Whoever doesn't HOP must be Superior: The Russian left-periphery and the Emergence of Superiority
Journal: SUNY Digital Repository Support (State University of New York System)
Year: 2012

This dissertation maps the left-periphery of the Russian language, presenting a new geometry of Russian main and subordinate clauses in order to account for a number of phenomena: single and multiple wh-constructions, sluicing constructions, and coordinate multiple wh-constructions (CMW), as well as to predict various occurring word-orders. Interestingly, the theory for these constructions comes from a proposed unique wh-unrelated category, the Higher Operator Phrase (HOP), located higher than C