title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: As a private sector response to the lack of national recognition of same-sex partnerships, the Famiee Project created a digital blockchain-secured partnership registry in 2019. In order to receive a Famiee certificate, the couple must apply via a mobile app and will receive a digital certificate to be used as proof of familial status. The Famiee Project received the backing of at least 17 companies who will recognize the digital partnership certificate and treat a couple the same as a different-sex couple for banking and insurance purposes. The partnerships are not currently recognized by the Government of Japan, but aim to create pressure from the private sector for political action to expand LGBT rights in the country.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: Same-sex marriage (, ) is not recognized in Japan. However, debate on the issue has emerged in recent years, with several political parties expressing support or openness to discuss the matter. Several lawsuits contesting the law barring same-sex marriage were filed in court in February 2019. In addition, numerous opinion surveys have shown high levels of support for same-sex marriage among the Japanese public, notably among women and the younger generation.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: On March 27, 2009, it was reported that Japan allows its nationals to marry same-sex foreign partners in countries where same-sex marriage is legal. Japan does not allow same-sex marriage domestically and had so far also refused to issue a document, which states that a person is single and of legal age and is required for citizens to wed overseas, if the applicant's intended spouse was of the same legal sex. Under the change, the Ministry of Justice instructed local authorities to issue the key certificate for those who want to have same-sex marriages.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In June 2011, the deputy head abbot of Kyoto's Shunkō-in Zen temple announced that the temple would perform same-sex marriage ceremonies as part of Gay and Lesbian Pride Month. Similarly, in April 2020, the deputy head abbot of Kawagoe's Saimyouji temple, announced that he will perform same-sex marriage ceremonies. Since 15 May 2012, Tokyo Disney Resort has allowed symbolic (not legally recognized) same-sex marriage ceremonies in its "Cinderella's Castle" hotel. Its first same-sex marriage was held on March 3, 2013, between Koyuki Higashi and her partner Hiroko Masuhara.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In March 2019, the Justice Ministry revoked a deportation order for a gay Taiwanese man who had remained in Japan illegally after overstaying his visa, giving consideration to his longtime same-sex relationship with a Japanese national. The ministry issued a special residence permit to the man, who had lived in Japan for about 25 years. The ministry's Immigration Bureau granted him a one-year resident visa after the Tokyo District Court suggested that it review the order.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: Article 24 of the Japanese Constitution states: "Marriage shall be based only on the mutual consent of both sexes and it shall be maintained through mutual cooperation with the equal rights of husband and wife as a basis." Previously, a couple in Japan could marry only if their respective head of household (the father, or in the absence of a father, the eldest son) consented to the union. As a result, arranged marriage was the dominant form of marriage. Those couples who could not obtain permission had to elope and stay in common-law marriage. The purpose of Article 24 of the Constitution was to assert freedom of consenting adults to marry, and to explicitly establish the equality of both sexes in marriage. Some legal scholars argue that because the intent behind the article was not in reference to same-sex marriage, it need not apply in legalising same-sex marriage. However, conservative lawmakers as well as legal scholars who take a literal approach to constitutional interpretation argue that such an argument is a stretch.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In February 2015, the National Diet debated whether same-sex marriage should be recognized under the Constitution. Kota Matsuda, a member of the House of Councillors, said, "We need to eliminate lifestyle difficulties for same-sex couples. A prerequisite to achieving this goal is dealing with Article 24 of the Constitution." Prime Minister Shinzō Abe expressed his opinion on the issue: "Extending the institution of marriage to same-sex couples was not anticipated under the current Constitution. It is an issue that concerns the very core of family values and, I believe, one that requires extremely careful consideration."


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In July 2019, the Japan Federation of Bar Associations submitted a paper in support of same-sex marriage to the Minister of Justice, the Prime Minister, the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President of the House of Councillors. The paper states that Article 24 does not ban such marriages as "the notion of same-sex marriage was beyond the scope of assumption at the time of [Article 24's] enactment", and that prohibiting it constitutes a breach of human rights, urging the National Diet to legalize same-sex marriage.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP), the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Reiwa Shinsengumi, as well as the junior coalition partner Komeito support same-sex marriage. The conservative Nippon Ishin no Kai also supports same-sex marriage, but believes a constitutional amendment is necessary to legalize it. Individual lawmakers from the Liberal Democratic Party, including the former Minister of Defense and for Foreign Affairs, Taro Kono, and the former Minister of Agriculture, Ken Saitō, and the Democratic Party for the People (including party leader Yuichiro Tamaki), have also expressed their personal support for same-sex marriage.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In December 2018, the CDP announced it would introduce a bill in 2019 to amend the Civil Code to legalise same-sex marriage. The bill was submitted by the CDP, the JCP and the SDP on 3 June 2019. It seeks to adopt gender-neutral language, with the terms "party of marriage" being used rather than "husband" and "wife", and "parents" rather than "father and mother". In June 2019, the CDP added the legalisation of same-sex marriage and ending discrimination against the LGBT community to their party platform ahead of the 2019 House of Councillors election.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In September 2020, the Nagaokakyō City Assembly adopted a motion urging the National Diet to discuss the legalization of same-sex marriage.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: Supporters of same-sex marriage hope the introduction of the partnership oath system in numerous municipalities will encourage parliamentarians to legalise same-sex marriage. The LGBT organisation Marriage for All Japan has also organised signature gatherings and meetings with lawmakers from across the political spectrum. The organisation notes in particular that the COVID-19 pandemic has made same-sex couples more "vulnerable" and "anxious", as they cannot visit each other in hospitals nor are they entitled to any legal recognition if one of the partners were to die.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: On 4 March 2020, the Tokyo High Court ruled that cohabiting same-sex couples should be entitled to the same legal benefits as those granted to cohabiting heterosexual couples. This ruling provided legitimacy to the plaintiff's same-sex relationship, allowing the plaintiff to sue her lesbian partner of seven years for infidelity, a move that was previously restricted to heterosexual partners. The decision was upheld by the Supreme Court of Japan on 18 March 2021.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In November 2018, several same-sex couples throughout the country announced their intention to file suit against the same-sex marriage ban. In January 2019, about a dozen same-sex couples applied for marriage licenses at different city offices in Japan. Lawsuits contesting the same-sex marriage ban were filed by 13 couples on 14 February (Valentine's Day) in district courts in Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya and Sapporo. Another three couples filed in Fukuoka a few months later.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: On 17 March 2021, the district court in Sapporo issued a judgment finding that the law banning same-sex marriage violated the constitutional rights of same-sex couples, specifically Article 14 of the Constitution of Japan (which bans discrimination on the basis of "race, creed, sex, social status or family origin"). However, the court rejected the request of the six plaintiffs (two male couples and one female couple) for ¥1,000,000 (equivalent to about $9,000 or £6,480) per person for the denial. The court rejected the government's argument that Article 24 of the Constitution (which defines marriage as based on the "mutual consent of both sexes") limits marriage to opposite-sex couples; plaintiffs argued that this article actually only bars forced marriage. The Chief Cabinet Secretary, Katsunobu Katō, said at a press conference later that day that the Ministry of Justice would analyse the court ruling.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: Similar arguments were raised in the Tokyo District Court case, in which hearings and oral arguments took place on several dates in 2019 and 2020. One of the plaintiff couples, Chizuka Oe and Yoko Ogawa, a couple for 25 years, argued that banning same-sex marriage violates articles 13 and 14 of the Constitution. Lawyers representing the couples believed the ruling from the Sapporo District Court was likely to have a positive impact on the outcome of the other cases. However, in June 2022, the Osaka District Court ruled that the ban on same-sex marriage is constitutional, and in November 2022, the Tokyo District Court ruled similarly. The Tokyo court did rule, however, that there should some way for same-sex couples to protect themselves legally. The plaintiff couples in the Tokyo case filed an appeal of the decision on December 13.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: In Japan, each citizen is registered through the koseki system whereby an individual is registered as a part of a household (while in the West, a birth certificate can act as a proof of identity). Koseki registration performs a somewhat similar role to marriage in the West as it endows a member of the same koseki legal power (as next of kin) in dealing with civil matters such as inheritance, hospital visits or the right to organise a funeral. Therefore, registering each other as a part of the koseki works as a substitute for Western-style marriage. As a consequence, Japanese same-sex couples, in the absence of same-sex marriage or civil partnership laws, often use adoption procedures to register themselves as belonging to the same household (where the older partner legally adopts the younger partner, which in absence of a spouse makes the only adopted child the sole executor of that household).


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: A May 2013 Ipsos poll found that out of over a thousand Japanese adult interviewees 24% were in favor of same-sex marriage and another 27% supported other forms of recognition for same-sex couples. An April 2014 Ipsos poll found that 26% of respondents were in favor of same-sex marriage and 24% were in favor of some other form of recognition, such as civil unions. A May 2015 Ipsos poll found that 30% of respondents were in favour of same-sex marriage and a further 28% were in favour of some other form of recognition (meaning that 58% supported recognising same-sex couples in some form).


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: According to a survey by Nihon Yoron Chōsa-ka conducted on 1 and 2 March 2014, 42.3% of Japanese people supported same-sex marriage, while 52.4% opposed it. Another poll conducted by Fuji News Network in April 2015 showed that 59% of respondents supported the same-sex partnership certificate system proposed in Shibuya and 53% supported same-sex marriage, the first time a poll had found majority support for same-sex marriage in Japan. An additional poll conducted by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in November 2015 showed a 51% majority in support of same-sex marriage, unions or partnerships, while 41% were opposed. People under the age of 20 were overwhelmingly in favor of same-sex marriage (72% support), whereas people aged 70 and over overwhelmingly opposed (24% support). A 2017 opinion poll released by the NHK showed that 51% of Japanese people supported same-sex marriage.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: According to an opinion poll carried out by Dentsu in October 2018, 78.4% of Japanese people in their 20s to 50s were in favour of same-sex marriage. Support was higher among women (87.9%) than men (69.2%), and was higher among younger respondents: 87.3% for people in their 20s, 81.2% for people in their 30s, 77.5% for people in their 40s, and 72.5% for people in their 50s. The National Survey of Household Trends, a government survey carried out in 2018 and commissioned by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, asked Japanese married women about their views on legalizing same-sex marriage. 71.9% of respondents chose one of the two answers in favour of it. Levels of support were different between the different age groups: 92.1% for married women under the age of 30, 89.5% for those between the ages of 30 and 39, 83.2% for those between the ages of 40 and 49, 73.5% for those between 50 and 59, 59.3% for those between 60 and 69, and 42.2% for those aged 70 and higher.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: A 2019 opinion survey conducted by the Hiroshima Shudo University and published in November 2020 showed that 64.8% of Japanese people supported same-sex marriage, while 30.0% were opposed. Attitudes varied greatly with age, with 81% of 20–30-year-olds supporting, followed by 74% of people in their 40s and 50s, and 47% of people in their 60s and 70s.


title: Recognition of same-sex unions in Japan

text: A joint survey by the University of Tokyo and "The Asahi Shimbun", conducted between March and April 2020, showed that 46% of Japanese people favored same-sex marriage, 31% were neutral and 23% were opposed. Among supporters of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), support stood at 41% and opposition at 29%. This contrasted significantly with the opinions of LDP lawmakers, as a 2019 survey conducted shortly before the House of Councillors election showed that only 9% of LDP candidates supported same-sex marriage. Professor Masaki Taniguchi, who headed the survey, said it was rare to witness public opinion on a certain issue change so rapidly, noting that support had increased 14% from 2017. A March 2021 poll from "The Asahi Shimbun" found that 65% of Japanese people supported same-sex marriage, with support rising to 86% among 18–29-year-olds.


title: Home rule in the United States

text: In the United States, home rule refers to the authority of a constituent part of a U.S. state to exercise powers of governance delegated to it by its state government. In some states, known as home rule states, the state's constitution grants municipalities and/or counties the ability to pass laws to govern themselves as they see fit (so long as they obey the state and federal constitutions). In other states, only limited authority has been granted to local governments by passage of statutes in the state legislature. In these states, a city or county must obtain permission from the state legislature if it wishes to pass a law or ordinance which is not specifically permitted under existing state legislation.


title: Home rule in the United States

text: Forty of the fifty states apply some form of the principle known as Dillon's Rule, which says that local governments may only exercise powers that the state expressly grants to them, to determine the bounds of a municipal government's legal authority. The National League of Cities identifies 31 Dillon's Rule states, 10 home rule states, 8 states that apply Dillon's Rule only to certain municipalities, and one state (Florida) that applies home rule to everything except taxation. Each state defines for itself what powers it will grant to local governments. Within the local sphere, there are four categories in which the state allows discretionary authority:


title: Home rule in the United States

text: The following chart indicates which of the 50 U.S. states are home rule states and which states obey the legal principle of Dillon's Rule for determining local government authority. A state in this chart with "Limited" home rule may grant home rule to particular cities and municipalities individually but has no constitutional amendment guaranteeing home rule. A state which is both a home rule state and a Dillon's Rule state applies Dillon's Rule to matters or governmental units not accounted for in the constitutional amendment or statutes which grant home rule.


title: Home rule in the United States

text: The District of Columbia has a limited form of home rule granted by the Federal Government; see District of Columbia home rule for details.


title: XXXX Summer Bright Lager

text: XXXX Summer Bright Lager is a beer manufactured in the Australian state of Queensland by Castlemaine Perkins.


title: XXXX Summer Bright Lager

text: It is available in three varieties consisting of XXXX Summer Bright Lager, XXXX Summer Bright Lager with mango and XXXX Summer Bright Lager with lime.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Telangana Rebellion popularly known as Telangana Sayuda Poratam (Telugu : తెలంగాణ సాయుధ పోరాటం) of 1946–51 was a communist-led insurrection of peasants against the princely state of Hyderabad in the region of Telangana that escalated out of agitations in 1944–46.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Hyderabad was a feudal monarchy where most of the land was concentrated in the hands of landed aristocrats known as Doras in Telangana. Feudal exploitation in the region was more severe compared to others of India; the had complete power over the peasants and could subject them to agricultural slavery. Conditions worsened during the 1930s due to the Great Depression and a transition towards commercial crops. In the 1940s, the peasants started turning towards communism, organised themselves through the Andhra Mahasabha and began a rights movement. catalyzed by a food crisis that affected the region following the end of the Second World War, the movement escalated into a rebellion after the administration and the attempted to suppress it.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The revolt began on 4 July 1946, when a local peasant leader was killed in the village of Kadavendi, Warangal, by the agents of a "dorra". Beginning in the districts of Nalgonda and Warangal, the rebellion evolved into a revolution across Telangana in response to continued repression by the Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan and later Kasim Razvi. The Hyderabad State Forces and the police, combined with the paramilitary Razakars, were unable to suppress it and were routed, while the rebel forces went on a successful guerrilla offensive.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The rebels established a parallel system of government composed of (village communes) that caused a social revolution where caste and gender distinctions were reduced; women's workforce participation including in the armed squads increased and the conditions of the peasants significantly improved with land redistribution. At its peak in 1948, the rebellion covered nearly all of Telangana and had at least 4,000 villages directly administered by communes. It was supported by the left-wing faction of the Hyderabad State Congress, many of whom later joined the Socialist Party of India when it was formed by the Congress Socialist Caucus.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The rebellion ended when the military administration set up by the Nehru government unexpectedly launched an attack on the communes immediately following the annexation of Hyderabad to fulfil assurances given by V. P. Menon to the American embassy that the communists would be eradicated, leading to an eventual call for the rebels to lay down arms issued by the Communist Party of India on 25 October 1951.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Situated on the Deccan Plateau in southern India, Hyderabad was a princely state of the British Raj, the second largest and most populous among them. The state had a patrimonial system with the Nizam of Hyderabad as the ruler and the British maintaining complete authority over it. Multiethnic in composition, its 17 districts were divided across three linguistic regions:


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The princely state of Hyderabad retained a feudal system in its agrarian economy. It had two main types of land tenure, "diwani" (or "khalsa") and a distinct category of land called "jagir". The lands designated as "jagir" were granted to aristocrats called "jagirdars" based on their rank and order, while a portion of the "jagir" lands were held as the crown lands ("sarf-e-khas") of the Nizam. The civil courts had no jurisdiction over the "jagir" lands which allowed the "jagirdars" to impose various forms of exorbitant arbitrary taxes on the peasants and extract revenue through private agents. The "diwani" tenures resembled the "ryotwari" system introduced by the British in other parts of the country. It had hereditary revenue collectors; "deshmukhs" and "deshpandes" who were granted land annuities called "vatans", based on past revenue collections. The "diwani" lands legally held by the government were divided into small sections called "pattas" registered to occupants who were responsible for the payment of land revenue. The registered occupants included peasants who cultivated their own land or occupants who either employed agricultural labourers or rented out the land to tenants. The tenants, called "shikmidars", had tenancy rights and could not be evicted on condition that they fullfill land revenue obligations. More than three-fourths of the tenants were tenants at will or "asami shikmidars" who retained land revenue obligations but did not have tenancy rights. They could become "shikmidars" after a period of twelve years, though in practice they were evicted within three to four years. The responsibility for registration lay with the "deshmukhs" and "deshpandes". They had access to land records and there was a lack of literacy among the peasants. The system turned them into a hybrid of a feudal lord and a bureaucrat who frequently acquired more lands from the peasants and forced them into the status of tenants at will and landless labourers. The individual "deshmukhs" and "deshpandes" had multiple villages under their domains and appointed personal officials ("seridars") to manage each village. The "jagirs" and "diwani" tenures constituted around 30% and 60% respectively of the territory of Hyderabad State.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The feudal system was particularly harsh in the Telangana region of the state. The powerful "deshmukh" and "jagirdar" aristocracy, locally called , additionally functioned as money lenders and as the highest village official. The employed variants of the "jajmani" system called "vetti" and "baghela" which forced families of peasants into bonded servitude by means of customary and debt obligations. The power of the "deshmukhs" was augmented with additional hereditary positions such as "patel", "patwari" and "mali patel" which granted them various political, judicial and administrative functions. They could determine taxation rates and managed land surveying; peasants had to offer "nazaranas" in the form of cattle, crops and money to prevent prejudiced treatment. The "jagirdars" were predominantly Brahmin, supplanted by the emergence of Kamma and Reddy "deshmukhs". Markets and major businesses were controlled by Marwadi and Komti . In contrast, the bulk of the peasantry came from disparate caste backgrounds and even included Brahmins, Reddys, Kammas and Komtis. The tribals such as Chenchus, Koyas, Lambadis, Konda Reddis, and untouchables like the Malas and Madigas were among the most impoverished and particularly vulnerable to severe forms of exploitation by , including agricultural slavery. Anti–slavery legislations were largely unenforced in the British Raj, and officials were instead reprimanded for mentioning slaves in documentation.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Telangana had a higher concentration of land in the hands of a small group of landed magnates than the other regions. They owned vast tracts of lands covering several villages and thousands of acres. The land concentration was most pronounced in the districts of Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar and Warangal. They later became the epicenter of the insurrection. The peasants were largely dependent on affluent urban interests, mostly composed of Marwadis, Komtis, Brahmins and upper caste Muslims, who controlled the centralised markets in Telangana. Land alienation continued to increase between 1910 and 1940 as more land was passed either to urban interests and aristocratic landlords or to Marwadi and Maratha "sahukars" (money-lenders). Peasants with small landholding were pushed into landless agricultural labour or tenancy at will. Irrigation facilities were introduced from the late 19th century and a greater portion of the land transfer occurred on lands with these facilities. The system of subsistence farming gave way to commercial crops, strengthening the hold of traders and "sahukars" over the peasants, which was particularly worsened during the Great Depression. The period saw the rise of a section of well-to-do "pattadars" (landholding peasants) who began employing landless labourers of their own, though it did not change the landlord–tenant relations in the region to any significant degree. The landholding peasants too were severely affected after the depression.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Communists had been active in the Telugu speaking Godavari–Krishna delta region of the neighbouring Madras Presidency since 1934 and largely organised through peasants organisations such as the Andhra Mahasabha (Madras), the All India Kisan Sabha and the Indian Peasant Institute. The first incursion of the communist movement in Telangana occurred in the Madhira–Khammam area of Warangal district, through peasants who had settled down at the Wyra and Paleru irrigation projects, and had relatives in Coastal Andhra. The first communist organisations were established in Warangal and Nalgonda districts through the efforts of Chandra Rajeswara Rao, a peasant working in Mungala. The Regional Committee of the Communist Party of India in Telangana was established under the leadership of Pervaelli Venkataramanaiah in 1941.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The students' movement contributed significantly to the growth of the communist movement, disillusioned with Gandhian "satyagraha" politics. Having gained experience through the "Vandemataram" protests, a number of radical progressive student organisations were established which eventually merged to form the All Hyderabad Students Union in January 1942. Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao, a former student agitator during the "Vandemataram" protests, was instrumental in building up the Communist Party in the districts of Warangal and Nalgonda. The nationalist, progressive and secular intelligentsia in the city of Hyderabad turned towards political radicalism as well, through the influential "Naya Adab" (New Salute) which promoted communism in literature, and through the Comrades Association initially formed in reaction to the growth of communal sectarian organisations. The association became communist under the leadership of Raj Bahadur Gour and Makhdoom Mohiuddin.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In the meantime, the Andhra Conference, which was a cultural-literary forum acting as a front organisation for the Hyderabad State Congress, was overtaken by communists. It recruited students from colleges but was controlled by a conservative liberal and moderate leadership over whom the Hindu aristocracy had a strong influence and who advocated restraint, opposing activities against the "law and order" of the state. Following the withdrawal of a "satyagraha" movement for constitutional reforms in 1938–39 as a result of instructions of the national leadership, the Congress was largely discredited for its younger left-wing members. Convinced that the expulsion of the Nizam along with all the elites was a necessity for effective democratic gains, the left-wing faction decided to fight the feudal system, began embracing communism and started building up the organisation in the villages from 1941 onwards. They reduced the enrolment fee by one-fourth, encouraged participation by the landless and impoverished sections of the population. They took up peasants' causes such as the abolition of "vetti", prevention of rack-renting and eviction of tenants, occupancy ("patta") rights of cultivating tenants and reduction in taxes, revenue demands and rents, among others.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Andhra Conference, previously seen as a "durra"s organisation, grew in popularity among the peasants and started being referred to as the Andhra Mahasabha (AMS) in Telangana. Prominent feminists disillusioned with the Congress who formed the Mahila Navjeevan Mandali in 1941, also joined the AMS and eventually became members of the Communist Party by 1943. Venkateshwara Rao directly recruited disillusioned Congress members and sympathisers into the Communist Party during the same period. Initially faced with opposition from the moderate leadership, landlords organisations such as the Agriculturalists Association and through heavy political repression from the government, the AMS was slowly transformed into a militant mass organisation opposed to the Nizamate with a coalition of peasants, the working class, the middle class and youths as its members. The process was completed in the 1944 Bhongir session of the AMS when two young communists, Ravi Narayan Reddy and Baddam Yella Reddy were elected as the president and secretary. The moderates expecting a rout, had resigned from their offices, boycotted the election and later formed a marginal splinter organisation, giving the communists free rein over the primary AMS. Arthur Lothian, the Resident at Hyderabad took note of the development in October 1943 and began directly intervening in state action with regard to the communists from thereon.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Between 1944 and 1946, the communist movement became widespread in the Telangana countryside. The Andhra Conference controlled by communists substantially increased its membership in the districts of Nalgonda, Warangal and Karimnagar. The movement formed a class alliance between disparate caste groups, the middle peasantry with small landholdings and the rural poor and landless labourers. Numerous villages were enmeshed with communist organisations. Agrarian radicalism was heightened and a mass movement developed with a series of agrarian agitations against the aristocrats beginning in 1944. The agitations were non-violent and employed tactics such as non-cooperation, withdrawal of services and refusal to pay technically illegal taxes, usually demanding the implementation of existent laws which were unenforced. The demands also included the Andhra communists' call for the breakup of Hyderabad State and the formation of "Visalandhra", an unified Telugu speaking state composed of Telangana and the Andhra region of the Madras Presidency, in line with the Communist Party of India's demand for the linguistic reorganisation of states. The presence of large organised groups within the villages intimidated the and the administration. The private militias of the landlords and the police were sent to conduct violent attacks on the agitators with greater frequency as the movement went on. Hyderabad State passed a legislation for minimum tenurial security in 1945, which only worsened conditions as landlords resorted to frequent mass evictions to prevent accrual of tenancy rights. The agrarian distress was further aggravated by rising prices and food scarcity after the Second World War.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The post–war economic distress and political developments played a catalytic role in a feudal system already conducive for an uprising. The village level agitations against the aristocratic landlords escalated into an insurrection. The influence of the communists in Nalgonda and Warangal districts had become so strong by early 1946 that the administration, including the Nizam's "firmans" (writs), was unable to function in large areas. The expansion of the movement in these areas was facilitated by the presence of estates with thousands of acres. The first militant action occurred with a few instances of land seizures from the estates of in response to eviction of Lambadi tenant cultivators for non-compliance with additional taxation and demands of "vetti" forced labour. The village level communist "s" (organisations) during the 1944–46 agitations had laid down demands for better wages, disallowance of "vetti" and "baghela" slavery, evictions, exorbitant taxation and refusal of a new mandatory post–war grain levy.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: One major incident on 4 July 1946 marked the beginning of the rebellion; a procession of over 1,000 peasants was fired at by the men of Vishnur Deshmukh in Kadavendi village of Warangal district, Doddi Komarayya who was the leader of the local was killed and a number of others severely wounded. The group proceeded to and set fire to the residence of the "deshmukh" before they were dispersed by the arrival of a contingent of armed police. In the following days, 200 acres of land in a neighbouring village were seized from the "deshmukh"s estate and redistributed by the peasants. The incident sparked a spontaneous movement where groups of villagers would go from one village to another, people would drop out and return to their village after coming some distance, while others from the villages they passed through would take their place and keep the movement going. In each village, they formed drawn out congregations upon their arrival to discuss prevalent local issues and relations with the of their area. By the end of July, around 300–400 villages in the districts of Warangal, Nalgonda and Khammam experienced militant action by peasants against the local estates and officials. In August 1946, the press wing of the Communist Party of India announced that the villages were under the control of the peasants and launched a national campaign to rally support for the rebellion, publicising the demands of the peasantry and highlighting the feudal exploitation and brutality.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Peasants continuously resisted extortive action from officials and other agents, and refused to perform "vetti" labour. Small landholders refused to hand over paddy crops for the required levy, and landless labourers and tenants continued to occupy lands from which they had been evicted. The sent their private militias to prevent the seizure of their lands, but they were few in number and too poorly armed to contain mass unrest. Unable to control the villages, the started fleeing to safer regions, resorted to litigation, and relied on the state police and their private militias to suppress the rebellious peasants. The villages adopted a strategy of active defense in response to violent attacks by private militias and the state police. Village level organisations developed a signals network to inform other villages of the position of approaching state security forces and villagers adopted the tactic of gathering en masse armed with slingshots, stones and sticks to ward off reconnaissance units and smaller raiding parties. The rebels had neither the firearms nor the training to use them. The , their agents and local officials became fearful of visiting their own estates or jurisdictions which were known to be established strongholds of the communist rebels without paying "protection taxes" themselves.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Andhra Conference was banned in October 1946 and the police had begun arresting communists and sympathisers throughout the state. Hundreds of Communist Party activists were arrested, and the number of police units assigned to the rebellious regions was increased exponentially. The frequency of raids increased through 1946, but during their attempts at arresting communist activists known to the police, crowds of hundreds would gather to obstruct them. The administration started assigning units of the Hyderabad State Forces to assist the police. Some of the villages formed ad hoc volunteer forces for defense. On 16 and 17 November, military personnel killed three villagers and wounded eight others in two raids on the villages of Patha Suryapet and Devarupal. On 27 November, in retaliation for the killing, a police convoy escorting arrested communist activists was ambushed successfully; four police personnel were killed, and the prisoners released.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Following the ambush, the police and military forces began attempting to arrest entire villages and by December, the Suryapet prison alone was holding 600 prisoners. The military crackdown increased in December, resulting in even-heightened militancy; the earlier known as "chitti" due to their distribution of "chittis" (receipts), common after the enrolment fee for AMS was reduced, started being known as the "lathi" for their distribution of "lathis" (heavy sticks or batons) in this period. By the end of 1946, the police had reported 156 cases of assault by peasants and four major police–peasant battles had occurred, but neither the actions of the military, the police nor the private militias were able to dislodge the communists. Most of the confrontations occurred in the Suryapet and Jangaon "taluqas" of Nalgonda district; pockets in Khammam, Karimnagar, Nalgonda and Warangal districts had fallen under rebel control, while 4,000 army troops were deployed in Nalgonda district.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The military, equipped with modern firearms, made it much harder for the rebels to operate and the movement became more clandestine in the presence of military camps near their villages; the Andhra communists in the Madras Presidency initiated dialogue with the rebels in preparation for open warfare with the Hyderabad State. Meanwhile, the military camps were withdrawn in January 1947 after a period of absence of any visible disturbances. Despite some instances of armed confrontations, the peasants uprising was spasmodic in their actions and lacked any systemically planned offensives in the initial period. It had begun as a spontaneous upsurge where the organised Andhra Mahasabha and Communist Party acted primarily in an auxiliary capacity.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Hyderabad State Congress was divided into two factions of moderates and leftists since 1938–39. While the left-wing members of the Andhra Conference had gravitated to the Communist Party, those in Maharashtra Parishad in the Marathawada region of Hyderabad State had aligned themselves with the Congress Socialist Caucus, influenced by their presence in Bombay Presidency. In late 1945, the Indian National Congress had adopted the policy of expelling all communists from its organisations. It convened the All India States Peoples' Conference (AISPC) containing delegates of regional organisations which boycotted the predominantly communist Andhra Conference and instead invited the marginal splinter organisation formed by the moderates. The socialists had protested against the policy, leading to further friction with the moderates in Hyderabad.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: At the onset of the rebellion, and in light of post–war negotiations between the Congress and the British administration, the Nizam of Hyderabad legalised the Hyderabad State Congress in July 1946. The three front organisations — the non-communist Andhra Conference, the Maharashtra Parishad and the Karnatak Parishad were merged, and a provincial working committee was formed; 164 delegates from the three organisations voted in an election for the president of the committee. The socialist candidate Swami Ramananda Tirtha from the Marathawada delegation won against the moderate Burgula Ramakrishna Rao from the Andhra delegation by a narrow margin of three votes. The moderate–left divide persisted with the moderates, mostly affluent lawyers with backing, refusing to budge and eventually reaching a crisis point over their position with respect to the communists following the Nizam government's military crackdown on the peasants in late 1946.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In November 1946, the two factions sent separate fact finding teams to Suryapet, led by Tirtha and J. Keshav Rao respectively. Tirtha's group searched for police atrocities while Rao's group searched for reasons to condemn the communists. Tirtha praised the actions of the communists. The leftist faction wanted to not only admonish the government for repression but also convert the party into a more militant mass movement. They were prevented from doing so by the moderates, who were adamantly opposed to any further move to the left. The working committee drafted three resolutions demanding the government end their repression in Nalgonda, lift the ban on the Communist Party and cease criticising the communists for a sectarian approach towards the Congress. The moderates were dissatisfied with it, filibustered it, and did not allow it to pass. The State Congress stopped functioning because of the consequent resignation from the left and mediation with the national leadership until March 1947. The left issued a statement denouncing the "barren constitutionalism" of "feudal elements" in the State Congress.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Wilfrid Vernon Grigson, Revenue and Police Minister for the Viceroy's Executive Council, conducted his own investigation in December and reported that the peasants had legitimate grievances and that it was not communist propaganda as previously assumed. The report stated that raiding villages and arresting communists would not succeed in stopping attacks on government officials without an administrative overhaul in the princely state, which according to him the Nizam's officials were incapable of conducting. The AISPC passed a resolution on 27 December condemning the activities of both the government and the communists, based on a report from their president, Dwarkanath Kachru, who had arrived in Hyderabad to conduct his own investigation. In a private letter, Kachru wrote to Tirtha that despite their official stance, the grievances of the peasants were genuine such that "no organisation worthy of its name could put up with" and admitted the communists had simply outflanked them through their mass mobilisation. The activities of the Congress in the state were being marginalised as the conflict between the Nizam's government and the communists engulfed Telangana.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In February 1947, the British administration announced the transfer of power to the Indian leadership and gave the princely states the option of either joining India or Pakistan or becoming independent. The Nizam of Hyderabad, the Muslim aristocrats and the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen wanted Hyderabad to become an independent state but the vast majority of people wanted the state to merge with India in hopes of political freedoms and participation in self-government. The Communist Party added merger with India into its list of demands and aligned itself with the Indian National Congress which had started pressuring the Nizam to accede. In March 1947, the working committee of the State Congress was restored and Swami Ramananda Tirtha was reelected with a wide margin of 751 to 498 votes against B.G. Rao, enabling him to completely exclude the moderates. He praised the communists for their revolt and suggested the incorporation of a more revolutionary policy for the State Congress.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Congress went on "satyagraha" seeking the merger of Hyderabad with India and the State Congress under Tirtha launched a civil disobedience campaign. The communists joined up with Congress workers in their agitation although they held reservations over the effectiveness of Gandhian methods. Due to the organisational weakness of the Congress, most of the Congress agitation in Telangana especially in the rural areas was carried out instead by communists, the police were unable to differentiate between the two and assumed that they had entered into a league. In the urban areas, communists and Congressmen held joint meetings and demonstrations which provided material benefits to the rebels in the countryside. The general understanding among the communists was that the "rightist congressmen" were backed by the and opposed to any form of alliance with them while the "leftist congressmen" wanted an unification with the Communist Party but were too irresolute and timid to carry it forward.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The communists started disassociating with the "satyagraha" as a consequence of incorporation of Gandhian ethics in the agitations, one key point of discontent became the symbolic cutting down of toddy trees as Gandhian ethics prohibited toddy drinking. The symbolism lay in the toddy plantations also being a major source of revenue for the state but toddy trappers who were subjected to untouchability, were a significant section of the communist activists and base of support, and relied on toddy for their livelihoods. Some degree of co-ordination continued to occur especially due to increase in police repression and the agitations becoming interspersed with instances of violent confrontations. One major incident occurred in Warangal district where a crowd of 2,000 armed with spears and "lathis" stormed a police station and released two Congress workers who were being subjected to torture, in the process killing an inspector and injuring several policemen. Another occurred within Hyderabad city when a group of agitators burned down the residences of the British Police Minister and the president of the Executive Council of Hyderabad. In Nalgonda, the epicenter of the rebellion, the communists toured across the district, releasing and redistributing grains hoarded in markets and storages, burning down checkpoints on the border and the records of officials and "sahukars" in the villages, while raising Indian flags in those locations.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Meanwhile, the Ittehad was spreading sectarian propaganda and attempting to promote fanaticism among Muslims, along with the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Mahasabha attempting to do the same with Hindus in reaction to it. The situation created widespread fear and uncertainty, leading to political instability and a sudden deterioration of law and order across the state. The Nizam, who had isolated himself from the common population and their politics for years, perceived himself to be surrounded by a hostile Hindu population and started to rely increasingly on the Ittehad for support. The leadership of the Ittehad had by then passed to Kasim Razvi, a small-time lawyer from northern India who had supported the Pakistan movement and wanted Hyderabad to become a refuge for Muslims in the south. Gradually the Ittehad under Razvi was able to wrestle control over the Nizam government and was managing its day-to-day functioning. Razvi formed a paramilitary wing for the Ittehad called the "razakars". They were deputed alongside the police and grew to 150,000 men, double the police force itself, contributing significantly to public disorder and a complete collapse of civil authority as they embarked on a campaign of political repression.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Hindu–Muslim tensions and communal violence in Hyderabad reached its highest point upon Indian Independence. The "razakars" grew to 200,000 men by the end of August with the recruitment of Muslim refugees from India who had arrived in Hyderabad on the invitation of the Ittehad. The Congress agitations also peaked with a complete shutdown of the state accompanied by flag hoisting, meetings, processions and protests on 7 and 15 August. Tirtha was arrested in mid-August and violent repression of agitators continued to increase over the following period. The Congress leftists of Hyderabad under a new leadership, organised themselves through the Committee of Action, which set up camps outside the state and started conducting armed raids into Hyderabad. The camps were allowed by the Home Ministry of India, now under Vallabhbhai Patel and reluctantly approved of by Mahatma Gandhi. The moderates were completely opposed to the armed raids and excluded from the committee. In the following year, the Congress socialists would split from the party under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan to form the Socialist Party of India, taking with them much of the leftists of the Hyderabad State Congress.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The crisis of authority in Hyderabad had enabled the influence of the rebels in the countryside to expand rapidly. They set up a parallel administration composed of (village communes) in the areas that came under their control. This parallel administration provided more stability and became a refuge from the violence in the rest of the state. Roving bands of "razakars" active across Hyderabad to quell agitations were instructed by the government to protect the and suppress the communists in Telangana after the withdrawal of the British. Initially attached to police and military forces, the "razakars" had come to supersede them when the Ittehad assumed power and started operating independently of the state forces. They plundered and looted villages, killed and arrested people on suspicion of being potential agitators and employed rape and torture to quell villages into submission. The communists, who had previously relied largely on defensive measures and unarmed resistance, began to openly endorse offensive warfare. The national leadership of the Communist Party officially approved armed rebellion in September 1947.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Volunteer squads called "dalams" were organised by the communes. They were joined en masse by villagers frustrated with police, military and "razakar" atrocities, particularly in the districts of Nalgonda, Warangal and Kammam which were communist strongholds. The Communist Party was better organised in the neighbouring Andhra region of Madras State (previously Madras Presidency) and was sending arms, supplies and volunteers into Telangana. This considerably bolstered the organisational, tactical and logistical capabilities of the rebels, transforming the peasants uprising into an organised rebellion. Arms were acquired through black market purchases at increased prices in Telangana and from the estate agents and local government officials by theft and force. The rebels who were equipped with firearms went on guerilla warfare targeting infrastructure, supplies and garrisons of the government and the estates of the . Organised mobs were assigned to lower risk targets such as the forest department and offices of village officials, and would burn down their records, take away their "lathis" and grain stocks. In December, the armed assaults became excessively frequent, the police recorded 45 attacks on major targets within the span of 11 days in Warangal and Nalgonda districts.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In response, the government authorised the police, the military and the "razakars" to indiscriminately target entire villages for harbouring sympathies for the (communists) or the Congress. The attacks involved reprisals in which the entire population of some villages was killed. There was widespread use of torture against villagers and rape against women as a terror tactic. The extreme measures employed by the state forces pushed otherwise skeptical people in the peripheral areas of the rebel dominated territories to be drawn towards the communists and the rebellion. In some cases, the "razakars" who the government was unable to control attacked the estates of the themselves and plundered them. Consequently, some of the entered into agreements with the communes to supply them with resources and abide by their governance in exchange for protection from the "razakar" bands. The reprisals made the communes strengthen their organisation and co-ordination. The Andhra and Telangana communists set up joint revolutionary headquarters at the Mungala estate, constituting an enclave of Hyderabad State within Krishna district of Madras State. By early 1948, much of Telangana was beginning to rebel in an all-out revolution as more of the rural poor and the peasantry organised themselves under the communists and took up arms against the and the Hyderabad State. This triggered a large-scale displacement of who fled to the cities, abandoning their private militias and properties. The communist influence was chipping away at the entire social hierarchy with a quasi divine Nizam at the top since the early 1940s, and had eventually enabled the mass uprising to occur.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The rebels suffered from a persistent shortage of modern firearms and had to constantly rely on raids to gain more. As a consequence they were severely outnumbered as the communes refused to deploy more recruits as they were unable to arm them. Despite the shortages, the rebel forces were highly motivated, being entirely composed of volunteers, increasingly ideological and antagonised by years of repression. The rebels were also better adjusted to the terrain and shaped their organisation along the lines of geography and the strategic considerations of guerrilla warfare as they built it from the ground up. This made them much more effective in terms of tactics and logistics. The rebel forces were organised into two categories — garrisons consisting of village "dalams" who would continue their civilian lives while maintaining hidden arms, and mobile guerrilla "dalams" who would become full-time operatives and engage in offensives across large distances. The revolutionary headquarters in Mungala became a key source of supplies, arms, literature and organisers as they were smuggled in through the border. Some demobilised war veterans also joined the communists during this period.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In contrast, state forces and the paramilitary "razakars" lacked co-ordination; the former were demoralised as a consequence of the induction of the latter and having to serve in a subordinate role to them. The rising tensions between the Dominion of India and Hyderabad State made it more difficult for the government as they had to deploy more troops at the frontiers. One critical advantage the government forces had was in terms of transportation. They could use trucks, jeeps and railways to move troops quickly through the few hard bed roads and railway lines that existed in the region while the rebels were largely restricted to foot. Even captured vehicular transportation was not useful to the rebels, as they could not operate them clandestinely, nor did they possess heavy armament like artillery to engage in conventional warfare. To mitigate this advantage, the rebels dug trenches around the villages and roads were either blocked, breached or had planks with nails placed on them. The military would often respond by forcing a group of villagers to refill the trenches, shooting some of them while they worked on it. On 26–27 February, the rebels conducted a major operation with twenty simultaneous co-ordinated attacks on infrastructure targets including important telecommunication facilities, bridges and sections of railway tracks which paralysed the transportation and communication capabilities of the government forces from thereon.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The rebels went on a successful campaign of territorial expansion and effectively routed the government forces by mid-1948. Much of the Telangana countryside came under their control, covering the entirety of Nalgonda, Warangal, Khammam and Karimnagar districts, more than half of Medak and Adilabad districts and a significant portion of the remaining three districts of Telangana namely, Mahabubnagar, Hyderabad and Nizamabad. In Adilabad, Medak and Karimnagar, the Tirtha Group of the Congress had established some bases that defected towards the communists. Around , covering 4,000 villages, were being directly administered by communes. The rebel forces had reached a peak with 10,000 troops in garrisons and 2,000 in guerrilla forces. There were an additional three to four million active workers and non-combatant supporters of the rebel forces. In August 1948, the number of "razakars" stood at 100,000 men even as it recruited 30,000 more in January, down from 200,000 in September 1947. They were increasingly sent by the government to engage with the communists as the rebellion expanded across Telangana, but they proved to be ineffective against them. In turn, the "razakars" became the victims of torture as retribution for their past atrocities, which continued until the communes and "s" prohibited and eventually banned such activities, declaring them to be primitive.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In September 1948, the Dominion of India launched a military intervention for the annexation of Hyderabad. The intervention officially described as a "police action" was justified on the grounds of ending the undemocratic feudal regime of the Nizam and the "razakar" repression enabled by him. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had stated in a press conference the government's policy towards the communists would depend on how they respond during and after the intervention. The comment was misleading as the government was making preparations to liquidate the peasant communes and restore the aristocrats regardless of their response. Internally, the communists were described as the primary target rather than the Nizam and the "razakars". V. P. Menon had briefed the American embassy about the intervention and promised them that the communists would be eradicated in return for their support in justifying the military action to the international community. The Home Ministry under Vallabhbhai Patel favoured military intervention as it would enable them to deploy military personnel in Telangana. They had initially stalled the intervention for over a year, despite ongoing "razakar" atrocities because it was feared that an invasion would allow the communists to strengthen their position. Menon wanted the rebel administration to be dealt with through military courts rather than by civil authorities.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Indian Army marched into Hyderabad State on 13 September and the already demoralised Hyderabad State Force, the police and the "razakars" surrendered within a week after minimal resistance. This military intervention was perceived by the peasant communes as a positive development and not as an attack on them. The villagers believed the army was helping them defeat the Nizam's government. They launched a final parallel assault against the remaining military camps of the state forces, outposts of state agents and garrisons in estates, accompanied by victory celebrations. The rebels came across large stores of arms and ammunition during the assault. Many of them were handed over to the army after their objectives were accomplished, as the peasants returned to their villages with the belief that the armed conflict was over. The commanding officer selected for the invasion was Major General Jayanto Nath Chaudhuri, who was also a "zamindar" aristocrat from West Bengal. He set up a military administration after the Nizam's capitulation, banned the Communist Party, and immediately launched a military offensive against the peasant communes. The "deshmukhs" and officials returned as the redistributed lands were to be confiscated and granted back to their original owners.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The military administration did not induct any local police personnel or civil servants, including those affiliated with the Hyderabad State Congress, who were sidelined. Vallabhbhai Patel distrusted them and justified it with the claim that they had a partisan character. They deployed officials and personnel from outside the state, as it was feared that locals might be apprehensive of conducting violence against their own and might even be covert communist sympathisers. Chaudhuri also issued a warning to the police personnel from outside the state about falling under communist influence. The administration orchestrated an anti–communist witch hunt in the state, attempting to arrest any and all communists. There was widespread use of torture against those suspected of harbouring information and the military personnel occasionally conducted indiscriminate arrests and mass shootings against villagers in Telangana. Meanwhile, the Nizam was not prosecuted and instead was made the Rajpramukh of Hyderabad State for a period of time. Kasim Razvi was arrested, tried and jailed but soon released and forced to migrate to Pakistan. The military administration actively promoted feudal restoration in Telangana.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The offensive sent the peasant communes and the Communist Party into disarray, causing divisions within them. Some of them, including Ravi Narayan Reddy and the former general secretary Puran Chand Joshi, among other veteran party leaders wanted to abandon the armed rebellion and attempt to employ legal pathways to stop the repression to continue their movement, while others antagonised by the actions of the administration wanted to continue an armed guerrilla struggle against the military. Some, including the new general secretary Bhalchandra Trimbak Ranadive, even advocated for escalating the rebellion into a national revolution. Both sides exchanged accusations, denouncing each other as "right wing reformists" and "left wing adventurists". The government used this to its advantage, as they were occasionally able to coerce former participants into becoming informants. The urban population, unaware of the events in the countryside, had supported the intervention and were convinced by the government and with the help of various statements made by revolutionaries against the Congress, that they were indulging in an unnecessary peasants' partisan warfare after the annexation. On the other hand, the division weakened the communists. Many of the peasants had abandoned the rebellion, especially those from the middle and richer peasantry, some of whom were dissatisfied with the latest land ceiling and who used to provide important contacts and financial support. Despite the desertions, most of the peasants remained sympathetic towards the guerrillas who had decided to keep fighting, and refused to cooperate with the police.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: In December 1948, the administration began a large-scale counterinsurgency campaign designed to frighten villagers into not assisting the guerrillas. The States Department sent Captain Nanjappa to act as the Special Commissioner of Police for the operation. Nanjappa ordered indiscriminate arrests, burning down of entire villages where land redistribution had occurred and extrajudicial killings of suspects after capture. Around 2,000 peasants, armed and unarmed, were killed and 25,000 arrested by the end of August 1949. The communes were dis-established and the former estates restored in their respective areas. The guerrillas had to retreat into the dense forests of the Godavari Basin and to the forests across the Krishna River in the Nallamala Range, with the support of the Koya and Lambadi tribals respectively. The landless and impoverished peasants, which included most of the tribals and untouchables, formed the backbone of the rebellion. The guerrillas adopted even more clandestine tactics; the size of individual squads was reduced to five from ten. They started leading civilian lives among the rural population without readily available arms, depended on intermediaries for communication and occasionally organised to conduct operations. The government adopted the strategy of the Briggs Plan in response; tribal communities were evacuated en masse and placed in large detention camps but guerrillas with widespread support from the locals continued to be able to operate and remain supplied.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The military force, with its high morale and modern equipment, had forced the Nizam and the "razakar" to surrender within weeks. Despite this, they were unable to suppress the poorly armed peasants for three years. Nehru was concerned with the continued military rule in the state imposed by Patel; civil authorities were introduced in the state after 16 months of military administration. Land reform measures such as the enactment of the Jagirdari Abolition Regulations and setting up of the Agrarian Enquiry Committee were introduced to contain the popularity of the communists. This somewhat reduced the power of the in the process. In 1950, the Constitution of India came into force and the dominion became a republic. Fearing the loss of credibility as a democratic government and with the understanding that further repression would only popularise the communists, the Congress administration started making reconciliatory gestures towards the Communist Party from early 1951. There was increasing distrust of the Congress in the state as information from the Telangana countryside was spreading. The leftist congressmen involved in the earlier agitations against the Nizam had started being harshly critical of the government, referring to brutal and unjust repression. There were also ongoing student and labour agitations since 1948–49 in the urban areas.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Meanwhile, B. T. Ranadive, who had become the general secretary in 1948 and adopted the policy of continuing the rebellion, was replaced by Chandra Rajeswara Rao in 1950. Opinions critical of the continuation rose through the year. Puran Chand Joshi was aggressively campaigning within the party for withdrawal of the rebellion. In April 1951, Acharya Vinoba Bhave spoke with a number of Communist Party leaders in detention and was able to secure the release of a large number of them. The guerrillas, who maintained a sophisticated courier system for communications and had made enormous sacrifices for the rebellion, were eventually convinced by the party to accept the continuation of armed struggle was a mistake. The rebellion was on the defensive, restricted to its remote safe havens in the forests and had no hopes for regaining lost ground. In the plains, the peasants had also started frequent agricultural strikes and agitations since the dissolution of the communes. The party attempted to negotiate with the Congress to retain some of the gains made by the peasantry by sending a three-man team to Hyderabad and in anticipation of taking the electoral route in the 1951–52 elections, the first ones to be held in independent India and with universal adult franchise. The demands included a halt on all land evictions, withdrawal of the military and release of all detained communists. These were rejected by the Congress, but the communists decided to call off the rebellion regardless.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: On 25 October 1951, the Central Committee of the Communist Party officially declared the end of the rebellion. In the state election and national elections, communist leaders, who were formerly part of the rebellion, were elected from almost all rural constituencies they contested in Telangana; Ravi Narayana Reddy, who had just been released from jail, was the candidate with the highest margin in any constituency in India, greater than that of Jawaharlal Nehru, which became a major source of embarrassment for the Congress. The Communist Party was still banned in the state and had contested through a registered, unrecognised organisation called the People's Democratic Front with no official symbol or much campaigning; the ban was lifted after the election. In 1956, the long-standing demand of the Andhra communists for Visalandhra was fulfilled through the States Reorganisation Act. Hyderabad State was dissolved, and the region of Telangana merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh. Under pressure from the party, the Congress government separated Andhra State from Madras State in 1953.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The communist peasant rebellion set up a system of governance called or village communes which managed all administrative and judicial functions. They consisted of "s" (committees) elected in village meetings with universal adult franchise. The number of members in each ranged from five to seven and varied between villages. The "s" supervised the redistribution of land and organised systems for dispute resolution, and to address complaints, conflicts and abuses including family and personal issues. The former role of the "deshmukhs" was replaced by these systems. The communes in the later stage established judicial courts with a jury system. The individual communes lacked coordination with each other and suffered from isolation through the entire duration of the rebellion.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The Andhra Mahasabha and Communist Party of India were undifferentiated by the villagers and collectively were simply known as (The Organisation), from their reference to the initial village level organisations called "s". The porosity in membership of the was very high, anyone who supported and participated was "de facto" considered a member of the party which in turn made entire villages an extension of the party itself. Any villager could be elected to positions within it.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The "dalams" (squads) were initially created for defensive purposes. They developed into an armed force and were reorganised separately from the organisation of the communes. The garrison village squads remained within them while guerrilla squads were divided into five area groups, each with a number of zones and a commanding officer in each zone overseeing several squads. The individual squads were composed of 10 combatants. The revolutionary headquarters became the coordination centre for the squads. The squad leaders in the early stages were usually middle peasantry with small landholding while the majority of the members were landless labourers and rural poor. The disparity existed as a consequence of much of the population being illiterate, and literacy became a requirement for effective long-distance communication. Only 10% of the population in Telangana was literate and the ones that could be found were from the middle peasantry.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The new system of governance marked a radical shift from a feudal autocracy to a network of decentralised village democracies, causing a social revolution in the duration of the rebellion. The entire feudal hierarchy intertwined with theological and caste-based justifications broke down in favour of a vision of an egalitarian new order. Chakali Ilamma later recalled, "I was so proud of the "Sangham". They said that the poor would be equal and their time would come ... How can the dream of a new order that they spoke of ever leave us?" Ilamma was part of one of the first instances of resistance to coercion during the agitations of 1944–46.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The village "s" instituted crash course education schemes, literacy programs, prohibited forced marriages, and legalised and introduced programs to destigmatise divorces and widow remarriages. Caste distinctions broke down during the rebellion as the villagers and especially the squad members were necessitated into working together. One of the most significant impacts of the rebellion was a change in the relations between sexes. The workforce participation of women increased substantially and prevalent domestic gender norms were questioned. In the early stages, women had begun serving in auxiliary roles for the squads. They eventually began to be recruited in the squads themselves despite the abundance of male and female volunteers. Discriminatory attitudes persisted to an extent with a harsher reception to mistakes made by women. Beliefs in gods, demons and superstitions also declined in the population during this period.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The early onset of the land seizures marked the beginning of the land redistribution process. The task of managing land distribution was taken over by the "s;" land revenues were abolished. The communes also introduced regulations on interest rates, guarantees on repayments and price control measures. The period was marked by exhilaration among the peasantry. The rebels no longer had to pay exorbitant rents, taxes or repay debts. They had gained land through redistribution instead, and were able to feed themselves two meals a day for the first time in their lives.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The lands of "jagirdars" and "deshmukhs" were the primary targets for redistribution, but government owned wastelands and forest lands also came under the redistribution scheme. Lands acquired by through coercion and lands worked by evicted tenants were readily granted to the evicted cultivators. The ceiling of land ownership was progressively reduced over time and ceiling surplus lands were redistributed. Initially set at 500 acres, it was reduced to 200 acres and eventually after pressure from the majority of the peasantry was reduced to 100 dry acres and 10 wet acres. Over one million acres of land were redistributed by 1948.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: Contrary to expectations, the land redistribution program resulted in an expansion of agricultural production in spite of the ongoing conflict with the state. The grains produced were hidden in scattered storage deposits in the fields. The communes were still dependent on the external market to sell the produce and had to bribe middlemen to market goods from the rebel villages.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: The medical facilities of the rebels in Telangana were poor, and preventative measures were emphasised. The city of Bezawada (Vijayawada) served as the primary source of medical support for the rebellion. Doctors sympathetic to the rebellion arranged a special ward in the Vijayawada General Hospital to treat injured combatants. They also supplied the rebellion with first aid kits and anti-venom against snake bites. Two doctors from the city joined the rebels to provide paramedic training to squad members. The paramedics trained in ad hoc facilities by the doctors, were able to contain a cholera outbreak in villages near Bhongir during the rebellion by emphasising on disinfection of drinking water with the use of coal and lime.


title: Telangana Rebellion

text: No official account of the attempted suppression of the rebellion, was released to the public even 70 years later. Meanwhile, the divisions that emerged within the rebel camp persisted and led to the 1964 split in the Communist Party of India. There was a renewed interest in the rebellion among academics and activists in the 1970s and 80s. The rebellion has since become a source of legends and inspiration among Telangana's population as well as the radical and progressive left across India. Krishan Chander's Hindi/Urdu novella "Jab Khet Jage" was based on the Telangana Rebellion. "Palletoori Pillagada", a song describing the rebellion was written by Suddala Hanmanthu and retained its popularity years afterwards particularly among the tribal population where it was incorporated into folk adaptations. The Telugu film "Maa Bhoomi" (1980) was set in the rebellion and became a significant commercial success. The cinematographer Rajendra Prasad made his first feature film "Nirantharam" (1995), in Telugu, starring Raghuvir Yadav and Chinmayee Surve on the subject.


title: Kawasaki KLR650

text: The Kawasaki KLR650 is a dual-sport motorcycle intended for both on-road and off-road riding. It was a long-standing model in Kawasaki's lineup, having been introduced in 1987 to replace the 1984–1986 Kawasaki KLR600, and remaining almost unchanged through the 2007 model. The 2008 model was the first significant redesign of the KLR650 since its inception. It was built with a 652 cc four-stroke, DOHC, dual-counterbalanced, single-cylinder, water-cooled engine. The second significant redesign in 2022 added new features such as electronic fuel injection and an anti-lock braking system.


title: Kawasaki KLR650

text: The KLR is widely used as an inexpensive adventure/touring bike. The addition of luggage and personalized modifications (GPS, heated handgrips, larger windscreens) make it more functional on long trips. The bikes have been used for long distance and intercontinental trips, as well as full global circumnavigation rides e.g., by Dr. Gregory Frazier in 2001 and 2002.


title: Kawasaki KLR650

text: In 2008 the KLR650 was redesigned with new aesthetics, and larger displacement single-cylinder engine. It had a new fairing design, new instrument panel, redesigned handlebar control switches, new bar-end weights, revised powerband, revised suspension has reduced travel but with less static sag, new rear swingarm, new turn signals, larger petal-style vented brake rotors (280mm/240mm), new twin-piston rear brake caliper, increased radiator capacity, fork diameter increased from , new headlight similar to that used on the Kawasaki Ninja 650R, larger luggage rack, firmer seat, larger-diameter wheel spokes, reinforced idler-shaft lever, called the doohickey by KLR riders.


title: Kawasaki KLR650

text: Aside from livery/colors, the 1st Generation KLR650 did not change much between its 1987 introduction and the 2008 redesign. The key differences are:


title: North–South differences in the Korean language

text: The Korean language has diverged between North and South Korea due to the length of time that the two states have been separated. Underlying dialectical differences have been extended—in part by government policies, and in part by the isolation of North Korea from the outside world. There are some differences in orthography and pronunciation, and substantial differences in newer vocabulary; whereas the South tends to use loanwords from English, the North tends to use loanwords from Russian or construct compound words.


text: The Korean Language Society in 1933 made the "Proposal for Unified Korean Orthography" (), which continued to be used by both Korean states after the end of Japanese rule in 1945. But with the establishments of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea in 1948, the two states have taken on differing policies regarding the language.


text: In 1954, North Korea set out the rules for Korean orthography (). Although this was only a minor revision in orthography that created little difference from that used in the South, from then on, the standard languages in the North and the South gradually differed more and more from each other.


text: In the 1960s, under the influence of the "Juche" ideology, came a big change in linguistic policies in North Korea. On 3 January 1964, Kim Il-sung issued his teachings on "A Number of Issues on the Development of the Korean language" (), and on 14 May 1966 on the topic "In Rightly Advancing the National Characteristics of the Korean language" (), from which the "Standard Korean Language" () rules followed in the same year, issued by the National Language Revision Committee that was directly under the control of the cabinet.


text: From then on, more important differences came about between the standard language in the North and the South. In 1987, North Korea revised the aforementioned rules further, and these have remained in use until today. In addition, the rules for spacing were separately laid out in the "Standard Spacing Rules in Writing Korean" () in 2000 but have since been superseded by "Rules for Spacing in Writing Korean" (), issued in 2003.


text: South Korea continued to use the "" as defined in 1933, until its amendment "Korean Orthography" (), together with "Standard Language Regulations" (), were issued in 1988, which remain in use today.


text: As with the Korean phonology article, this article uses IPA symbols in pipes for morphophonemics, slashes for phonemes, and brackets for allophones. Pan-Korean romanized words are largely in Revised Romanization, and North Korean-specific romanized words are largely in McCune-Reischauer. Also, for the sake of consistency, this article also phonetically transcribes as for pan-Korean and South-specific phonology, and as for North-specific phonology.


text: The same Hangul / Chosŏn'gŭl letters are used to write the language in the North and the South. However, in the North, the stroke that distinguishes ㅌ from ㄷ is written "above" rather than "inside" the letter, as is done in the South.


text: In the South, the vowel digraphs and trigraphs ㅐ , ㅒ , ㅔ , ㅖ , ㅘ , ㅙ , ㅚ , ㅝ , ㅞ , ㅟ , ㅢ , and the consonant digraphs ㄲ , ㄸ , ㅃ , ㅆ , ㅉ , are not treated as separate letters, whereas in the North they are. Some letters and digraphs have different names in the North and in the South:


text: The names used in the South are the ones found in the "Hunmongjahoe" (, 訓蒙字會, published 1527). The names used in the North are formed mechanically with the pattern "letter + 이 + 으 + letter". Also for the tensed consonants, in the South, they are called "double" (쌍- ) consonants, while in the North, they are called "strong" (된- ) consonants.


text: In the North, the consonant letter ( and ) is placed between and when pronounced , but after all consonants (after ) when used as a placeholder indicating a null initial consonant (for syllables that begin with a vowel).


text: The standard languages in the North and the South share the same types and the same number of phonemes, but there are some differences in the actual pronunciations. The South Korean standard pronunciation is based on the dialect as spoken in Seoul, and the North Korean standard pronunciation is based on the dialect as spoken in Pyongyang.


text: The following differences are recognised in the consonants. In the Seoul dialect, ㅈ, ㅊ and ㅉ are typically pronounced with alveolo-palatal affricates , , . In the Pyongyang dialect, they are typically pronounced with alveolar affricates , , . Also, and can be pronounced without palatalisation as and in the Pyongyang dialect.


text: In the South, when or are at the beginning of a Sino-Korean word and are followed immediately by or , they are dropped, and when ㄹ is not immediately followed by or , it becomes ㄴ , with this change being indicated in the orthography. But all initial and are written out and pronounced in the North. For instance, the common last name 이 (often written out in English as Lee, staying true to the more conservative typography and pronunciation), and the word are written and pronounced as 리 and in North Korean. Furthermore, the South Korean word , which means "tomorrow", is written and pronounced as in North Korea. But this latter pronunciation was artificially crafted using older pronunciations in the 1960s, so it is common for older speakers to be unable to pronounce initial and properly, thus pronouncing such words in the same way as they are pronounced in the South.


text: In South Korea, the liquid consonant does not come after the nasal consonants and . In this position, is pronounced as rather than . But in North Korea, before vowels , , , and can remain in this context (or assimilate to [n]).


text: The following differences are recognised in the vowels. The vowel ㅓ is not as rounded in the Seoul dialect as it is in the Pyongyang dialect. If expressed in IPA, it would be or for the one in Seoul dialect and for the one in Pyongyang dialect. Due to this roundedness, speakers of the Seoul dialect would find that ㅓ as pronounced by speakers of the Pyongyang dialect sounds close to the vowel ㅗ . Additionally, the difference between the vowels and is slowly diminishing amongst the younger speakers of the Seoul dialect. It is not well known if this is also happening with the Pyongyang dialect.


text: The pitch patterns in the Pyongyang and Seoul dialects differ, but there has been little research in detail. On the other hand, in the "Chosŏnmal Taesajŏn" (조선말대사전), published in 1992, where the pitches for certain words are shown in a three-pitch system, a word such as 꾀꼬리 ( – Korean nightingale) is marked as having pitch "232" (where "2" is low and "3" is high), from which one can see some difference in pitch patterns from the Seoul dialect.


text: In words in which the word stem ends in ㅣ , ㅐ , ㅔ , ㅚ , ㅟ , ㅢ , in forms where -어 is appended to these endings in the South, but -여 is instead appended in the North. In actual pronunciation, however, the sound often accompanies the pronunciation of such words, even in the South.


text: In word endings where the final consonant is ㄹ , where the South spells -ㄹ까 () and -ㄹ쏘냐 () to indicate the tensed consonants, in the North these are spelled -ㄹ가 ，-ㄹ소냐 instead. These etymologically are formed by attaching to the adnominal form (관형사형 "gwanhyeongsahyeong") that ends in ㄹ, and in the North, the tensed consonants are denoted with normal consonants. Also, the word ending -ㄹ게 used to be spelt -ㄹ께 in the South, but has since been changed in the "Hangeul Matchumbeop" of 1988, and is now spelt -ㄹ게 just like in the North.


text: Initial ㄴ / ㄹ appearing in Sino-Korean words are kept in the North. In the South, in Sino-Korean words that begin with ㄹ which is followed by the vowel sound or the semivowel sound (when ㄹ is followed by one of ㅣ , ㅑ , ㅕ , ㅖ , ㅛ and ㅠ ), ㄹ is replaced by ㅇ ; when this ㄹ is followed by other vowels it is replaced by ㄴ . In the North, the initial ㄹ is kept.


text: Similarly, in Sino-Korean words that begin with ㄴ and is followed by the vowel sound or the semi-vowel sound (when ㄴ is followed by one of , , and ), in the South, this ㄴ is replaced by ㅇ , but this remains unchanged in the North.


text: These are thus pronounced as written in the North as ㄴ and ㄹ . However, even in the South, sometimes in order to disambiguate the surnames 유 ( "Yu" ) and 임 ( "Im" ) from 유 ( "Yu" ) and 임 ( "Im" ), the former may be written or pronounced as 류 "Ryu" () and 림 "Rim" ().


text: Where a Hanja is written or in the South, this is written , in the North (but even in the South, these are pronounced , ).


text: Also in the North, the hanja is usually pronounced as "su" , except in the word /원쑤 "wŏnssu" ("enemy"), where it is pronounced as "ssu" . It is thought that this is to avoid the word becoming a homonym with ("military general"), written as "wŏnsu" .


text: While the general rule is to write out the word stem from which the compound word is formed in its original form, but in cases where the etymological origin is no longer remembered, this is no longer written in original form. This happens both in the North and in the South. However, whether a compound word is seen to have its etymological origin forgotten or not is seen differently by different people:


text: In the first example, in the South, the part shows that the etymological origin is forgotten, and the word is written as pronounced as "olbareuda", but in the North, the first part is seen to come from "olt'a" and thus the whole word is written "olbarŭda" (pronounced the same as in the South). Conversely, in the second example, the South spelling catches the word as the combination of "beot" and "kkot", but in the North, this is no longer recognised and thus the word is written as pronounced as "pŏtkkot".


text: In the South, the rules of spacing are not very clear-cut, but in the North, these are very precise. In general, compared to the North, the writing in the South tends to include more spacing. One likely explanation is that the North remains closer to the Sinitic orthographical heritage, where spacing is less of an issue than with a syllabary or alphabet such as Hangul. The main differences are indicated below.


text: Before bound nouns (North: 불완전명사: "purwanjŏn myŏngsa"/ "incomplete nouns"; South: 의존 명사: / "dependent nouns"), a space is added in the South but not in the North. This applies to counter words also, but the space is sometimes allowed to be omitted in the South.


text: Before auxiliaries, a space is inserted in the South but not in the North. Depending on the situation, however, the space may be omitted in the South.


text: In the above, in the rules of the South, auxiliaries coming after or an adnominal form allow the space before them to be omitted, but the space after cannot be omitted.


text: Words formed from two or more words that indicate a single concept in principle are written with spaces in the South and without spaces in the North, as in Chinese and Japanese.


text: Note that since the spacing rules in the South are often unknown, not followed, or optional, spellings vary from place to place. For example, taking the word "gugeo sajeon", people who see this as two words will add a space, and people who see this as one word will write it without a space. Thus, the spacing depends on how one views what "one word" consists of, and so, while spacing is standardised in the South, in reality the standard does not matter much.


text: When forming compound words from uninflected words, where the so-called "sai siot" (-ㅅ- interfix), originating from an Old Korean genitive suffix, is inserted in the South. This is left out in the North.


text: In the South, the polite suffixes are 요 /-jo/ after a vowel and 아요/어요 /-ajo, -ʌjo/ after a consonant. In the North, the suffixes 오 /-o/ and 소 /-s͈o/ are appended after a vowel and a consonant respectively. The northern forms of the suffix are older and considered obsolete in South Korea now.


text: In the South, when the word root of a ㅂ-irregular inflected word has two or more syllables (for example, 고맙다 ), the ㅂ is dropped and replaced with 우 in the next syllable. When conjugated to the polite speech level, the ㅂ-irregular stem resyllabifies with the 어요 conjugation to form 워요 (as in 고맙다 → 고마우 → 고마워요 ), appearing to ignore vowel harmony. ㅂ is not replaced with 우 in the North (as it also was in the South before the 1988 "Hangeul Matchumbeop"). The vowel harmony is kept in both the South and the North if the word root has only one syllable (for example, 돕다 "topta"/"dopda").


text: In the North, names of leaders ' (Kim Il-sung), ' (Kim Jong-il) and (Kim Jong-un) are always set off from surrounding text, typically by bolding the characters, increasing the font size, or both.


text: The standard language in the South (표준어/ "pyojuneo") is largely based on the Seoul dialect, and the standard language (문화어/ "munhwaŏ") in the North is largely based on the Pyongyang dialect. However, both in the North and in the South, the vocabulary and forms of the standard language come from "Sajeonghan Joseoneo Pyojunmal Mo-eum" 사정한 조선어 표준말 모음 published by the Korean Language Society in 1936, and so there is very little difference in the basic vocabulary between the standard languages used in the North and the South. Nevertheless, due to the difference in political systems and social structure, each country is constantly adding different words to its vocabulary.


text: The word "tongmu"/"dongmu" that is used to mean "friend" in the North was originally used across the whole of Korea, but after the division of Korea, North Korea began to use it as a translation of the Russian term товарищ (friend, comrade), and since then, the word has come to mean "comrade" in the South as well and has fallen out of use there.


text: South Korea has borrowed a lot of English words, but North Korea has borrowed a number of Russian words, and there are numerous differences in words used between the two coming from these different borrowings. Even when the same English word is borrowed, how this word is transliterated into Korean may differ between the North and the South, resulting in different words being adapted into the corresponding standard languages. For names of other nations and their places, the principle is to base the transliteration on the English word in the South and to base the transliteration on the word in the original language in the North.


text: The other differences between the standard languages in the North and in the South are thought to be caused by the differences between the Seoul and Pyongyang dialects.


text: There are also some words that exist only in the North. The verb (to break) and its passive form (to be broken) have no exactly corresponding words in the South.


text: During the 2018 Winter Olympics, the two Korean countries decided to play jointly for the Korea women's national ice hockey team. This led to issues with the South Korean athletes communicating with the North Korean athletes since the former uses English-influenced words in their postwar vocabulary, especially for hockey, while the latter uses only Korean-inspired words for their postwar vocabulary.


text: The language differences also pose challenges for researchers and for the tens of thousands of people who have defected from the North to the South since the Korean War. The defectors face difficulty and notably discrimination because they lack vocabulary, use differing accents, or have not culturally assimilated yet so may not understand jokes or references to pop culture. South Koreans see the North Korean accent as strange and old-fashioned, making it a constant target of mockery and further exasperating problems with North Korean integration.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: The mathematics of Sudoku refers to the use of mathematics to study Sudoku puzzles to answer questions such as ""How many filled Sudoku grids are there?"", ""What is the minimal number of clues in a valid puzzle?"" and ""In what ways can Sudoku grids be symmetric?"" through the use of combinatorics and group theory.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: The analysis of Sudoku falls is generally divided between analyzing the properties of unsolved puzzles (such as the minimum possible number of given clues) and analyzing the properties of solved puzzles. Initial analysis was largely focused on enumerating solutions, with results first appearing in 2004.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: For classical Sudoku, the number of filled grids is 6,670,903,752,021,072,936,960 (), which reduces to 5,472,730,538 essentially different solutions under the validity preserving transformations. There are 26 types of symmetry, but they can only be found in about 0.005% of all filled grids. A puzzle with a unique solution must have at least 17 clues, and there is a solvable puzzle with at most 21 clues for every solved grid. The largest minimal puzzle found so far has 40 clues.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: Similar results are known for variants and smaller grids. No exact results are known for Sudokus larger than the classical 9×9 grid, although there are estimates which are believed to be fairly accurate.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: Ordinary Sudokus ("proper" puzzles) have a unique solution. A "minimal" Sudoku is a Sudoku from which no clue can be removed leaving it a proper Sudoku. Different minimal Sudokus can have a different number of clues. This section discusses the minimum number of givens for proper puzzles.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: Many Sudokus have been found with 17 clues, although finding them is not a trivial task. A paper by Gary McGuire, Bastian Tugemann, and Gilles Civario, released on 1 January 2012, explains how it was proved through an exhaustive computer search that the minimum number of clues in any proper Sudoku is 17.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: A Sudoku with 24 clues, dihedral symmetry (symmetry on both orthogonal axis, 90° rotational symmetry, 180° rotational symmetry, and diagonal symmetry) is known to exist. It is not known if this number of clues is minimal for this class of Sudoku. The fewest clues in a Sudoku with two-way diagonal symmetry is believed to be 18, and in at least one case such a Sudoku also exhibits automorphism.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: The number of minimal Sudokus (Sudokus in which no clue can be deleted without losing uniqueness of the solution) is not precisely known. However, statistical techniques combined with a generator (), show that there are approximately (with 0.065% relative error):


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: There are many Sudoku variants, partially characterized by size ("N"), and the shape of their "regions". Unless noted, discussion in this article assumes classic Sudoku, i.e. "N"=9 (a 9×9 grid and 3×3 regions). A rectangular Sudoku uses rectangular regions of row-column dimension "R"×"C". Other variants include those with irregularly-shaped regions or with additional constraints (hypercube) or different constraint types (Samunamupure).


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: Regions are also called "blocks" or "boxes". A "band" is a part of the grid that encapsulates 3 rows and 3 boxes, and a "stack" is a part of the grid that encapsulates 3 columns and 3 boxes. A "puzzle" is a partially completed "grid", and the initial values are "givens" or "clues". A "proper" puzzle has a unique solution. A "minimal" puzzle is a proper puzzle from which no clue can be removed without introducing additional solutions. See Glossary of Sudoku for other terminology.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: Solving Sudokus from the viewpoint of a player has been explored in Denis Berthier's book "The Hidden Logic of Sudoku" (2007) which considers strategies such as "hidden xy-chains".


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: The general problem of solving Sudoku puzzles on "n"×"n" grids of "n"×"n" blocks is known to be NP-complete.


title: Mathematics of Sudoku

text: A puzzle can be expressed as a graph coloring problem. The aim is to construct a 9-coloring of a particular graph, given a partial 9-coloring. The Sudoku graph has 81 vertices, one vertex for each cell. The vertices are labeled with ordered pairs ("x", "y"), where "x" and "y" are integers between 1 and 9. In this case, two distinct vertices labeled by ("x", "y") and ("x"′, "y"′) are joined by an edge if and only if: