title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: With the advice of Alberoni and cardinal del Giudice, Elisabeth became the confidante of Philip and proceed to eliminate the French party at court and replacing it with her own followers through a network of clients and supporters, created with the help of among others her Italian nurse Laura Pescatori. Her chief adviser was Alberoni, who guided her as how to protect the interests of herself and Parma, while he himself, as a foreigner, had only her to rely on for his power.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: Queen Elisabeth quickly obtained complete influence over Philip, who himself wished to be dominated. Reportedly she had physical charm and purposefulness, she was intelligent and could converse, be happy, jovial and charming, but also ambitions for glory, approval and popularity. According to the French ambassador the Duke of Saint-Aignan, she got the king to believe that what she willed was what he wanted, and she shared his tastes and eccentricities; he was also strongly sexually dependent on her, because of his scruples against sex outside of marriage. The bipolar depressions of Philip V periodically left him paralyzed and unable to handle government affairs, during which she handled them: such periods occurred in 1717, 1722, 1728, 1731, 1732–33 and 1737.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: In contrast to what was normal for a Spanish monarch, Philip preferred to share the queen's apartments rather than to have his own separate ones, and it was in the queen's apartments he met with his ministers. Elisabeth was thereby present at all government meetings from the start, and while she initially sat by the side embroidering, she soon participated more and more and eventually speaking for her spouse while he sat quiet. The king did not live in his own apartments but in the queen's, where he spent the whole night. When he awoke, he discussed the government business with the queen, after which the couple, still in their dressing gowns, conferred with their ministers in the queen's bedroom while the government business was spread over the queen's bed by her ladies-in-waiting. From 1729, they seldom emerged from the queen's quarter before two in the afternoon, after which they very swiftly performed their official functions. Philip did not like ceremonial court life or representation at all, and preferred to live in the smaller hunting palaces such as Pardo or Aranjuez, where ceremonial court life could not properly occur, than in Madrid, and their absence from physical presence in court life and public visibility became so marked that they were criticized for it, especially Elisabeth. After the dismissal of Alberoni in 1719 she was effectively the sole ruler in Spain.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: In 1724, entreaties failed to prevent the abdication of Philip, who gave up the throne in favour of his firstborn (Louis I) heir from his first marriage. Phillip then retired to the palace of La Granja. Also in 1724, she acquired the San Ildefonso Group for him from the Odescalchi family. During the reign of Louis, however, Elisabeth kept her hold of power. Seven months later, however, the death of the young king recalled Philip to the throne. It was Elisabeth who, with the aide of the ministers, the papal nuncio, theologians and all her net of contacts pressured him to retake the crown.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: Queen Elisabeth was uninterested in domestic policy and preferred foreign policy, where her goal was to enforce the Spanish presence in the Italian states, combined with her ambition for her own sons, who were initially not expected to succeed in Spain because of the existence of her step-sons. Elisabeth's influence was exerted altogether in support of Alberoni's policy, one chief aim of which was to recover the ancient Italian possessions of Spain, and which actually resulted in the seizure of Sardinia and Sicily. So vigorously did she enter into this policy that when the French forces advanced to the Pyrenees, she placed herself at the head of one division of the Spanish army. In April 1719, the queen accompanied the king on his campaign to the front upon the French invasion; dressed in a habit of blue and silver, she continuously reviewed and encouraged her troops on horseback.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: Her ambition, however, was grievously disappointed. The Triple Alliance thwarted her plans when British troops raided Vigo, and by 1720 the allies made the banishment of Alberoni a condition of peace. Sicily also had to be evacuated.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: During the later years of Philip V, when he was nearly senile, Elisabeth directed the whole policy of Spain so as to secure thrones in Italy for her sons. In 1731 she had the satisfaction of seeing her favored scheme realized with the recognition by the powers in the Treaty of Vienna of her son Don Carlos (afterwards Charles III of Spain) as the Duke of Parma, and after the 1738 Treaty of Vienna his accession to the throne of the Two Sicilies. Her second son, Philip, became Duke of Parma in 1748.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: On 9 July 1746, the reign of Elisabeth ended with the death of Philip V and the succession of her stepson Ferdinand. As Ferdinand, like his father, left the government business to his spouse, Maria Barbara, the French ambassador remarked that: "it is rather Barbara who succeeds Elisabeth than Ferdinand succeeding Philip."


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: As queen dowager, Elisabeth initially did not agree to surrender the reins of power. She settled with a court of supporters in a rented mansion in Madrid, and demanded to be kept informed of government policy and openly criticized the new monarchs. By mid 1747, Queen Barbara was encouraged to deal with her by Portugal and José de Carvajal y Lancáster, and on 23 July 1747, Elisabeth was exiled with her court to the palace of La Granja, where she spent the rest of her step-son's reign exiled from the royal court and any influence on politics. She hosted grand receptions where she welcomed foreign diplomats and encouraged the criticism of the opposition toward her step-son.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: The last time Elisabeth Farnese was involved in politics was after the death of her step-son Ferdinand VI in 1759. After his death, the Spanish throne went to her own son, then absent as the king of Naples. Elisabeth was then made interim regent of Spain from the death of Ferdinand VI in 1759 until the arrival of her son Charles III in 1760.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: In the time between her husband's death in 1746 and her own in 1766, she witnessed many events: the accession to the Spanish throne of her stepson, Ferdinand VI and Barbara of Portugal, whom she hated; and the accession to the throne of Parma of her beloved second son, Philip. In 1752 she built Riofrio Palace as her dowager residence.


title: Elisabeth Farnese

text: She later spent much of her time at the palaces of La Granja and Aranjuez. It was there that she died in 1766 at the age of 73. She was buried next to her husband in the Colegiata of San Ildefonso.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Pedro Aguayo Ramírez (July 23, 1979 – March 21, 2015) was a Mexican "luchador" or professional wrestler and promoter who achieved fame in lucha libre as Perro Aguayo Jr. or El Hijo del Perro Aguayo ("The Son of Perro Aguayo"). He was the real-life son of lucha libre legend Perro Aguayo and not a storyline "Junior". Aguayo was best known as the leader of the "Los Perros del Mal" stable, which he started in Consejo Mundial de Lucha Libre (CMLL) in mid-2004. The stable became a significant draw in Mexican professional wrestling, peaking during Aguayo's storyline rivalries with Místico and Héctor Garza. In October 2008, Aguayo left CMLL to start his own independent professional wrestling promotion "Perros del Mal Producciones", built around members of his "Los Perros del Mal" stable. In June 2010, Aguayo returned to AAA after a seven-year absence to start an invasion storyline involving his stable.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: While performing in a wrestling match on March 20, 2015, Aguayo died almost instantly from cardiac arrest after fracturing three vertebrae. Following his death, Aguayo was inducted into the AAA Hall of Fame and the Wrestling Observer Newsletter Hall of Fame.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Pedro Aguayo Ramírez was born on July 23, 1979, in Mexico City, Mexico, the son of Luz Ramírez and Pedro Aguayo Damián, a "luchador", or professional wrestler known under the ring name Perro Aguayo. His uncle, Jesús Ramírez Ángel, was better known under the name Ídolo and his cousins competed as Ídolo I and Ídolo II. Aguayo's cousin works as "Pepe Aguayo", inspired by Perro Sr.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Debuting professionally at the age of 15, Aguayo Jr. started out wrestling established veterans in AAA. He often teamed with his father, and the pair won the Mexican National Tag Team Championship on two occasions, defeating the teams of Fuerza Guerrera/Mosco de la Merced and El Cobarde II/El Cobarde Jr., respectively. Aguayo Jr. worked his first major show on June 18, 1995, when he faced and lost to Juventud Guerrera as part of "Triplemanía III-B". Aguayo Jr. formed a team of all "juniors", "Los Junior Atómicos", including Blue Demon Jr., La Parka Jr. and Máscara Sagrada Jr. The four defeated Charly Manson, May Flowers, Nygma and El Picudo to win the Mexican National Atómicos Championship during a show in Jalisco. Five months later they lost the championship to "Los Vipers" (Histeria, Maniaco, Mosco de la Merced and Psicosis) at the 1999 "Verano de Escándalo" show. After "Los Junior Atómicos" disbanded, Aguayo began teaming regularly with Héctor Garza, engaging in a four-way storyline feud with Heavy Metal and Latin Lover. These four competed in various tag and four-way matches throughout the lengthy feud. One of the highlights of the storyline was Heavy Metal being shaved bald after losing a combination four-way steel cage match and "lucha de apuesta" on the 2001 "Guerra de Titanes" show, when Garza pinned Heavy Metal. Later on Latin Lover would defeat Garza in another "lucha de apuesta". Aguayo Jr. and Garza defeated "Los Vipers" (Abismo Negro and Electroshock) to win the Mexican National Tag Team Championship. The duo held the title for 61 days before losing it to Pirata Morgan and El Texano.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: In May 2003, Aguayo Jr. moved to Consejo Mundial de Lucha Libre (CMLL). He was initially brought in as a "técnico" to team with Negro Casas against "Los Guerreros del Infierno", but did not receive the expected positive reactions from the crowd, and CMLL decided to turn him heel by having him win a tournament for a shot at Atlantis' Michinoku Pro Wrestling Tohoku Junior Heavyweight Championship. He won the tournament over established popular heels like Dr. Wagner Jr. and Rey Bucanero, so by the time he met the babyface Atlantis for the title, he was seen as a heel by the fans. The title challenge was unsuccessful, but Aguayo was quickly put into a program with "Los Capos" with the story being he was getting revenge on Universo 2000 for ending his father's career. During this feud, Shocker's popular "Los Guapos" group backed Aguayo Jr. and he became a face again. The feud continued through the winter and into 2004 and was ended when Aguayo and El Terrible (a member of Los Guapos) defeated Cien Caras and Máscara Año 2000 in a double hair vs. hair match at the show. In the spring, Aguayo Jr. once again backed up Negro Casas and Shocker in their feud with Pierroth Jr., Vampiro Canadiense and Tarzan Boy. The two groups went at it in "trios", singles, and tag matches before they were put in the annual "Cage of Death" match, in which the last two men in the cage, regardless of which team they are on, would face each other in a hair vs. hair match. The heel trio escaped early and Shocker made a quick exit as well. Aguayo Jr. and Casas then faced each other, and Aguayo Jr. pinned Casas, winning his hair. Tensions began to rise between Casas and Aguayo Jr. after that point, and when Héctor Garza jumped to CMLL in July, Aguayo Jr. ditched Casas and joined him. After turning heel again, he took part in the "Leyenda de Plata" tournament, held in honor of El Santo. After securing his place in the semifinals, Aguayo Jr. interfered in Negro Casas' match with Atlantis, costing Casas the bout and allowing Atlantis to advance. After defeating Atlantis in the semifinals, Aguayo Jr. faced the previous year's winner, Felino, for the trophy. After Aguayo Jr. won the match, El Hijo del Santo came to the ring to award him the trophy, but Aguayo Jr. smashed it, claiming that Santo wasn't nearly the legend that Perro Aguayo Sr. was. The angle was hot and played off the feud the original Santo and Perro Aguayo had during the 1970s. Due to El Hijo del Santo's short tour with CMLL, the feud was rushed towards an indecisive singles match. The closest thing to closure for the feud was a "trios" match at the CMLL 71st Anniversary Show, during which the team of Hijo del Perro Aguayo, Hèctor Garza and El Terrible (soon to be named La Furia del Norte) defeated Hijo del Santo, Negro Casas and Shocker. After that match, Santo focused more on his program with Averno and "Los Guerreros del Infierno" and Aguayo Jr. set his sights on Casas (to whom he lost), and the feud cooled down from there.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Starting in November 2004, Aguayo Jr. restarted his feud with "Los Capos" by teaming frequently with Vampiro and Pierroth Jr., who were also feuding with Los Capos at the time. At the year-end show, he had another singles match with Universo 2000 which led to Aguayo's father running in and making the save. In February 2005, Perro Aguayo Sr. returned to wrestling for one match, teaming with his son against Cien Caras and Máscara Año 2000 in a double hair vs. hair match. The Aguayos won the match (which was also billed as Cien Caras' retirement match), in the main event of the 2005 "Homenaje a Dos Leyendas" show. After the match, "La Familia de Tijuana" (Halloween, Damián 666), and Aguayo Jr. decided to start a new faction, "Los Perros del Mal" ("The Bad Dogs"). Soon, the group would consist of Aguayo Jr., "La Familia", "La Furia del Norte", Blue Demon Jr., Pierroth Jr. and Pierroth's storyline sons. The group took on many rivals, including Negro Casas, Felino, Heavy Metal (who had just jumped from AAA), Máscara Mágica, Universo 2000 and Aguayo's new focus, the rising star Místico, who had defeated him in a main event singles match. The two agreed to a hair vs. mask match, but no date was specified. "Los Perros del Mal" faced off against their rivals in the 2005 "Cage of Death" match, in which Damián 666 took the hair of Máscara Mágica. On May 5, 2006, Aguayo Jr. was defeated by Rayo de Jalisco Jr. and El Canek in a three-way match for the IWRG Intercontinental Heavyweight Championship in Nezahualcoyotl. Aguayo Jr.'s final major feud in CMLL was with Héctor Garza, which culminated in a Hair vs. Hair match on March 21, 2008, at "Homenaje a Dos Leyendas", which Aguayo Jr. won via a low blow.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Aguayo Jr. left CMLL in October 2008, along with fellow "Los Perros Del Mal" members Damián 666 and Mr. Águila, to start his own promotion called "Perros del Mal Producciones". The new promotion's debut show took place on December 7, 2008, in Mexico City. On that show, Aguayo Jr. tag-teamed with Cibernético and Dr. Wagner Jr. to face L.A. Park, Olímpico and Headhunter A, and was victorious.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: On June 6, 2010, at Triplemanía XVIII, Aguayo returned to AAA to lead "Perros del Mal" in an invasion of the promotion. The group quickly aligned themselves with Konnan and Dorian Roldan's "La Legión Extranjera", "La Milicia" and "Los Maniacos" to form "La Sociedad". On August 14 at "Verano de Escandalo" El Hijo del Perro Aguayo wrestled his first major match for AAA since his return, when he, L.A. Park and Damián 666 defeated El Mesías, Cibernético and La Parka in a six-man tag team match, when Perro pinned Mesías. On October 1 at "Héroes Inmortales IV" El Mesías defeated Perro in a singles match. Afterwards, Aguayo injured his knee, sidelining him for the rest of the year. However, he made a surprise appearance on December 5, 2010 during the main event of "Guerra de Titanes", helping Damián 666, Halloween and X-Fly hand "Los Psycho Circus" their first-ever loss in a steel cage weapons match. On March 18, 2011, at Rey de Reyes, Aguayo Jr. joined Damián 666, Halloween and Super Crazy in a winning effort against "Potencia Mundial" (Dr. Wagner Jr. and Los Psycho Circus); Aguayo Jr. pinned Wagner with "La Lanza", following a chair shot.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: On April 8, 2011. Aguayo Jr. underwent emergency surgery to remove a golf ball-sized tumor from his stomach. During the surgery, a peptic ulcer burst, and he was placed in an intensive care unit at the hospital in Guadalajara, Jalisco. Aguayo Jr. was released from the hospital on April 19 and was scheduled to receive treatment for his condition for a full year. Aguayo's tumor was found to be benign; Aguayo made his return to AAA, in a non–wrestling role, on May 1 and returned to the ring on May 8 in a six-man tag team match pitting "Los Perros del Mal" against "Los Psycho Circus"; Aguayo pinned Psycho Clown after a low blow. The feud continued on May 29 at "Perros del Mal Producciones"<nowiki>'</nowiki> third anniversary show, when "Los Psycho Circus" defeated "Los Perros del Mal" in a six-man tag team steel cage mask vs. hair match. As a result, Super Crazy, the last man left in the cage, was shaved bald. Aguayo Jr. was set to wrestle as part of "Los Perros del Mal" at Triplemanía XIX, facing "Los Psycho Circus" to determine the first-ever AAA World Trios Champions, but was forced to pull out of the event due to an adverse reaction to the medication given to him as part of his tumor treatment. Aguayo returned on July 24 at a "Perros del Mal" event, teaming with Damián 666 and Halloween against Blue Demon Jr., Cassandro and L.A. Park; the match ended in a no contest when Park turned on his partners. Aguayo Jr. next returned to AAA on August 19, replacing L.A. Park and teaming with Damián 666 and Halloween against El Mesías, Joe Líder and El Zorro in a six-man tag team match, which they lost via disqualification when Líder was attacked by his former tag team partner Nicho el Millonario. After the match, Aguayo officially named Nicho the newest member of "Los Perros del Mal". Aguayo Jr. returned to pay-per-view on October 9, 2011 at Héroes Inmortales, unsuccessfully challenging Dr. Wagner Jr. for the AAA Latin American Championship in a bullterrier match. Afterward, Aguayo Jr. began a feud with Jack Evans. On December 16, 2011 at Guerra de Titanes, Aguayo and Evans continued their rivalry in a six-man tag team match, during which they busted each other open. The match was won when Aguayo Jr.'s teammate Héctor Garza pinned Fénix. The feud between Aguayo Jr. and Evans continued through to "Rey de Reyes" on March 18, 2012, when Aguayo Jr. pinned Evans to win the "Rey de Reyes" tournament and earn a chance to contend for the AAA Mega Championship. On August 5 at "Triplemanía XX", Aguayo Jr. unsuccessfully challenged El Mesías for the AAA Mega Championship. Afterwards, Aguayo Jr. started a year-long rivalry with Cibernético, which culminated in a "lucha de apuesta" in the main event of Triplemanía XXI on June 16, 2013. Aguayo Jr. was victorious, forcing Cibernético to have his head shaved bald.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: In August 2013, Aguayo teamed with Cibernético against his former stable, "La Secta". On October 18 at "Héroes Inmortales VII", "La Secta" eliminated Aguayo Jr., Cibernético, and El Mesías from the Copa Antonio Peña, which led to the three retaliating by costing "Secta" members Dark Escoria and Dark Espiritu their match for the AAA World Tag Team Championship. Aguayo Jr.'s "tecnico" turn was completed on November 22, when "Los Perros del Mal" members Daga and Psicosis turned on him, labeling him a traitor for teaming with Cibernético. However, on December 8 at "Guerra de Titanes", Aguayo Jr. turned on Cibernético, rejoined Daga and Psicosis and brought "Los Perros del Mal" back under the umbrella of the reformed "La Sociedad". On August 17, 2014, at Triplemanía XXII, Aguayo Jr. started a new feud with the debuting El Patrón by attacking him and his father Dos Caras at the start of the show. Later that night in the main event, Aguayo Jr. defeated Cibernético, Dr. Wagner Jr. and Myzteziz, in a four-way elimination match to win Copa Triplemanía XXII. After the match, Aguayo Jr. was immediately attacked by El Patrón. Subsequently, Aguayo Jr. and El Texano Jr. defeated El Patrón and El Mesías at "Héroes Inmortales VIII". In subsequent months, Aguayo Jr. focused on Myzteziz, and resuming the storyline that started in CMLL when Myzteziz was known as Místico, by issuing a challenge for a mask vs. hair match at Triplemanía XXIII. The story led to the main event of the 2015 "Rey de Reyes", in which Aguayo Jr. teamed up with Pentagón Jr., only to lose to Myzteziz and the returning Rey Mysterio Jr.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: On March 20, 2015, Aguayo wrestled a tag team match, teaming with Manik against Rey Mysterio Jr. and Xtreme Tiger at a show for The Crash promotion in Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico. During the match, Mysterio used a headscissors takedown which according to Mysterio, was suppose to propel Aguayo into the 619 position on the ropes but for some reason he bumped and went out to the floor. Aguayo returned to the ring, upon which Mysterio dropkicked Aguayo in the shoulder to again set up for Mysterio's signature "619" as Aguayo landed on the middle rope (the proper position for the "619"). Aguayo appeared to attempt to stand up with his left leg. Manik then fell onto the middle rope beside Aguayo;when Aguayo appeared to be limp and unconscious, Manik shook him slightly to revive him. Mysterio bounced off the middle rope to performed the "619", but did not hit either opponent as Aguayo was already slumped over the middle rope and Manik ducked. While the match continued, Konnan, who was at ringside, then attempted to revive the seemingly unconscious Aguayo by shaking him. The match still continued, with Mysterio next checking on the unmoving Aguayo, bringing it to the referee's attention. The match continued, with Mysterio pinning Manik at the center of the ring while Konnan again attempted to revive Aguayo.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: With the match over, various personnel went to Aguayo, believing he was just unconscious and in need of medical help. Officials later brought Aguayo out of the ring. When paramedics arrived, Aguayo was brought to the local Del Prado hospital, where he was pronounced dead around 1:00 am on March 21. Aguayo was 35 years old.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: According to the initial statement by the hospital, Aguayo died from a cervical spine trauma, reportedly as a result of the dropkick by Mysterio Jr. that propelled him forward to the ring ropes, causing severe whiplash trauma that snapped his neck. The cause of death was later determined as cardiac arrest, due to a cervical stroke caused by three fractured vertebrae. Autopsy results showed that Aguayo Jr. broke his C-1, C-2, and C-3 vertebrae. The coroner stated that the fractures took place at two different moments of impact and that Aguayo died almost instantly. An alternative angle uploaded by an audience member appears to show Aguayo moving his left leg after the initial impact. Aguayo Jr. was not immediately attended to by a physician and was actually taken from the ring on a piece of plywood instead of a stretcher, which led to some criticism of the event organizers. However, the coroner stated that it made no difference. The Tijuana wrestling commission later explained that the doctor was backstage, attending to two other injuries that happened during the show. One of those injuries was a spinal injury and they did not want to remove that wrestler from the stretcher he was on, which was why they used the plywood to move Aguayo from the ring. The doctors worked on resuscitating Aguayo for over an hour before declaring him dead. On March 21, the attorney general for Baja California conducted an investigation into Aguayo's death but no criminal charges were filed.


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Aguayo Jr. was buried in Guadalajara on March 23 with Konnan and Rey Mysterio Jr. serving as pallbearers. Out of respect for Aguayo Jr, Rey attended the funeral without his mask. Mysterio’s wife stated he went to the funeral as a human being, not a wrestler. Mysterio was heartbroken and faced Perro’s family to give them his condolences. Perro’s family told Rey Mysterio to “Not feel guilt, this was in God’s hands, they understood completely." After his death, the "Comisión de Deporte del Senado del México" (The Commission of Sport of the Mexican Senate) presented the initiative "Ley para la Seguridad del Deporte en el País" (Law for the Safety of Sport in the Country").


title: Perro Aguayo Jr.

text: Many promotions, including AAA, CMLL, The Crash, Lucha Underground and World Wrestling League (WWL), paid tribute to Aguayo Jr. following his death. On August 9 at Triplemanía XXIII, Aguayo Jr. was inducted into the AAA Hall of Fame.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba Foot Ball Club, commonly known as Coritiba and colloquially referred to as "Coxa-Branca" or "Coxa", is a Brazilian football club from Curitiba, capital city of the Brazilian state of Paraná. Founded in 1909, it is the oldest football club in the state. Coritiba have won the Paraná State Championship 38 times – more than both of its main rivals combined (Athletico Paranaense have 26 titles and Paraná Clube have 7). Coritiba has won the Brazilian Championship once in 1985.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba is the first club from southern Brazil to have won a national title, the 1973 Torneio do Povo, and is also the first southern club to have competed in both main continental competitions – the Copa Libertadores and the Copa Sudamericana. Coritiba was both the first club from Paraná to have won the Série A (the main title in Brazil), and to reach the semi-finals in the second main competition in the country – the Copa do Brasil – in 1991, 2001, 2009, and to reach the finals in 2011 and 2012.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba is the only club who have six consecutive "Paranaense" titles, between 1971 and 1976. Coritiba is also the club with the most appearances in this championship.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The club are currently in first place on the FPF ranking, 14th place on the CBF ranking, 83rd place on the Conmebol ranking and 125th on the international IFFHS ranking. The club has more than 30,000 members.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: As of 2013, Coritiba has partnerships (including loans and exchanges of youth players) with Porto and Benfica of Portugal, Chivas Guadalajara of Mexico, Daegu of South Korea and VVV-Venlo of the Netherlands. Coritiba is the first football club in the south of Brazil to begin to embrace American football. The Coritiba Crocodiles were formed through a fusion between Coritiba and the Barigui Crocodiles, and are the one time Brazilian champions, five times state champions and have twice won the southern conference.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1909, a group of young men met in the "Clube Ginástico Teuto-Brasileiro Turnverein" (German-Brazilian Gymnastics Club Turnverein – "Turnverein" being the German word for gymnastics club), where the German immigrant community of Curitiba gathered to play a variety of sports. In July of that year, a prominent member of the club, Frederico "Fritz" Essenfelder arrived with a leather ball in hand. He explained to his friends that it was a football and he explained the rules of this new game. Fritz and his friends within the club started organizing matches in the field of the Quartel da Força Pública (Public Force Headquarters).


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Later, an invitation came to play a match against a club of workers, many of them British, from the Ponta Grossa railway. On 12 October 1909, Fritz called a meeting in the old Theatro Hauer (Hauer Theatre) to arrange the first match. A decision was made to form a football club, and he would call it "Teuto-Brasileiro". Teuto-Brasileiro would be the first football club in the state of Paraná.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: On 23 October 1909, in Ponta Grossa, the club had its first official match. The opponents were "Clube de Foot Ball de Tiro Pontagrossense", made up of employees from the South American Brazilian Engineering Company. The match was won by Tiro Pontagrossense, with a 1–0 scoreline, the goal being scored by Elias Mota.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba's team for the first match was: Arthur Iwersen, Erothildes Carlberg, Leopoldo Obladen, Arthur Hauer, Alfredo Labsch, Alfredo Hauer, Walter Dietrich, Teodoro Obladen, Carlos Schleker, Roberto Juchks, Fritz Essenfelder, Johann Maschke, Waldemar Hauer, Alvin Hauer and Rudolf Kaastrup.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: After the match in Ponta Grossa, the club's founders and members were excited by the new game, and decided to dedicate their club exclusively to football. There were already more than 50 players, many of them not of German descent, yet the "Clube Ginástico Teuto-Brasileiro Turnverein" did not allow non-German members; this led to the formation of a separate club (after many discussions held at Teatro Hauer throughout December 1909). Finally, on 30 January 1910, the independent "Coritibano Foot Ball Club" was formed. The name was chosen as this is what the team had played as at their first match in Ponta Grossa.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The first club meeting was held 21 April 1910, after they had acquired all of the rules of the sport (from Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo). During this meeting, the first Board of Directors was formed, naming João Viana Seiler as president, Arthur Hauer as vice-president, José Júlio Franco and Leopoldo Obladen as first and second secretary respectively, and Walter Dietrich and Alvim Hauer as first and second treasurer respectively. Fritz was named captain of the team. It was also during this meeting that the name of the club was changed, this time to "Coritiba", after the old name of the capital of Paraná. This was to avoid confusion with a social club in the city called "Coritibano". The foundation of "Coritiba Foot Ball Club" effectively launched organized football in the state of Paraná.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The search for a football ground began and the "Hipódromo do Guabirotuba" (Guabirotuba Horse Racing Track) was chosen. It was also the home of the "Jockey Clube do Paraná" until 1955. Bleachers were needed to accommodate spectators, and after the new stadium was retrofitted for football, it was named "Prado de Guabirotuba". The inauguration took place on 12 June 1910, before a match against "Ponta Grossa Foot Ball Club" (the new name of Clube de Foot Ball de Tiro Pontagrossense). Coritiba won the match 5–3. It was the first football match in Curitiba and was viewed by 200 spectators. Coritiba went on to play at Prado de Guabirotuba until 1917.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1915, Coritiba started competing in both the "Campeonato da Cidade" (City Championship) and the "Campeonato Paranaense" state championship. Coritiba won both the city and the state championships the following year. On 2 July 1916, Coritiba defeated a club by the name of "Spartano" in the Campeonato Paranaense state championship by 7 goals to the opponent's nought. That year, star player José Bermudes – better known as Maxambomba – became the first player from a Paraná team to be selected for the Brazilian national squad. Coritiba won the "Torneio Afonso Camargo" (Afonso Camargo Tournament) and, in 1917, the club started playing at their new stadium "Parque da Graciosa" in Juvevê, where they played until 1932.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1920, Coritiba won the "Torneio Início" and, in 1921, they won it again along with the "Torneio da Cruz Vermelha" and the "Torneio de Tiradentes". On 15 August 1921, the club beat the São Paulo state team, the "Seleção Paulista", 1–0. The São Paulo state team formed the backbone of the Brazilian national side, so this victory put football in the State of Paraná on the national map. The forward Maxambomba and the midfielder Gonçalo Pena were both selected for the Brazilian national team that played in the 1921 South American Championship (now called the Copa América).


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1924, the great state rivalry between Coritiba and "Clube Atlético Paranaense" began. On June 8 of that year, Coritiba beat Atlético 6–3, with four goals by Ninho. On 7 November 1926, Coritiba beat Paraná Sports 13–1, the largest goal difference in the history of the Paraná state championship. Staco scored five goals for Coritiba. In 1927, with Antônio Couto Pereira as president, Coritiba soundly won the "Campeonato Paranaense" by winning eight of their nine matches. Staco scored seven goals in a 9–0 victory over Savoia. In the same year, the club won both the "Campeonato da Cidade" and the "Taça Fox".


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1930, Coritiba won the "Torneio Início". On 23 November, Coritiba beat their arch-rivals Atlético-PR by 7–4, the highest scoring match in the competition. The following year, Coritiba won the "Campeonato Paranaense" and the "Campeonato da Cidade". In the 1931 edition of the "Campeonato Paranaense", history was made during a match against "Palestra Itália".


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Moaçir Gonçalves was a player-manager for Coritiba and he became the first black player for a team from the state capital. There were many black players in the 1930s in Brazil, but Curitiba was a city dominated demographically by German, Polish and Ukrainian immigrants so black players were rare. With his team trailing 3–1, Moaçir Gonçalves substituted himself in and Coritiba won 5–4.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Another notable character that season was Rei, a young ball boy for Coritiba nicknamed "Rei dos Vagabundos" (King of Bums) due to his lazy, laid-back attitude. During training for a Sunday match, the regular goalkeeper was late and the coach, Pizzatto, put the sixteen-year-old Fontana in the net. He astonished everyone with his performance and he was promptly registered as a player by the next match. He debuted against Atlético-PR in Baixada, and Coritiba won 1–0. José Fontana was selected as Man of the Match and went on to be known as 'The King'. He became the first goalkeeper from Paraná state to be selected for the national side.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1932, Coritiba won both the "Torneio Inicio" and the "Torneio dos Cronista Esportivos". On 7 August 1932, Coritiba beat Atlético-PR 6–1, away from home and with a reserve team. On 19 November, Coritiba inaugurated its new Belfort Duarte stadium. The inaugural match was against "América-RJ", a team from Rio who were the defending champions of the "Campeonato Carioca", which is the state championship in Rio de Janeiro. Coritiba won 4–2 and began a long period of success, winning many titles including the city's championship, "Campeonato da Cidade" (1933, 1935 and 1939), the "Campeonato Paranaense" (1933, 1935 and 1939), the "Torneio Arthur Friedenreich" (1934) and "Torneio Início" (1939).


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: On 23 January 1941, Coritiba played its first match against a foreign team, drawing with Gimnasia y Esgrima La Plata of Argentina at Belfort Duarte. On 1 February 1942, Neno scored seven goals in a 10–2 victory over "Jacarezinho". On 18 March, the club played a friendly against "Avaí" and won 4–1, the first match played at night under floodlights in the state of Paraná. In 1943, Coritiba won both the "Torneio Imprensa" and the "Torneio Luis Aranha". 1944 saw Coritiba win the "Torneio Getúlio Vargas" and, in the following year, the "Torneio da Cidade de Curitiba". During this time Couto Pereira left the presidency of the club after two terms (a total of thirteen years). In 1946 and 1947, won the "Campeonato da Cidade" and were twice champions in the "Campeonato Paranaense". Also in 1947, Coritiba won all four categories of the "Campeonato Paranaense" (aspirant, amateur, juvenile and professional) and was dubbed "Campeoníssimo" or 'Super Champion'. On 12 July 1949, Coritiba played its first match against a club from outside of continental America. They beat Rapid Vienna of Austria 4–0 in Vila Capanema. Rapid Vienna was the Austrian national champion at the time.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The 1950s was a successful decade for Coritiba. The club won the "Torneio Triangular de Curitiba" in 1950, and the "Torneio Quadrangular Interestadual" and "Torneio Quadrangular de Londrina" in 1953. They won the "Campeonato Paranaense" six times: 1951, 1952, 1954, 1956, 1957 and 1959


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1960, Coritiba won the "Campeonato Paranaense" again. In that year, the club lost the famous "coin game" to "Grêmio" for the title of "Taça Brasil". After three draws between the clubs, the title was decided with the flip of a coin. In 1967, Evangelino da Costa Neves became the new president of Coritiba and he stayed at the helm for more than twenty years. On August 6, Coritiba defeated Atlético Madrid of Spain in Belfort Duarte 3–2, with three goals from Walter. On December 12, Coritiba beat the Hungarian national side 1–0 at Belfort Duarte.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1968, Coritiba ended a draught of eight years without titles when they became champion of the "Campeonato Paranaense", also winning the "Torneio Internacional de Verão". On June 2, Coritiba played Napoli of Italy, at Belfort Duarte. On November 13, Coritiba played the Brazilian national team, losing 2–1.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1969, Coritiba embarked on its first international tour, playing friendlies in Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, the Netherlands and Belgium, and participating in the "III Torneio Cidade de Murcia" (III Tournament in Murcia), in Spain. The club won the "Pierre Colon Cup" in France as well. Coritiba played against the likes of Valencia of Spain, Borussia Dortmund of Germany, Bordeaux of France, Feyenoord of the Netherlands, Austria Vienna of Austria, Levski Sofia of Bulgaria, and Anderlecht of Belgium.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1970, in order to rally their fans and boost their finances for an expansion of the Belfort Duarte Stadium, the president Evangelino adopted the strategy used by rivals Atlético-PR, making some major signings. The first wave included players like Rinaldo (Palmeiras), Joel Mendes (Santos) and Hidalgo (XV de Piracicaba). The club embarked on another international tour, this time playing against clubs in France, Yugoslavia, Algeria, Romania and Portugal, as well as the Algerian national side and Sporting CP. Coritiba won the "Torneio Internacional de Verão" in 1970 and 1971.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1971, Coritiba started what is known as "The Golden Decade", winning six consecutive state championships (in 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975 and 1976) – a record in Parana state football history. On January 18, 1971, Coritiba played the French national side, who had just beaten Argentina, at Belfort Duarte and won 2–1.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1972, on a third international tour, the club played friendlies in Algeria and Morocco, and took part in a tournament in Turkey. On this tour, Coritiba played against Fenerbahçe, as well as the national sides of both Turkey and Morocco. Returning undefeated to Coritiba, they received the "Fita Azul". In the same year, Coritiba played Benfica from Portugal, and the national sides of both Hungary and Congo at Belfort Duarte.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1973, Coritiba won the "Torneio do Povo", becoming the first team from southern Brazil to win a national title. On June 18, Coritiba beat the Paraguayan national side 1–0 at Belfort Duarte. Coritiba won the "Quadrangular de Goiás" in 1975 and Taça Cidade de Curitiba/Taça Clemente Comandulli in 1976 and 1978. In 1977, the name of the Belfort Duarte stadium was changed to "Major Antônio Couto Pereira", and, in 1978 and 1979, Coritiba won two "Campeonatos Paranaense". The club ended the 1970s with eight state championships and, in 1979, finished third in the national "Brasileirão".


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1980, Coritiba finished fourth in the "Brasileirão", beating both "Ferroviário" and "Desportiva" with a 7–1 scoreline. After this, however, Coritiba encountered both an administrative and a financial crisis, leaving the team without any important titles until 1985.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1981, the club won a Quadrangular do Trabalhador, and due to the poor campaigns in Campeonato Paranaense, participated in 1981 and 1983 Taça da Prata, the second division of Brasileirão. In 1983, they beat Torneio Ak-Waba, from the Ivory Coast. In this tournament, Coritiba played against the Bulgarian national team twice, because the Bulgarians, not disheartened after losing the first match 2–0, challenged Coritiba for to a rematch. This ended in a 1–1 draw. In 1984, Coritiba moved back to the Brasileirão and took part in Campeonato Brasileiro, finishing in eighth place.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: 1985 saw the most glory for football both in Coritiba and Paraná thus far. Discredited, the club, commanded by Ênio Andrade, supplanted the challenges and beat the Brazilian team, winning in penalties against Bangu in Maracanã. Fans of Vasco, Flamengo, Fluminense, and Botafogo attended to support Bangu, totalling more than 91,000 fans.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In the same year as their national title, Coritiba also won the Torneio Maurício Fruet, as well as participating in two friendly games against Cerro Porteño. They drew 0–0 in their first friendly, hosted in Asuncion (Paraguay), but won the second 2–0 in Couto Pereira.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1986, Coritiba played Copa Libertadores da America, becoming the first team from the state to win the competition. In this year, Coritiba won the Campeonato Paranaense. In 1987, Coritiba were invited to join Clube dos 13 and participate in Copa União (União Cup).


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1989, Coritiba won the Campeonato Paranaense. In this year, they played a good campaign in Brasileirão, but refused to agree to a change in the calendar of play which meant the club were to play the day before playing Vasco da Gama – their main opponent in their group. Coritiba therefore did not go to the match against Santos, supposed to be held in Juiz de Fora, and was punished by CBF with an automatic loss of 1–0, the loss of five points and thus fell to Série B. On June 18, Coritiba beat the Japanese national team 1–0 in Couto Pereira.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In the year of 1990, the drama of the previous year was still being felt. The club entered a new crisis, which eventually spanned the first half of the decade. Nevertheless, Coritiba made a good performance in Copa do Brasil of 1991, reaching the semi-finals. After two years in Série B, in 1992, Coritiba moved once again up a division, falling yet again in 1993. In 1995, with a loss to Matsubara, Evangelino Neves was pressed to leave the club. Édison Mauad, Sérgio Prosdócimo and Joel Malucelli assumed presidency and fought to beat public doubts about the club. They were successful, and Coritiba moved back up to Série A.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In the state competition, however, Coritiba's winning spell was over. They came close in 1995 in an exciting final against rival Paraná (team), but unfortunately Coritiba eventually lost the match, held in Pinheirão, 1–0. The team came close again in 1996, but did not reach the final.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1997, Coritiba were the champions of the Festival Brasileiro de Futebol. Although the championship was not as highly regarded as others they had previously won, the club were struggling so the title was very well celebrated by the Coritiba fans. In the next year, January 19, Coritiba won 3–1 in a friendly against the Jamaica national team, who a month later participated in the World Cup. In the 1998 Brasileirão, Coritiba produced a great performance, ending the first phase in third place. In the knockout phase though, they were eliminated by Portugal, ending the competition in sixth place.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 1999, Coritiba returned to the Campeonato Paranaense, winning after nine years state title hiatus.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2001, Coritiba had a good first semester, becoming vice-champion of Copa Sul-Minas (South-Minas Cup), and reaching the semi-finals of the Copa do Brasil. But in the Campeonato Paranaense, the club were eliminated in the semi-finals, yet again for Paraná state. Fernando Miguel scored a goal for Coritiba in the 93rd minute (48th minute of the second half).


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2002, after a bad beginning, Coritiba improved throughout the season. They did, however, lose against Gama.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2003, as well as being unbeaten champions of Campeonato Paranaense, they were fifth in Brasileirão, and were allowed to play in the Libertadores da América the next year.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2004, they won the Campeonato Paranaense again and participated in the Sul-Americanas and Libertadores da América cups.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2005, after a bad campaign in the Campeonato Brasileiro, the team fell to Série B of the competition. In that year, Coritiba had the fourth highest average attendance of the tournament, with 18,688 per match.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: 2006 brought coach Marcio Araújo to Coritiba, and later Estevam Soares. After eliminations from the Campeonato Paranaense and Copa do Brasil, Estevam was fired, and was replaced by Paulo Bonamigo. During Campeonato, Coritiba won a number of rounds, but ended the championship in sixth place, so did not move up to Série A.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2007, Guilherme Macuglia was the new boss. He was in command during the Campeonato Paranaense, Copa do Brasil, and for part of the Campeonato Brasileiro. In July 2007, Renê Simões was hired as the new boss after the sacking of Macuglia. During this period, the players were revealed: people like defender Henrique, the midfielders Marlos and Pedro Ken, and striker Keirrison, as well as players such as Gustavo, Túlio and goalkeeper Edson Baston. On November 3, with four games to spare, Coritiba were back up to Série A of Brasileirão, drawing with Vitória, in Couto Pereira. On November 24, in their last game, with a victory against Santa Cruz in Estádio do Arruda (Arruda Stadium), Coritiba were champions of Serie B in 2007.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2009, Coritiba fell to Série B after a tie with Fluminense, the result was a sports riot in the stadium that left 18 injured, damages of R$500 thousand and 6 Coritiba fans in prison. But in 2010, Coritiba were back to Série A, and Coritiba did not fall again.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2010, Coritiba won the Campeonato Paranaense, and the Coritiba fans celebrated the title early against their greatest rival with a 2–0 victory in Couto Pereira. There were goals from Marcos Aurélio and Geraldo. During the Campeonato Brasileiro, Coritiba were not the favorite for the title, because they had lost in Couto Pereira for 10 games. When they returned to Couto Pereira they were first in table. They won again on September 18, with a victory of 2–0 against Portuguesa, with 30,414 fans making a big party.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: On November 9, 2010, three games early, Coritiba were back to Série A after a 3–2 win against Duque de Caxias in São Januário. On November 20, with a draw against Icasa in Romeirão, Coritiba were champions of Série B one game early.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: On April 24, 2011, the club needed only a draw to win the state championship title a game early, and pulled it off: Coritiba were champion of Campeonato Paranaense again, after defeating Atlético Paranaense 3–0, in a game in Arena da Baixada. The two-time state champions were unbeaten, with only two draws.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: On April 28, with a 1–0 win against Caxias in an official game for the 8th-finals of Copa do Brasil of 2011, the club entered the history of Brazilian soccer after beating the record for consecutive wins, replacing Palmeiras in 1996, who made 21 victories. With a win against Cianorte, ending the Campeonato Paranaense of 2011 unbeaten, and having thrashed Palmeiras 6–0 for the Copa do Brasil, Coritiba made 24 consecutive victories and 29 undefeated games.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba qualified in the 2011 Copa do Brasil final, after defeating Ceará. In the final, against Vasco da Gama, they were defeated 1–0 in the first leg, and won 3–2 in the second leg, but did not win the cup because of the away-goals rule.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: In 2012, Coritiba won again the Campeonato Paranaense and were the three times champion. They were once again rated in the final of the Copa do Brasil. But, in the national tournament, they drew 2–1 against Palmeiras. Coritiba almost lost the first match 2–0, in Barueri.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The current and official name of the city of Curitiba was established in 1919, ten years after the foundation of club, which was actually called Coritiba. Because of tradition, the club kept its original name along with the words "foot ball" and "club".


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The name "Curitiba" had gone through many orthographies throughout history, such as Coritiba and Curityba due to cultural diversities throughout the city.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The club's logo is a green globe with the initials CFC in white across the centre, along with twelve white stylised pine seeds. The logo's colors, green and white, are the same as Paraná state flag's.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba's first logo was simple: a white background inside a green circle, with the initials CFC in green.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba's first kit was used from 1909 to 1916, and was composed of green and white vertical stripes.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The current home kit is composed of a white shirt, with two green parallel horizontal stripes and black shorts and white socks. The away kit is composed of a green and white vertical stripes shirt, black shorts and green socks. These kits were adopted in 1976.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The club's mascot is an old man nicknamed Vovô Coxa (Grandpa Coxa), and represents the club's tradition of being the oldest football club of Curitiba.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The official club anthem lyrics were composed by Cláudio Ribeiro, and the music by Homero Rébuli. An unofficial anthem exists, titled Coritiba Eterno Campeão (Coritiba the Eternal Champion), which was composed by Francis Night. A third anthem, with lyrics composed by Vinicius Coelho, with music by Sebastião Lima, is also called Eterno Campeão.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: According to the 2014 ranking of BDO RCS Auditores Independentes consulting, Coritiba has the 13th highest market value of Brazilian football, valued at approximately R$118.5 million.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Although best known for football, Coritiba is the first team in Southern Brazil who also support American football. With a partnership between Coritiba and the Barigui Crocodiles, the Coritiba Crocodiles were founded. Coritiba Crocodiles are the four times state champions, and two times Brazilian national league champions.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: The stadium was founded as Belfort Duarte. Couto Pereira was the president of the club and he was responsible for the stadium being built. When he died in 1977, the stadium name was changed to Couto Pereira.


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Coritiba's biggest rivals are from the same city: Atlético-PR and Paraná Clube. The games between Coritiba and Atlético-PR are called "Atlé-Tiba" whilst the games between Coritiba and Paraná are known as "Para-Tiba".


title: Coritiba Foot Ball Club

text: Some magazines polled for the best Coritiba team of all time, composed of the best Coritiba players of all time. Only two players were present in all polls, Fedato and Miltinho. Jairo, Hildago, Nilo, Krügger and Zé Roberto appear in two of three lists:


title: Rosie Day

text: Rosie Jane Day is an English actress, director and writer. She is known for her roles as Mary Hawkins in the Starz series "Outlander" and Sarah Jessica Parker's daughter in the comedy film "All Roads Lead to Rome". She starred as Tina Pemberton in Sky One's "Living the Dream" and Sierra in the 2018 Summit Entertainment feature "Down a Dark Hall".


title: Rosie Day

text: Day is an ambassador for the teenage mental health charity stem4. Her novel "Instructions for a Teenage Armageddon", based on her one-woman play, was published in 2021.


title: Rosie Day

text: Day has been acting since childhood, both on stage and on screen, following in the footsteps of her older sister. It was at one of her sister's auditions that she was spotted by a casting agent and given her first role, at the age of 4, in BBC's "Hope and Glory". In that same year, Day and her sister played two of the Dudakov children in Maxim Gorky's play "Summerfolk" at the Royal National Theatre in London. She soon became a successful child actor on British television playing roles such as young Tess Elliot in ITV's medical drama "Harley Street" in 2008, and in theatre including at the Royal Court Theatre and Palace Theatre.


title: Rosie Day

text: Day never received professional training as an actor, but drew from her experience working with adult co-stars, watching and copying them.


title: Rosie Day

text: At the age of 16, she played Naomi in the hit stage play "Spur of the Moment" by award-winning playwright Anya Reiss at the Royal Court Theatre in London's West End.


title: Rosie Day

text: In 2012 she made her film debut playing Angel, a sex trafficking victim, in Paul Hyett's horror film "The Seasoning House." The role brought her positive acclaim and four awards for Best Actress. To prepare for the part, Day conducted intensive "research into the experience of women who [had] been in that situation" and learned sign language to portray the deaf character. The actress later said that she was "young and very naïve" when taking on the role and that the "film certainly had an effect on [her]."


title: Rosie Day

text: Rosie was chosen as one of Screen International's Stars of Tomorrow in 2013. The special edition magazine highlights up and coming actors and filmmakers in the UK and Ireland.


title: Rosie Day

text: In 2015 she starred alongside Sarah Jessica Parker, who Day calls "a huge influence", in the romantic comedy "All Roads Lead To Rome". From there she returned to the small screen for the recurring role of Mary Hawkins in the second season of Starz's historical drama series "Outlander". In 2014, while working with Scottish actor Sam Heughan on "Heart of Lightness", a film based upon Henrik Ibsen's play The Lady of the Sea, the "Outlander" star told her about the character and suggested Day for the part. As part of Outlander's second-season cast, Day received the Satellite award for "Best Cast in a Genre Show" in 2017.


title: Rosie Day

text: Later that year she starred alongside Uma Thurman in Summit Entertainment's "Down a Dark Hall", an American-Spanish horror film, based on the novel by Lois Duncan. Day portrayed troubled teenager Sierra in the female led piece which, as an outspoken feminist, appealed to the actress. "Butterfly Kisses", a film in which she was the lead, won the Crystal Bear for best feature at the 67th Berlinale festival in 2017.


title: Rosie Day

text: Day starred as Tina Pemberton in the Sky One family comedy-drama "Living the Dream" from 2017 to 2019. In 2019 she played Jane Asher in Sky Arts 'Urban Myth: Scrambled Eggs'.


title: Rosie Day

text: In 2021 she starred alongside Russell Tovey and Sian Clifford in the comedy "Real Love", and voiced the character Meteion in "".


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Ethnomusicology is the study of music from the cultural and social aspects of the people who make it. It encompasses distinct theoretical and methodical approaches that emphasize cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts of musical behavior, in addition to the sound component. Within musical ethnography it is the first-hand personal study of musicking as known as the act of taking part in a musical performance.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Folklorists, who began preserving and studying folklore music in Europe and the US in the 19th century, are considered the precursors of the field prior to the Second World War. The term "ethnomusicology" is said to have been coined by Jaap Kunst from the Greek words ἔθνος ("ethnos", "nation") and μουσική ("mousike", "music"), It is often defined as the anthropology or ethnography of music, or as musical anthropology. During its early development from comparative musicology in the 1950s, ethnomusicology was primarily oriented toward non-Western music, but for several decades it has included the study of all and any musics of the world (including Western art music and popular music) from anthropological, sociological and intercultural perspectives. Bruno Nettl once characterized ethnomusicology as a product of Western thinking, proclaiming that "ethnomusicology as western culture knows it is actually a western phenomenon"; in 1992, Jeff Todd Titon described it as the study of "people making music".


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Stated broadly, ethnomusicology may be described as a holistic investigation of music in its cultural contexts. Combining aspects of folklore, psychology, cultural anthropology, linguistics, comparative musicology, music theory, and history, ethnomusicology has adopted perspectives from a multitude of disciplines. This disciplinary variety has given rise to many definitions of the field, and attitudes and foci of ethnomusicologists have evolved since initial studies in the area of comparative musicology in the early 1900s. When the field first came into existence, it was largely limited to the study of non-Western music—in contrast to the study of Western art music, which had been the focus of conventional musicology. In fact, the field was referred to early in its existence as "comparative musicology," defining Western musical traditions as the standard to which all other musics were compared, though this term fell out of use in the 1950s as critics for the practices associated with it became more vocal about ethnomusicology's distinction from musicology. Over time, the definition broadened to include study of all the musics of the world according to certain "approaches".


title: Ethnomusicology

text: While there is not a single, authoritative definition for ethnomusicology, a number of constants appear in the definitions employed by leading scholars in the field. It is agreed upon that ethnomusicologists look at music from beyond a purely sonic and historical perspective, and look instead at music within culture, music as culture, and music as a reflection of culture. In addition, many ethnomusicological studies share common methodological approaches encapsulated in ethnographic fieldwork, often conducting primary fieldwork among those who make the music, learning languages and the music itself, and taking on the role of a participant observer in learning to perform in a musical tradition, a practice Mantle Hood termed "bi-musicality". Musical fieldworkers often also collect recordings and contextual information about the music of interest. Thus, ethnomusicological studies do not rely on printed or manuscript sources as the primary source of epistemic authority. Ethnomusicologists developed a qualitative practice-based research method; DIY/DIA enthonograpy which stands for do it yourself + do it again.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: While the traditional subject of musicology has been the history and literature of Western art music, "ethnomusicology" was developed as the study of all music as a human social and cultural phenomenon. Oskar Kolberg is regarded as one of the earliest European ethnomusicologists as he first began collecting Polish folk songs in 1839 (Nettl 2010, 33). Comparative musicology, the primary precursor to ethnomusicology, emerged in the late 19th century and early 20th century. The International Musical Society in Berlin in 1899 acted as one of the first centers for ethnomusicology. Comparative musicology and early ethnomusicology tended to focus on non-Western music, but in more recent years, the field has expanded to embrace the study of Western music from an ethnographic standpoint.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Ethnomusicologists often apply theories and methods from cultural anthropology, cultural studies and sociology as well as other disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Though some ethnomusicologists primarily conduct historical studies, the majority are involved in long-term participant observation. Therefore, ethnomusicological work can be characterized as featuring a substantial, intensive ethnographic component.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Two approaches to ethnomusicological studies are common: the "anthropological" and the "musicological". Ethnomusicologists using the anthropological approach generally study music to learn about people and culture. Those who practice the musicological approach study people and cultures to learn about music. Charles Seeger differentiated between the two approaches, describing the anthropology of music as studying the way that music is a "part of culture and social life", while musical anthropology "studies social life as a performance," examining the way "music is part of the very construction and interpretation of social and conceptual relationships and processes."


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Charles Seeger and Mantle Hood were two ethnomusicologists that adopted the musicological approach. Hood started one of the first American university programs dedicated to ethnomusicology, often stressing that his students must learn how to play the music they studied. Further, prompted by a college student's personal letter, he recommended that potential students of ethnomusicology undertake substantial musical training in the field, a competency that he described as ""bi-musicality"." This, he explained, is a measure intended to combat ethnocentrism and transcend problematic Western analytical conventions. Seeger also sought to transcend comparative practices by focusing on the music and how it impacted those in contact with it. Similar to Hood, Seeger valued the performance component of ethnomusicology.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Ethnomusicologists following the anthropological approach include scholars such as Steven Feld and Alan Merriam. The anthropological ethnomusicologists stress the importance of field work and using participant observation. This can include a variety of distinct fieldwork practices, including personal exposure to a performance tradition or musical technique, participation in a native ensemble, or inclusion in a myriad of social customs. Similarly, Alan Merriam defined ethnomusicology as "music as culture," and stated four goals of ethnomusicology: to help protect and explain non-Western music, to save "folk" music before it disappears in the modern world, to study music as a means of communication to further world understanding, and to provide an avenue for wider exploration and reflection for those who are interested in primitive studies. This approach emphasizes the cultural impact of music and how music can be used to further understand humanity.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: The two approaches to ethnomusicology bring unique perspectives to the field, providing knowledge both about the effects culture has on music, and about the impact music has on culture.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: The great diversity of musics found across the world has necessitated an interdisciplinary approach to ethnomusicological study. Analytical and research methods have changed over time, as ethnomusicology has continued solidifying its disciplinary identity, and as scholars have become increasingly aware of issues involved in cultural study (see Theoretical Issues and Debates). Among these issues are the treatment of Western music in relation to music from "other," non-Western cultures and the cultural implications embedded in analytical methodologies. Kofi Agawu (see 2000s) noted that scholarship on African music seems to emphasize difference further by continually developing new systems of analysis; he proposes the use of Western notation to instead highlight similarity and bring African music into mainstream Western music scholarship.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In seeking to analyze such a wide scope of musical genres, repertories, and styles, some scholars have favored an all-encompassing "objective" approach, while others argue for "native" or "subjective" methodologies tailored to the musical subject. Those in favor of "objective" analytical methods hold that certain perceptual or cognitive universals or laws exist in music, making it possible to construct an analytical framework or set of categories applicable across cultures. Proponents of "native" analysis argue that all analytical approaches inherently incorporate value judgments and that, to understand music it is crucial to construct an analysis within cultural context. This debate is well exemplified by a series of articles between Mieczyslaw Kolinski and Marcia Herndon in the mid-1970s; these authors differed strongly on the style, nature, implementation, and advantages of analytical and synthetic models including their own. Herndon, backing "native categories" and inductive thinking, distinguishes between analysis and synthesis as two different methods for examining music. By her definition, analysis seeks to break down parts of a known whole according to a definite plan, whereas synthesis starts with small elements and combines them into one entity by tailoring the process to the musical material. Herndon also debated on the subjectivity and objectivity necessary for a proper analysis of a musical system. Kolinski, among those scholars critiqued by Herndon's push for a synthetic approach, defended the benefits of analysis, arguing in response for the acknowledgment of musical facts and laws.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: As a result of the above debate and ongoing ones like it, ethnomusicology has yet to establish any standard method or methods of analysis. This is not to say that scholars have not attempted to establish universal or "objective" analytical systems. Bruno Nettl acknowledges the lack of a singular comparative model for ethnomusicological study, but describes methods by Mieczyslaw Kolinski, Béla Bartók, and Erich von Hornbostel as notable attempts to provide such a model.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Perhaps the first of these objective systems was the development of the cent as a definitive unit of pitch by phonetician and mathematician Alexander J. Ellis (1885). Ellis made notable contributions to the foundations of comparative musicology and ultimately ethnomusicology with the creation of the cents system; in fact, the ethnomusicologist Hornbostel “declared Ellis the ‘true founder of comparative scientific musicology.’” Prior to this invention, pitches were described by using measurements of frequency, or vibrations per second. However, this method was not reliable, “since the same interval has a different reading each time it occurs across the whole pitch spectrum.” On the other hand, the cents system allowed any interval to have a fixed numerical representation, regardless of its specific pitch level. Ellis used his system, which divided the octave into 1200 cents (100 cents in each Western semitone), as a means of analyzing and comparing scale systems of different musics. He had recognized that global pitch and scale systems were not naturally occurring in the world, but rather “artifices” created by humans and their “organized preferences,” and they differed in various locations. In his article in the "Journal of the Society of Arts and Sciences", he mentions different countries such as India, Japan, and China, and notes how the pitch systems varied “not only [in] the absolute pitch of each note, but also necessarily the intervals between them.” From his experiences with interviewing native musicians and observing the variations in scales across the locations, he concludes that “there is no practical way of arriving at the real pitch of a musical scale, when it cannot be heard as played by a native musician” and even then, “we only obtain that particular musician’s tuning of the scale.” Ellis's study is also an early example of comparative musicological fieldwork (see Fieldwork).


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Alan Lomax's method of cantometrics employed analysis of songs to model human behavior in different cultures. He posited that there is some correlation between musical traits or approaches and the traits of the music's native culture. Cantometrics involved qualitative scoring based on several characteristics of a song, comparatively seeking commonalities between cultures and geographic regions.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Mieczyslaw Kolinski measured the exact distance between the initial and final tones in melodic patterns. Kolinski refuted the early scholarly opposition of European and non-European musics, choosing instead to focus on much-neglected similarities between them, what he saw as markers of "basic similarities in the psycho-physical constitution of mankind." Kolinski also employed his method to test, and disprove, Erich von Hornbostel's hypothesis that European music generally had ascending melodic lines, while non-European music featured descending melodic lines.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Adopting a more anthropological analytical approach, Steven Feld conducted descriptive ethnographic studies regarding "sound as a cultural system." Specifically, his studies of Kaluli people of Papua New Guinea use sociomusical methods to draw conclusions about its culture.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Bruno Nettl, Emeritus Professor of Musicology at Illinois University, defines fieldwork as "direct inspection [of music, culture, etc] at the source", and states that "It is in the importance of fieldwork that anthropology and ethnomusicology are closest: It is a 'hallmark' of both fields, something like a union card". However, he mentions that ethnomusicological fieldwork differs from anthropological fieldwork because the former requires more “practical” information about “recording, filming, video-taping, [and] special problems of text-gathering.” The experience of an ethnomusicologist in the field is his/her data; experience, texts (e.g. tales, myths, proverbs), structures (e.g. social organization), and "imponderabilia of everyday life" all contribute to an ethnomusicologist's study. He also notes how ethnomusicological fieldwork “principally involves interaction with other humans” and is primarily about “day-to-day personal relationships,” and this shows the more “personal” side of the discipline. The importance of fieldwork in the field of ethnomusicology has required the development of effective methods to pursue fieldwork.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In the 19th century until the mid-20th century, European scholars (folklorists, ethnographers, and some early ethnomusicologists) who were motivated to preserve disappearing music cultures (from both in and outside of Europe), collected transcriptions or audio recordings on wax cylinders. Many such recordings were then stored at the Berliner Phonogramm-Archiv at the Berlin school of comparative musicology, which was founded by Carl Stumpf, his student Erich M. von Hornbostel, and medical doctor Otto Abraham. Stumpf and Hornbostel studied and preserved these recordings in the Berlin Archiv, setting the foundation for contemporary ethnomusicology. But, the "armchair analysis" methods of Stumpf and Horbostel required very little participation in fieldwork themselves, instead using the fieldwork of other scholars. This differentiates Stumpf and Hornbostel from their present-day contemporaries, who now use their fieldwork experience as a main component in their research.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Ethnomusicology's transition from "armchair analysis" to fieldwork reflected ethnomusicologists trying to distance themselves from the field of comparative musicology in the period following World War II. Fieldwork emphasized face-to-face interaction to gather the most accurate impression and meaning of music from the creators of the music, in contrast with "armchair analysis" that disconnected the ethnomusicologist from the individual or group of performers.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Stumpf and Hornbostel were not the only scholars to use "armchair" analysis. Other scholars analyzed recordings and transcriptions that they did not make. For instance, in his work "Hungarian Folk Music", Béla Bartók analyzes various traits of Hungarian folk songs. While drawing from recordings made by himself, Bartók also relies on transcriptions by other musicians; among them are , Zoltán Kodály, and Lászo Lajtha. These transcriptions came in recorded and printed format, and form the majority of Bartók's source material.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In 1935, the journal American Anthropologist published an article titled "Plains Ghost Dance and Great Basin Music," authored by George Herzog. Herzog was an assistant to Hornbostel and Stumpf. Herzog draws from material "available to [him]" and "in the literature," including transcriptions by James Mooney for the Bureau of American Ethnology; Natalie Curtis, and Alice C. Fletcher. Herzog analyzes structure and melodic contour of Ghost Dance songs. He notes that Ghost Dance music's "paired patterns" occur in many Native American tribes' music, and they may have migrated from tribe to tribe.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Writing later in the 1950s, Jaap Kunst wrote about fieldwork for the purpose of recording and transcribing sound. Kunst lists various "phonogram-archives," collections of recorded sound. They include the archives founded by Stumpf.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Among other developments, the 1950s and 1960s saw the expansion of fieldwork, as opposed to "armchair" analysis. In 1950, David McAllester conducted a study of Navajo music, particularly the music of the Enemy Way ceremony. The work was published as "Enemy Way Music: A Study of Social and Esthetic Values As Seen in Navaho Music". In it, McAllester details the procedures of the Enemy Way ceremony, as well as the music itself.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Aside from Enemy Way music, McAllester sought Navajo cultural values based on analysis of attitudes toward music. To his interviewees, McAllester gave a questionnaire, which includes these items:


title: Ethnomusicology

text: The ethnomusicologist Alan Merriam reviewed McAllester's work, calling it "strange to speak of a work published in 1954 as 'pioneering,' but this is precisely the case." He described McAllester's work as "[relating] music to culture and culture to music in terms of the value system of the Navaho [sic]." As of 1956, the time that Merriam published his review, the idea of such work "occurred to ethnomusicologists with surprising infrequency."


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In his work "The Anthropology of Music", published in 1964, Merriam wrote that "ethnomusicology has suffered from the amateur field collector whose knowledge of its aims has been severely restricted. Such collectors operate under the assumption that the important point is simply to gather music sound, and that this sound–often taken without discrimination and without thought, for example, to problems of sampling–can then simply be turned over to the laboratory worker to do something about it."


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In the same work, Merriam states that "what the ethnomusicologist does in the field is determined by his own formulation of method, taken in its broadest sense." Fieldwork can have multiple areas of inquiry, and Merriam lists six of these:


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Bruno Nettl describes early 20th-century fieldwork as extraction of music, which is analyzed elsewhere. Between 1920 and 1960, however, fieldworkers wished to map entire musical systems, and resided longer in the field. After the 1950s, some not only observed, but also participated in musical cultures.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Mantle Hood wrote about this practice as well. Hood had learned from musicians in Indonesia about the intervals of sléndro scales, as well as how to play the rebab. He was interested in the characteristics of Indonesian music, as well as "social and economic valuations" of music.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: By the 1980s, participant-observer methodology became the norm, at least in the North American tradition of ethnomusicology.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Aside from this history of fieldwork, Nettl writes about informants: the people whom fieldworkers research and interview. Informants do not contain the entirety of a musical culture, and need not represent the ideal of the culture. According to Nettl, there is a bell-shaped curve of musical ability. In a community, the majority are "simply good" at their music. They are of greatest interest. However, it is also worth seeing who a community recommends as informants. People may direct a fieldworker to the best musicians, or they may suggest many "simply good" musicians. This attitude is reflective of the culture's values.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: As technology advanced, researchers graduated from depending on wax cylinders and the phonograph to digital recordings and video cameras, allowing recordings to become more accurate representations of music studied. These technological advances have helped ethnomusicologists be more mobile in the field, but have also let some ethnomusicologists shift back to the "armchair analysis" of Stumpf and Hornbostel. Since video recordings are now considered cultural texts, ethnomusicologists can conduct fieldwork by recording music performances and creating documentaries of the people behind the music, which can be accurately studied outside of the field. Additionally, the invention of the internet and forms of online communication could allow ethnomusicologists to develop new methods of fieldwork within a virtual community.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Heightened awareness of the need to approach fieldwork in an ethical manner arose in the 1970s in response to a similar movement within the field of anthropology. Mark Slobin writes in detail about the application of ethics to fieldwork. Several potential ethical problems that arise during fieldwork relate to the rights of the music performers. To respect the rights of performers, fieldwork often includes attaining complete permission from the group or individual who is performing the music, as well as being sensitive to the rights and obligations related to the music in the context of the host society.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Another ethical dilemma of ethnomusicological fieldwork is the inherent ethnocentrism (more commonly, eurocentrism) of ethnomusicology. Anthony Seeger has done seminal work on the notion of ethics within fieldwork, emphasizing the need to avoid ethnocentric remarks during or after the field work process. Emblematic of his ethical theories is a 1983 piece that describes the fundamental complexities of fieldwork through his relationship with the Suyá Indians of Brazil. To avoid ethnocentrism in his research, Seeger does not explore how singing has come to exist within Suyá culture, instead explaining how singing creates culture presently, and how aspects of Suyá social life can be seen through both a musical and performative lens. Seeger's analysis exemplifies the inherent complexity of ethical practices in ethnomusicological fieldwork, implicating the importance for the continual development of effective fieldwork in the study of ethnomusicology.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In his 2005 paper "Come Back and See Me Next Tuesday," Nettl asks whether ethnomusicologists can, or even should practice a unified field methodology as opposed to each scholar developing their own individual approach. Nettl considers several factors when sampling music from different cultures. The first thing is that in order to discover the best representation of any culture, it is important to be able to “discern between ordinary experience and ideal,” all while considering the fact that “the ‘ideal’ musician may also know and do things completely outside the ken of the rest.” Another factor is the process of selecting teachers, which depends on what the fieldworker wishes to accomplish. Regardless of whatever method a fieldworker decides to use to conduct research, fieldworkers are expected to “show respect for their material and for the people with whom they work.” As Nettl explains, ethnomusicology is a field heavily relies on both the collection of data and the development of strong personal relationships, which often cannot be quantified by statistical data. He summarizes Bronisław Malinowski's classification of anthropological data (or, as Nettl applies it, ethnomusicological data) by outlining it as three types of information: 1) texts, 2) structures, and 3) the non-ponderable aspects of everyday life. The third type of information, Nettl claims is the most important because it captures the ambiguity of experience that cannot be captured well through writing. He cites another attempt made by Morris Friedrich, an anthropologist, to classify field data into fourteen different categories in order to demonstrate the complexity that information gathered through fieldwork contains. There are a myriad of factors, many of which exist beyond the researcher's comprehension, that prevent a precise and accurate representation of what one has experienced in the field. As Nettl notices, there is a current trend in ethnomusicology to no longer even attempt to capture a whole system or culture, but to focus on a very specific niche and try to explain it thoroughly. Nettl's question, however, still remains: should there be a uniform method for going about this type of fieldwork?


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Alan Merriam addresses issues that he found with ethnomusicological fieldwork in the third chapter of his 1964 book, "The Anthropology of Music". One of his most pressing concerns is that, as of 1964 when he was writing, there had been insufficient discussion among ethnomusicologists about how to conduct proper fieldwork. That aside, Merriam proceeds to characterize the nature of ethnomusicological fieldwork as being primarily concerned with the collection of facts. He describes ethnomusicology as both a field and a laboratory discipline. In these accounts of the nature of ethnomusicology, it seems to be closely related to a science. Because of that, one might argue that a standardized, agreed-upon field method would be beneficial to ethnomusicologists. Despite that apparent viewpoint, Merriam conclusively claims that there should be a combination of a standardized, scientific approach and a more free-form analytical approach because the most fruitful work he has done has come from combining those two rather than separating them, as was the trend among his contemporaries.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Even Merriam's once progressive notion of a balanced approach came into question as time passed. Specifically, the idea that ethnomusicology is or can be "at all" factual. In a 1994 book, "May it Fill Your Soul: Experiencing Bulgarian Music", Timothy Rice uses enlightenment philosophy to substantiate his opinion that fieldwork cannot be used as fact. The philosophy he works with involves theorizing over the distinction between objectivity and subjectivity. In order to ground those debates in ethnomusicology, he equates musicology to objectivity and musical experience to subjectivity. Rice uses the philosophical attitudes that Martin Heidegger, Hans-Georg Gadamer, and Paul Ricoeur take towards objectivity and subjectivity to state that human perception of the world is inherently subjective because the only way in which humans can interpret what goes on around them is through symbols. Human preconceptions of those symbols will always influence the ways in which an individual might process the world around them. Applying that theory to music and ethnomusicology, Rice brings back the terms of musicology and musical experience. Because one's experience of music is simply an interpretation of preconceived symbols, one cannot claim musical experience as factual. Thus, systematizing fieldwork like one would a scientific field is a futile endeavor. Instead, Rice asserts that any attempt to engage with someone else's musical experience, which cannot be truly understood by anyone except that person, must be confined to individual analysis. Characterizing the musical experience of a whole culture, according to Rice's logic, is not possible.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Another argument against the objectivity and standardization of fieldwork comes from Gregory Barz and Tim Cooley in the second chapter of their book, "Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology". In this chapter, entitled "Confronting the Field(Note): In and Out of the Field," they claim that a researcher's field work will always be personal because a field researcher in ethnomusicology, unlike a field researcher in a hard science, is inherently a participant in the group they are researching just by being there. To illustrate the disparity between those subjective, participatory experiences that ethnomusicological fieldworkers have and what typically gets published as ethnomusicological literature, Barz and Cooley point out the difference between field research and field notes. While field research attempts to find "the" reality, field notes document "a" reality. The issue, according to Barz and Cooley, is that field notes, which capture the personal experience of the researcher, are often omitted from whatever final writing that researcher publishes.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Another ethical dilemma of ethnomusicological fieldwork is the inherent ethnocentrism (more commonly, eurocentrism) of ethnomusicology. Anthony Seeger, Emeritus Professor of Ethnomusicology at UCLA, has done seminal work on the notion of ethics within fieldwork, emphasizing the need to avoid ethnocentric remarks during or after the field work process. Emblematic of his ethical theories is a 1983 piece that describes the fundamental complexities of fieldwork through his relationship with the Suyá Indians of Brazil. To avoid ethnocentrism in his research, Seeger does not explore how singing has come to exist within Suyá culture, instead explaining how singing creates culture presently, and how aspects of Suyá social life can be seen through both a musical and performative lens. Seeger's analysis exemplifies the inherent complexity of ethical practices in ethnomusicological fieldwork, implicating the importance for the continual development of effective fieldwork in the study of ethnomusicology.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In recent decades, ethnomusicologists have paid greater attention to ensuring that their fieldwork is both ethically conducted and provides a holistic sense of the community or culture under study. As the demographic makeup of ethnomusicologists conducting research grows more diverse, the field has placed a renewed emphasis on a respectful approach to fieldwork that avoids stereotyping or assumptions about a particular culture. Rather than using European music as a baseline against which music from all other cultures is compared, researchers in the field often aim to place the music of a certain society in the context only of the culture under study, without comparing it to European models. In this way, the field aims to avoid an "us vs. them" approach to music.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Nettl and other scholars hope to avoid the perception of the "ugly ethnomusicologist," which carries with it the same negative connotations as the "ugly American" traveler. Many scholars, from Ravi Shankar to V. Kofi Agawu, have criticized ethnomusicology for, as Nettl puts it, "dealing with non-European music in a condescending way, treating it as something quaint or exotic." Nettl recalls an angry young man from Nigeria who asked the researcher how he could rationalize the study of other cultures' music. Nettl couldn't come up with an easy answer, and posits that ethnomusicologists need to be careful to respect the cultures they study and avoid treating valuable pieces of culture and music as just one of many artifacts they study.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Part of the problem, Nettl notes, is that the vast majority of ethnomusicologists are "members of Western society who study non-Western music," contributing to the perception that wealthy, white individuals are taking advantage of their privilege and resources. Researchers want to avoid the perception — accurate or exaggerated — that they're entering poorer and less technologically advanced communities, treating residents like test subjects, gleaning all they can, and then penning condescending reports about the quaintness of native music.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Researchers are optimistic that increased diversity within the field of ethnomusicology will help alleviate some ethical concerns. With more fieldwork of Western music and societies being conducted by researchers from underrepresented cultures — a reversal from the norm — some believe the field will reach a happy equilibrium. Author Charles Keil suggests that as "more of 'them' may want to study 'us,' a more interested anthropology will emerge ... in the sense of intersubjective, intercultural ... critical, revolutionary." American ethnomusicologist and Wesleyan University professor Mark Slobin notes that most ethical concerns stem from interactions that occur during fieldwork between the researcher and the informant, or member of the community being studied. Nettl, in a 2005 paper, described the feeling of being an outsider approaching a community — in this case, Native American — that he wanted to study. He said ethnomusicologists often face feelings of trepidation as they attempt to get to know the local populace and culture while attempting to avoid being exploitative. Researchers have different methods, but Nettl's is to be patient, as he obeys a Native American man's instruction to "come back and see me next Tuesday," even though the man has plenty of free time and could sing to Nettl in the moment.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Another way to ensure ethnomusicologists gain a complete understanding of the community they're studying is simply to spend more time in it.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: In 1927, George Herzog spent two months with the Pima tribe in Arizona, an amount of time that would be considered short by today's standards — where periods of fieldwork can often last longer than a year. But Herzog recorded several hundred songs during that time, establishing a precedent for increasingly long field studies that have yielded more and more recordings. A lengthy period of fieldwork isn't useful, though, without proper techniques for ensuring the researcher gets a representative sampling of the music in a community. When he worked with the Blackfoot people, Nettl said he wasn't too concerned with whether the singer teaching him about Blackfoot music was good or bad, but did assume he would be representative of all Blackfoot singers. But Nettl soon gained a new perspective, and "no longer assumed that all informants in an indigenous society would tell me the same thing; I had discarded the idea of essential homogeneity." Despite discarding this assumption, Nettl acknowledges that by only interviewing one person, he is relying heavily on that person's ability to articulate a whole society's culture and musical traditions.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: There are myriad other ethical considerations that arise in the field, and Slobin attempts to summarize and explain some that he's come across or heard about. Ethnomusicologists may face dilemmas related to their roles as archivists and historians, such as whether to purchase a rare, one-of-a-kind instrument and preserve it, or leave it with musicians who created it. They may encounter controversy over whether they are allowed to watch, participate in, or record various songs or dances, or over who should be allowed to view videos or other products of fieldwork after the researcher has returned home.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Musicologists have long pondered the existence of universals in music. Despite the trope of music being a “universal language”, we have yet to find anyone that can indisputably point out concrete characteristics that all types of music have in common. If one were to ascertain one or multiple universals found in music, it would create a basis for which all music is defined on, which would drastically change the way that music study is conducted or regarded. Ethnomusicology is (debatably) a comparative and subjective field. Having a concrete definition of music would create a way for ethnomusicologists to objectively evaluate music and come up with more concrete conclusions based on this. It would also remove much of the bias within the field of ethnomusicology. Additionally, the definition of the field of ethnomusicology relies on an understood meaning of the word “music”; For these reasons, universals are highly sought after. Despite this, it is unknown whether or not such universals could even exist, which is why there is still a debate among ethnomusicologists. In a journal published in 1971 called Ethnomusicology, this debate was carried out among renowned ethnomusicologists from the Society of Ethnomusicology, as outlined below, which set forth the recurring ideas around this topic in the field.


title: Ethnomusicology

text: Ethnomusicologists initially started to question the possibility of universals because they were searching for a new approach to explain musicology that differed from Guido Adler's. Ethnomusicologists worldwide have realized that culture has an important role in shaping aesthetic responses to music. This realization sparked controversy in the community, with debates questioning what people consider music, and whether perceptions of consonance and dissonance have a biological or cultural basis. Belief in universal traits of music was characteristic of nineteenth-century scholarship. Musicologists like Longfellow had written that Music is the universal language of mankind. The search for musical universalities has remained a topic amongst ethnomusicologists since Wilhelm Wundt, who tried to prove that "all 'primitive' peoples have monophonic singing and use intervals. Most musicians and even some teachers of Wundt's time believed that music was a universal language, resulting in the development of scholarship that dealt with only one kind of music and treated all other kinds as true relatives if distant of the Western canon. The assumption seemed to be that the basic principles of Western music were universally valid because it was the only "true" music. Later, by the 1990s it had become increasingly difficult to view the world of music without including some discussion about the notion of universals. Charles Seeger, for instance, categorized his interpretation of musical universals by using inclusion-exclusion styled Venn-diagrams to create five types universals, or absolute truths, of music. Universals in music are as hard to come by as universals in language since both potentially have a universal grammar or syntax. Dane Harwood noted that looking for causality relationships and "deep structure" (as postulated by Chomsky) is a relatively fruitless way to look for universals in music. In "The Universal Language." In The Study of Ethnomusicology: Thirty-One Issues and Concepts Bruno Nettl asserts that music is not a universal language and is more of a dialect because of the influence of culture on its creation and interpretation. Nettl shares the belief with his colleagues that trying to find a universal in music is unproductive because there will always be at least one instance proving that there is no musical universals. Nettl asserts that music is not the universal language, but musics are not as mutually unintelligible as languages. One should study the music of each society in its own terms and learn it individually, referred to as music's dialects rather than music's languages. Nettl concludes his writing by stating that despite the wide variety of musics, the ways in which people everywhere have chosen to sing and play are more alike than the boundaries of the imaginable might suggest. There are other ethnomusicologists that note the invailidity of music as a universal language. For example, George List writes, "I once knew a missionary who assured me that the Indians to whom he had ministered on the west coast of Mexico neither sang nor whistled." and ethnomusicologist David P. McAllester writes, "Any student of man must know that somewhere, someone is doing something that he calls music but nobody else would give it that name. That one exception would be enough to eliminate the possibility of a real universal." As a result of this gamesmanship of ethnomusicologists to poke holes in universals, focus shifted from trying to find a universal to trying to find near-universals, or qualities that may unite the majority of the world's musics.