number of contradictions and discrepancies, neither the contradictions nor the discrepancies could be resolved.Because of the incidence of deranged persons CIA has encountered among would-be defectors, the question of NOSENKO's mental stability was a matter considered early after his defection in Geneva. From his arrival in the United States in 1964 NOSENKO has been under psychiatric observation. A CIA psychiatrist and a CIA psychologist, both with extensive experience with Soviet Bloc defectors, monitored many of NOSENKO's interrogations. In May 1965 the psychologist for three weeks questioned NOSENKO on his life from birth until 1953, when NOSENKO claimed he joined the KGB, in an attempt to identify psychological factors which might underlie NOSENKO's contradictory and inconsistent accounts. The psychiatrist has continued his periodic observations of NOSENKO to the present time. The psychiatrist and the psychologist concluded independently, on the basis of their observations, that NOSENKO was mentally stable.80001280Top SecretTS No. 197124Copy
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 20]
# Top Secret(Summary of Case)NOSENKO has not been interrogated since October 1966. The period since has been devoted to the examination and review of the accumulated interrogation notes, transcripts and other materials, and in the preparation of the present paper.9# Top SecretG001281TS No. 197124Copy 10
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 21]
# Top Secret## CHAPTER IFOUNDATIONS OF NOSENKO'S CLAIMSEvidence of NOSENKO's *bona fides* is comprised of his own statements, the corroborating statements of Soviet officials, and the counterintelligence information he has provided.NOSENKO's Statements About HimselfIn his meetings in 1962 and 1964 with CIA abroad and in the course of the interrogations since, NOSENKO has made numerous statements about himself. More than any other, however, a statement written in July 1964 (after the initial hostile interrogation was concluded) is a thoughtful and well-expressed exposition of how he wished CIA to regard him. It is quoted here in its entirety.My life, my childhood and youth passed in very comfortable circumstances since the position of my father gave us the opportunity to live without lacking for anything. And the only difficult periods of my life before the death of my father were at the naval schools attended in Kuybyshev, Baku and Leningrad, and at the beginning of my working life, when I was in the Far East in 1950-1952. The opportunity to be always well-dressed, to have a sufficient amount of money, to have my own car, to be able to use the car given me by my family and also my father's car, the opportunity to travel to the South and to vacation in the best sanitariums, dachas, and so forth; all this unquestionably Teft its mark on me and became something of a habit. After the death of my father, my successful progress in my work gave me a higher salary, and although I did not have all that which I had while my father was alive, still I did not experience any serious difficulties. But already I wanted to live still better.
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 22]
# Top Secret(FOUNDATIONS OF NOSENKO'S CLAIMS)Up to 1953, over the course of my entire life--at school, in the Institute, at work, at home in the family--it was always pounded into my head that Stalin was a great genius, that he was good, keen, etc., and the thought never occurred to me to question his words or his deeds because everything that he said, and everything he did, were completely axiomatic. The arrests and trials only involved traitors and it was considered and explained that the betrayor of the people was Yezhow, the head of the NKVD. Not even the shadow of doubt fell on the name of Stalin. Soon after Stalin's death in 1953 I read a certain document given me by my father. This was a secret letter of the Central Committee of the CPSU on the 'case of the doctors;' it was not addressed to all communists but only to members and candidate members of the Central Committee. I was deeply shaken by this letter which described in detail how these people, important specialists in the field of medicine, were brought to such a condition that they condemned themselves; that is, they confessed to things which had never happened, to things which they had never done. They were simply forced to give the evidence which was needed by the investigators. The secret letters on the cult of Stalin and much that I heard in the KGB about the reign of Stalin, all this left its mark and forced me to think deeply about the real truth and to look at everything more critically. I no longer had faith in all those ideas which for years had been pressed into my head.The new leaders (Khrushchev and Company) used the same methods but already diluted with the water of democracy, with playing up to the people and attempts to convince them that a new era would arise, a new and better life, and that now the Party was always going to concern itself with the welfare of the people. In fact, it was a struggle for power and the use of all means in this struggle, even micro-phones (they listened to the conversations of Beriya and his friends; later they listened to the conversations of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich, and others). Khrushchev's endless blabbing about
[104-10150-10136.pdf — page 23]
# Top Secret(FOUNDATIONS OF NOSENKO'S CLAIMS)The successes, when in fact they didn't exist, the figures about how the USSR had passed the USA in the production of butter and milk, when in the stores they were available only infrequently. The endless promises of a better life when in fact nothing of the sort is taking place. All this similarly forced me to re-evaluate not only the events which were taking place in the country, but already the entire ideology of the Party, its external and internal course.The events in Novocherkassk where 20,000 to 25,000 people rose up and the way in which this popular indignation was suppressed by troops with many casualties. This also made a deep impression on me. When I was resting in the summer of 1961 in Nikolayev, from my relatives--my father's brothers--I understood well the real relation of the workers both to the leadership and to the Party as a whole. At the same time I saw how the workers really lived, how they eat, what they have and what they can buy with their wages.I heard a great deal from my father about the domestic policies of Khrushchev in regard to the development and the course of construction in industry, about his complete illiteracy in engineering technology and industrial economics, about incorrect decisions in regard to many industries, and this was not only the opinion of my father, but also of other important leaders in various fields of industry. But no one dared to open his mouth and when in December 1955 my father tried, as an engineer, to prove that a certain decision would be incorrect, he received such a rebuff from Khrushchev that he was profoundly shaken and in the opinion of my mother this brought him to his illness and death in August 1956.The events in Germany and especially in Hungary showed with absolute clarity the bankruptcy of communist ideology. What was especially important for me was the fact that in these countries it was a protest not of individuals or groups, but of the130001284TS No. 197124# Top SecretCopy 10